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 In today¶s world many of our young youth are involved in act ivi ties that reflect o n their behaviors and their images, their attitude and their behaviors tend to reflect on our country image as well. Suc h behaviors are found to be high risk behavior such as sexual behavior, abuse, and gang violence are all contribute to peer pressure. These cases continued to increase on an everyday basis. Everyday cases are reported around the world this issue contin ues to increase an d impact our countri es image. Many people today, not even knowing these statistics actually help to contributed to destroy our youth image and our country as well these be havior continues to reflect negatively on our society in cases such as our co untries economic devolvement such as Jamaica that have been strugg lin g. This is why it is extremely important for everybody to u nderstand why it is important to control our youth and prot ect them and protect out countries image. Understanding exactly what is the cause of all of this, isn¶t it poor parenting? the answer is yes the objective to examine these types of risk our young engages in, such behaviors are obviously family dysfunction, social acceptance, and depression as factors that may compound o r mitigate the associations  between adolescents' and peers' risk behavior. Methods participants were about 427 adolescents in grades 9-12. Adolescents reported on their substance use (cigarette and marijuana use, heavy episodic drinking), violent  behavior (weapon carrying, physical fighting), suicidality (suicidal ideation and att empts), and the health-risk  behavior of their friends. Results are adolescents' substance use, gang violence, and suicidal behavior and sexual behavior wish is contributed to, unsafe sex, and all so alcohol dependency was related to their friends' substance use, deviance, and suicidal behaviors, respectively. Friends' pro social behavior and peer pressure are negat ively associated with adolescent violence and substance use. Family dysfunction, social acceptance, and depression altered the magnitude of association between p eers' and adolescents' risk behavior. in cumulative risk factor models, rates of adolescent health-risk behavior increased

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In today¶s world many of our young youth are involved in activities that reflect on their behaviors and their 

images, their attitude and their behaviors tend to reflect on our country image as well. Such behaviors are found

to be high risk behavior such as sexual behavior, abuse, and gang violence are all contribute to peer pressure.

These cases continued to increase on an everyday basis. Everyday cases are reported around the world this

issue continues to increase and impact our countries image. Many people today, not even knowing these

statistics actually help to contributed to destroy our youth image and our country as well these behavior 

continues to reflect negatively on our society in cases such as our countries economic devolvement such as

Jamaica that have been struggling. This is why it is extremely important for everybody to understand why it is

important to control our youth and protect them and protect out countries image.

Understanding exactly what is the cause of all of this, isn¶t it poor parenting? the answer is yes the

objective to examine these types of risk our young engages in, such behaviors are obviously family

dysfunction, social acceptance, and depression as factors that may compound or mitigate the associations

 between adolescents' and peers' risk behavior. Methods participants were about 427 adolescents in grades 9-12.

Adolescents reported on their substance use (cigarette and marijuana use, heavy episodic drinking), violent

 behavior (weapon carrying, physical fighting), suicidality (suicidal ideation and attempts), and the health-risk 

 behavior of their friends.

Results are adolescents' substance use, gang violence, and suicidal behavior and sexual behavior wish is

contributed to, unsafe sex, and all so alcohol dependency was related to their friends' substance use, deviance,

and suicidal behaviors, respectively. Friends' pro social behavior and peer pressure are negatively associated

with adolescent violence and substance use.

Family dysfunction, social acceptance, and depression altered the magnitude of association between peers' and

adolescents' risk behavior. in cumulative risk factor models, rates of adolescent health-risk behavior increased

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two fold with each added risk factor. Results supported both additive and multiplicative models of risk.

Implications for intervention and primary prevention are discussed to fine the solution to this problem.

At age 18, observational measures were used to classify children into distinct temperament groups. Results

showed that a similar constellation of adolescent personality traits, with developmental origins in childhood, is

linked to different health-risk behaviors at 21. Associations between the same personality traits and different

health-risk behaviors were not an artifact of the same people engaging in different health-risk behaviors; rather,

these associations implicated the same personality type in different but related behaviors.

This study highlights some gender differences in sexual risk behaviors and their correlates, and provides insight

into program planning needs, but it also suggests several avenues for future research. Although we investigated

a wide range of determinants of sexual risk behaviors, we did not exhaust them. Other potential factors that

should be considered in future work include peer relationships, quality of education and community

characteristics. In particular, the lack of associations between household wealth and sexual risk behaviors

among females in our multivariate analysis might be explained by potential effects of a community's

socioeconomic characteristics, such as concentrated poverty, structural inequality and collective

in planning to create programs and counseling workshops to help educate not only our youth but the parent as

well the implications can help our society to grow and to help our youth and to also improve other issues that

affect our youth and the society as well are put in place of the government, health professionals may need to

design programs that appeal to the unique psychological makeup of persons who are most at risk for health-risk 

 behaviors.

Scholarly articles for high factor risk behaviour young engage 

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Bad behavior linked to poor parenting

Study: Boys lacking secure attachment most likely to act out

By Robin Nixon 

The link between early parent-child relationships and future aggressive behavior held up even when the

researchers accounted for socio-economic classes.

As for why there was a gender difference, the researchers say girls might just react differently to poor parenting

holding in their feelings rather than acting out. And while some might cry genetics and overall personality of a

child as the cause for the poor parent-child relationship, the study team says home environment plays a greater 

role. Even so, they do cut parents slack, saying it's not always their fault.

Since the 1960s, studies linking parent-child attachment with later well-being have been tarnished, hailed and

then contradicted once again. But now, an analysis of 69 studies, involving nearly 6,000 children, may have

definitive evidence of a correlation between school-age misconduct and attachment style in the first years of 

life.

An attachment style is the way "a child seeks comfort or support when they are stressed in some way,"

explained lead researcher Pasco Fearon of the University of Reading in the United Kingdom.

Different kinds of attachment

Securely attached babies and toddlers cry out or become visibly upset when stressed and turn to a caregiver for 

comfort. They use the parent as a "secure base," a place for emotional repairs and confidence tune-ups before

zooming back out to explore the world. This type of coping strategy is optimal for development, psychologists

think.

The study also looked at two insecure styles of attachment. "Avoidant" kids in their second year of life hide

their distress and cope solo, rather than turn to their parents for comfort. Toddlers suffering from "disorganized

attachment" seem to both want, and not want, their parents. They will, for example, run toward a caregiver only

to freeze before reaching him or her.

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Abused and neglected children often exhibit disorganized attachment. And babies of parents that overly stress

independence tend to become avoidant. But even more moderate and common ways of parenting, such as being

 particularly harsh or inconsistent, can give rise to insecure attachment styles, Fearon said.

Gender strongly influences how attachment style affects later behavior. While all kids are aggressive

sometimes, insecurely attached boys are especially likely to kick others, disobey and be generally destructive,

the study found. Girls, however, are unlikely to become brutes no matter their relationship with their parents.

"Boys challenge parents more than girls, pushing parental boundaries, which may cause parenting style to play

a larger role (in a boy's upbringing)," Fearon said.

Girls turn feelings inward 

It is not that girls are immune to poor parenting. They might just react differently. In general, while boys tend to

act out, girls are more likely to turn feelings inward, resulting in depression, anxiety or social withdrawal ² a

difference we can blame on both biology and social modeling, Fearon said. The study focused on aggressive

 behaviors, such as hitting and yelling, rather than more subtle emotional disorders.

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Poor and well-off kids were equally likely to be little hoodlums when parenting was sub-par, the study found.

Extreme poverty, however, may be a special case, Fearon said, as previous studies have shown abject poverty to

 be a significant risk factor for aggressive behavior.

Taken together, the findings highlight the importance of emotional provisions once basic needs have been met.

While it is possible that a baby's innate personality influences the type of attachment style he or she develops,

research strongly suggests that the home environment plays the greater role, Fearon said.

"But this is not about blaming the parents," Fearon added. "There may be many reasons why parents find it

difficult to provide a consistent, warm environment ² and all parents have difficulty sometimes."

As a society, it may be in our best interest to support parents so that they are less distracted by other concerns

and more focused on parenting, he said.

If parenting improves ² even if it is well past the toddler stage ² things for the child will also change for the

 better, Fearon said.

The study is published in the March/April issue of the journal Child Development.

Explaining the Development of Offending

Summarizing the Major Risk Factors

The major risk factors for offending are socioeconomic deprivation, poverty,

poor housing, and residence in public housing in inner-city, socially disorganized communities. They also include

poor parental child-rearing techniques--such as poor supervision, harsh or erratic discipline, parental

conflict, and separation from a biological parent. Additional factors are impulsivity (which may be linked to low

physiological arousal) and low intelligence (which may reflect a poor ability to manipulate abstract concepts and

deficits in the executive functions of the brain). It seems likely that communities influence parenting and that 

parenting influences the development 

of impulsivity and low intelligence, although both of these factors may have

a large biological or genetic component.

Other risk factors are probably linked to poverty, poor parenting, and

impulsivity and intelligence. For example, teenage mothers tend to live in

poverty, tend to use poor child-rearing techniques, and tend to have impulsive children with low intelligence.Perinatal complications, in combination

with other risk factors, may cause neurological dysfunction, which in turn

causes impulsivity or low intelligence. Large family size may lead to poor

parenting because of the problem of dividing attention among several children at once. Criminal parents may be

poor supervisors of children and

disproportionately separated, or alternatively there may be genetic transmission of a biological factor linked to

offending. The links between delinquent 

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peers and delinquent schools and offending are less clear. However, it is

likely that the occurrence of offenses depends on situational factors such as

costs, benefits, and opportunities.258 D A V I D l. FARRINGTON

In explaining the development of offending, a major problem is that most 

risk factors tend to coincide and tend to be interrelated. For example, adolesc e n t s l i v i n g i n p h y s i c a l l y

d e t e r i o r a t e d a n d s o c i a l l y d i s o r g a n i z e d n e i g h b o r -

hoods tend also to come disproportionately from families with poor

parental supervision and erratic parental discipline, as well as to have high

impulsivity and low intelligence. The concentration and concurrence of 

t h e s e k i n d s o f a d v e r s i t i e s m a k e i t d i f f i c u l t t o e s t a b l i s h t h e i r i n d e p e n d e n t ,

i n t e r a c t i v e , a n d s e q u e n t i a l i n f l u e n c e s o n o f f e n d i n g a n d a n t i s o c i a l b e h a v i o r .

