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This article was downloaded by: [Case Western Reserve University]On: 05 November 2014, At: 00:56Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registeredoffice: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK
Journal of Family Social WorkPublication details, including instructions for authors andsubscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wfsw20
El Miedo y El Hambre: Understandingthe Familial, Social, and EducationalRealities of Undocumented LatinoFamilies in North Central IndianaRubén P. Viramontez Anguiano a & Anayeli Lopez ba School of Family and Consumer Sciences, Bowling Green StateUniversity , Bowling Green , Ohiob Center for Intercultural Teaching and Learning, Goshen College ,Goshen , IndianaPublished online: 31 Jul 2012.
To cite this article: Rubén P. Viramontez Anguiano & Anayeli Lopez (2012) El Miedo y ElHambre: Understanding the Familial, Social, and Educational Realities of UndocumentedLatino Families in North Central Indiana, Journal of Family Social Work, 15:4, 321-336, DOI:10.1080/10522158.2012.695324
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10522158.2012.695324
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El Miedo y El Hambre: Understanding theFamilial, Social, and Educational Realities of
Undocumented Latino Families inNorth Central Indiana
RUBEN P. VIRAMONTEZ ANGUIANOSchool of Family and Consumer Sciences, Bowling Green State University,
Bowling Green, Ohio
ANAYELI LOPEZCenter for Intercultural Teaching and Learning, Goshen College,
Goshen, Indiana
This study explored how different ecological factors, within andoutside the family, affected the educational success of the childrenof undocumented families. The sample consisted of 63 immigrantLatino parents (40 families) who resided in North Central Indiana.This study utilized an ethnographic research design. Findingsdemonstrated that immigration laws were affecting the educationalsuccess of the children of undocumented families. Most parentsexpressed lack of familiarity of the American educational systemand that they had culture and language barriers. Findings alsodemonstrated that undocumented families were adapting to theirrealities, as a result of the resiliency in their families and communi-ties. Implications for practice and future research were provided.
KEYWORDS social and educational outreach, educationalsuccess, undocumented immigrant Latino families
El Miedo y El Hambre translates to ‘‘fear and hunger’’ that illustrates the social, economic,and political realities of undocumented Latino families in North Central Indiana.
The authors thank the Center for Intercultural Teaching and Learning at Goshen College,Goshen, Indiana, for financial support of this study. This research was part of a larger projectof the Center for Intercultural Teaching and Learning funded by a grant from the Lilly Endow-ment, Inc., Grant 2006 1434-000.
Address correspondence to Dr. Ruben P. Viramontez Anguiano, School of Family andConsumer Sciences, Bowling Green State University, 310 Johnston Hall, Bowling Green,OH 43403-0254. E-mail: [email protected]
Journal of Family Social Work, 15:321–336, 2012Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLCISSN: 1052-2158 print=1540-4072 onlineDOI: 10.1080/10522158.2012.695324
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I could hear the dairy machines in the background of the trailer home.My colleague and I had met this family at an educational outreach event.The Ramirez family had immigrated to the United States when Esperanzawas five years old and she was now a junior in high school. This visit wasquite different as the family was disappointed that the U.S. Senate had notpassed the DREAM Act. For Esperanza and her family, the possibilities ofhigher education were uncertain.
Interacting with Esperanza’s family and other families with similarcircumstances brought back difficult and rewarding memories for me,as I was undocumented throughout grade school, high school, and partsof college. However, with the support of the Latino community, teachers,church, and others, I was able to attend a small liberal arts college andI eventually received my United States residency and citizenship.(reflections from the second author)
It was common to observe individuals drinking an agua de horchata (ricewater) and eating tacos at the San Patricio’s Mexican Market while, directlyacross the street, college students, professors, and locals were engaged indiscussions at the Cafe. This was everyday life in Goshen and the surround-ing area. A cultural tapestry of Mennonite, Amish, mainstream Whites, andLatino families had become the social norm.
The purpose of this study was to examine how various ecological fac-tors, including familial, social, and educational realities, influenced the livesof undocumented immigrant families and the education of their children inNorth Central Indiana. The study contributes to the literature by addressingthe following research questions. First, how do different factors within thefamily (cultural, linguistic, and economic) impact the educational successof their children? Second, how do factors outside of the family (immigrationpolicies, school environment) affect the reality of undocumented familiesand their children’s educational success? Implications based on the findingsfor social work practices and policies are included.
