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Early Buddhist temples in Japan: Roof‐tilemanufacture and the social basis oftemple constructionYamamoto Tadanao a & Walter Edwards aa Tenri University , Somanouchi, Tenri‐shi, Nara , 632 , JapanPublished online: 15 Jul 2010.
To cite this article: Yamamoto Tadanao & Walter Edwards (1995) Early Buddhist temples in Japan:Roof‐tile manufacture and the social basis of temple construction, World Archaeology, 27:2, 336-353,DOI: 10.1080/00438243.1995.9980311
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Early Buddhist temples in Japan :roof-tile manufacture and the socialbasis of temple construction
YAMAMOTO Tadanao and Walter Edwards
Abstract
Buddhism is considered to have been introduced to Japan from Paekche in AS 538. From that time onedifices of some kind probably existed for housing Buddhist images, although this has not yet beenconfirmed archaeologically. The construction of Asukadera, the first Buddhist temple compound,began in 588. By 624 more than twenty such temples had been built in Yamato and other provinces inthe central Kinai district; all were characteristically initiated by leading aristocratic clans. By the year692, the number of temples rose to 548 nationwide. Among the newly constructed temples,Kudarataiji (639) was the first to be sponsored directly by the Emperor and built under thesupervision of government officials. Similar circumstances attended the construction of lateseventh-century temples that followed (Kawaradera, Takechitaiji, Yakushiji, Daikan Daiji).Accordingly, the first phase of Buddhist expansion in Japan may be characterized as involving atransition from support by local clans only, to a pattern in which official support of the Emperorplayed a major part.
Keywords
Japan; Buddhism; temples; architecture; craft production; early state.
Introduction
The seventh century AD was a period of great upheaval in East Asia. The Sui Dynasty,having achieved the unification of China in 589, was soon followed by the Tang, whichestablished a powerful empire in 618 and went on to pursue a policy of military expansion.On the Korean peninsula a three-way strife intensified among the polities of Silla, Paekcheand Koguryö, with Paekche falling in 660 to the combined forces of Tang and Silla, andKoguryö perishing soon afterward in 668 (see Harrell, this volume). The Japanesegovernment, which had been deeply involved in peninsular affairs and had maintainedclose ties with Paekche, sent an armed force to the latter's aid in 663 - only to be beatenback by the combined armies of Tang and Silla. Silla later pushed the Tang army out of thepeninsula, gaining solitary control over the region in 676 (Fig. 1).
World Archaeology Vol. 27(2): 336-53 Buddhist Archaeology© Routledge 1995 0043-8243
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Early Buddhist temples in Japan 337
Date
AD 100
200
inn
400
500
600
700
800
900
1000
1100
1200
1300
1400
ArchaeologicalSequence
Yayoi
Early
Middle
Kofun
Late
Historic
HistoricalSequence
Asuka
Hakuhö
Nara
Heian
Medieval
Noteworthy events
588 Founding of Asukadera592-645 Period of Soga control641 Founding of Yamadadera
684 Fujiwara Capita! built710 Capital moved to Nara
794 Capital moved to Kyoto
Figure 1 The early historical periods of Japan.
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338 YAMAMOTO Tadanao and Walter Edwards
N
i Boundaries of Kinat estimatedby four points
i Boundaries of Kinai estimatedby place names "Uchi" or"Uji"
Figure2 The Kinai region of Japan, showing the boundaries of modern Nara prefecture, known asYamato province before 1871, homeland of the early Japanese state (Senda 1980). Senda's Kinaiboundary reconstructions, however, are not necessarily relevant to the present contribution. Seeother maps for location of provinces mentioned in the text.
In the midst of this tense situation abroad - notwithstanding Japan's insular position andlower vulnerability compared to its Korean neighbors - the nation was pressed to bolsterthe limited authority of its pre-seventh-century government in order to meet the newconfiguration of power in East Asia. By the end of the seventh century, as the result of astring of reforms begun in the reign of Suiko (592-628) and continuing into the reigns ofTemmu (672-86) and Jitö (690-7), the archaic Yamato polity founded upon a federation ofsemi-autonomous clans had evolved into the Nara state, with a formal bureaucratic
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Early Buddhist temples in Japan 339
structure based on a set of written law known as the ritsuryö codes (Fig. 2). The acceptanceand promulgation of Buddhism was intimately connected with these developments (cf.Kidder 1972).
