El-Rouhayeb, K. (2006). Opening the Gate of Verification

7/27/2019 El-Rouhayeb, K. (2006). Opening the Gate of Verification

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Opening the Gate of Verification: The Forgotten Arab-Islamic Florescence of the 17thCenturyAuthor(s): Khaled El-RouayhebSource: International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 38, No. 2 (May, 2006), pp. 263-281Published by: Cambridge University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3879973 .

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Int.J. MiddleEast Stud. 38 (2006), 263-281. Printed in the United Statesof AmericaDOI: 10.1017.S0020743806382050

KhaledEl-RouayhebOPENING THE GATE OF VERIFICATION: THEFORGOTTEN ARAB-ISLAMIC FLORESCENCEOF THE 17TH CENTURY

Little research has been done on the intellectuallife of the Arab-Islamicworld be-tween the 15th and 19thcenturies. This scholarly neglect almostcertainlyreflects thewidespreadassumptionthat intellectuallife in the Arab-Islamicworld entereda longperiodof stagnationor "sclerosis" after the 13thor 14thcentury.This state of affairsis often believed to have lasted until the 19th century,when Europeanmilitaryandeconomic expansionawakened he Arab-Islamicworldfromits dogmaticslumber,andinaugurateda "reawakening" r "renaissance" nahda). An influential statement ofthis view of intellectual life in the Arabprovincesof the OttomanEmpirebefore the19th centuryis to be found in Gibb and Bowen's Islamic Society and the West. Al-though they noted that "the barrennessof the period has been greatly exaggerated,"theystill stated that Arabicscholarlyculturehaddegenerated,on the whole, into a rote,unquestioningacquisitionof a narrow andreligiously dominated field of knowledge.No "quickeningbreathhad blown" on Arab-Islamicscholarship or centuries.Isolatedeven fromPersian andTurkish nfluences,it was reducedto "livingon its own past."'The intellectual "sclerosis"thathas been thoughtto characterize he Arab-Islamicworld between the 15th and 18th centuryis often portrayedas one aspect of a moregeneraldecline. The periodbetween 1516 and 1798 was also supposedto have beenmarkedby economic decline andurbandecay,as a result of Ottoman mis)ruleand/or heEuropeandiscoveryof the Capeof GoodHope andsubsequentchangesin internationaltrade routes. The researchof economic historians,in particularAndr6Raymond,hasundermined this view. Despite periodic crises and depressions, the Arab provincesof the OttomanEmpireseem, on the whole, to have experiencedboth economic anddemographicgrowth n the period,andthis is reflectedin the substantialgrowthof themajorArabcities of the Empire.Cairo,Aleppo, and Damascus were all substantiallylargerandmorepopulousin the late 18thcentury hanthey were in theearlysixteenth.2This new view of the economichistoryof the Arabprovinces duringthisperiodshouldinvite a reconsiderationof the thesis of intellectualdecline or sclerosis. Sadly,this hasnot yet happened.Raymondhimself contrasts he urbanand economic expansionwithwhat he supposeswas theprevalent"culturalapathy"n the Arabprovinces.3

KhaledEl-Rouayheb s BritishAcademyPostdoctoralResearchFellow at TheFacultyof Divinity,Universityof Cambridge,CambridgeCB3 9BS, U.K.; e-mail:[email protected].? 2006 Cambridge University Press 0020-7438/06 $12.00

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264 KhaledEl-RouayhebIn recentdecades,therehas beensome dissatisfactionamonghistorianswiththis ideaof intellectualstagnation.Hitherto, here seems to have beentwo major ines of attack.MarshallHodgson, in his influentialThe Ventureof Islam, arguedthatthe traditionalnotion of a post-Mongoldecline of Islamic civilization does not do justice to the in-tellectual and culturalflorescence in 16th and 17th centuryOttomanTurkey,SafavidPersia,andMoghulIndia.Influencedby Hodgson,EhsanYarshater asarguedrecentlythat the theoryof "decline" s "Arabocentric"n equatingthe decline of Arab-Islamiccivilizationwith the decline of Islamiccivilization as such.4The second line of attack,representedby scholars such as JohnVoll, PeterGran,and ReinhardtSchulze, arguesthat the 18thcenturywitnessed an indigenousintellectualrevival or"Enlightenment,"before the onset of westernization n the 19thcentury.5Welcome as they are,I believethatthese revisionistargumentsconcede too much. They typically do not contesttheidea thatthe Arabic-speakingpartsof the Islamic world entered into a long periodofstagnationafter the 13th or 14th century. They merely insist that this stagnationdidnot extendto, say, Safavid Persiaor MoghulIndia,or arguethat the revival datesbackto the 18th rather han the 19thcentury,and was due to indigenousfactors rather hanto European nfluences and challenges. Indeed, insofar as they accuse the theory ofdecline or stagnationof being "Arabocentric,"r insofar asthey speakof a "revival" r"enlightenment" conceptswhich suggest a precedingperiodof dormantor benightedintellectual ife), bothapproachespresupposerather hanchallengethe receivedtheoryof stagnation.In the presentarticle,I would like to challenge this idea of intellectualapathyandstagnation by drawingattentionto some hithertoneglected intellectualdevelopmentsin the Arabic-speakingpartsof the OttomanEmpirein the 17thcentury.One of these

