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Educational Attainment and CareerProgression for British Muslim Women:Some Challenges and OpportunitiesSiraj Ahmed ShaikhPublished online: 19 Apr 2011.

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Educational Attainment and Career Progression forBritish Muslim Women: Some Challenges andOpportunities

SIRAJ AHMED SHAIKH

Abstract

British Muslim women lag far behind other sections of the British society in

educational achievement, particularly in higher education. This paper examines

the conservative culture of first-generation Muslim immigrants that discourages

social interaction and learning in a liberal Western setting. It surveys the underlying

theological aspects of Islam to show that no racial, cultural or gender bias is promoted

when it comes towho should learn and pursue knowledge; on the contrary, learning in

Islam is an obligation for all. It then explores two of the critical factors that influence

British Muslim women’s participation in education namely, the issue of arranged

marriages and the wearing of modest dressing and veils. These issues have become

somewhat of obstacles to Muslim women in their participation in educational insti-

tutions and career progression in Britain. Do these factors necessarily hinder

Muslimwomen?What other aspects of British life contribute to their lack of academic

achievement? If so, what is the way forward? The paper attempts to answer some of

these issues in an exposition limited by both length and time.

Introduction

There are over 1.6 millionMuslims living in Britain today.1With close to 3 percent of the

entire population of the country and constituting as the largest minority, BritishMuslims

form a sizeable chunk of the British population. In England as well, Muslims form the

largest religious minority with over 3 percent of its population. While there is no

doubt to their presence and contribution over the last few decades, the national statistics

do raise some cause for concern over the state of their education.2 Compared to other

religious minorities, Muslims lag far behind when it comes to educational achievement.

Only 12 percent of them are likely to have a degree (or an equivalent qualification), lower

than most other groups. A third of all working age Muslims have no qualifications at all,

which is the highest proportion for any religious minority in Britain.

Further analysis reveals more serious trends, particularly for Muslim women. With an

estimated population of 1.2 million, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis form the majority of the

Muslims in Britain, and statistics show that respectively 40 and 48 percent of the women

in these communities have no qualifications at all.3 In their Internal Report for Univer-

sity of Birmingham, Fatime Rabiee and David Thompson point out the conspicuous

absence of Muslim women and find that “women from certain ethnic groups between

the ages of 16 and 24 tend to “disappear” from participation in the preparatory stages

of progression to Higher Education”.4 Indeed, education is key to the social and econ-

omic empowerment and development of a community. Such trends do not portray a

bright picture amidst recent concerns over the integration of Muslim communities in

Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, Vol. 31, No. 1, March 2011

ISSN 1360-2004 print/ISSN 1469-9591 online/11/010049-9 # 2011 Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs

DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2010.533458

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Britain.5 The lack of participation of British Muslim women in education is often

attributed to a variety of cultural, economic and religious factors which we shall

examine in this paper.

Statistics show that there are nearly 400,000 Muslim children aged 5–16 years old

enrolled in schools in England alone, and there were only four Muslim state-maintained

schools in 2004 with 1000 children enrolled. While this paper does not concern itself

with early education of Muslim children, it focuses on some of the lifelong learning

challenges that the British Muslims face, particularly the women. It attempts to

examine some of the factors that underlie this phenomenon.

Theology and Learning

In this paper we shall explore some of the theological aspects of Islam and the underpin-

ning it provides to the education of Muslims through the course of their lives. The Holy

Qur′an is clear in its instruction to the followers and emphasises learning for all “from

the cradle to the grave”. If the pursuit of knowledge is a religious duty, what then

keeps the devout Muslim away from pursuing education and excellence?

In order to address this question the paper explores some of the issues surrounding the

social and cultural life of Muslims in Britain and the factors that influence their partici-

pation in education. It examines the conservative culture of first-generation Muslim

immigrants that discourages interaction and learning in a liberal Western setting. This

has played a crucial role in the marginalisation of early generations of Muslim immi-

grants in Britain. With particular regards to women, two of the issues that have come

into the spotlight recently are, first, the issue of arranged marriages and, secondly, the

wearing of modest dressing and veils. These issues have become somewhat of obstacles

to Muslim women in their participation in educational institutions and career

progression in Britain. Do these factors necessarily hinder Muslim women? What

other aspects of British life contribute to their lack of academic achievement? If so,

what is the way forward? The paper attempts to answer some of the issues raised here.