The Soga clan and early monastic Buddhism
Although the introduction of Buddhism to Japan traces back to 538, the construction oftemples incorporating tile-roofed buildings, already an integral feature of monasticBuddhism on the continent, began only with Asukadera (Asuka Temple)1, founded in 588 atthe initiative of Soga clan leader Umako (?-626). Over the intervening half-century a fiercestruggle had been waged between a pro-Buddhist faction led by the Soga, who had cultivatedclose relationships with immigrants from the mainland and their descendants, and an olderestablishment of anti-Buddhist forces, represented by the Mononobe clan. This was morethan just a dispute over the merits of Buddhism, for it implicated the direction of internalpolicy and foreign diplomacy as well. By advocating the practice of a foreign religion, theSoga were asserting the superiority of continental institutions over native ones, therebychallenging the authority of factions traditionally associated with the latter.
After suffering an early setback, the pro-Buddhist faction, led by Umako's father Sogano Iname, staged a successful resurgence during the reign of Bidatsu (572-85). This turn ofevents is believed to have resulted from an alliance of pro-Buddhist immigrants in supportof the Soga, who thus emerged from the turmoil of external and domestic historical changeas the primary wielders of authority within the Japanese monarchy. They even succeededin gaining control of the throne in 585, with the ascension of Yömei, a son of Bidatsu bornto one of Iname's daughters; two years later the Soga turned on their rivals, theMononobe, with military force and killed its chief. The start of work on Asukadera thefollowing year was thus a highly symbolic move, and the coronation in 592 of Umako'sniece Suiko at Toyura Palace, the Soga clan headquarters, amidst the ongoingconstruction of Asukadera nearby, marked both the start of a florescence of Buddhistculture and the beginning of the Asuka era (592-645) - the period of rule under Sogaleadership.
Asukadera was built by the main branch of the Soga family as its ujidera, or clan temple:one founded at the initiative of a powerful clan in hopes of securing spiritual protection andmaterial prosperity for its members through the virtuous acts of maintaining a temple and aBuddhist image. The actual construction was directed by immigrant clans, like theYamato-no-aya and the Kura-tsukuri, and involved the participation of artisans, skilled intemple carpentry, metalworking, tile manufacture and painting, who were sent fromPaekche along with Buddhist priests in 588. Temple construction was thus put in thecharge of persons with continental ancestry, and the technology had to be whollyimported. This merely underscores the complete novelty, to the Japanese experience, ofthe concepts and construction techniques involved: a tile-roofed building supported bymassive pillars, resting on base stones set into a podium made of hard-packed earth andfaced with hewn stone.
Before the building of Asukadera, however, it is not difficult to imagine that theBuddhist believers of continental ancestry maintained temples, albeit on a smaller scale, in
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Figure 3 Distribution of early Buddhisttemples in the Kinai region and theYamato Asuka district (inset above).The Fujiwara capital was built in 694 asthe first Chinese-style gridded city inJapan.
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Early Buddhist temples in Japan 341
simple thatched structures, or in buildings converted from former use as domiciles. Ac-cording to the Chronicles of Japan (the oldest surviving native history, compiled in 720and covering events to 697; Aston 1896), a number of other temples had been establishedby the end of the sixth century, although in each case no physical remains traceable tothat era have been found, rendering the veracity of the accounts uncertain. But, regard-less of whatever precursors there may have been, it is clear that the movement to buildAsukadera and other large-scale temples in the late sixth century resulted from theefforts of immigrant groups and their leader the Soga, or of a limited number of clansbearing close ties with the Korean peninsula.
The florescence of clan temples
The founding of Asukadera sparked a wave of temple construction. The Chronicles ofJapan records the number of temples in 624 as forty-six, with 816 priests and 569 nuns.As the existence of approximately twenty temples around the year 624 has been con-firmed archaeologically, primarily through research on unearthed roof tiles, the sub-stance of the Chronicles of Japan1?, account may be held as essentially correct. Thetemples currently known include (Fig. 3): Toyuradera, built as the Soga clan's conventfor nuns; the temple at Okuyama, believed to have been the temple of a collateral off-shoot of the Soga; the temple at Wada, thought possibly to be Katsuragidera; the nunconvent of the Katsuragi clan - distant collateral relations of the Soga; Sakatadera, theclan temple of the Kura-tsukuri, who gave their political support to the Soga; Ikaru-gadera and Shitennöji, built by the royal house of Prince Shötoku, who was cognaticallyrelated to the Soga; and the temple at Kitano, thought to be associated with the Hata, animmigrant clan possibly from China. The distribution of these temples can be seen toextend beyond Yamato province to include the surrounding provinces of Kawachi,Settsu and Yamashiro. Moreover, the sponsors of temple building had grown beyond aninitial group consisting of the Soga and a few immigrant clans to include their collateralsand cognatic relations, like Prince Shötoku, and even some of the older, politically cen-tral clans like the Kasuga, Ono, Nakatomi and the Heguri - some of whom had beenstaunchly anti-Buddhist.