H e n c e , a n y t h e o r y o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f o f f e n d i n g i s i n e v i t a b l y s p e c u l a t i v e

i n t h e p r e s e n t s t a t e o f k n o w l e d g e .

It is important to establish which factors predict offending independently

o f o t h e r f a c t o r s . I n t h e C a m b r i d g e S t u d y i n D e l i n q u e n t D e v e l o p m e n t , i t w a s

g e n e r a l l y t r u e t h a t each o f s i x c a t e g o r i e s o f v a r i a b l e s ( i m p u l s i v i t y , i n t e l l i -

g e n c e , p a r e n t i n g , a n t i s o c i a l f a m i l y , s o c i o e c o n o m i c d e p r i v a t i o n , child a n t i -

s o c i a l b e h a v i o r ) p r e d i c t e d o f f e n d i n g i n d e p e n d e n t o f a n y o t h e r c a t e g o r y

( F a r r i n g t o n , 1 9 9 0 b ) . F o r e x a m p l e , F a r r i n g t o n a n d H a w k i n s ( 1 9 9 1 ) r e p o r t e d

t h a t t h e i n d e p e n d e n t p r e d i c t o r s o f c o n v i c t i o n s b e t w e e n a g e s t e n a n d t w e n t y

i n c l u d e d h i g h d a r i n g , l o w s c h o o l a t t a i n m e n t , p o o r p a r e n t a l c h i l d r e a r i n g ,

c o n v i c t e d p a r e n t s , p o o r h o u s i n g , a n d t r o u b l e s o m e n e s s . H e n c e , i t m i g h t b e

c o n c l u d e d t h a t i m p u l s i v i t y , l o w i n t e l l i g e n c e , p a r e n t i n g , a n t i s o c i a l f a m i l y ,

a n d s o c i o e c o n o m i c d e p r i v a t i o n , a l l c o n t r i b u t e i n d e p e n d e n t l y t o t h e d e v e l o p

m e n t o f o f f e n d i n g d e s p i t e t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p . I n a d d i t i o n , o f c o u r s e ,

t h e r e i s s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t i n u i t y i n o f f e n d i n g a n d a n t i s o c i a l b e h a v i o r f r o m

c h i l d h o o d t o a d u l t h o o d , e v e n t h o u g h t h e p r e v a l e n c e o f o f f e n d i n g p e a k s i n

t h e t e e n a g e y e a r s . A n y t h e o r y n e e d s t o g i v e p r i o r i t y t o e x p l a i n i n g t h e s e

results.

Building on Previous Theories

.

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I n p r o p o s i n g a n y n e w t h e o r y , i t i s i m p o r t a n t t o b u i l d o n p r e v i o u s t h e o r i e s

that have not been disproved. As already mentioned, the classic delinquency

t h e o r i e s o f C o h e n ( 1 9 5 5 ) a n d C l o w a r d a n d O h l i n ( 1 9 6 0 ) a i m e d t o e x p l a i n

w h y o f f e n d e r s d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y c a m e f r o m d e p r i v e d , l o w e r - c l a s s b a c k -

g r o u n d s . C o h e n f o c u s e d o n t h e f a c t o r s o f p o o r p a r e n t i n g a n d i m p u l s i v i t y ,

w h e r e a s C l o w a r d - a n d O h l i n p r o p o s e d t h a t l o w e r - c l a s s c h i l d r e n a d o p t e d

i l l e g i t i m a t e m e a n s b e c a u s e t h e y c o u l d n o t a c h i e v e t h e i r g o a l s l e g i t i m a t e l y .

Shaw and McKay (1969) aimed to explain why offenders disproportionately

c a m e f r o m d e p r i v e d i n n e r - c i t y a r e a s , f o c u s i n g o n i n e f f e c t i v e s o c i a l i z a t i o n

p r o c e s s e s a n d c u l t u r a l t r a n s m i s s i o n o f a n t i s o c i a l v a l u e s . S u t h e r l a n d a n d

C r e s s e y ( 1 9 7 4 ) a l s o p r o p o s e d t h a t c h i l d r e n l e a r n t o o f f e n d i f t h e y a r e s u r -

rounded by antisocial values, thus emphasizing the role of criminal families,

d e l i n q u e n t p e e r s , d e l i n q u e n t s c h o o l s , a n d c r i m i n a l a r e a s .

In contrast to classic sociological theories, which aim to explain why people learn to offend, classic psychological

theories aim to explain why people

E X P L A I N I N G A N D P R E V E N T I N G Y O U T H F U L O F F E N D I N G 259

are inhibited from offending. As the latter may be less familiar to criminologists, they wiIl be reviewed here in

some detail According to these theories,

c h i l d r e n l e a r n t o i n h i b i t t h e i r a n t i s o c i a l t e n d e n c i e s a n d build u p i n t e r n a l

inhibitions against offending in a conditioning or social learning process as

a result of the way their parents react to their transgressions. Conditioning

t h e o r i e s f o c u s o n r e i n f o r c e m e n t a n d p u n i s h m e n t , w h e r e a s s o c i a l l e a r n i n g

I

t h e o r i e s f o c u s o n m o d e l i n g a n d t h i n k i n g p r o c e s s e s a s well

O n e o f t h e m o s t i n f l u e n t i a l c o n d i t i o n i n g t h e o r i e s , p r o p o u n d e d b y T r a s l e r

(1962), s u g g e s t s t h a t w h e n a child b e h a v e s i n a s o c i a l l y d i s a p p r o v e d w a y ,

t h e p a r e n t w i l l p u n i s h t h e child. T h i s p u n i s h m e n t c a u s e s a n a n x i e t y reac-

.

tion. After a number of pairings of the disapproved act and the punishment,

t h e a n x i e t y b e c o m e s c l a s s i c a l l y c o n d i t i o n e d t o t h e a c t , a n d a l s o t o t h e s e -

.

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quence o f e v e n t s p r e c e d i n g t h e a c t . C o n s e q u e n t l y , w h e n t h e c h i l d c o n t e m -

plates the disapproved act, the conditioned anxiety automatically arises and

tends to block the tendency to commit the act, so the child becomes less

likely to do it. Also, the anxiety generalizes to similar acts, so the child tends

t o f e e l a n x i o u s w h e n c o n t e m p l a t i n g s i m i l a r a c t s . H e n c e , a s E y s e n c k (1977)

also argued, conscience is essentially a conditioned anxiety response.

H o w e v e r , w h e r e a s E y s e n c k e m p h a s i z e d i n d i v i d u a l , c o n s t i t u t i o n a l d i f f e r -

e n c e s i n c o n d i t i o n a b i l i t y , T r a s l e r e m p h a s i z e d d i f f e r e n c e s i n p a r e n t a l c h i l d -

r e a r i n g b e h a v i o r a s t h e m a j o r s o u r c e o f d i f f e r e n c e s i n c r i m i n a l t e n d e n c i e s

( c o n d i t i o n e d a n x i e t y ) . C h i l d r e n a r e u n l i k e l y t o build u p t h e l i n k b e t w e e n

disapproved behavior and anxiety unless their parents supervise them

c l o s e l y , u s e p u n i s h m e n t c o n s i s t e n t l y , a n d m a k e p u n i s h m e n t c o n t i n g e n t o n

disapproved acts. Hence, poor supervision, erratic or inconsistent discipline,

and conflict between parents are all conducive to offending by children. It is

a l s o i m p o r t a n t f o r p a r e n t s t o e x p l a i n t o c h i l d r e n w h y t h e y a r e b e i n g p u n -

ished, so that they can disc r i m i n a t e precisely the behavior that is disapp r o v e d .

Trasler argued that middle-class parents are more likely to explain to children why they are being punished and to

be concerned with long-term character building and the inculcation of general moral principles. This tendency

i s l i n k e d t o t h e g r e a t e r f a c i l i t y o f m i d d l e - c l a s s p a r e n t s w i t h l a n g u a g e a n d

a b s t r a c t c o n c e p t s . I n c o n t r a s t , l o w e r - c l a s s p a r e n t s s u p e r v i s e t h e i r c h i l d r e n

l e s s c l o s e l y a n d a r e m o r e i n c o n s i s t e n t i n t h e i r u s e o f d i s c i p l i n e . G e n e r a l l y ,

m i d d l e - c l a s s p a r e n t s u s e l o v e - o r i e n t e d d i s c i p l i n e , r e l y i n g o n w i t h d r a w a l o f 

love as the main sanction, whereas lower-class parents use much more physi c a l p u n i s h m e n t . T r a s l e r c

o n t e n d e d t h a t l o w e r - c l a s s c h i l d r e n c o m m i t m o r e

crimes because lower-class parents use less effective methods of socialization.