No doubt that the issues at hand merit a detailed and rigorous examination. However,

this exposition is limited both by length and time.

Learning in Islam

The role of knowledge and learning is very important in Islam. This is not only important

for professional and material success, but also for religious and spiritual attainment. In

this section, we discuss some of the relevant sacred texts in Islam that give guidance to its

followers regarding this issue.

In Islam the two central sources are, first, the Holy Qur’an and, secondly, the sayings

and narrations of the Prophet Muhammad known as the Hadith. While the former is the

word of God and lays down the basic principles and laws of the religion, the latter serves

to be a role model for the followers with respect to their daily life and behaviour. Both

serve as sources of ultimate Divine guidance and instruction for the Muslim community.

We take cue from both sources and discuss the role the pursuit of knowledge and learning

has to play within the community.

A verse of the Qur’an that appears in many other religious Islamic texts and sermons is

“Lord, increase me in knowledge” (20:114). This is a popular supplication oft recited

during learning and through general supplication and carries the connotation that

knowledge something worthy of wishing and praying for.6 Knowledge is deemed to be

50 Siraj Ahmed Shaikh

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important for one’s faith as it allows one to believe in the truthfulness of God’s revel-

ations and wholeheartedly submit oneself to God, as in the following verse:

. . . and He causes those given knowledge to realize that this Revelation is your

Lord’s Truth, so that they may believe in it and humble their hearts to Him:

God guides the faithful to the straight path. (22:54)

The Qur’an repeatedly distinguishes people who have knowledge and associates knowl-

edge and wisdom with a better understanding of God’s message and the religion, as in

the verses

. . .there truly is a sign in this for those who know (27:52)

Such are the comparisons We draw for people, though only the wise can

comprehend them (29:43)

Moreover, the Qur’an affirms that worship on its own may not be sufficient and knowl-

edge is important alongside, as it says:

What about someone who worships devoutly during the night, bowing down,

standing in prayer, ever mindful of the life to come, hoping for his Lord’s

mercy? Say, “How can those who know be equal to those who do not

know?” Only those who have understanding will take heed (39:9)

The first part of the above verse sets out the context in terms of people who are devout

and dedicated to prayers and worship. The second part then differentiates amongst them

people with knowledge (those who know) from those without (those who do not know)

and very clearly emphasises understanding as crucial to the adherence to faith.

The Prophet Muhammad emphasises the importance of knowledge equally and goes

even further to declare learning as an obligatory duty, as he says:

The search for knowledge is an obligation laid on every Muslim

And the Prophet strongly encourages not just the pursuit of knowledge but also dissemi-

nation of knowledge as he declares:

Valueless is the Muslim who is neither a student nor a teacher

These two sayings of the Prophet, among many others attributed to him, make it very

clear that no one is spared from the obligation of learning whether male or female. By

encouraging both the roles of student and teacher, the Prophet has stressed on the

importance of the culture of teaching and learning for the Muslim community. While

there is no comment on the nature of knowledge to pursue, the Prophet does signify

the importance of making use of acquired knowledge as he says:

The one who would have the worst position in God’s sight on the Day of

Resurrection would be a learned man who did not profit from his learning

Note that the profit here refers to both the spiritual and communal benefits that one can

derive from learning alongside any personal material gains.

One aspect of the verses and sayings above worth highlighting is that there is no racial,

cultural or gender bias in who should learn and pursue knowledge. Particularly with

regards to women, there is a common misunderstanding that Islam discourages or

even prohibits them from participating in any formal education. Let alone those who

are not much aware of its teachings, this is also an understanding amongst a considerable

Educational Attainment and Career Progression for British Muslim Women 51

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section of the Muslim community. A variety of cultural and historical developments over

the centuries – outside of the scope of this work – have contributed to this misconcep-

tion. Both the verses from the Qur’an and the sayings of the Prophet are very clear in the

universality of this message, addressing all Muslims, and nowhere are men and women

separated or distinguished. Women actively took part in the study circles taught by the

Prophet himself in the early days of Islam, so were a number of important teachers in

those days who were women.7

Thus, it would be safe to conclude that one cannot find anything in the sacred text or

sayings of the Prophet that hinders the pursuit of learning by Muslim women. There are,

however, some aspects of religious practice that do appear to hold Muslim women back.