developmentswas the introductionof a rangeof new handbooks n the fields of gram-mar,semantics-rhetoric,ogic, andtheology,mostlyof eitherPersianorMaghribi rigin.Contemporarywitnesses believed that hisdevelopmentwassignificant,becausePersianand Maghribischolars were imbued,or so it was believed, with an ethos of "verifica-tion." Anothermajordevelopmentwas the spreadof originally non-Arabicmysticalorderssuch as the Shattariyya,Naqshbandiyya,and Khalwatiyyain the region.Thisdevelopmentappears o have had the effect of strengthening upport ormonist,pro-Ibn'Arabidoctrines,which had hithertobeenregardedwithsuspicionby mostArab-Islamicscholars(ulama).The two trendswere distinct,but at times coalesced, as in the case oftwo of theintellectualgiantsof the 17thcentury, brahimal-Kurani 1616-90) and Abdal-Ghanial-Nabulusi(1640-1731)."THE WAY OF THE PERSIAN AND KURDISH VERIFYINGSCHOLARS"In the first decade of the 17th century, the Shi'ite Safavids under Shah 'Abbas (r. 1588-1629) managedto wrestAzerbaijanand Shirwan rom theOttomans,thussparkingoffa westward exodus of Sunni Azeri and Kurdish scholars. One Kurdish scholarwhosettled in Damascusat precisely this time was Mulla Mahmudal-Kurdi d. 1663-64),who went on to teach in the city for aroundsixty years. He seems to have gaineda considerablereputationas a teacher,and several of his local studentswent on tobecomeprominent eachers n theirownright.Oneof theirstudents,MuhammadAmin



