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8/6/2019 Does the Box Still Have What It Takes?
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Does the Box Still Have What it Takes?
Television Programmes and the Online Environment: a Case Study of
X-Factoron Screen, Twitter, andFacebook
By Mihaela Brebenel
Television has always been a sphere where discussion takes place and a conversation
generator beyond the box, in public places, in homes or at work. With the constant growing
of the influence the online environment has on our lives, and particularly, the increasing time
dedicated by individuals to social media, the question of television's role in generating
discussion needs to be re-evaluated. The aim of this essay is to analyse Britain's biggest
commercial television, ITV's practices in the online environment, used to establish a full-
circle of remediation for one of its most successful programmes, the X-Factor. The case
study focuses on X-Factor's simultaneous coverage on two of the most important social
media platforms, Twitter and Facebook and highlights the phatic nature of the
communication as key factor of success in the remediation of the television content.
Television as a generating platform for public discussion has been a subject of research
for media and communications theorists for an extended period of time and its role has been
looked both from optimistic and pessimistic viewpoints. As Sonia Livingstone and Peter
Lunt1 appreciate, television and a wider range of media-technology have become an
important part of our everyday life and, as this happens, we can witness television giving
"more space to public discussion, television itself enters into these debates, framing the
discussion, offering its own perspectives and opinions"2. Taking into account that this
argument was developed in 1994, the current state in media-technology evolution and online
involvement in our lives raise the question whether television has kept its ability to frame the
discussion or, on the contrary, has lost this ability to the more interactive, new media. At first
sight, when the new media emerged, they gained a centrality in the theorists' discussions and
research, as it was normal, given their novelty factor. More and more theorists even went so
far as to proclaim the death of newspapers and television under the reign of the new media.
However, one characteristic of television, stressed by Livingstone and Lunt has proven,
in my opinion, to be the trigger that helped build a bridge between television and new media.
That characteristic is, as the authors point out, that "in many ways, talk about television may
frame social relations- we negotiate our identities through talking about programme content
1 Sonia Livingstone and Peter Lunt, Talk on Television. Audience participation and public debate ( London:
Routledge, 1994) p.5.
2 Livingstone and Lunt, 1994, p.5.
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and may reject people who make different interpretations."3 Television has always had this
trait, the capacity to generate discussion in social spheres, on different levels, starting from
politics to sport, from entertainment programmes to news reels. Therefore, I believe that
television has lagged behind new media for a relatively long period of time because the new
media hadn't develeoped and grown the social networking platforms they have now. One of
television's main interests was to establish what parts and how much of the social
communication is the result of television viewing. Furthermore, one of the aspects which
posed the most dificulties was to establish if the conversations were "implicitly or explicitly
triggered by television viewing, for naturally occurring conversation is notoriously hard to
record (Heritage, 1991)"4 The rise of social media has offered television the perfect platform
where these aspects can be observed and measured, as the reactions of the viewers can be
witnessed instantly, during a TV programme airing time and afterwards. Moreover, theinstant feedback received can be evaluated and used in making changes to suit the audience's
requests and expectations. We can say that, by remediating the television content into social
media, television receives a hypodermic shot of feedback, a reversed phenomenon of how its
content was thought to act upon viewers that some media theories developed. What social
media offer to television is a platform where the everyday, instant forms of communication
are layed out, giving the opportuniy to analyse the complex and very dynamic process of
communication between speaker and hearer. As Goffman (1981) argues, the dyadic process
of communication between a speaker and a hearer needs to be reconceptualized as a
framework where the role of speaker is taken over by the hearer at times, giving the later a
social role, the role of active participant.5 Social media plaforms like TwitterandFacebook
create this framework, making the audiences active in an established sphere where television
can become the conversation starter and the speaker, while giving its hearers the opportunity
to evaluate and critise what they hear.