More recent learning theories tend to be cognitive social learning theories

emphasizing the role of modeling, instruction, thought processes, and interp e r s o n a l p r o b l e m - s o l v i n g s

t r a t e g i e s ( B a n d u r a , 1 9 7 7 ; Nietzel, 1 9 7 9 ; Sarason,

1978). The individual is viewed as an information processor whose behavior2 6 0 D A V I D P . F A R R I N G T O N

d e p e n d s o n c o g n i t i v e ( t h i n k i n g , p r o b l e m - s o l v i n g ) p r o c e s s e s a s w e l l a s t h e

history of rewards and punishments. Ross and Ross (1988) explicitly linked

o f f e n d i n g t o c o g n i t i v e d e f i c i t s , a r g u i n g t h a t o f f e n d e r s t e n d e d t o b e i m p u l -

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sive, egocentric, concrete rather than abstract in their thinking, and poor at 

i n t e r p e r s o n a l p r o b l e m s o l v i n g b e c a u s e t h e y failed t o u n d e r s t a n d h o w o t h e r

p e o p l e w e r e t h i n k i n g a n d f e e l i n g ( C h a n d l e r , 1 9 7 3 ) . M a n y o t h e r s c h o l a r s

h a v e a r g u e d t h a t o f f e n d e r s a r e d e f i c i e n t i n t h e i r t h i n k i n g p r o c e s s e s ( e . g . ,

G u e r r a , 1 9 8 9 ) . W h e t h e r t h e y a r e a l s o d e f i c i e n t i n i n t e r p e r s o n a l s o c i a l skilIs

is less clear (Dishion et al., 1984; Hollin, 1990; Tisdelle and St. Lawrence,

19861.

S o m e m o d e m c r i m i nological theories also aim to explain the development 

o f i n t e r n a l i n h i b i t i o n s a g a i n s t o f f e n d i n g . F o r e x a m p l e , W i l s o n a n d Herrns t e i n

( 1 9 8 5 ) s u g g e s t e d t h a t p e o p l e d i f f e r i n t h e i r u n d e r l y i n g

c r i m i n a l t e n -

dency and that whether a person chooses to commit a crime in any situation

d e p e n d s o n w h e t h e r t h e e x p e c t e d b e n e f i t s o f o f f e n d i n g o u t w e i g h t h e e x -

p e c t e d c o s t s . T h e b e n e f i t s o f o f f e n d i n g - i n c l u d i n g m a t e r i a l g a i n , p e e r a p -

proval, and sexual gratification-tend to be contemporaneous with the

c r i m e . I n c o n t r a s t , m a n y o f t h e c o s t s o f o f f e n d i n g , s u c h a s t h e r i s k o f b e i n g

caught and punished and the possible loss of reputation or employment, are

uncertain and long delayed. Other costs-such as pangs of conscience (or

g u i l t ) , d i s a p p r o v a l b y o n l o o k e r s , a n d r e t a l i a t i o n b y t h e v i c t i m - a r e m o r e

i m m e d i a t e .

A s i n m a n y p s y c h o l o g i c a l t h e o r i e s , W i l s o n a n d H e r r n s t e i n e m p h a s i z e d

t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e c o n s c i e n c e a s a n i n t e r n a l i n h i b i t o r o f o f f e n d i n g a n d

suggested that it was built up in a process of classical conditioning accordi n g t o p a r e n t a l r e i n f o r c e m e

n t o r p u n i s h m e n t o f c h i l d h o o d t r a n s g r e s s i o n s .

Nevertheless, the key individual difference factor in Wilson and Herrns t e i n s t h e o r y i s t h e e x t e n t t o

w h i c h p e o p l e s b e h a v i o r i s i n f l u e n c e d b y i m -

m e d i a t e , a s o p p o s e d t o d e l a y e d , c o n s e q u e n c e s . A s i n o t h e r t h e o r i e s : t h e y

suggested that individuals vary in their ability to think about or plan for the

f u t u r e , a n d t h a t t h i s v a r i a t i o n i s l i n k e d t o i n t e l l i g e n c e . T h e m a j o r d e t e r m i -

n a n t o f o f f e n d i n g i s a p e r s o n s i m p u l s i v i t y . M o r e i m p u l s i v e p e o p l e a r e l e s s

i n f l u e n c e d b y t h e l i k e l i h o o d o f f u t u r e c o n s e q u e n c e s a n d h e n c e a r e m o r e

likely to commit crimes.

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Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) castigated criminological theorists for ign o r i n g t h e f a c t t h a t p e o p l e d

i f f e r i n u n d e r l y i n g c r i m i n a l p r o p e n s i t i e s a n d

t h a t t h e s e d i f f e r e n c e s a p p e a r e a r l y i n l i f e a n d r e m a i n s t a b l e o v e r m u c h o f 

t h e l i f e c o u r s e . T h e k e y i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e f a c t o r i n t h e i r t h e o r y i s l o w

s e l f - c o n t r o l , t h a t i s , t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l s a r e v u l n e r a b l e t o t h e

temptations of the moment. People with low self-control are impulsive, take

risks, have low cognitive and academic skills, are egocentric, have low empathy, and have short time horizons.

Hence, they find it hard to defer gratification; and their decisions to offend are insufficiently influenced by the

p o s s i b l e f u t u r e p a i n f u l c o n s e q u e n c e s o f o f f e n d i n g .

E X P L A I N I N G A N D P R E V E N T I N G Y O U T H F U L O F F E N D I N G

2 6 1

Gottfredson and Hirschi argued that crimes were part of a larger category

o f d e v i a n t a c t s ( i n c l u d i n g s u b s t a n c e a b u s e , h e a v y s m o k i n g , h e a v y d r i n k i n g ,

h e a v y g a m b l i n g , s e x u a l p r om i s c u i t y , t r u a n t i n g , a n d r o a d a c c i d e n t s ) , w h i c h

w e r e a l l b e h a v i o r a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f t h e k e y u n d e r l y i n g t h e o r e t i c a l construct 

of low self-control. They conceded that self-control, as an internal inhibitor, is similar to the conscience but 

preferred the term self-control

b e c a u s e t h e i d e a o f t h e c o n s c i e n c e i s l e s s a p p l i c a b l e t o s o m e o f t h e w i d e r

category of acts that they were concerned with (e.g., accidents). Their theory

easily explains the considerable versatility of antisocial behavior.

They argued that differences in self-control among individuals are present 

early in life (by ages six to eight), are remarkably stable over time, and are

e s s e n t i a l l y c a u s e d b y d i f f e r e n c e s i n p a r e n t a l c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s . M u c h

p a r e n t i n g i s c o n c e r n e d w i t h s u p p r e s s i n g i m p u l s i v e b e h a v i o r , w i t h m a k i n g

c h i l d r e n c o n s i d e r t h e l o n g - r a n g e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e i r a c t s , a n d w i t h m a k -

ing them sensitive to the needs and feelings of others. Poor parental supervis i o n c o n t r i b u t e s t o l o w s e

l f - c o n t r o l , a n d p o o r p a r e n t a l s u p e r v i s i o n i s m o r e

c o m m o n i n l a r g e f a m i l i e s , a m o n g s i n g l e p a r e n t s , a n d a m o n g c r i m i n a l p a r -

e n t s . A m b i t i o u s l y , G o t t f r e d s o n a n d Hirschi a i m e d t o p r e s e n t a t h e o r y t h a t 

applies to all kinds of crimes in all kinds of cultures.

The Farrington Theory

T h e m o d e m t r e n d i s t o t r y t o a c h i e v e i n c r e a s e d e x p l a n a t o r y p o w e r b y i n t e -

grating propositions derived from several earlier theories (e.g., Elliott et al.,

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1985; Hawkins and Weis, 1985; Pearson and Weiner, 1985). This writers own

theory of offending and antisocial behavior (Farrington, 1986b, 1992b, 1993c)

is also integrative, and it distinguishes explicitly between the long-term dev e l o p m e n t o f a n t i s o c i a l t e n

d e n c y a n d t h e i m m e d i a t e o c c u r r e n c e o f o f f e n s e s

a n d o t h e r antisocial a c t s . T h e l e v e l o f a n t i s o c i a l t e n d e n c y d e p e n d s o n energizing, d

i r e c t i n g , a n d i n h i b i t i n g p r o c e s s e s . T h e o c c u r r e n c e o f o f f e n s e s a n d

other antisocial acts depends on the interaction between the individual (with

a certain degree of antisocial tendency) and the social environment in a decis i o n - m a k i n g p r o c e s s .

The main energizing factors that ultimately lead to variations in antisocial

tendency are desires for material goods, status among intimates, excitement,

boredom, frustration, anger, and alcohol consumption. The desire for excitement may be greater among children

from poorer families, perhaps because

e x c i t e m e n t i s m o r e h i g h l y v a l u e d b y l o w e r - c l a s s p e o p l e t h a n b y middlec l a s s o n

e s , b e c a u s e p o o r e r c h i l d r e n t h i n k t h e y l e a d m o r e b o r i n g l i v e s , o r

because poorer children are less able to postpone immediate gratification in

f a v o r o f l o n g - t e r m g o a l s ( w h i c h c o u l d b e l i n k e d t o t h e e m p h a s i s i n lowerclass

culture on the concrete and present as opposed to the abstract and

f u t u r e ) .

I n t h e d i r e c t i n g s t a g e , t h e s e m o t i v a t i o n s l e a d t o a n i n c r e a s e i n a n t i s o c i a l2 6 2

DAVID P . F A R R I N G T O N

t e n d e n c y i f s o c i a l l y d i s a p p r o v e d m e t h o d s o f s a t i s f y i n g t h e m a r e h a b i t u a l l y

c h o s e n . T h e m e t h o d s c h o s e n d e p e n d o n m a t u r a t i o n a n d b e h a v i o r a l s k i l l s ;

for example, a five-year-old would have difficulty stealing a car. Some people (e.g., children from poorer families)

are less able to satisfy their desires

f o r m a t e r i a l g o o d s , e x c i t e m e n t , a n d s o c i a l s t a t u s b y l e g a l o r s o c i a l l y a p -

proved methods and so tend to choose illegal or socially disapproved methods. The relative inability of poorer

children to achieve goals by legitimate

m e t h o d s c o u l d b e a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e i r t e n d e n c y t o f a i l i n s c h o o l a n d t o h a v e

erratic, low-status employment histories. School failure in turn may often be

a consequence of both the unstimulating intellectual environment that 

l o w e r - c l a s s p a r e n t s t e n d t o p r o v i d e f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n a n d t h e i r l a c k o f e m -

phasis on abstract concepts.