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Openingthe Gate of Verification 265al-Muhibbi(d. 1699), included an entryon Mulla Mahmud n his biographicaldictio-naryof Muslim notables who died in the 11thcenturyof the Muslim era (i.e., 1591-1689 AD). Al-Muhibbiwrote:Hemostly aughthebooksof thePersianskutubl-a'ajim),ndhe was thefirst oacquainthestudents f Damascuswiththesebooks,andhe impartedo them heability o readandteachthem. t is fromhim hat hegateof tahqTqnDamascuswasopened.This s whatwe haveheardour eachersay.6The meaningof the wordtahqTqn this context is clear froma storyinvolvinganotherEasternscholar who settled in Damascusin the 17thcentury, Abd al-Rahimal-Kabuli(d. 1723). The Afghanscholar was once approachedby a local studentwho wished tostudy hecommentary f theEgyptianscholarZakariyyaal-Ansari d. 1519)onIsaghuji,an introductoryhandbookon logic by Athir al-Din al-Abhari d. 1265). Al-Kabuli hadnot seen this particular ommentarybefore and was reportedlyunimpressedwhen hediscovered hatZakariyyaal-Ansarihadmerely explained hetext,"rather hangoingthewayof themuhaqqiqTn."'7ahqTqbviouslymeantdoingmore thanmerelyexplaining hecontents of the handbookcommentedupon.As an Ottomancontemporary f al-Kabulistated,tahqTqs to give the evidentialgrounds(dalTi) f a scientificproposition.8If it is relatively straightforwardo understandwhat al-Muhibbimeantby speakingof tahqTq,t is somewhat more difficult to ascertainwhat he meantby "the books ofthe Persians."One clue is offered by an 18th centurybiographyof the Damascenescholarandmystic 'Abdal-Ghanial-Nabulusi 1640-1731), in which it is statedthathestudied ogic, semantics-rhetoric 'ilm al-ma'amn a-l-bay-in),andgrammarwith MullaMahmud al-Kurdi.9Another Damascenescholar,Abu al-Mawahibal-Hanbali(1635-1714),also stated hathe studied ogic andthe sciences of languagewith MullaMahmudal-Kurdi.10He also mentioned some of the books thathe had studiedwith the Kurdishscholar: heearliermentioned saghujiby al-Abhariwith its standard ommentaries,andTalkhis l-miftah,a condensedmanualonsemantics-rhetoric yJamalal-Dinal-Qazwini(d. 1338) with the shorter and longer commentarieson the work by Sa'd al-Din al-Taftazani d. 1390). Al-Abhari,al-Qazwini,and al-Taftazaniwere all of Persianorigin,and their works could easily be referredto as "the books of the Persians."However,the mentioned works were hardly unknown in Damascene scholarly circles in the16thcentury.For instance,the Damascene scholar Hasan al-Burini(d. 1615) studiedthe semantic-rhetoricalworks of al-Taftazanibefore the arrival of Mulla Mahmud.'1Al-Burinihimself went on to teach al-Taftazani's ommentarieson Talkhisal-miftah,aswell as al-Abhari's saghujiwith the commentaryof Husamal-Din al-Kati(d. 1359). Ifal-Muhibbi'scommentsaboutMulla Mahmudal-KurdintroducingDamascene studentsto newworks are obetakenseriously, henhe must have beenreferring oworksbyother,andpresumably ater,Persian scholars. The identityof at least some of these scholarsmay be gauged from a work by Ibrahim al-Kurani(d. 1690), another 17th centuryKurdish scholar who settled in the Arabic-speaking ands, listing the works he had acertificate o teach.Kuranimentionedthe standardworks of al-Taftazani ndal-Sayyidal-Sharifal-Jurjanid. 1413) on semantics-rhetoric,grammar, ogic, andtheology. Hethen went on to mention other works in these fields by later Persianscholars such as



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266 KhaledEl-RouayhebJalal al-Din al-Dawani (d. 1501) and 'Isam al-Din al-Isfara'ini (d. 1537).12 Some ofthese new works were the following:

1. The supercommentary f al-Isfara'inion Sharh al-kafiya (on grammar)by the well-knownPersianscholar andpoet 'Abd al-Rahmanal-Jami(d. 1492);2. Thelengthycommentary f al-Isfara'ini, ntitledal-Atwal,on Talkhis l-miftah onsemantics-rhetoric);3. The commentaryof al-Isfara'inion Risalatal-wad' (on the theoryof conventionalreference)by 'Adud al-Din al-Iji(d. 1355);4. The commentaryof al-Isfara'inion al-Risalafi al-isti'arat (on metaphors)by Abu-al-Qasimal-Samarqandifl. 1488);5. The commentaryof al-Dawani on the creed('aqa'id) of 'Adudal-Din al-Iji (on theology);6. The commentaryof al-Dawani on Tahdhib l-mantiqby al-Taftazanion logic).

The cited works were widely used handbooks in Ottoman scholarly circles from the17th century, as attested by the bibliographer Katib Celebi (d. 1657).'" Older Damascenescholars such as the previously mentioned Hasan al-Burini (1556-1615) and Najm al-DinMuhammad al-Ghazzi (1570-1651) do not seem to have studied such works.14 YoungerDamascene scholars such as al-Muhibbi (1650-99) and Ibn al-'Imad al-Hanbali (1623-79), by contrast, were well aware of the later Persian scholars' "useful works in all thedisciplines."'" There is thus some reason to believe that the works of the later Persianscholars were indeed introduced to the scholarly milieu of Damascus in the early 17thcentury by Mulla Mahmud al-Kurdi. The supposition is strengthened by the fact thatsome of the Damascene pupils of Mulla Mahmud, such as CAbd al-Qadir ibn 'Abdal-Hadi (d. 1688) and 'Uthman al-Qattan (d. 1704), are known to have taught the worksof al-Dawani and al-Isfara'ini.'6