One of them that we deal with in this paper is the issue of hijab and modest Islamic

dressing.

The Visibility Issue

Modesty is a key value that Islam preaches in relation to social interaction between men

and women. The religion prescribes modest dressing for adult men and women when

they are in public. For women, it encourages loose clothing, covering from the ankles

up to the neck, and also recommends covering the hair using a headscarf known as

the hijab. Some interpretations even require women to cover up their face in public

using a veil known as the niqab. The wearing of hijab or niqab depends on how strictly

the religious interpretation is followed. Over the last decade or so, given the social and

political environment in the country, British Muslim women are increasingly taking up

the hijab as a means to reinforce their Muslim identity. A recent survey claims that 30

percent more British Muslim women are likely to wear the hijab now than five years ago.8

The wearing of hijab or niqab makes the women from the community far more visible

in British public spheres. This subjects them to stereotyping as culturally repressed9, and

even exposes them to violence.10 Smith discusses professional discrimination that

Muslim women experience and concludes that “they do experience negative attitudes

because of religious dress and are having to take jobs at lower levels than they are

qualified for”.11 The banning of religious symbols in next door France and a recent

related controversial statement by an ex-foreign secretary here in Britain,12 have only

served to further dispirit women in the British Muslim community.13

This issue of visibility has also become somewhat of a hindrance to the educational

aspirations of Muslim women. They are increasingly reluctant to take part in higher edu-

cation, which involves regular attendance and interaction. This starts early as Dagkas

and Benn highlight in their survey of British Muslim women who are asked to reflect

on their experiences at school.14 One of their respondents recalls physical education in

school saying:

. . . what I remember really, really hating was having to do it (physical

education) in my knickers and vest . . . I was embarrassed and ashamed

because we were brought up with that feeling that you should hide your body

. . . and there were boys in the class as well . . . I had those feelings.

A similar feeling is expressed by one of the respondents in Dwyer’s survey of British

Muslim women.15 In relation to the rest of the British public one of her respondents says:

They just generally see you, in Asian clothes or a scarf on your head, or you

know, your colour, I suppose. And you feel out of place, well I feel out of place.

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The “Asian clothes” here refer to the traditional clothing from the Subcontinent such as

loose trousers and a long, loose top (generally conforming to Islamic dress guidelines).

Dwyer’s survey is interesting as it shows how the hijab, and Islamic dressing in

general, has become a “powerful marker of difference” for the women in the British

Muslim community. It shows how they also find themselves subject to cultural prejudice

as a result of their dressing. Another one of her respondents says:

I’m constantly thinking about what people will think of me, they must think

that I’m really typical . . . even when I haven’t got a scarf on my head but I’m

like in Asian clothes I’m so paranoid. Oh people must think typical . . . you

know that I’m from the dark ages and that . . . I know it sounds bad but

that’s how I feel.

Muslim women are also anxious about the criticism they get from their families and

others in their community for not wearing an “appropriate” dress. Religion and

culture are often mixed up in such matters as two of the respondents in Dwyer’s study

explain:

Respondent 1: They [i.e. parents] mix up religion and culture as well. Like it

doesn’t say in the religion . . . it just says that you’ve got to be covered . . . but

the women don’t see it like that. It’s like you’ve got to wear Asian clothes.

Respondent 2: It’s like wearing a long skirt, wearing Westernised clothes, which

cover you up. They turn around and [say] you can’t wear it because you’re not

allowed to wear it. And we say we’re right because we’re covering ourselves and

there’s nothing wrong with wearing it.

For some, put off by their expectations of prejudice and racism at school, life in higher

education offers an opportunity to start wearing a hijab. As one respondent declares:

I mean it is difficult to wear a headscarf, you feel different to other people, and

you don’t really want to look different do you? So it’s difficult, especially at

school. Probably if I go to university it’s a fresh start there and I might actually

consider wearing a headscarf, because no one will know me there, and you feel

more secure.