From archaeological evidence it appears that no less than forty temples had been es-tablished between the founding of Asukadera in 588 and Yamadadera in 641, the nextmajor benchmark in temple construction. Their distribution had now expanded as far asÖmi, Harima, Bitchü, etc., showing the increasing interest in temple building amongdominant clans everywhere. Official encouragement of, and economic support for, theconstruction of clan temples is recorded by the Chronicles of Japan in an entry for 645.As known from later records, such support took the form of grants of paddy land, andcontributions of building materials and technical assistance. Nevertheless, apart fromAsukadera, only Toyuradera and Ikarugadera had been completed to any significantdegree (the image-hall, pagoda and lecture hall had been built at each); at most othertemples, such as Komadera, Jörinji, Hinokumadera, and the temple at Okuyama, onlythe image-hall had been built, with the pagoda and other structures not finished until thelatter half of the seventh century. Regardless, the majority of temples at this time appearto have been planned after the model embodied at Asukadera: an imposing monastery
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342 Y AM A MOTO Tadanao and Walter Edwards
with a full complement of buildings (image-hall, pagoda, lecture hall, belfry, sutrarepository, monks' quarters, refectory) and housing large numbers of monks.
Almost nothing is recorded regarding the details of construction of these early temples-the identity of the founder for each, the temple's age and the backgrounds of the artisanswho actually built it. The most appropriate archaeological materials for addressing thesequestions are the roof tiles used by each temple for the initial construction. In particular,eave tiles have the special characteristic of bearing designs produced with a mold, so that,by focusing on the distributions of duplicate tiles (those made from the same mold) inconjunction with changes in design and in techniques of manufacture, it may be possible toclarify the dates of construction, the places of tile manufacture, and the backgrounds of thetile-making artisans.
Roof-tile research
By tracing the data on roof tiles and temple sites in the seventh century, a change can beobserved from an initial phase in which a single temple had ten or more types of eave tiles,or a single building alone had several, through a second phase in which the tiles of an entiretemple were of a single design, to a third in which several temples used tiles of a set ofrelated styles. From this, a similar change may be deduced in the organization of tileproduction: initially coordinated by clan temples (which brought together tiles fromwidely dispersed production sites), shifting with the increase in the construction ofstate-supported temples towards a reliance on groups of kilns dedicated to supplyingspecific institutions, and leading to a process of further centralization that culminated withthe construction of the Fujiwara capital in 694 (Fig. 3). At another level, thesedevelopments may be seen to reflect a broad historical shift whereby an alien religion,promoted by clans like the Soga in ways that were largely self-serving, was ultimatelyappropriated - through the construction of state-supported temples - into a centralizedreligious hierarchy in support of the monarchy.
Duplicate eave tiles
A ceramic mold of the early Heian period (794-889), recovered from a Sué ware kiln site inNagano Prefecture, is the only known example of a mold used for pressing a design on tothe antefix, the outward-facing surface of round eave tiles. Molds dating from the seventhand eighth centuries are as yet unknown but are believed to have been madepredominantly of wood, a conjecture based on: (1) the presence of wood grainimpressions, sometimes visible on the surface of the tiles; (2) instances in which a blemishis seen to develop in the direction of the grain and gradually get larger with use of the mold ;(3) cases in which a mold, worn from repeated use, is retouched or recarved. Blemishespermit the easy identification of tiles produced from the same mold; and observableincreases in the number and size of such blemishes, or evidence of retouching or recarvingof molds, enables the establishment of a relative order of manufacture among such tiles.When tiles produced by the same mold are recovered from different sites, moreover, aclose social relationship between the persons or groups associated with each site may be
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Early Buddhist temples in Japan 343
assumed. It is accordingly possible to employ, in examining eave tiles, many of theresearch strategies that have proved fruitful in the study of bronze items cast from the samemold (Edwards 1995).