In the somewhat more cosmopolitan atmosphere of the two Holy Cities of Meccaand Medina, the works of al-Dawani and al-Isfara'ini may have become known at anearlier time than in Damascus. A grandchild of 'Isam al-Din al-Isfara'ini, Qadi 'Alial-'Isami (d. 1598-99) settled in the holy cities, and he and his nephew 'Abd al-Malikal-'Isami (d. 1627-28) are known to have taught the works of al-Isfara'ini there."7Fromwestern Arabia, the works of al-Isfara'ini seem to have spread to Egypt. The Egyptianscholars Ahmad al-Ghunaymi (d. 1634) and Ahmad al-Khafaji (d. 1659) both studiedhis works while they were in the Hijaz.'8 Egyptian scholars of the 17th century wenton to write commentaries and glosses on some of the "works of the Persians." Forinstance, al-Ghunaymi wrote glosses on al-Isfara'ini's commentary on al-Samarqandi'sal-Risala fi al-isticarat. Al-Ghunaymi's student, Yasin al-'Ulaymi al-Himsi (d. 1651)wrote glosses on the commentary of the Persian-born Transoxanian scholar 'Ubaydallahal-Khabisi (fl. 1540) on Tahdhib al-mantiq by al-Taftazani. These glosses reveal thatal-'Ulaymi was acquainted with the commentary of al-Isfara'ini on the same work.19 TheMoroccan scholar 'Abdallah al-'Ayyashi (d. 1680), who passed through Egypt on hisway to the hajj, asked a local specialist in semantics-rhetoric what handbooks he usedto teach the subject. The Egyptian scholar replied that the standard handbook had longbeen al-Taftazani's longer commentary, called al-Mutawwal, on Talkhis al-miftah, butthat there was now a more recent and longer commentary by 'Isam al-Din al-Isfara'ini,



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Openingthe Gateof Verification 267called al-Atwal, which offered a synthesis of the most importantscholia written onal-Taftazani'swork.20Most of the works alludedto by al-Muhibbiwere written in Arabic, but this wasnot alwaysthe case. For instance,'Isam al-Dinal-Isfara'iniwrotea work in Persianonfigurativeuse of language(majaz)that was translated nto Arabicin the 17thcentury.TheEgyptianhistorian Abd al-Rahman l-Jabartid. 1825-26) attributedhe translationto one of his father'steachers,the EgyptianscholarAhmadal-Mallawi(1677-1767).21However,hewas almostcertainlymistakenabout his.Survivingmanuscripts f the workmention the translator'sname as Ahmad al-Mawlawi(i.e., of the Mawlawi mysticalorder), not al-Mallawi (i.e., from the Egyptian town of Mallawi).22Furthermore,astudentof al-Mallawi,in a work in which he consistentlyrefersto al-Mallawias "ourteacher the commentator shaykhunaal-sharih),"also referred o the translatorof al-Isfara'ini's work as "al-Mawlawi."23 he translator eems rather o have been Ahmadibn Lutfallahal-Mawlawi,also known as MunajjimBashi (d. 1702). OriginallyfromSalonica, Ahmad al-Mawlawi served as court astronomer/astrologeror Mehmed IV(r. 1648-87) in Istanbulbefore retiringto CairoandMecca, where he died. His otherworksincludea universalchronicle;a commentaryon a workon ethicsby 'Adudal-Dinal-Iji;a treatiseon logical predication haml);anda workon the medicalpropertiesofEuropeanherbs.24Whatwas thesignificanceof theintroduction f thenew "booksof the Persians" n thelate 16thandearly17thcentury?Most of the worksmentionedhave not received modemscholarlyattention,and it is thereforedifficultto answer the questionwith confidence.Even manyof the authorsremain argelyunknown.Forinstance,the Encyclopaedia ofIslam has no entryon 'Isam al-Din al-Isfara'ini,whose works on semantics-rhetoric,grammar,heology,andlogic remainedstandard extbooksfor centuries.Its shortentryon Dawani focuses on his Persian work on ethics (which has been translated ntoEnglish), rather hanon his Arabic theological, logical, and philosophicalworks thatwere much more influential n scholarlycirclesin the OttomanEmpire.25t seems clear,however,thatthe commentariesandsupercommentaries f al-Isfara'iniand al-Dawanidid not simply consist of an explicationof the meaningof the texts. For instance,theOttomanbibliographerKatibCelebi stated hatal-Isfara'ini'sglosses on al-Jami'sSharhal-kafiyawere highly critical and that "he arguedagainsthim [i.e., al-Jami]on mostpoints."26 ven allowingfor some exaggeration,such a comment would makeno senseif al-Isfara'iniwere simplyexpounding he meaningof al-Jami'swork.For his part,al-Dawani'swidely studiedcommentaryon the creedof al-Ijiis prefacedwithanemphasison the need for tahqiqrather hantaqlid in creedalmatters,and a declaration hat thework will not merely catalogueviews but pursuethe truth even when it goes againstcurrentopinion.27 Although explicitlywritten rom anAshcariperspective,al-Dawani'scommentaryrepeatedlyadoptedan irenic stance towardpoints that had traditionallydividedAsh'arisfromMu'tazilisandIslamicphilosophers.Forexample,he stated thaton many central theological points, such as the correctunderstandingof the divineattributes,he argumentsof theAsh'arisand theMu'taziliswere bothinconclusive,andhe emphasizedthat the latter should not be consideredunbelievers.28He also went outof his way to argue hatmanyof the accusationsoften levied attheIslamicphilosophersby theologians-for example, thatthey believed that God did not know particulars-were basedon misunderstanding.29l-Dawani was also sympathetic o the ideas of the