I n t h e i n h i b i t i n g stage, a n t i s o c i a l t e n d e n c y c a n b e r e d u c e d ( o r i n c r e a s e d )

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by internalized beliefs and attitudes that have been built up in a social learning p r o c e s s a s a r e s u l t o f a

h i s t o r y o f r e w a r d s a n d p u n i s h m e n t s . A s t r o n g

conscience, that is, the belief that offending is wrong, tends to be built up if 

p a r e n t s a r e i n f a v o r o f l e g a l n o r m s , i f t h e y e x e r c i s e c l o s e s u p e r v i s i o n o v e r

t h e i r c h i l d r e n , a n d i f t h e y p u n i s h s o c i a l l y d i s a p p r o v e d b e h a v i o r u s i n g loveo r i

e n t e d d i s c i p l i n e . A n t i s o c i a l t e n d e n c y c a n a l s o b e i n h i b i t e d b y e m p a t h y ,

which may develop as a result of parental warmth and loving relationships.

There are individual differences in the development of these internal inhibit i o n s . b e c a u s e o f a s s o c i a t e

d n e u r o l o g i c a l d y s f u n c t i o n s , c h i l d r e n w i t h h i g h

impulsivity and low intelligence are less able to build up internal inhibitions

against offending, and therefore they tend to have a high level of antisocial

t e n d e n c y .

The level of antisocial tendency can also be increased in a social learning

p r o c e s s i f c h i l d r e n a r e s u r r o u n d e d b y a n t i s o c i a l m o d e l s ( c r i m i n a l p a r e n t s

a n d s i b l i n g s , d e l i n q u e n t p e e r s i n d e l i n q u e n t s c h o o l s a n d c r i m i n a l a r e a s ) .

The belief that offending is legitimate, and anti-establishment attitudes gene r a l l y , t e n d t o b e b u i l t u p

i f c h i l d r e n h a v e b e e n e x p o s e d t o a t t i t u d e s a n d

b e h a v i o r f a v o r i n g o f f e n d i n g ( e . g . , i n a m o d e l i n g p r o c e s s ) , e s p e c i a l l y b y

members of their family, by their friends, and in their communities.

I n t h e d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g s t a g e , w h i c h s p e c i f i e s t h e i n t e r a c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e

i n d i v i d u a l a n d t h e e n v i r o n m e n t , w h e t h e r a p e r s o n w i t h a c e r t a i n d e g r e e o f 

a n t i s o c i a l t e n d e n c y c o m m i t s a n a n t i s o c i a l a c t i n a g i v e n s i t u a t i o n d e p e n d s

o n o p p o r t u n i t i e s , c o s t s , a n d b e n e f i t s a n d o n t h e s u b j e c t i v e p r o b a b i l i t i e s o f 

the different outcomes. The costs and benefits include immediate situational

factors, such as the material goods that can be stolen, and the likelihood and

c o n s e q u e n c e s o f b e i n g c a u g h t b y t h e p o l i c e , a s p e r c e i v e d b y t h e i n d i v i d u a l .

T h e y a l s o i n c l u d e s o c i a l f a c t o r s , s u c h a s l i k e l y d i s a p p r o v a l b y p a r e n t s o r

s p o u s e s , a n d e n c o u r a g e m e n t o r r e i n f o r c e m e n t f r o m p e e r s . I n g e n e r a l , p e o -

p l e t e n d t o m a k e r a t i o n a l d e c i s i o n s . H o w e v e r , m o r e i m p u l s i v e p e o p l e a r e

l e s s l i k e l y t o c o n s i d e r t h e p o s s i b l e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e i r a c t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y

consequences that are likely to be long delayed.

E X P L A I N I N G A N D P R E V E N T I N G Y O U T H F U L O F F E N D I N G 263

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The consequences of offending may, as a result of a learning process, lead

t o c h a n g e s i n a n t i s o c i a l t e n d e n c y o r i n t h e c o s t - b e n e f i t c a l c u l a t i o n . S u c h

changes are especially likely if the consequences are reinforcing (e.g., gaini n g m a t e r i a l g o o d s o r p e e r

a p p r o v a l ) o r p u n i s h i n g ( e . g . , l e g a l s a n c t i o n s o r

parental disapproval). Also, if the consequences involve labeling or stigmatizing the offenders, it may be more

difficult for them to achieve their aims

l e g a l l y , h e n c e t h e y m a y i n c r e a s e t h e i r a n t i s o c i a l t e n d e n c y . I n o t h e r w o r d s ,

e v e n t s t h a t o c c u r a f t e r o f f e n d i n g m a y l e a d t o c h a n g e s i n e n e r g i z i n g , d i r e c t -

ing, inhibiting, or decision-making processes in a dynamic system.

W h e n t h e t h e o r y i s a p p l i e d t o e x p l a i n s o m e o f t h e r e s u l t s r e v i e w e d h e r e ,

it appears that children from poorer families may be likely to offend because

they are less able to achieve their goals legally and because they value some

g o a l s ( e . g . , e x c i t e m e n t ) e s p e c i a l l y h i g h l y . C h i l d r e n w i t h l o w i n t e l l i g e n c e

m a y b e m o r e l i k e l y t o o f f e n d b e c a u s e t h e y t e n d t o f a i l i n s c h o o l a n d h e n c e

cannot achieve their goals legally. Impulsive children, and those with a poor

a b i l i t y t o m a n i p u l a t e a b s t r a c t c o n c e p t s , m a y b e m o r e l i k e l y t o o f f e n d b e -

c a u s e t h e y d o n o t g i v e s u f f i c i e n t c o n s i d e r a t i o n a n d w e i g h t t o t h e p o s s i b l e

c o n s e q u e n c e s o f o f f e n d i n g . A l s o , c h i l d r e n w i t h l o w i n t e l l i g e n c e a n d h i g h

irnpulsivity are less able to build up internal inhibitions against offending.

Children who are exposed to poor child-rearing behavior, parental disharm o n y , o r p a r e n t a l s e p a r a t i o

n m a y b e l i k e l y t o o f f e n d b e c a u s e t h e y d o n o t 

build up internal inhibitions against socially disapproved behavior; children

f r o m c r i m i n a l f a m i l i e s a n d t h o s e w i t h d e l i n q u e n t f r i e n d s t e n d t o b u i l d u p

a n t i - e s t a b l i s h m e n t a t t i t u d e s a n d t h e b e l i e f t h a t o f f e n d i n g i s j u s t i f i a b l e . T h e

w h o l e p r o c e s s i s s e l f - p e r p e t u a t i n g i n t h a t p o v e r t y , l o w i n t e l l i g e n c e , a n d

early school failure lead to truancy and a lack of educational qualifications,

w h i c h l e a d t o l o w - s t a t u s j o b s a n d periods of u n e m p l o y m e n t , b o t h o f w h i c h

in turn make it harder to achieve goals legitimately.

I t i s i m p o r t a n t t o t r y t o e x p l a i n t h e o n s e t , p e r s i s t e n c e , a n d desistance o f 

o f f e n d i n g . T h e o n s e t o f o f f e n d i n g m i g h t b e c a u s e d b y i n c r e a s e d m o t i v a t i o n

( a n i n c r e a s i n g n e e d f o r m a t e r i a l g o o d s , s t a t u s , a n d e x c i t e m e n t ) , a g r o w i n g

l i k e l i h o o d o f c h o o s i n g s o c i a l l y d i s a p p r o v e d m e t h o d s ( p o s s i b l y l i n k e d t o a

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change in dominant social influences from parents to peers), a growth in the

facilitating influences of peers, greater opportunities (because of increasing

f r e e d o m f r o m p a r e n t a l c o n t r o l a n d m o r e t i m e s p e n t w i t h p e e r s ) , o r a n i n -

crease in the expected utility of offending (because of the greater importance

of peer approval and lesser importance of parental disapproval).

Persistence depends on the stability of the underlying antisocial tendency,

w h i c h i s b u i l t u p i n a l o n g - t e r m l e a r n i n g p r o c e s s . T h e r e l a t i v e o r d e r i n g o f 

people of antisocial tendency tends to stay relatively constant over time, be

cause energizing, directing, and inhibiting factors are built up in childhood

a n d t h e r e a f t e r c h a n g e r a t h e r s l o w l y . Desistance f r o m o f f e n d i n g c o u l d b e

linked to an increasing ability to satisfy desires by legal means (e.g., obtaini n g m a t e r i a l g o o d s t h r o u g h

e m p l o y m e n t , a c h i e v i n g s e x u a l g r a t i f i c a t i o n264 D A V I D P. FARRINGTON

t h r o u g h m a r r i a g e ) , a g r o w t h i n t h e i n h i b i t i n g i n f l u e n c e s o f s p o u s e s a n d coh a

b i t e e s , f e w e r o p p o r t u n i t i e s (because o f l e s s t i m e s p e n t w i t h p e e r s ) , a n d a

d e c r e a s e i n t h e e x p e c t e d u t i l i t y o f o f f e n d i n g ( b e c a u s e o f t h e l e s s e r i m p o r -

tance of peer approval and the greater importance of disapproval by spouses

a n d c o h a b i t e e s ) .