Since the continous rise of digital media, theorists have made a clear distinction between
the old and new, between the apparently obsolete TV box and the new, promising digital
media. However, as John Caldwell argues, these polar oppositions between old and new or
between "push" and "pull" media have left out an important aspect, that 'television had long
been making itself a "pull" medium (through interactivity), even as it merged and
conglomerated in an unequivocal bid to make the Internet a viable "push" medium through
the deployment of programming and advertising strategies.'6 Television has focused its
3 Livingstone and Lunt, 1994, p.6.4 Livingstone and Lunt, 1994, p.6.
5 Livingstone and Lunt, 1994, p.54
6 John Caldwell, Convergence Television: Aggregating Form and Repurposing Content in The Culture of
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efforts towards interactivity before the rise of the new media on a large scale, through
programme merchandise or shopping channels, to name just a few. The expansion of
television beyond broadcasting itself has been noted by different theorists, as "an entity that
transverses time, space, and multiple technologies and viewer practices, each year growing
larger yet."7
The goal of television was always to extend the talks and influence of its
programmes beyond the time and space of the viewing itself, to create a network of
connections to television outside the box. If we were just to take the word broadcasting and
rethink it as an agricultural metaphor for sowing of seeds, as Jostein Gripsrud proposes, then
we can reffer to the 'existence of a bucket of seeds that is, centralized resources of
information, knowledge, creative and technical competence, and the like that is to be
distributed as widely as possible in a certain "field" or territory.'8 Consequently, television
was bound to adapt and use the social media as a fruitful platform to plant its seeds on, as itactually proved to be. The socialization of TV has started, in my opinion, long before the
expansion of new media but it took some adjustments and preparation to discover which
were the most fertile grounds for sowing. Among them, social media networks have proven
to offer television a very high rate of feedback and involvement from the audience's part.
Moreover, among TV programmes, reality shows and talent shows seem to trigger an
impressive rate of interaction. In this essay I will argue that the reason behind this is the
phatic nature of the communication related to these types of shows.
Firstly, I will focus in the next part of my essay on this relatively new television format
which is the reality show. In the last years, the rise in popularity of reality shows has directed
theorists' interest in observing the phenomenon closely. At first sight, the advantages of such
a format are clearly set in the area of financial opportunities: the production costs are lower
than for a TV series, for example.
On the other hand, this format summarizes one of television's goals, to "make the
ordinary extraordinary and evoke ordinariness in such a way that people will see just how
extraordinary it is".9
In other words, bringing normal people to perform normal activities
(singing, dancing or simply small random tasks) at which they are skilled or not and
following their performance in a dramatised way in order to produce reactions form the
audience in supporting or criticizing their actions. This particular programme format has
Convergence in Television after TV. Essays on a medium in transition, (Durham and London: Duke University
Press, 2004), p.45.
7 Jonathan Gray, Television Entertainment(London and New York:Routledge, 2008), p.73.
8 Jostein Gripsrud,Broadcast Television: The Chances of its Survival in a Digital Age in The Culture of Convergencein Television after TV. Essays on a Medium in Transition (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2004),
p.211.
9 Pierre Bourdieu, On Television and Journalism (London:Pluto Press, 1998), p.21.
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proven to be very successful across the globe and Ted Magder believes that there are four
main reasons behind this success:
"...the growing enthusiasm for prepackaged formats as a basis for program production;
the emergence of product placement, or brand integration, as a source of revenue to program
producers; the increasing tendency to use TV programs as the springboard for a multimedia
exploitation of the creative property; and the growing strength of European program
suppliers in the American (and international) television market."10
Amongst these reasons, the advertising revenues developed from product placement in
TV programmes play an important part, as every reality show has a main sponsor with an
incredible presence during the show but this is not the only part it plays, as this reason isclosely connected the third, the capacity of these shows to traverse the television medium
itself, being exploited into other media, where the sponsor and advertised products are as
visible as on the actual show. For example, the X-Factor's main sponsor is the mobile
company Talk Talk, present during the show and with a high range of TV commercials in the
show's breaks. In addition, if you acces theITV'sX-Factordedicated microsite, the sponsor's
presence is highly noticeable before each sequence of the show available online and with a
dedicated space for advertising.