Personal religious convictions play a big role in influencing British Muslim women to

wear hijab and so do those of their parents and husbands. For some families, wearing

a hijab may convey a strengthened moral and familial commitment on behalf of

women, and so may only serve to encourage their active participation in the public

spheres of higher education. For some others, stricter interpretations of modesty in

Islam may only serve to deter this. A more serious issue that affects their commitment

to lifelong learning, however, is a wider cultural and traditional practice of arranged

marriages.

Arranged Marriages

As the British journalist Sarfraz Manzoor so frankly puts it, arranged marriages “have

long epitomised to the rest of (British) society all that is alien about Asian culture.

The notion of consenting to marry a stranger not for reasons of mutual love but

because both families deem a union suitable, runs counter to every liberal impulse

about individual freedom and gender equality”.16 However, it is important to put this

Educational Attainment and Career Progression for British Muslim Women 53

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issue in perspective here. Marriage, albeit to a stranger, does not put up any direct

obstacles to learning for women in these communities. Rather, it is the uncertainty of

their future, as it is tied to their as yet unfamiliar future husband’s social and professional

decisions. It is also the notions of family values and reputation that they have to defend to

help them find a suitable match – so the young women’s cooking and sewing skills, and

willingness to stay at home, matter more than their choice of academic courses and

institutions.

Far worse, is the perception of the employers and educators that is formed as a result.

Avtar Brah highlights this very problem as follows:

. . . the social imagery of Asian women as hapless dependants who would most

likely to be married off at the earliest possible opportunity, has played an impor-

tant role in shaping the views that teachers or career officers might hold of

young Muslim women’s education and employment prospects. Such

professionals have an important role to play in encouraging or discouraging

young Muslim women from pursuing certain types of education or employ-

ment.17

Brah goes on to show that this has a detrimental effect on British Muslim women, as low

expectations and stereotyped perceptions of Asian girls, their aspirations, abilities and

cultures on the part of educational professionals were seen by the women as a major

obstacle to Asian girls’ success in the labour market.

Louise Archer surveys the attitude of British Muslim pupils in general towards the

post-16 choices of women in this community.18 She finds that young Muslim men pos-

ition their female counterparts in terms of “feminine roles of domesticity and marriage”

and view their choice as largely dependent on women’s parents. While asserting their

masculine identities in roles of protectors, they draw on the causes of such restrictions

to lie in the wider British society finding it racist, morally dangerous and “against the

tradition” for Muslim women to go out, mix with men, and so on. Archer does find

that parental choice is not what Muslim women identify as problematic though.

Instead they “identify more potential conflict/disagreement between themselves and

their Muslim male peers than with their parents”. Moreover they also view racism in

the white mainstream as a far more restrictive factor in their choices, placing the

blame “firmly within white society, not within the ‘restrictive’ structures of Asian

cultures”.

This is reiterated by Haleh Afshar who sums up the situation for British Muslim

women as a “combination of racial discrimination at school and at work, obligations

to uphold the public face of family morality and the impeding duty of motherhood

plays a powerful part in curtailing the education and career ambition”.19 Afshar

carries out a three-generational study of Muslim women in the West Yorkshire area to

examine how they look at education as means of upward social mobility. Marriage is a

factor which plays to their disadvantage early in their educational life as she says “The

problem for those Muslim girls who decided to ‘keep themselves for marriage’ is that

their views fit ill within the prevailing school ethos. As a result, they have to keep them-

selves apart from their white contemporaries – from the boys because of ‘shame’ and

from the girls to avoid peer pressure”.20

All this is in contrast to what Fauzia Ahmad shows in her more recent study looking at

British Muslim women and their academic achievements.21 She paints a picture of a

community that is increasingly un-patriarchal and with a progressive ethos. It is a fasci-

nating analysis where Muslim family traditions and honour – the very hindrance for

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some – are held up by a commitment to learning and progress by the women in the com-

munity. By encouraging their daughters into higher education, Ahmad claims, British

Muslim parents are “not only able to rest assured by their daughter’s future economic

potential as individuals, they are able to attain and maintain social status and prestige

within their social circles . . . educated daughters can be expected to attract suitors of a

similar status or above, if the arranged marriage route is chosen”. Not only is arranged

marriage only an option, education and economic upliftment are seen to be of individual

and social value to women.