The prevalence of offending may increase to a peak between ages fourteen

a n d t w e n t y b e c a u s e b o y s ( e s p e c i a l l y l o w e r - c l a s s s c h o o l f a i l u r e s ) h a v e h i g h

i m p u l s i v i t y ; h i g h d e s i r e s f o r e x c i t e m e n t , m a t e r i a l g o o d s , a n d s o c i a l s t a t u s

between these ages; little chance of achieving their desires legally; and little

t o l o s e ( s i n c e l e g a l p e n a l t i e s a r e l e n i e n t a n d t h e i r i n t i m a t e s - m a l e peerso f t e n

a p p r o v e o f o f f e n d i n g ) . I n c o n t r a s t , a f t e r a g e t w e n t y , d e s i r e s b e c o m e

a t t e n u a t e d o r m o r e r e a l i s t i c , t h e r e i s m o r e p o s s i b i l i t y o f a c h i e v i n g t h e s e

more limited goals legally, and the costs of offending are greater (since legal

p e n a l t i e s a r e h a r s h e r a n d t h e i r i n t i m a t e s - - - w i v e s o r g i r l f r i e n d s - d i s a p p r o v e

o f o f f e n d i n g ) .

P r e v e n t i o n a n d T r e a tme n t 

Risk Factors, Causes, and Prevention

M e t h o d s o f p r e v e n t i n g o r t r e a t i n g a n t i s o c i a l b e h a v i o r s h o u l d b e b a s e d o n

e m p i r i c a l l y v a l i d a t e d t h e o r i e s a b o u t c a u s e s . I n t h i s s e c t i o n , i m p l i c a t i o n s

about prevention and treatment are drawn from some of the risk factors and

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likely causes of antisocial behavior listed above. It will focus more on risk 

f a c t o r s t h a n o n t h e t h e o r y b e i n g p r e s e n t e d , a l t h o u g h t h e t h e o r y a i m s t o e x -

p l a i n t h e r i s k f a c t o r s a n d i s c o n c o r d a n t w i t h t h e p r e v e n t i o n i m p l i c a t i o n s .

T h e m a j o r e m p h a s i s i s o n t h e e a r l y p r e v e n t i o n o f o f f e n d i n g . G o r d o n a n d

Arbuthnot (1987), Kazdin (1985, 1987), and McCord and Tremblay (1992)

h a v e p r o v i d e d m o r e e x t e n s i v e r e v i e w s o f t h i s t o p i c . T h e f o c u s here is o n

r a n d o m i z e d e x p e r i m e n t s w i t h r e a s o n a b l y l a r g e s a m p l e s a n d w i t h o u t c o m e

m e a s u r e s o f o f f e n d i n g , s i n c e t h e e f f e c t o f a n y i n t e r v e n t i o n o n o f f e n d i n g c a n

b e d e m o n s t r a t e d m o s t c o n v i n c i n g l y i n s u c h e x p e r i m e n t s ( F a r r i n g t o n , 1 9 8 3 ;

F a r r i n g t o n e t a l . , 1 9 8 6 a ) . M a n y i n t e r e s t i n g e x p e r i m e n t s a r e e i t h e r n o t r a n -

d o m i z e d ( J o n e s a n d Offord, 1989), d o n o t h a v e o u t c o m e m e a s u r e s o f o f f e n d -

i n g ( K a z d i n e t a l . , 1 9 8 7 ; 1989), o r a r e b a s e d o n v e r y s m a l l s a m p l e s ( S h o r e

and Masdimo, 1979).

It is difficult to know how and when it is best to intervene, because of the

l a c k o f k n o w l e d g e a b o u t d e v e l o p m e n t a l s e q u e n c e s ; a g e s a t w h i c h c a u s a l

factors are most salient; and influences on onset, persistence, and desistance.

F o r e x a m p l e , i f t r u a n c y l e a d s t o d e l i n q u e n c y i n a , d e v e l o p m e n t a l s e q u e n c e ,

i n t e r v e n i n g s u c c e s s f u l l y t o d e c r e a s e t r u a n c y s h o u l d l e a d t o a d e c r e a s e i n

d e l i n q u e n c y . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , i f t r u a n c y a n d d e l i n q u e n c y a r e m e r e l y d i f -

f e r e n t b e h a v i o r a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f t h e s a m e u n d e r l y i n g c o n s t r u c t , t a c k l i n g

o n e s y m p t o m w o u l d n o t n e c e s s a r i l y c h a n g e t h e u n d e r l y i n g c o n s t r u c t . ExE X P L

A I N I N G A N D P R E V E N T I N G Y O U T H F U L O F F E N D I N G 265

p e r i m e n t s a r e u s e f u l i n d i s t i n g u i s h i n g b e t w e e n d e v e l o p m e n t a l s e q u e n c e s

and different manifestations, and indeed Berg et al. (1979) found experimentally that decreases in truancy were

followed by decreases in delinquency.

A n i m p o r t a n t c o n s e q u e n c e o f t h e c o n t i n u i t y i n a n t i s o c i a l b e h a v i o r o v e r

time is that potential offenders can be identified at an early age with a reas o n a b l e d e g r e e o f a c c u r a c y .

I n t h e C a m b r i d g e s t u d y , F a r r i n g t o n ( 1 9 8 5 ) d e -

v e l o p e d a p r e d i c t i o n s c a l e b a s e d o n e a r l y a n t i s o c i a l b e h a v i o r , c o n v i c t e d

p a r e n t s , s o c i o e c o n o m i c d e p r i v a t i o n , l o w i n t e l l i g e n c e , a n d p o o r p a r e n t a l

child-rearing behavior-all measured at ages eight to ten. This scale was

c o n s t r u c t e d i n a r a n d o m l y c h o s e n h a l f o f t h e s a m p l e a n d v a l i d a t e d i n t h e

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o t h e r h a l f , w i t h v e r y l i t t l e s h r i n k a g e i n p r e d i c t i v e e f f i c i e n c y . T h e 5 5 b o y s

with the highest prediction scores included the majority of chronic offenders

w i t h s i x o r m o r e c o n v i c t i o n s u p t o a g e t w e n t y - f i v e ( 1 5 o u t o f 23), 2 2 o t h e r

c o n v i c t e d m a l e s ( o u t o f 1 0 9 w i t h b e t w e e n o n e a n d f i v e c o n v i c t i o n s ) , a n d

only 18 unconvicted males (out of 265).

T h e i d e a s o f e a r l y i n t e r v e n t i o n a n d p r e v e n t i v e t r e a t m e n t r a i s e n u m e r o u s

theoretical, practical, ethical, and legal issues. For example, should prevention techniques be targeted narrowly, on

children identified as potential delinquents, or more widely, on all children living in a certain high-risk area

(e.g., deprived public housing)? It would be most efficient to target the child r e n w h o a r e m o s t i n n e e d

o f t h e t r e a t m e n t . A l s o , s o m e t r e a t m e n t s m a y b e

ineffective if they are targeted widely, if they depend on raising the level of 

those at the bottom of the heap relative to everyone else. However, the most 

e x t r e m e g r o u p m a y a l s o b e t h e m o s t r e s i s t a n t t o t r e a t m e n t o r d i f f i c u l t t o

engage, so there may be a greater payoff in targeting those who are not quite

t h e m o s t i n n e e d . A l s o , i t m i g h t b e a r g u e d t h a t e a r l y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n c o u l d

have undesirable labeling or stigmatizing effects, although the most extreme

c a s e s a r e l i k e l y t o b e s t i g m a t i z e d a n y w a y , a n d t h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e t h a t 

i d e n t i f i c a t i o n f o r p r e v e n t i v e t r e a t m e n t i n i t s e l f i s d a m a g i n g . T h e d e g r e e o f 

stigmatization, if any, is likely to depend on the nature of the treatment. In

order to gain political acceptance, it may be best to target areas rather than

i n d i v i d u a l s .

The ethical issues raised by early intervention depend on the level of predictive accuracy and might perhaps be

resolved by weighing the social costs

against the social benefits. In the Cambridge study, Farrington et al. (1988a,

1 9 8 8 b ) f o u n d t h a t t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f v u l n e r a b l e b o y s i d e n t i f i e d a t a g e t e n

w e r e c o n v i c t e d . I t m i g h t b e a r g u e d t h a t , i f p r e v e n t i v e t r e a t m e n t h a d b e e n

a p p l i e d t o t h e s e b o y s , t h e o n e - q u a r t e r w h o w e r e f a l s e p o s i t i v e s w o u l d

have been treated unnecessarily. However, if the treatment consisted of extra

w e l f a r e b e n e f i t s t o f a m i l i e s a n d w a s e f f e c t i v e i n r e d u c i n g t h e o f f e n d i n g o f 

t h e o t h e r t h r e e - q u a r t e r s , t h e b e n e f i t s m i g h t o u t w e i g h t h e c o s t s , a n d e a r l y

i d e n t i f i c a t i o n m i g h t b e j u s t i f i a b l e . A c t u a l l y , t h e v u l n e r a b l e boys w h o w e r e

n o t c o n v i c t e d h a d o t h e r t y p e s o f s o c i a l p r o b l e m s , a m o n g t h e m h a v i n g f e w

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o r n o f r i e n d s a t a g e e i g h t a n d l i v i n g a l o n e i n p o o r h o m e c o n d i t i o n s a t a g e266

D A V I D I. F A R R I N G T O N

t h i r t y - t w o . T h e r e f o r e , e v e n t h e u n c o n v i c t e d m a l e s i n t h e s u r v e y m i g h t h a v e

n e e d e d a n d b e n e f i t e d f r o m s o m e k i n d o f p r e v e n t i v e t r e a t m e n t d e s i g n e d t o

alleviate their problems. Blumstein et al. (1985) developed an explicit 

m e t h o d o f t a k i n g s o c i a l c o s t s a n d b e n e f i t s i n t o a c c o u n t i n p r e d i c t i o n e x e r -

cises.