On a global level, TV product placements constitute one of the major sources of revenue,
as they were, in 2006 "double those in filmed entertainment and more than 30 times higher
than those in other media such as video games and magazines."11 These figures show that
investment in advertising on these shows is profitable, meaning that audiences engage with
these shows, manifest interest in viewing them and expand the experience to other platforms,
such as merchandise tie-ins and platforms that allow a shared participation, a closer
connection to the protagonists and other viewers. In his analysis of the show American Idol,
Henry Jenkins believes that the now rising marketing strategy used to sell these shows
named by the theorist "affective economics", aims to "understand the emotional
underpinnings of consumer decision making as a driving force behind viewing and
purchasing decisions."12
Web 2.0 has offered television a means to hear its audience's
preferences, complaints and changes they would make on the shows, letting the producers
10 Ted Magder, Television 2.0. The Business of American Television in Transition in Reality TV. Remaking Television
Culture (New York and London: New York University Press, 2008, re-edited 2009), p. 149.
11 Madger, 2009, p.152. Source: PQ Media, Executive summary, Global Product Placement Forecast 2006(Stamford, CT:PQ Media, 2006)
12 Henry Jenkins,Buying into American Idolin Reality TV. Remaking Television Culture (New York and London:
New York University Press, 2008, re-edited 2009), p.345.
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know what moves them and what they find intriguing, leading to a reversal of roles. That is
what led Henry Jenkins and Mark Deuze (2008) to believe that this convergence
phenomenon will create two new categories, of "produsers", respectively "prosumers".13
What was thought to be a revolusionising aspect of the new media in merging the lines
between what producers offer viewers and what the viewer's involvement can create through
user generated content has raised questions of value and legitimacy about this new content
arising. The audiences becoming not only bystanders in the production process, but active
creators initially led to a wave of enthusiasm regarding the new paradigm shift but soon
approached a more critical turn, discussing the quality of this consumer generated content
and its value. Focusing on these two aspects, Henry Jenkins, the author that brought forward
the term "convergence culture", sees the possitive and negative aspects of this shift, in that it
provides a balance between media institutions and the "produsers".
14
However, as VildeSchanke and Espen Ytreberg argue in their article, the audiences have always felt the need to
actively participate in discusssions around TV programmes and the fact that digital media are
now at hand works as a tool to express themselves. Conducting a series of 45 structured
interviews with Norwegian media executives in 2005, the authors discovered three main
reasons for the audiences' active involvement: "emotional engagement, socializing, and the
pursuit of technoloical novelty."15
It is not surprising to see why fan communities built
around certain television shows would be one of the first to react and use digital media to
express themselves actively. The emotional engagement with the show and its participants
reaches a very high degree in fan communities. Moreover, if we consider the affective
involment of supporting the favourite participant when a competition takes place, this reason
is enough to trigger activeness. Nonetheless, reality shows like X-Factor bring forward
another aspect highlighted above, the socializing aspect which, on platforms like Twitterand
Facebookis the main reason behind their existence. Using these platforms to emotionaly and
actively engage in discussions with other fans of the show and moreover, to do this as the
show is aired on television becomes a technological novelty that they are more than willing
to experience.
On the other hand, if we take into consideration that the target of these reality shows is
comprised mostly of young people, these are by definition early adopters of technology. In
13 Vilde Schanke and Espen Ytreberg, 'Working Notions of Active Audiences: Further Research on the Active
Participant in Convergent Media Industries', Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media
Technologies , Vol 15(4), 2009, pp. 383-390.14 Schanke and Ytreberg, 2009, p. 384.
15 Schanke and Ytreberg, 2009, p. 385. Motives resulted from the answers to the question "Have you formed an
opinion on the reasons why audiences use your facilities for participation?"