Immigrant Families in North Central Indiana
Over the past 20 years, Latino families have exhibited tremendous growth inthe United States. The 2010 Census documented 50.5 million Hispanics in theUnited States or 16.3% of the total population, making Latino families the lar-gest ethnic minority group (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). Between the 1990sand the mid-2000s, North Central Indiana experienced similar demographicshifts to those experienced by other rural communities in the Midwest. Infewer than 20 years, the city of Goshen was transformed from being primarilyWhite to about 40% Latino, with the majority from the central region ofMexico (Guzman, Jara, & Armet, 2011a).
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The flourishing recreational vehicle (RV) sector drew many of theseimmigrant families in promise of better economic opportunities (Guzman,Jara, & Armet, 2011b). However, in 2008, as experienced by the entire coun-try, an economic crisis hit Elkhart County (Indiana Department of WorkforceDevelopment, 2009). As a result, Latino families who earned low wages inthe region working in the RV industry were greatly affected. Many of theLatino adults who immigrated to Elkhart County were individuals ofchild-bearing age and had children in their homes younger than age 18(Guzman et al., 2011a). In Goshen Community Schools the percentage ofLatino children was approximately 40% in 2010 (Indiana Department ofEducation, 2010). The majority of the parents were born in Mexico or LatinAmerica, but most of their children, estimated at 79%, were born in the Uni-ted States (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010).
LITERATURE REVIEW
Undocumented Immigrant Realities
There are approximately 12 million undocumented individuals in the UnitedStates; approximately 1.5 million are children younger than age 18 (Passel &Cohn, 2011). About 65,000 of these children graduate from high school everyyear, and attending postsecondary education is difficult because of their immi-gration status (Immigration Policy Center, 2007). Generation 1.5 representschildren of foreign-born parentswho immigrated before the age of 13 (Rumbaut,2008). The generation 1.5 children were not born in the United States; however,they resemble the characteristics of the Latino United States-born children moreclosely than those of their immigrant parents (Rumbaut & Komaie, 2010).
Currently, state and federal policies restrict the opportunities of undocu-mented families in many ways, including access to social services and highereducation. This began in 1982 with a case known as Plyler v. Doe, in whichTexas established a state statute that prohibited undocumented students fromhaving access to public elementary and secondary education. However, thecourt ruled against the state of Texas, stating that undocumented children areentitled to receive free elementary and secondary public education, as theyare future members of society (Plyler, 1982). Yet this decision did not applyto undocumented children who desired to receive a postsecondary edu-cation (Belanger, 2010). As a result, state governments differed on whetherundocumented students should be able to attend public colleges and univer-sities and if they have to pay out-of-state tuition.
At the federal level, Congress introduced a bill called the Development,Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Act (DREAM Act) multiple times in thepast 10 years. The purpose of the DREAM Act was to repeal the federal pro-visions that prevent students from receiving financial aid and in-state tuition,along with creating a path toward conditional residency and eventually
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citizenship (Immigration Policy Center, 2007). Indiana House Bill 1402 wasenacted in 2011 requiring undocumented students to pay out-of-state tuitionat public universities and community colleges.
Latino Families and American Schools
Latino students lag behind academically, compared to their White counter-parts (U.S. Department of Education, 2011). In Goshen, the dropout ratewas 46% for Latinos and 23% for White students in 2008 (Indiana Departmentof Education, 2010). Unfortunately, due to high dropout rates and lowacademic achievement rates (standardized tests and grade point average),Latinos are also less likely to pursue higher education.
However, research consistently shows that Latinos families value theeducation and aspirations of their children (Delgado-Gaitan, 1992). They aregrounded in familismo, which reinforces strong extended family and com-munity networks. From this network the value of educacion stresses moralcharacter and respect (Viramontez Anguiano, Salinas, & Garcia, 2010). Yet lowacademic achievement and high school dropout rates among Latino studentsare related to various factors, including language and cultural barriers; lowexpectations from teachers; poverty, racism, and isolation; lack of inclusive cur-riculum; and lack of parent and teacher partnerships (Villenas & Deyhle, 1999).