Ahmad shows that this is not only the case in families where parents have attained

higher education, but also amongst women whose parents did not hold any qualifica-

tions, as their “personal wish to fulfil their parents’ unrealised ambitions” becomes

another source of motivation. They are increasingly opting for more diverse choice of

subjects in social sciences, humanities and the arts, rather than just vocational subjects.

They are also conscious of the distinctions between various established or new

educational institutions and the notions of prestige that they carry. Ahmad points out

that “by accommodating these particular social expectations with their personal

interests, students were therefore able to define a certain ‘elite’ status for themselves

and their parents”. This is a positive shift in cultural terms, one which is likely to

persist with generations that follow. Ahmad’s effort is crucial in putting to rest concerns

about any inherent religious or cultural characteristics that may serve an obstacle for

British Muslim women in their pursuit of lifelong learning. Alongside status, social

mobility and career, higher education goals converge to form a value system that

favours women in these communities to continue with education regardless of their

role as a daughter, sister or a wife.

One of the respondents surveyed by Ahmad does share her concern of women getting

into higher education and as a result “‘pricing themselves outside the marriage market’

and ‘going past their sell-by date’”, an anxiety characteristic of people in cultures where

arranged marriages are common.

Evolving Socio-Cultural Factors

Islam places great value on the pursuit of knowledge and learning. The religion does not

differentiate on the grounds of either race or gender, as is also clear from the history of

early Islam. There is no doubt that British Muslim women, for a variety of reasons, are

falling short of this Islamic ideal. These reasons are predominantly cultural, not just in

ethnic terms but also aspects of the way Islam is practised. The choice of wearing a

hijab, for instance, varies greatly among British Muslims. Modesty for some is not

conveyed by their appearance but by their behaviour and attitude.

The notion of arranged marriages, in the same way, is not Islamic and among British

Muslims predominantly South Asian (and also widely prevalent amongst British Hindus

and Sikhs).22 Indeed, the concept is unfamiliar in manyMuslim societies in the Far East,

upper Middle East, East Africa and Turkey. Similarly, is the notion of a “traditional

housewife”, confined to home and to domestic affairs. Women in these other Muslim

countries participate relatively more freely in the professional and educational spheres

of life.

Muslim women in Britain are burdened with having to counter existing prejudices in

indigenous communities. And this is not just due to the recent rise in Islamophobia, but

was also the case 50 years ago, as Heidi Safia Mirza recounts.23 She asserts that British

Muslim women face double discrimination on account of being both Muslim and

Educational Attainment and Career Progression for British Muslim Women 55

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women. Starting at school while young, this sense is carried on, until opting out of higher

education seems to be the only choice.24

For those who do choose to pursue higher education and careers, fears of discrimi-

nation and aloofness in a new environment determines where they go and how much

they engage with the experience of higher education. A factor that also is in play here

is one of class differences. An indication of this is provided by Afshar and Ahmad in

their works25 but more telling on this is Stephen J. Ball et al.,’s work.26 They show

how social class of minority ethnic students, much more than their ethnicity, influences

their choice to pursue higher education, and where and why to go. Financial constraints,

parental inclinations, peer groups and career aspirations all play a significant part in these

decisions. Muslims are amongst the poorer ethnic minorities in Britain, with many living

in some of the most deprived urban communities, experiencing poor housing conditions

and higher unemployment. Such factors also need to be addressed if Muslim women are

to be encouraged to a lifelong commitment to learning.

Ahmad’s analysis of the academic achievements of British Muslim women is interest-

ing as it is evidence that marriage culture among British Muslims is changing for the

better. Higher education as a reflection on personal aspirations and character serves to

facilitate marital compatibility and bonding. For some getting a good degree to find a

better match may even serve to be a route to upward social mobility.