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addtion, as Henry Jenkins argues, "fans were early adopters of technology"16 themselves,
being the first to create online communities and chat rooms when social networking websites
didn't exist. Going beyond that, we can say that fan communities created their groups' virtual
spheres, having "defined their membership through affinities rather than localities"17,
socializing and engaging emotionaly in their common passion, before the rise of technology.
If they were willing to travel to fan conventions or wait for days for the post to deliver their
latest news from the fan community, nowadays, when the technology available has brought
to their fingertips the possibilty to engage actively in debates about the show in the same
time as they are watching it on television, it is no wonder that the fans have taken this
opportunity.
However, my argument is that this instant remediation of content leaves out an important
amount of the information that was carried out between the fans in discussions previous tothe rise of digital media, leaving it a phatic communication where the emotional engagement
reaches peaks like never before but on shorter periods of time and the socializing factor
becomes of greater importance. In my opinion, one of the main reasons behind this is the
"liveness" offered by the social networking websites, the instant exchange of small parts of
information. When he critically reflected upon television, Pierre Boudieu18 considered that
the speed imposed by television creates a imposition on thought as well, as thought and time,
in his opinion are in a close connection and one can not produce valuable thoughts under the
pressure of time. Social media websites demand even a greater speed of reaction from its
users, constantly refreshing of the webpage to see what news were posted, therefore
constantly refreshing and reseting your thoughts as you go through the process. If it is
generally true about fans that they are "motivated by a epistemaphilia not simply a pleasure
in knowing but a pleasure in exchanging knowledge."19
, then in the case of social
networking platforms like Twitter and Facebook the knowledge they share is reduced to
small parts that express mostly their emotions in a given moment in time, not knowledge or
insights as valuable shared content.
In contrast, the time spent interacting with the social media has considerably extended
beyond that spent discussing TV programmes in offline situations, the main difference being
that in face to face communication the lenght of the discussion was shorter but the exchange
of information higher, whilst in social networking, bits of conversation in which fans share
small amounts of information are continuing over extended periods of time. Television uses
16 Henry Jenkins,Fans, Bloggers, and Gamers. Exploring Participatory Culture (New York and London: New York
University Press, 2006), p. 138.17 Jenkins, 2006, p. 137.
18 Pierre Bourdieu, 1998.
19 Jenkins, 2006, p. 139.
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social networking platforms to invite audiences into these bits of conversation as it
previously did with text messages and phone ins. In some of the theorists' views, 'media are
becoming "personal"(Luders, 2007). Internet users may act out a considerable part of their
lives on networking sites."20 The personal aspect of the media is debatable, bringing
forward again the aspect of emotional engagement. In this view, there are enough reasons to
say that media has reached a point where, by content remediation and selection, as well as
instant feedback and interactivity, a fan, for example, can feel closer to the show and the
entire fan community he is now very openly part of. On the other hand, this shift has raised
questions on the ways media shape and modify the social relations individuals establish with
each other. Is the talk you have in the livingroom with friends or family about aspects of the
show you are a fan of the same as the array of posts on Facebookyou have with complete
strangers? Or does this new form of interaction and mediatization stimulate "thedevelopment of a soft individualism that depends on weak social ties?"
21 I believe that the
main difference between these online communities and the other forms of habitus the
individuals are part of is that the interest in the former is kept vivid only as long as
something is happening, as long as you are are there active, it dissipates quickly once you
have signed off and is regained as quickly once you access it again. But for the time you are
part of it, it has your attention and it triggers you activity. That is, in my opinion, one of the
main reasons the remediation of reality show content such as the X-Factorworks so well on
social networking platforms. It does not claim to form a fan-based community that will
outlast the moments when they need their fans active, that is when all the advertising is
brought to your attention and it is in the networks interest to keep its fans active while they
are most receptive to the messages. However, information about the show is updated on the
profile in-between peak moments, for the fans to check on whenever they please and
previous information is kept for refference, but the desire for immediacy is fullfilled during
the intense moments when the show aired on television.