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The purpose of this study was to examine how various ecological factorsincluding familial, educational, and social realities influenced the lives ofundocumented immigrant families and the education of their children inNorth Central Indiana.
This ethnographic study was guided by the overarching research ques-tion, ‘‘How do different ecological factors within the family and outside thefamily affect the educational success of children of undocumented Latinofamilies.’’ The overarching ethnography that included observations, inter-views, and multiple interactions was guided by the following specificresearch questions. First, how do different factors within the family (cultural,social, and economic) affect the educational success of their children? Andsecond, how do factors outside of the family (immigration policies, schoolenvironment) affect the reality of undocumented families and their children’seducational success?
METHOD
This study, including the sample, research design, procedure, protocol, andthe data analysis, was part of a larger research project. The project explored
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immigrant Latino family experiences and how different ecological factorsaffected their lives in North Central Indiana.
Sample
The sample consisted of Latino families who resided in North CentralIndiana. The respondents consisted of 63 immigrant Latino parents (40 fam-ilies). The parents’ average age was 41 for mothers and 42 for fathers. Theaverage number of children per family was three. The parents’ educationallevels ranged from elementary to graduate studies. Eleven of the parentscompleted 6 years or fewer of formal education in Latin America. Twenty-four of the parents had completed Grades 7 through 11. Fifteen of the parentscompleted 12 years of schooling in Latin America and one in the UnitedStates. Three of the participants completed 2 years of college education,and nine obtained a college degree. Out of these, five obtained their bache-lor’s degree in Latin America, two completed a master’s degree in the UnitedStates, and two completed a doctorate degree in Latin America. The over-whelming majority of the respondents were employed by the light manufac-turing industry. There were 38 of the individuals who worked in the lightmanufacturing sector, 25 males and 13 females. There were 14 homemakers,13 of which were female and one of which was a male. The rest of therespondents were employed in the following industries: four were businessowners, two worked in the service industry, one in health care, one in a non-profit social services agency, and one in an automotive repair center. Tworespondents did not reply to the occupation question. Of the 40 families,37 were from Mexico, one from Nicaragua, one from El Salvador, and onefrom Honduras.
Research Design
This study utilized an overarching ethnographic research design. The pri-mary purpose of the ethnographic research design is to provide a holisticunderstanding of the respondents and their life experiences through use ofinterviews, interactions, and observations with relevant others (Creswell,2003). Moreover, this design is meant to function on a continual basisthrough participant observation and active participation in an effort to cap-ture the realities of the respondents. In this study, the authors served as eth-nographers who concentrated on understanding how different factors withinthe family, including familial, social, and educational realities, affected theeducational success of the children of undocumented families. Second, theauthors explored how different ecological factors outside of the family,including social, educational, and political realities, affected the educationaloutcomes of the children of undocumented families. The authors explored
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the ‘‘whole picture’’ of the families through interviews, interactions, andcontinued observations with the families and relevant others.
Procedure
The authors used ethnographic methods to collect, process, and analyze thedata. Through the use of grounded theory, the goal was to explore the realityof undocumented families in North Central Indiana. The authors served asactive participants based on the Spradley (1979) model, spending numeroushours with family members, community leaders, and school personnel. Theauthors also stressed at the onset of the ethnographic study, which includedthe components of observations, interviews, and multiple interactions, thatthe research was intended to be a mutual learning experience.
As part of the ethnography it was important to understand the familiesand their realities through a process of participant observation. Dewalt,Dewalt, and Wayland (1998) stated that
the method of participant observation includes the explicit use in beha-vioral analysis and recording of information gained from participatingand observing. Moreover, the participant observer takes part in the dailyactivities, rituals, interactions and events of the people being studied.(pp. 259–260)
For example, Spradley (1980) developed a model that identified levels of par-ticipant observation as a method to collect data in a naturalistic setting byresearchers who observed and=or took part in the common and uncommonlives of the participants.