Criteria for recognizing duplicate identity among roof tiles were systematized byOKAMOTO Tözö, who also outlined the significance of the phenomenon. Okamoto (1974:87) defined four possible situations whereby duplicate tiles may be shared by two temples:
1 Tiles are made at an independent workshop and transported to each temple.2 Tiles are made at the workshop of one temple and transported to another.3 Tiles from an abandoned temple are removed and used in the construction of another.4 A single mold is used, first at the workshop of one temple, then at the workshop of
another.
In the first through third instances, the tiles themselves are transported, but in the fourthcase it is the mold only. The movement of tiles themselves is feasible when relatively shortdistances are involved, judging from a number of known cases: tiles for Tödaiji inpresent-day Nara City that were requisitioned from workshops at Shitennöji andKajiharadera, located in present-day Osaka, tiles from the Fujiwara capital (occupiedfrom 694 to 710) that were re-utilized at the Nara (Heijö) capital (710-84), and tiles fromthe latter that were similarly re-utilized at the Nagaoka capital (784-94) in modern Kyotoprefecture. But where the distribution of duplicate tiles spans long distances, it is morereasonable to consider the movement of the mold instead. Since the mold is incapable ofmoving by itself, the movements of individuals or groups, and the ownership of the mold,must also be considered. Three variations of these factors are as follows.
4a An artisan group owns the mold and moves its workshop from one location to a distantone.
4b A temple owns the mold and lends it to another in a distant location - an interpretationoften taken when two temples, located within the same region, share tiles from thesame mold.
4c A governmental agency maintains a workshop and lends the mold to an officialcharged with temple construction - an interpretation often taken when tiles from asingle mold are shared by temples in widely separated regions and when the influenceof a central authority must be invoked.
Utilizing the above observations made by Okamoto, recent research has been clarifyingthe relationships among the earliest Buddhist temples through a combination of data onduplicate roof tile distributions and chronological change in the technology of tilemanufacture (Hishida 1986; Yamamoto 1991; Hanatani 1993).
Three stylistic traditions of round eave tiles
Round eave tiles used in the earliest temples had undecorated outer rims and a centrallotus-blossom design incorporating plain (undivided) petals. Two basic styles of plain-petalled round eave tiles are known, one deriving from Paekche and the other fromKoguryö-both on the Korean peninsula. It is useful to divide these into the six types givenbelow, with tiles of the Paekche style (Types I-IV) distinguished by the shape of the
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2
I-Aa
II-Ea
III-A
I-Ab
V - c
IV-F
VI-A
Plates 1-8 Stylistic types of round eave tiles. Tiles I-Aa and I-Ab were made from the same mold;I-Ab shows general wear and evidence of retouching, to recover vertical relief, around the perimeterof the central portion of the lotus blossom. Note the increase in the number of dots in the centralportion of tile II-Eb, evidence of recarving the mold after production of tile II-Ea.
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Early Buddhist temples in Japan 345
upward inflection of the tip of the petals, and those of the Koguryö style (Types V-VI) bythe treatment of the space between the petals. For each type, sub-types representing thedifferent molds that were used are indicated by the addition of upper-case Roman lettersto the type designation. When chronological sequences can be established among tiles ofthe same sub-type, based on the presence or absence of blemishes or on the relative sizes ofsuch anomalies (Plates 1-4), then lower-case Roman letters indicating the relative orderare also appended (Öwaki 1993: 225).
Type I Inflection of the petal tip is represented with an inward ¡dentation, similar inshape to the tip of a cherry blossom petal.
Type II Inflection is abbreviated, with a small dot placed at the petal tip instead. Oddnumbers of petals are common.
Type III Inflection is represented with dots as in Type II; petals are eight in number andflare widely near the tip; central portion of the blossom is well rounded incross-section.
Type IV Inflection is represented in high relief, with the tip curving sharply upward.Type V Of Koguryö-style eave tiles, those having dots placed in the inter-petal spaces.Type VI Of Koguryö-style eave tiles, those having wedge-shaped inter-petal spaces.
Type I differs from Types II and HI not simply in design but in the techniques ofmanufacture as well, suggesting they were produced at workshops having separatehistorical origins. Using the different petal shapes to symbolize these separate pedigrees,Type I tiles and their workshops are referred to by Japanese archaeologists as Hanagumi('Flower Company'), and those of Types II and III as Hoshigumi ('Star Company') (Naya1988).