Nevertheless, begining with the first studies on the Internet, researchers have long
focused on the development of virtual communities and the interactions among the
participating users, trying to explain the reasons behind the attraction people have to these
social networks. One of the most significant viewpoints has focused on explaning this
attraction as "an antidote to the sense of alienation and disenfranchisement seen as
20 Knut Lundby, Media Logic: Looking for Social Interaction in Mediatization. Concept, Changes, Consequences,(New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2009), p. 115.
21 Stig Hjarvard, Soft Individualism: Media and the Changing Social Characterin Mediatization. Concept, Changes,
Consequences, (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2009), p. 160.
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characteristics of modern, industrial, capitalist societies"22. This, of course can be true for
certain individuals and is part of an ideological paradigm set in a critical approach on the
society and individuals' ways to escape it. As Terry Flew summarizes, the studies in
cybercultures or online communities have started out with a wave of enthusiastic, optimistic
theories on the effects of these communities on induviduals, only to be followed by a wave
of criticism that arrose with the influence of computer games, identity and gender issues,
leading to a pessimistic view of the Internet and the virtual communities it is able to produce.
In turn, this second wave of criticism was followed by a revival of the possibilities of the
Internet that came into focus with the reinvented Web 2.0, social networking websites, user
generated content and the possibility of instant feedback. However, this period is now
shadowed by criticism regarding the phatic nature of these social networks. In this
development of stages, television was highly criticised during the rise of Web 2.0, alwayscompared to the new media, considered old and incapable of providing what the new media
could. Turning to remediation strategies, television now offers shows as topics for social
networking website, where its fan communities can enjoy phatic conversation. But is this
new wave of criticism affecting television just as it has made its way to the new media? In
the next part of my essay, I will focus on the case study ofITV's show the X-Factorand
analyse the data gathered from the monitoring ofTwitterandFacebookon the airtime of the
semifinal 2009 to try to answer the question above.
On the 12th of December 2009ITV2 aired the semifinal of its very popular show, the X-
Factor. For all the previous editions, the show's final was a competition between two
contestants chosen out of the four left in the semifinals. But in this particular case, ITV
decided to run two consecutive shows of the final, one on Saturday the 12th and another on
Sunday, the 13th
. The first show run was the competition between the three remaining
contestats in the talent show, Olly Murs, Stacey Solomon, and Joseph McElderry, three
aspiring musicians. They were all dispaying their talents for a prize consisting of a one
million pounds record deal that would springboard they career as musicians. Now reaching
the sixth series, theX-Factorhas become a very popular show among British audiences and
has expanded its reach to different types of media, making it an interesting case study for
remediation processes. Arguably one of the strong case points in remediation, this last series
of theX-Factorhas amazed media analysts on the level of engagement with social media the
show has managed to achieve. Nick Burcher23, a social media professional and blogger
published a cross-media analysis ofX-Factor's reach on social media networks, blogs and
22 Terry Flew,New Media. An Introduction, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 64.
23 Nick Burcher is currently head of Virtual Network Computing at VivaKi Nerve Center, a company part of Publicis
Groupe and a publisher on his blog www.nickburcher.com.