As described by Spradley’s model (1980), the authors were engaged atvarious levels of participant observation. The authors served as active parti-cipants with the immigrant Latino families through interactions includingdaily activities, rituals, and other discussions. The authors were fluent inSpanish and had a combined 25 years of experience working with immigrantLatino families and schools, which served as a natural bridge to being activeparticipants.
As part of the overarching ethnography, the data collection also inclu-ded semistructured individual interviews that lasted approximately 1 hour.Consent forms were provided at the beginning of the individual interview.Respondents were informed that their participation was voluntary and atany time they could withdraw from the study. Interviews were conductedprimarily in Spanish. No material incentives were offered to the participants.The study received approval from the Goshen College Institutional ReviewBoard and was approved by Goshen Community School’s EducationalBoard.
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Interview Protocol
The interview protocol for individuals consisted of open-ended questionsthat explored multiple ecological factors that may affect the intersectionbetween immigrant Latino families, schools, and communities. The protocolwas based on the previous literature that focused on immigrant Latino fam-ilies (Delgado-Gaitan, 1992) and the combined 25 years of experience thatthe authors had of researching and working with immigrant Latino families.Moreover, because of the nature of ethnographic methods, respondents wereasked to speak freely about their experience in North Central Indiana. It wascommon for the authors to engage in follow-up interactions with the families,which enhanced the study.
Data Analysis
Data was analyzed by focusing on the different ecological factors that affec-ted Latino families and their children’s education. Theme analysis, theprocess of extracting recurring themes from data, was conducted on all thedata collected from the different components of the study, including inter-views, observations, and interactions. These themes were illustrated throughthe use of thick descriptions or quotations (Miles & Huberman, 1994). AsCreswell (2003) suggested, the data was mined for clarity to gain more detailon patterns of themes that were significant. A member check was also con-ducted to bring more trustworthiness to the findings. Saturation of the datawas determined through the analysis as a result of recurring themes through-out the overarching ethnography and its components. The Spanish inter-views were transcribed and translated. The English interviews weretranscribed.
FINDINGS
The key themes that emerged from the overarching ethnography, whichincluded observations, interviews, and multiple interactions, were organizedbased on the research questions. First, how do different factors within thefamily (cultural, social and economic) impact the educational success of theirchildren? From this first question the theme of el miedo y el hambre (fear andhunger) emerged, which illustrated the cultural, social, and economic reali-ties within the undocumented families and how that affected the educationof the children.
This ethnographic research study was also guided by the secondresearch question: ‘‘How do factors outside of the family (immigration poli-cies, school environment) affect the reality of undocumented families andtheir children’s educational success?’’ From this question the second themeemerged: el peligro en el norte (the danger in the north). This theme included
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ecological factors outside of the family such as political challenges, as it per-tains to immigration policies and how that affected the educational success ofchildren of undocumented Latino families. The last theme, la escuela (theschool), also explored the ecological factors outside of the family. Itillustrated the relationship between the undocumented families and theschools in North Central Indiana. What follows are those themes that wereidentified in the analysis.
El Miedo y El Hambre (Fear and Hunger)
From the first research question the theme el miedo y el hambre emerged,which illustrated the cultural, social, and economic realities within theundocumented families and how that affected the education of the children.For most Latino families in North Central Indiana, their place of origin wascharacterized by financial limitations in meeting their basic needs and longwork days in agriculture and in las maquilas (factories) in the cities of Mex-ico and other Latin American countries. The majority of the families had lim-ited education, which resulted in difficulties in obtaining employment andsustaining their families in their home countries. These families knew thatcoming to el norte (the north) would be a dangerous journey, but their needto feed their children was greater than their fears. Their journey to the UnitedStates was only one challenge as the families struggled to obtain higher edu-cation for their children. One woman stated:
People think that where we are from is a beautiful place based on thetourism industry, but like every place, there is a good side and a bad sidewhere there is no employment. I read that hunger can be greater thanfear. You can be scared but if you’re hungry it’s worse. I came with mysister and brought my children seeking economic and educational oppor-tunities. Someone helped my three kids to cross, using legal documents.9=11 had not happened so it was easier to cross this way.