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268 Khaled El-RouayhebAndalusianmysticIbn 'Arabi,such as "theunityof existence"(wahdatal-wujfid),andhis argumentson this pointwere invokedby latersupportersof Ibn'Arabi'stheory.Bycontrast,earliertheologianssuch as al-Ijiand al-Taftazaniwere explicitlyhostile to theidea of wahdat al-wujiid.30Al-Muhibbi linked the teachingof the "books of the Persians" o the "openingofthe gate of tahqTq." o understandwhy he did so, it should be kept in mind thatthefull significance of the introductionof "thebooks of the Persians"may not becomeapparentmerely by looking at the contents of the works themselves.The new workswere not mere additions to librarycollections but were taught initiallyby scholarsofKurdishor Persianorigin.There s some evidence thatPersianand Kurdish cholarshada distinctive manner of teaching.Al-Muhibbi described one of the scholarshe met inIstanbulas"followingthewayof thePersianand Kurdishverifyingscholars(muhaqqiqTal-'ajam wa-l-akraid) in adhering to the principles of dialectic (iadiib al-bahth)."31 A17thcenturyMoroccan scholarhas left a vivid descriptionof a contemporaryKurdishscholar'sway of conductingclasses:His lecture n a topicreminded ne of discussionmudha/kara) ndparley mufawada),or hewould ay:"Perhapshisand hat,"nd"Itseems hat t isthis," nd"Doyouseethat hiscanbeunderstoodikethat?." nd f hewasquestionedn eventheslightest ointhe would topuntilthe matterwasestablished.32Indeed,works ondialectic(adaibal-bahth)were almostcertainlyamongthenew "booksof the Persians" hat came to be taughtin Arab-Islamiccircles from the 17thcentury.One of the numerousworks of al-Isfara'iniwas a commentaryon a tracton dialecticby'Adud al-Dinal-Iji.33

Remarksby the earlierEgyptianscholar Jalalal-Din al-Suyuti(d. 1505) offer somefurther indicationof the significance of the "books of the Persians."Al-Suyuti wasnotoriously opposed to logic and philosophy,and repeatedlycondemned these dis-ciplines as inimical to religious faith. He also condemned the-in his view mainlyPersian-scholars who introduced ogical conceptsandargument orms into the studyof theology, the principlesof jurisprudenceand grammar.He pridedhimself in mas-tering jurisprudence,grammar,and rhetoric"according o the principlesof the Arabsand the erudite, not accordingto the way of the Persians and philosophers."34 Thegrammatical,semantic-rhetorical,and theologicalhandbooksto which al-Muhibbial-luded were writtenby Persianscholars who also wroteon logical and/orphilosophicaltopics. Apparently, he logically and philosophically informedmethodology that al-Suyutidespisedreceived renewed mpetusin Arab-Islamicscholarlycircles in the 17thcentury.MAGHRIBI SCHOLARS IN THE EASTThe 18thcenturyEgyptian-based cholarMuhammadMurtada l-Zabidi d. 1791),likeal-Suyuti,was more comfortablewith the tradition-relatingnaqliyyah)sciences suchas hadith,as opposed to rational('aqliyyah) sciences such as logic or philosophicaltheology. Like al-Suyuti,he considered the latterfields to be pernicious,althoughhewas well awarethat his view was far frombeing typical of the Islamic scholarsof histime. Indeed,he regrettedwhat he saw as an inordinateenthusiasm or logic amonghis