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search engines revealing that the impact ofITV's campaign for the sixth series of the show
sets out new ground on the so-called socialization of TV in new media. His research was
carried online on the 9th
of November 2009 and highlighted the show's impressive presence
onFacebook(an official page with, at that time 849,409 Fans), on blogs (almost three and a
half million blog posts referencing to X-Factoras Google Blog Search Results reports), on
Youtube (with X-Factor's dedicated channel having more than eighty thousand subscribers
and over six million channel views), and Twitter, where the X-Factor attained most of the
popular topics during and after a show is aired.24
Fig. 1. Google Blog Search results forX Factorsince 1st July 2009
Fig.2. X Factordominating Twittertrending topics
Nick Bucher's research offered the insights for a more systematic approach regarding the
TV show's impact on social media and the content it produces on the social networking
websites, which lead to the case study I conducted on the night of the semifinal. The aim of
the study was to monitor the activity on two of the major social networking platforms,
TwitterandFacebook, as the show was aired on television. With the impressive results of the
the show's presence on these two platforms, one assumption that I made was that the night of
the show will offer a higher degree of involvement from the audience than normal. I chose to
monitor only the official X-Factor accounts on these two websites and the user activity
related to them, as the task to monitor allX-Factorrelated activity proved to overcome my
possibilities of research.Facebook alone produces over 500 page results forX-Factor,
24 http://www.nickburcher.com/2009/11/x-factor-ultimate-in-socialised-tv.html
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starting withX-Factor's official page which on the 9th of January had reached 892,117 fans,
to official pages of the contestants and hundreds of other pages created by users. In the case
ofTwitter, the overall influence of the show on the social network was somewhat easier to
evaluate as, on the website's homepage these a list of trending topics which constantly
shifted while the show was running. My case study contains the monitoring of these trends
alongside the posts on the official X-Factoraccount.
The aim of this study was, on one side, to prove that remediation of the television
programme's content in real time fullfilled the fans' desire for immediacy of discussion
around the show, and on the other hand, to prove that this type of communication has a very
strong phatic characteristic, both of what is transmitted (the official information the show
publishes on these two websites) and what the fans produce as response to this information
(be it in the form of comments, clicks on buttons or microblog entries).TheX-Factor's Twitteraccount started updating information about the show just after it
began airing (7.30 pm) and conversation on the platform sprung almost immediatly making a
first change into the trending topics (7.56 pm-X Factortakes the fifth place in the trending
topics list). The changes in the list continued as the show went on, more updates were posted
as competitors gave their performances. Hence, by 8.05 pm Olly occupied the fifth place in
the list, followed byX-Factorand Stacey. The shifts in places continued and were visible by
the minute and, as the contestants gave their second performances accompanied by famous
guest musicians such as George Michael, Robbie Williams and Michael Buble, the keyword
trend put Olly as the first topic of discussion on the platform (8.37 pm).
Fig. 3. Popular topics on Twitteron 12th December 2009
He kept his position until the end of the show, with fluctuating places between Stacey
(second and third place) and theX-Factorwhich by 8.53 pm had exited completely the topic
list, leading to the conclusion that discussions then revolved solely on the contestants and
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their performances. It is interesting to note that the third contestant, Joseph was never
present in the Twitter topic list. The chart below shows the places occupied by each of the
three keywords in time.
Fig. 4. Places in trending topics list on Twitterhomepage
On Facebook, the desire for immediacy of the show's fans could be fullfilled as the X-
Factorpage started posting updates at 7.31 pm. This platform gives its users the opportunity
to comment on the posts or click a "Like" button. This button requires the minimum of effort
from the user's part but references directly to an emotional engagement they establish with
the content of the post, and in an extensive degree, it creates a socializing effect when shared
with others. The name and profile picture of the users who liked a certain post is displayed
upon a click, so a user can see who are the others that shared that emotional engagement.
TheX-Factorposts received tremendous amount of engagement compared to usual posts
on Facebookand this, just in a matter of minutes. Refreshing the page would reveal the
doubling or sometimes tripleing in size of the number of "Likes" and comments, reaching up
to over one thousand for some of the posts. For example, the 7.32 pm post "The show has
begun" received a staggering 1145 "Likes" and 445 comments, while other posts like the
8.41 pm "Which duet knocked you out?" reached 182 "Likes" and 751 comments in only
three minutes only to sum up 269 "Likes" and 1262 comments after other three minutes. The
chart below shows the evolution in time of the fans' reactions to some the posts.