As this woman explained, the overwhelming majority of the families werewilling to risk whatever it took, undergoing extreme danger, so that theirfamilies would not go hungry, and would have the opportunity for bettereconomic and educational success. Another woman and her husband, whohad earned a college degree in Latin America lost their jobs and decidedto immigrate to the United States, stated:
Happily we were able to finish our studies in South America. We went tocollege and had a professional title. From there on, when we had a fam-ily, our objective was to focus on our son and give him the opportunityto move forward in life. Unfortunately, the economic situation of ourcountry about 12 years ago was very bad. We were left without a job,
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and one alternative that came to my mind was to come over here. Wealso wanted better opportunities in education for our son.
For many of the families, earning decent wages in the factories led to themachieving the American dream of homeownership, regardless of their legalstatus. However, living the American dream was short lived when the UnitedStates recession occurred. The light manufacturing sector in Elkhart Countywas extremely affected, especially the RV industry. Undocumented familieswere particularly vulnerable because they were not eligible for unemploy-ment benefits. A woman who was interviewed stated:
I used to work at the factory and earned good money, but the factory letme go for no apparent reason. I had noticed that, over time, more andmore Latino=as were being let go, especially the individuals with nopapers. A lot of the factories are scared to hire undocumented peopleor keep them even if they have worked for over 10 years. The companieswould rather hire European Americans even they know Latinos workharder for less pay. Now I work at a restaurant and do other jobs like sell-ing food or products to feed my family. At this point, there are three fam-ilies living in my home, including my four children and husband, acouple with their two children and another couple.
Through multiple observations and interactions the authors saw that familieswere struggling to barely meet their basic needs, which was also influencingtheir ability to be involved in their children’s education.
Another important aspect of el miedo y el hambre was the lack of prep-aration of high school students for college. As the result of the families’ econ-omic struggles, it was difficult for them to pay for the SAT=ACT exam fees,tutoring preparation fees, and college visits. For example, one observationthat was made as part of the multiple interactions included an undocumentedfamily who was struggling to take their child to an out-of-state college visitand scholarship opportunity. Through a strong Latino social network includ-ing churches, community leaders, and others the family received the supportto help their child visit the college and earn the scholarship. For the authors,this observation was an excellent reflection of the majority of the families inthe study and the region and their educational and social struggles.
El Peligro en el Norte (The Danger in the North)
The second research question el peligro en el norte explored how factors out-side of the family, specifically immigration policies, affected the reality of thefamilies and their children’s success. Interviews and observations revealedthat changing laws in Indiana created a more hostile environment. Familiesshared that, in comparison of their arrival 10 to 20 years ago, life was moredifficult today. When they first arrived, most people were able to obtain a
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driver’s license, regardless of their immigration status. Now, families lived inconstant fear of being found as undocumented and subsequently deported.State laws created barriers for children to obtain a higher education byincreasing the tuition fees of public universities to almost triple the regularprice. When asked about how the environment and changing laws had affec-ted the outlook for education one family discussed how everything wasbecoming more difficult. In an interview with this family, the oldest sonwho was attending the local community college stated:
When I came here, my mom could get her license with her passport,but then it [driver’s license] was taken away. Right now, the problem isthat the license plates are going to expire. We had some [plates] fromMichigan because they were given to those who didn’t have papers.Now they aren’t giving those any more. In August they are going toexpire and my dad doesn’t know what to do. I will no longer have a rideto school.
This family had to worry not only about paying out-of-state tuition rates fortheir son’s education, but also about driving him to the community collegewithout a license. The parents were even considering returning to their homecountry so their son would be able to go to school and have more freedom.
As observed by the authors the families were dedicated to their chil-dren’s education. However, as a result of their children’s immigration status,they could not attend most colleges, apply for financial aid, work, or drive.This was confirmed not only through the interviews but also through themany hours of observation and interaction with undocumented or mixed-status families.
During visits to the families’ homes the authors observed the families’resiliency and strengths to persevere despite the obstacles they had faced.One family served as an excellent example: they worked hard to positiontheir oldest son to compete tirelessly for scholarships at private liberal artscolleges across the United States. He eventually was awarded a scholarshipto study premedicine at a Christian liberal arts college in the Midwest. Inan interview with the family the son discussed his challenges and the supportthat he had received:
I liked that feeling of success and kept working hard through middleschool. Then once I started high school, I thought more about college.However, I didn’t realize how hard it would be until my junior year whenI started applying to colleges and I heard how other students in my classwere applying to schools and filling out FAFSA. It made me feel frustratedbecause I had to apply to many colleges, and some colleges I couldn’teven apply to because of my status. I had been working so hard toincrease my chances of going to college and yet they were still tellingme that I couldn’t go. I had faith that He [God] was going to help me.