Hanagumi and Hoshigumi diffe. first of all in the method of making the antefix of roundeave tiles. On Hanagumi tiles, the reverse of the antefix is smoothed flat, but someunevenness produced by the fingertips when pressing the clay into the mold remains; onHoshigumi tiles the reverse side is characteristically thick in the center and thinner towardsthe edges, and some examples show a concentric pattern produced by the action ofsmoothing the clay while it rested on a wheel. There is also a distinct difference in themethod of joining the antefix with the semi-cylindrical imbrex: on Hanagumi tiles, theedge of the imbrex is sharpened by shaving down the upper (convex) surface only, or byshaving the upper and lower surfaces, before joining; on Hoshigumi tiles a step is cut intothe edge for lapping with the antefix (Fig. 4). The Hanagumi imbrex also tapers graduallyalong the main axis of the tile, so that the end away from the eave is smaller in diameterwhere it is overlapped by the adjacent tile. By contrast, the Hoshigumi imbrex does nottaper, but the end away from the eave is lipped with a section that is smaller in diameter;this difference continued in principle to be observed by the two groups for a considerableperiod of time.
On Type V tiles, there is more vertical relief on the antefix than on either Hanagumi orHoshigumi tiles. The central portion of the lotus blossom juts out, the petal surfaces slopeup toward the central axis, or the axis itself is expressed with a distinctly protruding line(Fig. 4). The petals are spaced apart with dots placed in the interstices. There are traces ofsmoothing or shaving of the outer rim after separation from the mold. Moreover, the clayis more highly refined, and the tiles more firmly fired, than those of the Hanagumi or
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Figure 4 Schematic representations of round eave tiles in cross-section: left, a Hanagumi, withshaving of the upper surface of the imbrex prior to joining; center, a Hoshigumi tile, with a step cutinto the imbrex edge for lapping; right, a Yukigumi tile, also shaved unifacially, and showing highrelief of the petals and the central portion of the lotus blossom.
Hoshigumi. Type V tiles and the group of artisans that manufactured them aredistinguished as the Yukigumi ('Snow Company'). But in a number of respects the tiles ofthis group are similar to those of the Hanagumi: the reverse side of the antefix is smoothedto a nearly flat surface; the edge of the imbrex is shaved rather than being stepped prior tojoining; and the imbrex is tapered down the long axis.
Several tile-manufacturing groups, using patterns and manufacturing techniques similarto those just examined, are known to have existed in the Korean kingdom of Paekche(Kameda 1981), and the Hanagumi and Hoshigumi were probably formed by membersdispatched from two of these groups. The Koguryö-derived Yukigumi may also haveentered Japan through Paekche's intervention. It is thus possible that all of the variationamong the earliest tiles produced in Japan resulted from the different backgrounds of asmall number of immigrant artisans, named in the Chronicles of Japan as being sent overfrom Paekche in 588, who may have brought with them separate sets of manufacturingtechniques.
Types IV and VI, in addition to combining characteristics of tiles of the Hanagumi,Hoshigumi and Yukigumi, incorporate new features such as an antefix of larger diameterand a joining technique in which lines are incised on the bifacially sharpened edge of the
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Early Buddhist temples in Japan ?>A1
imbrex to improve adhesion. These tiles are, moreover, believed to date slightly later thanthose of the other four Types (I—III, V). It would thus appear that, in contrast to the tilesproduced by the first generation of artisans for the construction of Asukadera and earlyseventh-century temples, Types IV and VI are the products of a second generation that nolonger strictly adhered to former differences in manufacturing techniques.
Following the above typological classification, data on the distributions of varioussub-types are given in Table 1. Construction of most of these earliest temples wasadvanced through the leadership of the Soga with the exception of the several templesfounded by the house of Prince Shötoku, and a few associated with the Hata clan (limitedto southern Yamashiro province, where it is believed they were built through the auspicesof Prince Shôtoku's house). The work of temple building at this time thus symbolized theauthority of those clans linked with the Soga-led government and was epitomized by theconstruction of Asukadera.
Tile production in outlying regions
The one kiln discovered to date at Asukadera was operated on the south-eastern edge ofthe temple precinct. The Sainenjiyama kiln of Toyuradera and the Abedera kiln ofAbedera are other examples of kilns (unillustrated) constructed near the temple precinct-or even within it. In the case of the Hata'eda kiln, which produced tiles for the temple atKitano now in modern Kyoto City, the straight line distance from the site to the kiln,approximately 5 km., is also close. The advantage of such nearby kilns is ease of transport.The Asukadera and Sainenjiyama kiln sites show signs of use over long periods; it thusappears that the long-term operation of proximate kiln sites was necessary for thereplacement of broken tiles.