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Fig. 5. Evolution of someFacebookposts in time during the airing of the show.
Some of the posts, both onFacebookand Twittercontained photos taken on the show, a
low-quality type of photographs that acted as exclusive material and verified the immediacy
of the online "transmission" of information, the type of material that fans would consider
valuable just because it offered them the feeling of witnessing the events as they unfold,
another reason to add up to their desire for immediacy fullfilled by the remediation of the
shows' content on online social networking platforms.
As it can clearly be observed from the above data, the ways in which ITV has managed
to bring the liveness of the televised show to the digital media, offering in addition a real-time feedback platform for a community of fans can determine the conclusion that, as
Bourdieu argued, the immediacy fullfilment comes, in digital media, as in television itself, to
evoking "ordinariness in such a way that people will see just how extraordinary it is."25
Moreover, this remediation has allowed television to find a way through which it can answer
a question set forward by media theorists a long time ago: how can we monitor naturally
occuring conversation that is triggered by television, given the fact that this is a hard goal to
undertake? Not only that, but by remediating a programme's content on social networking
platforms, this is now possible, but also the conversation can be directed into obtaining
feedback from the audiences as the posts in the table above prove it.
Another aspect of this case study was to analyse the content exchanged in these posts in
real-time, as the television show was aired. My argument is that this exchange of content has
a strong phatic chracteristic, as it is a "communicative gesture that does not inform or
exchange any meaningful information or facts about the world. Its purpose is a social one, to
express sociability and maintain connections and bonds."26 This phatic aspect can be applied
25 Bourdieu, 1998, p. 21.
26 Vincent Miller, 'New Media, Networking and Phatic Culture', Convergence no. 14, 2008, pp. 393-394.
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to the social media at large, as some critical theories imply, but it is clearly visible in the case
of theX-Factor's communication on the two platforms, as some of the posts reveal: "Stacey
and Michael!!!" (Facebook post at 8.30 pm), "Olly in action!!!" (Facebook post at 8.54 pm)
or "Simon backstage... " (Twitter post at 8.43 pm), "Olly!!!" (Twitter post at 8.53 pm). The
phatic aspect of the communication is present on the side of the fans' communication, as
well. Even to engaging, interogative posts, the comments are very short and highly
deficitarious of information, such as "Ami Newsome:brill" (comment to the 7.46 pm
Facebook post "Stacey!!! How did she do?!? ") or "Eddie Bridge: betta get hair dryer out"
(comment to 9.20 pm Facebook post "Phone lines are frozen!!!").
However, it is exactly this lack of information that made it possible for the remediation
of the programme's content to be highly successful, given the fact that, as Vincent Miller
argues, this type of exchange is not meaningless because it implies "the recognition,intimacy and sociability in which a strong sense of community is founded."27 This is
precisely what made the fan community engage so strongly in the discussion about the show
on the social networking platforms and above all, brings back Pierre Bourdieu's argument
about the connection between time and thought on television. If this reversed connection is
true about television, we can strongly argue that the instant reaction audiences have on social
media platforms can only be the first thing that comes to their minds, but their are
immediatly uttering it, participating in the discussion, creating a strong sense of community
with other fans and thus becoming more loyal to the programme, transforming it from a
television show they enjoy watching in front of the box, to a lovemark they engage with on
social networks. Despite all this, there is another question that can still be raised: can only
the remediation of entertaining, reality show-type programmes be obtained so successfully in
social media or can other, more socially-centered matters reach this level of involvement
from the audiences?
27 Miller, 2008, p. 395.
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Fig. 6. Complete monitoring of theFacebookposts during the airtime of the show.
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Fig. 7. Complete monitoring of the Twitter posts during the airtime of the show.
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References
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Schanke, Vilde and Ytreberg, Espen - 'Working Notions of Active Audiences: Further
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http://www.nickburcher.com/2009/11/x-factor-ultimate-in-socialised-tv.html