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He [God] always gave me hope, and so did my family. Even though Iknew they couldn’t help me financially or academically they still sup-ported me.
This response was as a result of his personal resiliency and the support hereceived from family, church, and social capital from his school and com-munity. This observation was made in most of the families who participatedin this study. Specifically, the authors observed that the Latino communityand others were dedicated to seeing Latino youth succeed despite their immi-gration status.
La Escuela (The School)
The third theme la escuela illustrated through responses to the secondresearch question, focused on exploring how factors outside of the family,such as the school environment, affected the reality of the families and theirchildren’s success. Latino families stressed the importance of their collective,cultural, and family values, and they desired to pass the values onto theirchildren. For many families, the differences in their own culture and lan-guage served as barriers:
When they [children] go to school, we can’t help them anymore becausewe don’t know [the system]. From that moment the gap between parentsand children becomes wider. We don’t know how to guide them becausethere is another [educational] system here and another language; it is verydifficult for us. We don’t know how to read the children books in Englishbefore going to bed. To motivate them is difficult because we don’t knowhow to do it.
Most of the families interviewed similarly expressed that some of the majorbarriers in supporting their children’s education included cultural andlanguage barriers and the lack of familiarity with the American educationalsystem. This was an observation that was made through the numerous inter-actions the authors had with the families during home visits and communityevents that promoted educational success. Often, the parents struggled toadvise their children on the college preparation process. This process wasparticularly complex for undocumented families because of colleges and uni-versities not being able to offer them scholarship and financial aid as a resultof their immigration status.
The majority of the families stressed that the local school district wassupportive of children regardless of their immigration status. The parentsacknowledged that the local school district made efforts to develop an effec-tive support system. Specifically, the school district had a bilingual parentliaison in almost all of the schools including elementary, middle, and high
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schools. Parent liaisons worked in schools to facilitate communicationbetween parents and the school and to provide social and educational out-reach beyond school hours, including the weekends. Here is what onemother said when asked about her relationship with the school:
We have always approached [the schools] as much as we can. Before,there were no people who spoke Spanish at the schools; now thereare. Before, we did not visit the school because our fear of the language.I remember when we enrolled my son in school, we went and therewasn’t a relationship with the teachers because they didn’t speak Spanishand we didn’t speak English. Now there are people that help us.
Through multiple interactions and observations in conjunction with the inter-views, most families said that having parent liaisons in the schools was help-ful because they could communicate with them about their children’seducation in their native language. Parents often felt unprepared becausethey did not have the knowledge of how the educational system workedin the United States. The parent liaisons helped narrow the gap in communi-cation and understanding between the school and the family, and they pro-vided educational and social outreach.
DISCUSSION
Over the last 20 years, Latino families have continued to settle in NorthCentral Indiana. As a result, the cultural, political, social, and educationallandscape has shifted from being predominantly White to an environmentthat consisted of at least 40% Latinos. The settlement of Latinos in NorthCentral Indiana mirrors the migration of Latinos in the Midwest over the last70 years (Millard & Chapa, 2004).
In one of the key findings, el miedo y el hambre, the majority of respon-dents reported that they were drawn to Elkhart County because of the econ-omic prosperity in the early 1990s. Historically, the families had done well,but as a result of the economic crisis that affected this region, most familieswere struggling to meet basic and educational needs. However, despite theireconomic realities and consistent with the literature (Viramontez Anguianoet al., 2010), the families found resiliency through their sociocentric valuesof producing social capital.
Another key finding that the majority of respondents agreed on was elpeligro en el norte. For the families, living in fear of deportation, whetherat work, on the way to their children’s school, or simply going to the grocerystore, was a daily reality. Despite the continued differences of federal lawsand political ideologies on immigration, the parents were willing to liveundocumented as long as their children had an opportunity to obtain their
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U.S. residency so that they could continue their higher education and have abetter life.