Can Offending Be Prevented and Treated Successfully?

In the 1970s there was a widespread belief, stimulated by influential reviews

b y M a r t i n s o n ( 1 9 7 4 ) i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s a n d B r o d y ( 1 9 7 6 ) i n E n g l a n d , t h a t 

existing treatment techniques had no differential effects on the recidivism of 

d e t e c t e d o f f e n d e r s . T h i s c o n c l u s i o n w a s s u b s t a n t i a l l y e n d o r s e d b y a N a -

t i o n a l A c a d e m y o f S c i e n c e s p a n e l i n a n i m p r e s s i v e , m e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y s o -

phisticated review (Sechrest et al., 1979). However, for a number of reasons,

i t s h o u l d n o t b e c o n c l u d e d t h a t n o t h i n g w o r k s , n o r e v e n t h a t e v e r y t h i n g

works equally well.

Martinsons (1974) conclusions were based on the Lipton et al. (1975) rev i e w o f 2 3 1 s t u d i e s o f t h e e

f f e c t i v e n e s s o f c o r r e c t i o n a l t r e a t m e n t b e t w e e n

1945 and 1967. However, Thornton (1987) found that only 38 of these studies

m e t m i n i m u m m e t h o d o l o g i c a l s t a n d a r d s , c o n t a i n e d m a t c h e d o r r a n d o m -

i z e d c o m p a r i s o n g r o u p s , a n d i n c l u d e d a n o u t c o m e m e a s u r e o f r e c i d i v i s m .

For nearly all of these studies (34 out of 38), the treatment was psychologic a l i n n a t u r e , s u c h a s i n d

i v i d u a l c o u n s e l i n g , p s y c h o t h e r a p y , o r c a s e w o r k .

Of these 34 psychological studies, 16 showed that the treatment was effective

i n r e d u c i n g r e c i d i v i s m , 1 7 f o u n d n o s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e , a n d o n l y o n e

f o u n d t h a t t h e t r e a t m e n t w a s h a r m f u l . t h e s e n u m b e r s w e r e m o r e c o m p a t i -

 b l e w i t h t h e h y p o t h e s i s t h a t p s y c h o l o g i c a l t r e a t m e n t h a d b e n e f i c i a l e f f e c t s

t h a n w i t h t h e h y p o t h e s i s t h a t p s y c h o l o g i c a l t r e a t m e n t h a d n o e f f e c t ( s i n c e

t h a t w o u l d h a v e p r e d i c t e d e q u a l n u m b e r s o f p o s i t i v e a n d n e g a t i v e r e s u l t s ) .

o t h e r c o m m e n t a t o r s ( e . g . , g e n d r e a u a n d r o s s , 1 9 7 9 , 1 9 8 7 ; r o s s a n d gend r e a u ,

1 9 8 0 ) a l s o a r g u e d t h a t t h e r e w e r e m a n y e x a m p l e s o f e f f e c t i v e c o r -

rectional treatment. also, martinson (1979) later rejected his original

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c o n c l u s i o n s a b o u t t h e i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f t r e a t m e n t .

i n t h e p a s t d e c a d e , r e v i e w s o f t h e e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f c o r r e c t i o n a l t r e a t m e n t

h a v e i n c r e a s i n g l y u s e d t h e t e c h n i q u e o f m e t a - a n a l y s i s ( h e d g e s a n d o l k i n ,

1 9 8 5 ) t o s u m m a r i z e r e s u l t s f r o m a n u m b e r o f s t u d i e s . t h i s t e c h n i q u e r e -

quires the calculation of a comparable effect size (es) in each study, usually

d e f i n e d a s t h e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n t h e a v e r a g e s c o r e o f a t r e a t e d g r o u p a n d

the average score of a control group, expressed in standard deviation units.

t h i s e s m e a s u r e i s n o t v e r y r e l e v a n t t o s t u d i e s o f c o r r e c t i o n a l t r e a t m e n t ,

w h e r e t h e m a i n i n t e r e s t i s u s u a l l y i n t h e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n t h e p r o p o r t i o n

o f a t r e a t e d g r o u p r e c o n v i c t e d a n d t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f a c o n t r o l g r o u p r e c o n -

v i c t e d . h o w e v e r , a t l e a s t f o r e f f e c t s i z e s b e l o w 1 , t h e d i f f e r e n c e i n p r o p o r -

t i o n s i s r o u g h l y h a l f t h e e s . t h u s , a n e s o f .2 c o r r e s p o n d s t o a 1 0 p e r c e n t

e x p l a i n i n g a n d p r e v e n t i n g y o u t h f u l o f f e n d i n g 267

d i f f e r e n c e i n r e c i d i v i s m r a t e s ( e . g . , 4 0 p e r c e n t v e r s u s 5 0 p e r c e n t ) b e t w e e n

treated and control groups. an es of .2 or greater has considerable practical

significance.

the most important meta-analyses all focus on adjudicated juvenile delinquents. in an analysis of 111 institutional

treatment studies, garrett (1985)

r e p o r t e d a m e a n e s o f .37 f o r a l l o u t c o m e s o f c o r r e c t i o n a l t r e a t m e n t , b u t

o n l y .13 f o r r e c i d i v i s m s p e c i f i c a l l y . m o s t o f h e r o u t c o m e m e a s u r e s w e r e o f 

i n s t i t u t i o n a l o r p s y c h o l o g i c a l a d j u s t m e n t o r a c a d e m i c o r v o c a t i o n a l s k i l l s .

 behavioral treatments were generally effective in reducing recidivism (mean

es = .18), but psychodynamic techniques were not (mean es = -.01). in

a n a n a l y s i s o f n i n e t y c o m m u n i t y - b a s e d t r e a t m e n t s t u d i e s , gottschalk e t a l .

(1987) reported an identical mean es of .37 for overall effectiveness in treatment-control comparisons but a higher es for 

recidivism of .33. they conside r e d t h a t 5 6 p e r c e n t o f t r e a t m e n t s h a d b e n e f i c i a l e f f e c t s ,

4 3 p e r c e n t h a d n o

m a r k e d e f f e c t , a n d o n l y 1 p e r c e n t h a d h a r m f u l e f f e c t s .

w h i t e h e a d a n d l a b ( 1 9 8 9 ) d r e w m o r e p e s s i m i s t i c c o n c l u s i o n s f r o m t h e i r 

meta-analysis of fifty studies of juvenile correctional treatment, largely because they set a very high criterion (a phi

correlation of at least .2) for concluding that a treatment was effective. only sixteen of their fifty studies met

this criterion for recidivism. this value of the phi correlation approximates

to a 20 percent difference in recidivism rates (farrington and loeber, 1989)

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and to an es of .4. according to lipsey (1992), their mean es was 25, which

has some practical significance. andrews et al. (1990b) criticized whitehead

a n d l a b ¶ s r e v i e w a n d r e a n a l y z e d t h e i r d a t a , c o n c l u d i n g t h a t t h e m e a n p h i

correlation for ³appropriate´ treatments was .3, corresponding to a halving

of recidivism rates in many cases. overall, behavioral treatments had a high

m e a n p h i c o r r e l a t i o n o f .29 ( o r a m e a n e s o f a b o u t .6), w h e r e a s nonbehavioral

treatments had a mean phi correlation of only . o 4 (andrews et al.,

1990a).

r o b e r t s a n d c a m a s s o ( 1 9 9 1 ) r e v i e w e d 4 6 s t u d i e s o f j u v e n i l e c o r r e c t i o n a l

t r e a t m e n t p u b l i s h e d b e t w e e n 1 9 8 0 a n d 1 9 9 0 a n d r e p o r t e d a m e a n e s o f .36

f o r r e c i d i v i s m . h o w e v e r , t h e l a r g e s t m e t a - a n a l y s i s , b a s e d o n 4 4 3 s t u d i e s ,

w a s c o m p l e t e d b y l i p s e y ( 1 9 9 2 ) . o v e r a l l , h e c o n s i d e r e d t h a t t h e t r e a t m e n t

r e d u c e d o f f e n d i n g i n 6 4 p e r c e n t o f s t u d i e s , i n c r e a s e d o f f e n d i n g i n 3 0

 p e r -

c e n t , a n d m a d e n o d i f f e r e n c e i n 6 p e r c e n t . t h e m e a n e s f o r d e l i n q u e n c

y

outcomes in all studies was .17, and behavioral and skill-oriented programs

w e r e m o s t e f f e c t i v e , w i t h m e a n ess i n t h e .2-.3 r a n g e a f t e r v a r i o u s a d j u s

t -

m e n t s .

i t i s r e a s o n a b l e t o c o n c l u d e f r o m t h e m e t a - a n a l y s e s t h a t p s y c h o l o g i c a

l ,

a n d e s p e c i a l l y b e h a v i o r a l , t r e a t m e n t s g e n e r a l l y s u c c e e d i n r e d u c i n g t

h e r e -

cidivism rates of adjudicated juvenile offenders. the effect sizes are not large

(of the order of .2-.3), but they correspond to reductions of 10 to 15 percent

in the proportion reconvicted, which is a decrease of some practical signific a n c e . p e r s o n a l l y , w e pr e f e r m o r e t r a d i t i o n a l m e t h o d s o f r e v i e w i n g a n d268 d a v i d p. f a r r i n c t o n

summarizing the literature to meta-analysis. it seems more useful to identify

t h e m o s t a d e q u a t e s t u d i e s m e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y ( e . g . , r a n d o m i z e d e x p e r i

m e n t s

w i t h l a r g e s a m p l e s , l o n g f o l l o w - u p p e r i o d s , a n d o u t c o m e m e a s u r e s o f 

o f -

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Fending) and to review the best studies in detail rather than to try to summarize a large number of projects with

varying degrees of methodological

a d e q u a c y a n d r e l e v a n c e .

w h y d o t r e a t m e n t s n o t c a u s e a g r e a t e r r e d u c t i o n i n r e c i d i v i s m ? t h e r e

a r e m a n y p o s s i b l e r e a s o n s , i n c l u d i n g t h e f a c t t h a t i n t e r v e n t i o n s m a y

n o t b e

s u f f i c i e n t l y p o w e r f u l ( e . g . , a v e r a g i n g o n l y o n e h o u r p e r w e e k i n t h e r

e v i e w

 b y gottschalk e t a l . , 1987), e s p e c i a l l y i n c o m p a r i s o n t o t h e o v e r w h e l m i n g

i n f l u e n c e o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l ( e . g . , f a m i l y , p e e r , c o m m u n i t y ) f a c t o r s . a

n o t h e r 

 p r o b l e m i s t h e p e r s i s t e n c e o f o f f e n d i n g a n d a n t i s o c i a l b e h a v i o r o v e r

i m e .