However, recent excavations conducted at the Haya'agari kiln site in Uji (Fig. 5), and atthe Hiranoyama kiln site in Yawata, have made it clear that relations were maintainedbetween these kilns and Toyuradera and Shitennöji (50 and 30 km distant, respectively).Other cases in which tiles were supplied by distant producers have since been increasinglyreported (UCBOE 1983; YCBOE 1985). At the temple at Okuyama, Type III-A roundeave tiles and ridge-end tiles were supplied from the Tenjin'yama kiln in Gojö, 17 kmaway; and Type IV-B eave tiles came from the Takaoka kiln in Akashi, 80 km distant. AtToyuradera, Type IV-C tiles were brought from the Sueno'oku kiln in OkayamaPrefecture, 180 km away (Iuchi 1992). Clearly the distances involved in some cases werequite considerable.
What were the reasons for transporting tiles from such distant locations? Oneexplanation is that since large quantities of fuel and clay were used in the manufacturingprocess, it was simpler to transport the finished product than to bring in raw materials. It is,moreover, thought that reliance on one or two proximate kilns was insufficient for theshort-term production of large numbers of tiles. A second explanation is that each clanmade tiles in dispersed territories under its control and transported them to its centrallylocated clan temple. A third is that, since known distant sites - such as Tenjin'yama,Haya'agari, Takaoka and Sueno'oku - were used for the production of both tiles and Suéware, their distribution is therefore the result of recruiting a work force involved in localSué production into the manufacture of the technologically more recent roof tiles.
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Table 1 Round eave tile types by sub-types and temples where each is found.
Type
I
II
III
IV
]
V
T
Sub-type
1-Aa
t-Ab[-Ac[-B[-C[-D[-E[-F[-G[-H[I-A[I-B[I-C[I-D[I-Ea[I-Eb[I-F[I-G[I-H[I-I[I-J[I-K[I-L[I-Ma[1-Mb[II-A[II-B[II-C[II-D[II-E[II-F[V-A[V-B[V-C[V-E[V-F[V-G
[V-I
[V-JV-AaV-AbV-BaV-BbV-CV-D
Production site
Asukadera kiln?
(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)Hiranoyama kilnTenjin'yama kiln(unknown)(unknown)Hiranoyama kiln(unknown)(unknown)Haya'agari kilnTakaoka kilnSueno'oku kiln(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)
(unknown)
(unknown)Haya'agari kilnHaya'agari kiln(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)
Temples where sub-type is found
Asukadera, Toyuradera, Temple at Wada,KomaderaAsukadera, KomaderaAsukaderaAsukadera, Temple at InuiAsukadera, Temple at Himedera, KomaderaAsukadera, Temple at Himedera, Kairyü-öjiAsukaderaIshigami siteSakataderaTemple at WadaAsukadera, Toyuradera, Temple at OkuyamaAsukaderaAsukadera, ToyuraderaAsukadera, SakataderaAsukadera, Toyuradera, Kamimashi siteIshigami site, IkarugaderaAsukaderaAsukaderaToyuradera, Temple at WadaTemple at OkuyamaTemple at WadaTemple at WadaSakataderaIkarugaderaShitennöjiTemple at OkuyamaTemple at OkuyamaTemple at OkuyamaTemple at Okuyama, Temple at KuzeTemple at Okuyama, Ishigami siteTemple at OkuyamaToyuraderaToyuradera, Temple at OkuyamaToyuraderaTemple at OkuyamaToyuraderaToyuradera, Temple at Okuyama, Temple atWadaToyuradera, Temple at Tanaka, Temple atHiramatsuTemple at WadaToyuradera, Temple at WadaToyuraderaToyuraderaTemple at OkuyamaToyuraderaToyuradera, Temple at Okuyama
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Table 1
Type
VI
continued.
Sub-type
V-EV-FV-GV-HV-IVI-AaVI-AbVI-BVI-CVI-DVI-EVI-F
Production site
(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)Haya'agari kilnHaya'agari kiln(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)(unknown)
Temples where sub-type is found
Temple at OkuyamaToyuraderaTemple at OkuyamaToyuraderaToyuraderaToyuraderaToyuradera, Temple at WadaToyuraderaSakataderaSakataderaSakataderaSakatadera
Any of these explanations is possible. In order to make a more comprehensiveinterpretation, however, the historical factors behind the dispersion of tile manufacturingtechnology to outlying regions will also have to be clarified. In all likelihood, it will benecessary to examine 1) the political expansion of central clans like the Soga into theprovinces, and 2) the reactions of clans controlling Sué kilns in various regions.