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Opening the Gate of Verification 269Egyptian contemporaries. This enthusiasm, according to al-Zabidi, had been impartedby incoming scholars from the Maghrib, that is, present-day Morocco, Algeria, andTunisia. Such scholars, according to al-Zabidi, had "delved into it [i.e., logic] until theybecame leaders in the field who are singled out for their proficiency."35In an arrestingpassage, al-Zabidi described how Maghribi scholars coming to Egypt a few generationsbefore his time had spread this enthusiasm for logic:Thus you see that those of them who came to Egypt in the times of the teachersof our teachershadfew hadith o relate,and due to them it [logic] becamepopular n Egyptandthey [i.e., locals]devoted themselves to studyingit, whereas before that time they had only occupied themselveswith it occasionallyto sharpen heirwits.36

As I have shown elsewhere, al-Zabidi is in this passage referring to several Maghribischolars who settled temporarily or permanently in Egypt toward the end of the 17thcentury and the beginning of the 18th, and taught logic, among other things, to localstudents.37Many of these scholars were students of the prominent Moroccan theologianand logician al-Hasan al-Yusi (d. 1691). They brought with them a number of logicalhandbooks that were of Maghribi provenance, such as the following:1. al-Sullamal-munawraq,a didacticpoem introducing he basicprinciplesof Aristotelian ogic,by 'Abd al-Rahmanal-Akhdari d. 1546), often read in conjunctionwith al-Akhdari'sownprose commentary,and the glosses of the Maliki mufti of Algiers, Sa'id Qadduraal-Tunisi(d. 1656).2. al-Mukhtasar i al-mantiq,a somewhat more advanced work by Muhammad bn Yusuf al-Sanusi (d. 1490), oftenread n conjunctionwith al-Sanusi's own commentary, nd the glossesof al-Hasanal-Yusi.3. al-Jumal,by Afdal al-Din al-Khunaji d. 1249), a yet more advancedwork commenteduponby various Maghribianscholars such as Muhammadal-Sharif al-Tilimsani(d. 1370), Ibnal-Khatibal-Qusantini d. 1409), and IbnMarzuqal-Hafid(d. 1439).38

In addition to these logical works, the students of al-Yusi taught the theologicalworks of the earlier mentioned 15th century scholar Muhammad ibn Yusuf al-Sanusi,particularly his longer creed 'Aqidat ahl al-tawhid and the shorter Umm al-barahin, alongwith the commentaries of the author and various glosses by later Maghribi scholars suchas 'Isa al-Suktani (d. 1651/52), Yahya al-Shawi (d. 1685), and al-Yusi. Like al-Dawani,al-Sanusi repeatedly emphasized the unsatisfactory nature of imitation (taqlTd) n mattersof creed, and the need for tahqTq.39 n al-Dawani's case, the emphasis led to a morereconciliatory position vis-h-vis the claims of the Mu'tazilis and Islamic philosopherson several points. By contrast, al-Sanusi-whose works have been described as markingthe apogee of "intellectualism" in Muslim theology--evinced a firm confidence in thepossibility of demonstrating the truth of the Ash'ari creed and relied heavily on themodal concepts and argument forms of Aristotelian logic in expounding and defendingthe principles of the Islamic faith.40 Although staunchly opposed to the Mu'tazilis and theIslamic philosophers, al-Sanusi was also disparaging of what he called the hashwiyya,that is, fideist and literalist groups such as anti-Ash'ari Hanbalis. Such people, heargued, are led astray in theological matters by their ignorance of rational sciencessuch as semantics, logic, and rhetoric. They do not heed the necessary truths of reason,oblivious of the fact that to undermine reason is to undermine the basis for religiousbelief.41



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270 KhaledEl-RouayhebAl-Sanusi's disparagement of taqlTdwas shared by his later Maghribi commentators.Al-Yusi, who wrote influential supercommentaries on al-Sanusi's theological and logicalworks, was no less intent on "going the way of the muhaqqiqTn"than his Persian andKurdish colleagues. For instance, in his extended treatise on the difference betweenthe proprium (i.e., distinct but nonessential attributes, like laughter to man) and thedifferentia (i.e., essential attributes, like rationality to man), he wrote:

There will occasionallybe things we write thatyou will not, O reader, ind elsewhere, so do nothasten to disapproveof it,beingmisledby thosewhotake it uponthemselves to relate whatothershave saidandpiece it together,and for whom the ultimate n knowledgeand mental exertion s tosay: so and so has said.No by God! ... For there s no differencebetweenan imitator muqallid)being led andan animalbeing led, so knowO reader hatI haveonly included n my treatment fthis and othertopics what I believe to be true.., .and heed the wordsof the Imam [Fakhral-Dinal-Razi(d. 1209)]:WhattheProphethas said we acceptwholeheartedly, nd what his companionshave said we accept partially;as to what others have said:they are men andwe aremen.42The Maghribi students of al-Yusi were not the first scholars from that region to makean impact on the Arabic-speaking parts of the Ottoman Empire. A number of Maghribischolars went eastward during the 17th century, many presumably seeking to escape thepolitical turmoil that had engulfed Morocco after the break-up of the Sa'dian dynasty in1603. The scholar and belletrist Ahmad al-Maqqari al-Tilimsani (d. 1632), who settled inDamascus and Cairo, is well known for his literary history of Islamic Spain, Nafh al-tibfi ghusn al-Andalus al-ratib.43 Another Maghribi scholar who was no less renowned inhis day was the polymath Muhammad ibn Sulayman al-Rudani (d. 1683).44 He was botha specialist in hadith and an accomplished logician, grammarian, jurist, and astronomer.A contemporary Moroccan scholar wrote that al-Rudani traveled far and wide in searchof prominent teachers, particularly those who could impart anything relating to thephilosophical sciences (al-'ult-m al-hikmiyyah), such as astronomy, mathematics andlogic, for which al-Rudani had a particular aptitude. Al-Rudani's search eventually tookhim to Algiers, where he studied with the earlier-mentioned supercommentator on al-Akhdari's didactic poem on logic, Sa'id Qaddura al-Tunisi.45 He then traveled furtherEast, to Egypt, Turkey, the Hijaz, and Damascus, where he died. A Damascene scholarwho studied with al-Rudani is quoted as saying the following:His knowledge of hadith and of the principles of jurisprudence s unequalled by anyone wehave met. As for the science of belles-lettres (adab), he is the ultimateauthority.And in thephilosophicalsciences:logic, physicsandmetaphysics,he was the teacherwhose knowledgecouldnot be acquired hroughnaturalmeans. And he was proficientin the sciences of mathematics:Euclid, astronomy, eometry,Almagest,calculus,algebra,arithmetic, artography, armony, ndgeodesy. Hisknowledgeof thesefields was unique,otherscholarsknowingonly thepreliminariesof these sciences, rather han the advanced ssues.46

Some of al-Rudani's major works include the following:1. Jamcal-fawa'id min jamic al-usul wa-majmac al-fawa'id; an extensive topical collation ofhadith recognized by Sunni Muslims, based on two earlierpartialcollections.47There hasbeen someinterestrecently n the issue of whether here was a reinvigoration f hadithstudies

in Mecca and Medinain the 18thcentury.In this regard, t is significantthatal-Rudani,whoearned heepithet"the muhaddith f theHijaz,"was theprincipal eacherof one of the centralfiguresin this purported evival,'Abdallah bn Salimal-Basri(d. 1722).48



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Opening the Gate of Verification 2712. Bahjat al-tullabfi al-'amal bi-l-asturlab;a shorttreatiseon the astrolabe.493. Qala'id al-la'ali i 'amalal-ayyamwa-l-layali,a didacticpoemon chronology('ilmal-awqa-t),with a lengthy commentary n prose, entitledMaqasidal-'awali bi-qala'id al-la'ali. Accord-ing to a contemporary, l-Rudani'sworkwas based on the "new"astronomicalobservations

madeattheobservatory f UlughBeg (d. 1449)in Samarqand, n the basisof which al-Rudanicorrected he informationcontained n earlierworks on chronology.504. Al-Nafi'a 'ala al-'ala al-jami'a, a descriptionof, and user's guide to, an astronomical n-strument nventedby al-Rudanihimself. Al-Rudani was a skilled craftsmanas well as anastronomerand made copies of the instrumenthimself and sold it to interestedbuyers.TheMoroccan scholar 'Abdallah al-'Ayyashi, who met al-Rudani in Medina, wrote that "thelike has not previouslybeen made,ratherhe invented t with his acutemindandsophisticatedskills.""'The Damascenebiographer l-Muhibbi,who visited al-Rudaniwhen the lattersettledin Damascus,noted: "he inventeda sphere(kura)that was superior o previous spheresandastrolabes,and which spreadto India and the Yemen and the Hijaz."52CharlesPellat, whohas editedandtranslatedRudani'streatise,has noted thathis astronomicalnstrumentwas anarmillary phereadapted o also allow topographicalmeasurements.53