Kazdin (1987) suggested that serious antisocial behavior might be viewed as

a c h r o n i c d i s e a s e t h a t r e q u i r e s c o n t i n u a l m o n i t o r i n g a n d i n t e r v e n t i o n

o v e r 

the life course. It might be desirable to distinguish chronic and less seriously

d e l i n q u e n t j u v e n i l e s a n d t o a p p l y d i f f e r e n t t y p e s o f i n t e r v e n t i o n s t o t

h e s e

two categories (LeBlanc and Frechette, 1989). If the chronics are the worst 5

 percent, interventions applied to the next 10 percent may be more successful.

Conclusions

A g r e a t d e a l h a s b e e n l e a r n e d i n t h e l a s t t w e n t y y e a r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y f r

o m

longitudinal surveys, about risk factors for offending and other types of antis o c i a l b e h a v i o r . O f f e n

d e r s d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y f r o m n o n o f f e n d e r s i n m a n y

r e s p e c t s , i n c l u d i n g i m p u l s i v i t y , i n t e l l i g e n c e , f a m i l y b a c k g r o u n d , p e e

r i n -

f l u e n c e , s o c i o e c o n o m i c d e p r i v a t i o n , a n d r e s i d e n c e i n d e p r i v e d i n n e r -

c i t y

a r e a s . T h e s e d i f f e r e n c e s a r e p r e s e n t b e f o r e , d u r i n g , a n d a f t e r c r i m i n a

l c a -

reers. Since most is known about risk factors for prevalence and onset, more

r e s e a r c h i s n e e d e d o n r i s k f a c t o r s f o r f r e q u e n c y , d u r a t i o n , e s c a l a t i o n

, a n d

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desistance. While the precise causal chains that link these factors with antis o c i a l b e h a v i o r - a n d t h e

w a y s i n w h i c h t h e s e f a c t o r s h a v e i n d e p e n d e n t , i n -

teractive, or sequential effects-are not known, it is clear that individuals at

risk can be identified with reasonable accuracy.

Offending is one element of a larger syndrome of antisocial behavior that

a r i s e s i n c h i l d h o o d a n d t e n d s t o p e r s i s t i n t o a d u l t h o o d , w i t h n u m e r o us d i f -

f e r e n t b e h a v i o r a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s . H o w e v e r , w h i l e t h e r e i s c o n t i n u i t y

o v e r 

time in the relative ordering of people¶s antisocial behavior, changes are also

o c c u r r i n g . I t i s c o m m o n l y f o u n d t h a t a b o u t h a l f o f a s a m p l e o f a n t i s o

c i a l

c h i l d r e n g o o n t o b e c o m e a n t i s o c i a l t e e n a g e r s , a n d a b o u t h a l f o f a n t i s

o c i a l

t e e n a g e r s g o o n t o b e c o m e a n t i s o c i a l a d u l t s . M o r e r e s e a r c h i s n e e d e d

o n

f a c t o r s t h a t v a r y w i t h i n i n d i v i d u a l s a n d t h a t p r e d i c t t h e s e c h a n g e s o v

e r 

t i m e . R e s e a r c h i s e s p e c i a l l y n e e d e d o n c h a n g i n g b e h a v i o r a l m a n i f e s t a

t i o n s

a n d d e v e l o p m e n t a l s e q u e n c e s a t d i f f e r e n t a g e s . M o r e e f f o r t s s h o u l despeEXI¶LAINING A N D P R E V E N T I N G Y O U T H F U L O F F E N D I N G 269

c i a l l y b e m a d e t o i d e n t i f y f a c t o r s t h a t p r o t e c t v u l n e r a b l e c h i l d r e n f r o

m d e -

veloping into antisocial teenagers. More longitudinal surveys are needed.

T h e t h e o r y p r o p o s e d h e r e s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e k e y u n d e r l y i n g c o n s t r u c t i

s

³ a n t i s o c i a l t e n d e n c y ³ a n d t h a t o f f e n d i n g d e p e n d s o n e n e r g i z i n g , d i r e c

t i n g ,

inhibiting, decision-making, and social learning processes. It aims to explain

how individuals interact with situations to produce offenses. In addition to

e x p l a i n i n g d i f f e r e n c e s a m o n g i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h e p r e v a l e n c e o r f r e q u e

n c y o f 

o f f e n d i n g , t h e o r i e s s h o u l d e x p l a i n c h a n g e s w i t h i n i n d i v i d u a l s : w h y p

e o p l e

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start offending, why they continue or escalate their offending, and why they

s t o p o f f e n d i n g . F o r e x a m p l e , o n s e t m a y d e p e n d p r i m a r i l y o n p o o r p a r 

e n t a l

child-rearing behavior, persistence may depend on criminal parents and del i n q u e n t p e e r s , a n d

desistance m a y d e p e n d o n s e t t l i n g d o w n w i t h s p o u s e s

a n d c o h a b i t e e s .

The stability of antisocial behavior from childhood to adulthood suggests

I

t h a t d e l i n a u e n c v o r e v e n t i o n e f f o r t s s h o u l d b e i m p l e m e n t e d a s e a r l y i n

a

child¶s life as possible. Teenage pregnancy, substance use in pregnancy, and

 p e r i n a t a l c o m p l i c a t i o n s ( i n c l u d i n g l o w b i r t h w e i g h t ) a r e r i s k f a c t o r s

f o r a

variety of undesirable outcomes, including low intelligence and attainment,

h y p e r a c t i v i t y a n d i m p u l s i v i t y , a n d c h i l d c o n d u c t p r o b l e m s o f a g g r e s s i

o n

a n d d e l i n q u e n c y . H e n c e , i t i s i m p o r t a n t t o m o u n t d e l i n q u e n c y p r e v e n t

i o n

 programs targeting these risk factors and to follow up the children into adol e s c e n c e a n d a d u l t h o o d

t o e s t a b l i s h t h e l o n g - t e r m e f f e c t s o n d e l i n q u e n c y

a n d c r i m e . H o m e - v i s i t i n g p r o g r a m s t h a t a t t e m p t t o i m p r o v e c h i l d - r e a r

i n g

m e t h o d s a n d p a r e n t a l k n o w l e d g e a b o u t c h i l d d e v e l o p m e n t s e e m t o b e

q u i t e

effective. Cognitive-behavioral interpersonal skills training to improve selfc o n t r o l , p r e s c h o o l i n t e

l e c t u a l e n r i c h m e n t p r o g r a m s t o d e v e l o p c o g n i t i v e

skills, and parent management training also seem to be effective methods of 

 p r e v e n t i n g o f f e n d i n g .

References

Andrews, D. A., Zinger, I., Hoge, R. D., Bonta, J., Gendreau, E, & Cullen, F. T. (199Oa).

A human science approach or more punishment and pessimism: A rejoinder to

Lab and Whitehead. Criminology, 28,419-429.

Andrews, D. A., Zinger, I., Hoge, R. D., Bonta, J., Gendreau, I?, & CulIen, F. T. (199Ob).

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Does correctional treatment work? A clinically relevant and psychologically informed meta-analysis.

Criminology, 28,369~404.

Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall.

Berg, I., Hullin, R., & McGuire, R. (1979). A randomly controlled trial of two court

 procedures in truancy. In D. l? Farrington, K. Hawkins, & S. Lloyd-Bostock (Eds.),

Psychology, l a w and legal processes (pp. 143-151). London: Macmillan.

Blumstein, A., Farrington, D. P . & Moitra, S. (1985). Delinquency careers: Innocents,

desisters and persisters. In M. Tonry & N. Morris (Eds.), Crime and justice, v o l . 6

(pp. 1 Risk and Protective Factors, by Domain

Risk Factor 

Domain Early Onset (ages 6±11) Late Onset (ages 12±14) Protective Factor*

Individual General offenses

Substance use

Being male

Aggression**

Hyperactivity

Problem (antisocial) behavior 

Exposure to television

violence

Medical, physical problems

Low IQ

Antisocial attitudes, beliefs

Dishonesty**

General offenses

Restlessness

Difficulty concentrating**

Risk taking

Aggression**

Being male

Physical violence

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Antisocial attitudes, beliefs

Crimes against persons

Problem (antisocial) behavior 

Low IQ

Substance use

Intolerant attitude toward

deviance

High IQ

Being female

Positive social

orientation

Perceived sanctions for 

transgressions

Family Low socioeconomic

status/poverty

Antisocial parents

Poor parent-child relationship

Harsh, lax, or inconsistent

discipline

Broken home

Separation from parents

Other conditions

Abusive parents

 Neglect

Poor parent-child relationship

Harsh or lax discipline

Poor monitoring, supervision

Low parental involvement

Antisocial parents

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Broken home

Low socioeconomic

status/poverty

Abusive parents

Family conflict**

Warm, supportive

relationships with

 parents or other adults

Parents¶ positive

evaluation of peers

Parental monitoring

School Poor attitude, performance Poor attitude, performance

Academic failure

Commitment to school

Recognition for 

involvement in

conventional activities

Peer group Weak social ties

Antisocial peers

Weak social ties

Antisocial, delinquent peers

Gang membership

Friends who engage in

conventional behavior 

Community Neighborhood crime, drugs

 Neighborhood disorganization

* Age of onset not known.