One common characteristic of temples in the first quarter of the seventh century is theuse in a single building of round eave tiles of a variety of types and sub-types. FromAsukadera a total of twelve sub-types have been unearthed: Hanagumi tiles of sub-typesI-A through I-E, and Hoshigumi tiles of sub-types II-A through II-G. Of these the I-A tilesused for the initial construction comprise about 60 per cent of the total, and II-A representslightly under 20 per cent, with other sub-types recovered in small percentages, orsometimes as only a handful of examples. For Toyuradera, another temple built by theSoga clan, as many as twenty-two sub-types have been recovered, indicating the need topool together tiles from a variety of sources. The same situation may be pointed out for thetemple at Okuyama (18 sub-types), for Sakatadera (12), Ikarugadera (13) and Shitennöji(23). The discrepancy of ten sub-types between Asukadera and Toyuradera probablyarose because the former was constructed over a relatively short time and in concentratedfashion, while Toyuradera was built intermittently, over a long period.
Change to uniformity in eave tiles
The use of a variety of sub-types of eave tiles in a single building continued into the secondquarter of the seventh century. With the construction of Yamadadera (begun in 641), notonly was the sub-type made uniform for any one building but a single design was used forall tiles of an entire temple complex. At Yamadadera the ridge-end tiles and rafter-endplates carried the same motif as the round eave tiles, clearly showing a conscious intent touse a uniform design for the entire temple. The period from 640 on should thus bedistinguished as the second phase of early temple construction.
The practice of uniform design use spread to provincial temples as well, which werethereby incorporated into stylistic traditions set by a number of central institutions. This
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350 YAMAMOTO Tadanao and Walter Edwards
Figure 5 Relations between sites of kilns and temples in the eastern Seto region of Japan.
tendency began with the construction of Yamadadera and developed with the formation ofseveral distinct groups during the seventh century, represented by sites like Kawaradera,Höryüji, and the Fujiwara capital. Although examples of duplicate tiles are known in eachcase, more often it was simply a matter of adopting a pattern similarJo that used by thecentral institution. Type names for this period thus indicate the institution involved:'Yamadadera-style' or 'Kawaradera-style' eave tiles, etc.
The construction of Yamadadera took place in two phases: first, the image-hall was builtfrom 641 to approximately 648 by Soga no Ishikawamaro; then, after an interruptionfollowing Ishikawamaro's untimely death in 649, the pagoda and lecture hall were built,probably by the state, during the years 673 to 685. Accordingly, two chronologically
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Early Buddhist temples in Japan 351
distinct types of Yamadadera-style tiles can be distinguished. The distribution of the oldertype beyond the Yamato district is limited to strategic locations in the Kinai district and theimmediately surrounding regions (not illustrated): the temple at Hirakawa in Yamashiro,the temple at Shindö in Kawachi, Kai'eiji in Izumi, the temple at Sandaiji in Ömi, thetemple at Nukata in Ise, Gangöji in Owari, the temple at Yokomi in Aki, etc. But from thereign of Tenji (661-71) and into the reign of Temmu (673-86), the newer Yamadadera-style tiles spread to Ryükakuji in Shimo'usa, the temple at Nonomiya in Echizen and thetemple at Inoue in Chikuzen. The significance of this diffusion to more distant regions isnot clear, but it is believed that in each case the temples were constructed by clans that hadbeen related to the Soga before the latter's demise in 645.
The construction of state Buddhist temples
The Soga's rise to political prominence had been one of the primary factors behind theacceptance of Buddhism, but the arrogance of its leaders also prompted the clan'sdownfall. A coup in 645 led by members of the royal house, with support from some of theolder aristocratic élite, resulted in the assassination of Umako's grandson, Emishi, andinitiated a program of sweeping reform. These events did not reverse the fortunes ofBuddhism, however, for the reformers sought instead to assimilate the foreign religionfully into the monarch's traditional role as spiritual, as well as secular, leader of the nation.Support for clan temples was thus continued on the one hand, while state temples (templesfounded by royal decree and built with state funds) were established on the other, creatingthereby a Buddhist religious hierarchy that placed the monarch firmly at the apex.