The last theme la escuela discussed by the respondents focused onrelationship between the school environment and the family. First, it wasclear that the families experienced cultural and linguistic discontinuity. Theresearch has consistently demonstrated that Latino youth and families strug-gle to succeed in an education system that is based on a mainstream,middle-class family foundation (Villenas & Deyhle, 1999). As a result ofcultural and linguistic differences and lack of knowledge of the educationalsystem, Latino parents consistently struggled to help their children at alllevels of education, from elementary to college. From these difficulties, con-sistent with the literature (Perez, Espinoza, Ramos, Coronado, & Cortes,2009), the parents discussed their frustration with achieving college accessfor their children as a result of their undocumented status.
Another key aspect of the theme la escuela, based on the authors’ inter-actions with the families, was the strength of the relationship between theLatino families and the schools. This particular school district in North CentralIndiana developed a cultural and linguistic infrastructure to meet the needs ofthe families, including bilingual parent liaisons that provided social and edu-cational outreach 7 days a week. This finding has been inconsistent, someexisting research documents that school districts are supportive and otherresearch documents that they have not been (Gandara & Contreras, 2009).
Strengths and Limitations
One of the strengths of this research was the utilization of ethnography thatprovided insight on undocumented Latino families and their familial, socialand educational realities. The two authors’ bicultural skills and combinedexperience of 25 years in working with Latino families created positive con-ditions for active participation. Another strength of this study was the level ofopenness and commitment to making this study a success from Latino fam-ilies, Latino community leaders, and school administration and staff in thearea. A limitation of the study was it involved primarily Mexican immigrantsand not many other Latino groups. Another limitation was that this study didnot explore gender and how boys and girls differed in their aspirations forhigher educations. Moreover, the study did not explore how mothers andfathers differed on their educational expectations. Despite whether the stu-dents were overachieving or average, the majority of the families were moti-vated for their children to pursue higher education.
Implications for Practice and Research
This research study provided implications for social workers and other familyprofessionals. An implication is that family professionals need to understand
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not only the struggles of undocumented families, but also their sources ofstrengths through their families, Latino communities, and schools. Socialworkers and family professionals should use a strengths perspective whenthey work with parents to inform them about educational success of theirchildren at all levels. These practices would help narrow the cultural gapbetween schools and families.
Another implication is that social workers and other family profes-sionals need to be aware of how immigration policies may affect the undo-cumented families’ reality. Many times these policies and laws presentbarriers to resources and college access; thus, social workers should seekresources in the spirit of social justice for the family. Last, a recommen-dation based on Cross’s (1988) cultural competency research, social work-ers, family professionals, and school personnel would benefit from trainingin cultural competency and proficiency as it pertains to undocumentedfamilies.
Future research should continue to explore how federal policies andexecutive orders, including President Barack Obama’s announcement toallow undocumented students to study at the higher education level, andstate policies such as Senate Bill 590 and House Bill 1402 will continue toaffect undocumented families in the Midwest (U.S. Department of HomelandSecurity, 2012). Research should also investigate how social workers couldpartner with educators to provide programming that would help improveeducational outcomes for Latino families. Finally, research should alsoexplore how universities can develop relationships with undocumentedLatino families and school districts in an effort to provide access for highereducation for undocumented Latino youth.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, the findings from this study are a reminder of how the UnitedStates was developed, as immigrants put aside their fear and traveled endlessmiles to have a better social reality for their families. They hoped that theirchildren would receive an education that would result in upward mobility.This study provided a rich illustration of how various familial, educational,and social realities influenced the lives of undocumented immigrant Latinofamilies in the Midwest. It also expanded on the limited knowledge of undo-cumented families in Indiana. It contributed by illuminating the numerousstruggles undocumented families face in the attempt to provide better social,economic, and educational opportunities for their children in a new country.The findings demonstrated that despite the many obstacles they encoun-tered, these families showed resiliency and drew on the social capital createdby their social networks, including families, community leaders, and schoolpersonnel.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors thank all the families who participated in this study. The authorsalso thank Dr. Sarah M. Harrison for reviewing the manuscript.
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