** Males only.

Source: Adapted from Office of the Surgeon General, 2001.Risk Factors for Delinquency: An Overview

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5

Description of Risk Factors

Various researchers categorize risk factors in

different ways. For the purposes of this article, risk 

factors fall under three broad categories:

individual, social, and community. Each of these

categories includes several subcategories (e.g.,

family- and peer-related risk factors are grouped

under the social category). Because an exhaustive

review of all known risk factors linked to

delinquency is beyond the scope of this article,

3

the

following summarizes the major risk factors

associated with juvenile delinquency and violence.

Individual-Level Factors

Prenatal and perinatal factors. Several studies

have linked prenatal and perinatal complications

with later delinquent or criminal behavior (Kandel

et al., 1989; Kandel and Mednick, 1991; Raine,

Brennan, and Mednick, 1994). Prenatal and

 perinatal complications can lead to a range of 

health problems that negatively influence

development (McCord, Widom, and Crowell,

2001). In a prospective study of youth at high risk 

for delinquency, Kandel and Mednick (1991) found

that 80 percent of violent offenders rated high in

delivery complications compared with 47 percent

of nonoffenders.

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However, some of the evidence regarding the

association between pregnancy and delivery

complications and delinquency has been conflicting

(Hawkins et al., 1998). For example, neither 

Denno¶s (1990) study of Philadelphia youth nor 

Farrington¶s (1997) Cambridge study found a

connection between pregnancy and delivery

complications and violence. Mednick and Kandel

(1988) linked pregnancy and delivery complications

to violent behavior, but not to nonviolent criminal

 behavior. In addition, some studies have shown that

children whose mothers smoked cigarettes

frequently during pregnancy were more likely to

display conduct disorders and other problem

 behaviors (Fergusson, Horwood, and Lynskey,

1993; Wakschlag et al., 1997). Although the results

are inconsistent, the available data illustrate the

need to study further the relationship between

 prenatal care, delivery complications, and the

resulting health problems and juvenile delinquency

(Hawkins et al., 1998).

Psychological, behavioral, and mental

characteristics. Several individual-specific

characteristics are linked to delinquency. Tremblay

and LeMarquand (2001:141) remarked that ³the

 best social behavior characteristic to predict

delinquent behavior before age 13 appears to be

aggression.´ In addition, Hawkins and colleagues

(1998:113) reviewed several studies and reported ³a

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3

For a complete review of risk factors, see chapter 3 in

Juvenile Crime, Juvenile Justice (McCord, Widom, and

Crowell, 2001).Risk Factors for Delinquency: An Overview

6

 positive relationship between hyperactivity,

concentration or attention problems, impulsivity

and risk taking and later violent behavior.´ Low

verbal IQ and delayed language development have

 both been linked to delinquency; these links remain

even after controlling for race and class (Moffitt,

Lynam, and Silva, 1994; Seguin et al., 1995).

Similarly, problems at school can lead to

delinquency. Herrenkohl and colleagues

(2001:223) noted that ³children with low academic

 performance, low commitment to school, and low

educational aspirations during the elementary and

middle school grades are at higher risk for child

delinquency than are other children.´

Social Factors

Family structure. Family characteristics such as

 poor parenting skills, family size, home discord,

child maltreatment, and antisocial parents are risk 

factors linked to juvenile delinquency (Derzon and

Lipsey, 2000; Wasserman and Seracini, 2001).

McCord¶s (1979) study of 250 boys found that

among boys at age 10, the strongest predictors of 

later convictions for violent offenses (up to age 45)

were poor parental supervision, parental conflict,

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and parental aggression, including harsh, punitive

discipline. Some research has linked being raised in

a single-parent family with increased delinquency

(McCord, Widom, and Crowell, 2001); however,

when researchers control for socioeconomic

conditions, these differences are minimized

(Austin, 1978; Crockett, Eggebeen, and Hawkins,

1993). Some research has shown that children from

families with four or more children have an

increased chance of offending (Wasserman and

Seracini, 2001; West and Farrington, 1973).

Peer influences. Several studies have found a

consistent relationship between involvement in a

delinquent peer group and delinquent behavior.

Lipsey and Derzon (1998) noted that for youth ages

12±14, a key predictor variable for delinquency is

the presence of antisocial peers. According to

McCord and colleagues (2001:80), ³Factors such as

 peer delinquent behavior, peer approval of 

delinquent behavior, attachment or allegiance to

 peers, time spent with peers, and peer pressure for 

deviance have all been associated with adolescent

antisocial behavior.´ Conversely, Elliot (1994)

reported that spending time with peers who

disapprove of delinquent behavior may curb later 

violence. The influence of peers and their 

acceptance of delinquent behavior is significant,

and this relationship is magnified when youth have

little interaction with their parents (Steinberg,

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1987).

Community Factors

Farrington (2000:5) noted that ³only in the 1990¶s

have the longitudinal researchers begun to pay

sufficient attention to neighborhood and community

factors, and there is still a great need for them toRisk Factors for Delinquency: An Overview

7

investigate immediate situational influences on

offending.´ As described below, the environment

in which youth are reared can influence the

likelihood of delinquency.

School policies. The National Research Council

and the Institute of Medicine reviewed the impact

of school policies concerning grade retention,

4

suspension and expulsion, and school tracking of 

 juvenile delinquency. These organizations reported

that such policies, which disproportionately affect

minorities, have negative consequences for at-risk 

youth (McCord, Widom, and Crowell, 2001). For 

example, suspension and expulsion do not appear 

to reduce undesirable behavior, and both are linked

to increased delinquent behavior. In addition,

Heal¶s (1978) cross-sectional study of primary and

secondary schools in England found that large

schools with formal and severe punishment

structures in place had more incidents of students

misbehaving.

 Neighborhood. Existing research points to a

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 powerful connection between residing in an

adverse environment and participating in criminal

acts (McCord, Widom, and Crowell, 2001).

Sociological theories of deviance hypothesize that

³disorganized neighborhoods have weak social

control networks; that weak social control,

resulting from isolation among residents and high

residential turnover, allows criminal activity to go

unmonitored´ (Herrenkohl et al., 2001:221).

Although researchers debate the interaction between

environmental and personal factors, most agree that

³living in a neighborhood where there are high

levels of poverty and crime increases the risk of 

involvement in serious crime for all children

growing up there´ (McCord, Widom, and Crowell,

2001:89).

Conclusion

The risk factor paradigm is a promising approach to

understanding the problem of juvenile delinquency.

The Program of Research on the Causes and

Correlates of Delinquency, partially funded by

OJJDP, is one example of a longitudinal study of 

youth that is helping to detect the importance of 

various risk factors for delinquency. Future research

should continue to study the interrelationships

 between risk factors and delinquency and attempt to

clarify how risk factors interact to create a

cumulative effect. Similarly, researchers should

continue studying the interaction between risk and

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 protective factors and exploring why some youth

exposed to multiple risk factors do not commit

delinquent acts.

The development of the risk factor model, however,

has its problems. Farrington (2000:16) remarks that

³the main problems lie in the definition and

identification of risk and protective factors, in

4

Grade retention occurs when teachers hold students

 back a grade level at the end of the school year.Risk Factors for Delinquency: An Overview

8

establishing what are causes, in choosing

interventions based on identified risk and

 protective factors, in evaluating multiple

component and area-based interventions, and in

assessing the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness

of components of interventions.´

One question confronting those who would develop

delinquency prevention programs based on risk 

factor research is whether a given risk factor can

easily be changed. For example, research has

shown that low socioeconomic status is associated

with increased levels of delinquency. Although

socioeconomic conditions may be hard to change,

 programs may seek to increase certain protective

factors to offset the risk. Other risk factors are

more amenable to change. Poor parenting, for 

example, can be addressed by programs that teach

 parenting skills and provide family support

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services.

The prevention of delinquency is a complex

 problem with no simple solutions. Risk factor 

analysis offers a way to determine which youth are

most likely to become delinquent. The approach

also allows practitioners to tailor prevention

 programs to the unique needs of individual youth

and communities.

References

Austin, R.L. 1978. Race, father absence and female

delinquency. Criminology 15(4):487±504.

Coie, J.D., Watt, N.F., West, S.G., Hawkins, D.,

Asarnow, J.R., Markman, H.J., Ramey, S.L., Shure,

M.B., and Long, B. 1993. The science of 

 prevention: A conceptual framework and some

directions for a national research program.

American Psychologist 48(10):1013±1022.

Crockett, L.J., Eggebeen, D.J., and Hawkins, A.J.

1993. Father¶s presence and young children¶s

 behavioral and cognitive adjustment. Journal of 

Family Issues 14(3):355±377.

Denno, D.W. 1990. Biology and Violence: From

Birth to Adulthood. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge

University Press.

Derzon, J.H., and Lipsey, M.W. 2000. The

correspondence of family features with problem,

aggressive, criminal and violent behavior.

Unpublished manuscript. Nashville, TN: Institute

for Public Policy Studies, Vanderbilt University.

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Elliott, D.S. 1994. Serious violent offenders: Onset,

developmental course, and termination²The

American Society of Criminology 1993 presidential

address. C