The first state temple was the Kudara no Ödera, begun in 639. It was built in tandemwith the Kudara Palace of Emperor Yömei (r. 629-41), a pattern of building a state templeadjacent to the palace that was followed by the subsequent construction in the reigns ofTenji (662-71) and Temmu (672-86) of Kawaradera and Nochi no Asuka OkamotoPalace, the temple at Minami Shiga and Ötsu Palace, and Takechi no Ödera and AsukaKiyomigahara Palace (not illustrated). The account given in the Chronicles of Japan doesnot detail the role played by Kudara no Ödera, but this may be inferred in part from what isknown of its successor, Takechi no Ödera. Built at Temmu's initiative, and later renamedDaikan Daiji (Great Temple of the Great Official, a reference to Temmu himself), thetemple was meant to serve as centerpiece of the monarch's efforts to promote Buddhismon behalf of the nation. It is possible that a government office was created to oversee theconstruction of Kudara no Ödera, a practice documented later for Takechi no Ödera andother state temples.
Additional manifestations of increasing state control over Buddhism are visible in twoaspects of tile production and distribution. First, kilns for the state-built Kawaraderainclude (not illustrated) those at Arasaka and Makidai in Gojô, located near (1) theKamimashi site, believed to be that of a kiln, which yielded tiles duplicate to those of theSoga clan temple Asukadera, and (2) the Tenjin'yama kiln, which produced tiles for thetemple at Okuyama, also thought to have been a Soga-related clan temple. In other words,during the reign of Tenji, state kilns were built in the areas that had originally been used forthe production of tiles for Soga temples, and this state construction practice was continued
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352 YAMAMOTO Tadanao and Walter Edwards
in the ensuing reign of Temmu. The second manifestation of greater state control is seen inthe distributions of tiles either duplicate to those of Kawaradera (at various nearbytemples as well as in Kawachi, Yamashiro, Ömi, Ise, Chikuzen and Chikugo) or of theKawaradera-style (from Shimotsuke Yakushiji) in the east to the temple at Sain'o in Hökiin the west). These locations (not illustrated), especially common in Yamashiro and Mino,coincide with the territories of retainers who distinguished themselves in support of themonarchy during the civil war of 672. As it has been suggested on these grounds thatreward for service in that conflict was made in the form of state support for the constructionof clan temples (Hachiga 1973: 41-2), it is possible to read the above phenomena asillustrating the state's appropriation of the tile-producing capability formerly held by theSoga, and the diversion of that capability to its own political goals.
Tenri UniversitySomanouchi
Tenri-shi, Nara632 Japan
Note
1 Both the -dera and -ji endings mean 'temple'.
References
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Edwards, W. 1995. Kobayashi Yukio's 'Treatise on duplicate mirrors': an annotated translation.Tenri University Journal, 178: 179-205.
Hachiga, S. 1973. Regional temples: their establishment and historical background. KōkogakuKenkyū, 20(1): 33-44 (in Japanese).Hanatani, H. 1993. Production of roof tiles for temples and palaces in ancient Japan. KōkogakuKenkyū, 40(2): 72-93. (in Japanese with English title).
Hishida, T. 1986. The early roofing-tile production and the real conditions of the craftsmen in thefive home provinces. Shirin, 69(3): 1-38 (in Japanese with English title and summary).
Iuchi, K. 1992. Some aspects of roof-tiles production in a remote place. Kodai Bunka, 44(1): 48-51(in Japanese with English title).
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Naya, M. 1988. Changes in production techniques of round eave tiles: materials from the Asukaregion dating to the first half of the seventh century. Unpublished ms.
Okamoto, T. 1974. Identical roof tiles discovered at two different places: examples from the ruins ofShimotsuke Yakushi-ji and Harima Mizoguchi-dera temples. Kökagaku Zasshi, 60(1): 83-92 (inJapanese with English title).
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Ōwaki, K. 1994. Duplicate round eave tiles of the early Asuka period, focusing on Soga clantemples. Kodai, 9: 224-45 (in Japanese).
Senda, Minoru 1980. Territorial possession in ancient Japan: the real and the perceived. InGeography of Japan (ed. Association of Japanese Geographers). Tokyo: Teikoku Shoin, pp. 101-20(in English).
UCBOE (Uji City Board of Education). 1983. Haya'agari Kiln Site Excavation Report. Kyoto: UjiKyōiku Iinkai (in Japanese).
Yamamoto, T. 1991. Origination of flat eaves tiles. In Kenkyū Ronshū, 9: 57-94, 121-2. NaraNational Cultural Properties Research Institute (in Japanese with English title and summary).
YCBOE (Yawata City Board of Education). 1985. Hiranoyama Kiln Site Excavation Report (inJapanese).
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