Conclusion

Indeed the British Muslim women lag far behind other sections of the British society

in educational and professional achievement, and this may be partly as a result of the

conservative culture of first-generation immigrants and partly as a result of misguided

theological interpretations of the role of women. We have examined two of the critical

factors that influence British Muslim women’s participation in education namely, the

issue of arranged marriages and the wearing of the hijab which sometimes becomes

obstacles to Muslim women in their participation in educational institutions and

career progression in Britain. All findings indicate that Islam promotes acquisition

of knowledge and makes no distinction between men and women in their obligation

to acquire (and disseminate) knowledge and on the contrary, learning in Islam is an

obligation for all. One reason why this is often overlooked is the misguided perception

that Islam and knowledge (in the sense of modern academic sciences and the arts) are

converse to each other. Dogmatic views about modern education and fears of indoc-

trinating people into “Western” beliefs and culture, and somehow turning them away

from their religion and culture, are partly to blame for this. British writer Ziauddin

Sardar finds this as the fundamental cause of the decline and difficulties of Muslim

societies of today in general.27 The way forward, he pinpoints out, lies in the develop-

ment of a progressive culture of learning and reformation to go hand in hand. The

pursuit of knowledge, whether worldly or otherwise, should serve to enable Muslims

to both progress in their personal and career goals, and moderate the practice of

their religion for a healthy balance. Nevertheless to bring about a real change in con-

viction and attitudes, it is necessary for the British Muslims to realise the true value of

learning in Islam. They need to accept that education is not just highly valued but a

true obligation in Islam, one that allows its followers to strengthen their faith and

appreciate its significance in the social and professional spheres of their life. In other

words, religiosity and education need to be aligned as a single goal.

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NOTES

1. “Census 2001: The census in England and Wales”, Office for National Statistics in England and

Wales, the General Register Office for Scotland and the Northern Ireland Statistics and Research

Agency. 2001.

2. Muslims in the UK: Policies for Engaged Citizens. EUMonitoring and Advocacy Program. Open Society

Institute (OSI). Budapest: OSI, 2001.

3. Amanda White, Social Focus in Brief: Ethnicity 2002, London: Office for National Statistics, 2002.

4. Fatemeh Rabiee and David Thompson, Widening participation increasing access to higher education for

Muslim women, Internal Report, Birmingham, Westhill: UCE/University of Birmingham, 2000.

5. “Muslim integration has come to a halt”, The Sunday Times. August 6, 2006.

6. M.A.S. Abdel Haleem, The Qur’an – A new translation by M.A.S. Abdel Haleem, Hardback edition.

Oxford: University Press, 2004.

7. S.M. Ad-Darsh, “Islam and the Education of Muslim Women”, Issues in Islamic Education. Muslim

Educational Trust, London, May 2004, pp. 24–27.

8. James Silver, Marketing to Muslims: U.K. Study. The Guardian, JWT Intelligence. May 21, 2007.

9. “Man admits he ‘pulled off’ hijab”, BBC News. August 30, 2007.

10. “Muslim women advised to abandon hijab to avoid attack”, The Guardian. August 4, 2005.

11. “My manager said I looked like a terrorist”, The Guardian. September 7, 2006.

12. Justin Vaı̈sse, Veiled Meaning: The French Law Banning Religious Symbols in Public Schools. US-France

Analysis Series. The Brookings Institution, 2004.

13. “Remove full veils urges Straw”, BBC News. October 6, 2006.

14. Symeon Dagkas and Tansin Benn, “Young Muslim women’s experiences of Islam and physical

education in Greece and Britain: a comparative study”, Sport, Education and Society, Vol. 11,

No. 1, 2006, pp. 21–38.

15. Claire Dwyer, “Veiled Meanings: young British Muslim women and the negotiation of differences”,

Gender, Place and Culture, Vol. 6, No. 1, 1999, pp. 5–26.

16. “Meant for each other”, The Guardian. March 6, 2007.

17. Avtar Brah, “Race and Culture in the gendering of labour markets: South Asian young Muslim

women and the labour market”, The Dynamics of ‘Race’ and Gender: some feminist interventions.

London: Taylor & Francis, 1994.

18. Louise Archer, “Change, Culture and Tradition: British Muslim pupils talk about Muslim girls’

post-16 choices”, Race Ethnicity and Education, Vol. 5, No. 4, 2002, pp. 359–376.

19. Haleh Afshar, “Education: hopes, expectations and achievements of Muslim women in West

Yorkshire”, Gender and Education, Vol. 1, No. 3, 1989, pp. 261–272.

20. Ibid.

21. Fauzia Ahmad, “Modern Traditions? British Muslim Women and Academic Achievement”, Gender

and Education, Vol. 13, No. 2, 2001, pp. 137–152.

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