SHATTARIS, NAQSHBANDIS, AND KHALWATISA few years before Mulla Mahmud al-Kurdi came to Damascus and started teaching"the books of the Persians," an Indian mystic of the Shattariyya order settled in Medina.Sibghatallah al-Barwaji (d. 1606) quickly gained renown as a Sufi master and initiatedseveral local scholars into his order.54He brought with him several books written byIndian Shattari mystics such as al-Jawahir al-Khams by Muhammad Ghawth Gwaliori(d. 1562). Al-Barwaji translated this work from Persian into Arabic, and a commentaryon it was later written by his leading disciple, the Egyptian-born Ahmad al-Shinnawi(d. 1619). Al-Shinnawi became the successor of al-Barwaji and was in turn succeededby Ahmad al-Qushashi (d. 1661), who in turn was succeeded by the Kurdish-bornIbrahim al-Kurani (d. 1690).55Al-Shinnawi, al-Qushashi and al-Kurani were all outspo-ken adherents of the controversial idea of the "unity of existence" (wahdat al-wujfid),associated with Ibn 'Arabi and his followers. Indeed one of the major Shattari textsstudied in their circle was al-Tuhfa al-mursala ila al-nabi, a work by the Indian Shattarimystic Muhammad al-Burhanpuri (d. 1619-20) defending the idea of wahdat al-wujtid.Ibrahim al-Kurani wrote a commentary on Burhanpuri's work and also several inde-pendent treatises expounding and defending wahdat al-wujuid. Al-Kurani's student anddisciple Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Rasul al-Barzinji (d. 1693) translated from Persian intoArabic a work by the Persian mystic Abu al-Fath Muhammad al-Kazaruni, also knownas Shaykh Makki (fl.1518), defending this and other controversial ideas of Ibn 'Arabi.56This open adherence to monism marks a contrast with the Arab mystics of the 16thcentury whose works have come down to us, such as 'Abd al-Wahhab al-Sha'rani(d. 1565), Muhammad ibn Abi-l-Hasan al-Bakri (d. 1585), and 'Abd al-Ra'uf al-Munawi(d. 1622). All of these writers seem to have been uneasy with the idea of wahdat al-wujiid,and tended to explain away the claims of earlier monist mystics as excusable ecstaticutterances (shatahait). To be sure, such mystics defended Ibn 'Arabi against the chargeof heresy, but they did so apologetically, claiming that the Greatest Master's languagewas difficult to decipher for the uninitiated and should not be judged at face value andthat many heretical statements had been interpolated into his works.'57The attitude of al-Shinnawi, al-Qushashi, al-Kurani, and al-Barzinji seems to have been much bolder and



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272 Khaled El-Rouayhebto have consistedof an open espousalof controversial deas associated with Ibn'Arabiand his school, such as wahdat al-wujiidand the idea that the Pharaohwhom Moseshadchallengeddied as a believer(Tma fir'awn). The Moroccanpilgrim'Abdallahal-'Ayyashi,who studied with al-Kuranin Medina,thus relatedthatal-Kurani epeatedlywould urge him to accept the ideas of Ibn 'Arabi. Al-'Ayyashi,however,preferred oremainuncommitted,arguingthat this positionwas in accord with the Shadhiliorderinto whichhe had first been initiated.58Anotherexampleof the new boldness of the Shattarimystics of Medina is evincedin the famous commentaryby MuhammadMurtadaal-Zabidi(d. 1791) on Ghazali'sIhya' 'ulumal-din.In thefirst volume of his extensivecommentary, l-ZabidiwrotethatIbn 'Arabi hadnever meant to maintain he thesis of Iman ir'awn. Rather,Ibn 'Arabishould be interpreted llegorically,Pharaohbeinga symbolof the humansoul.59In thesecond volume of his commentary, owever,al-Zabidi etractedhis earlier nterpretationthat-he wrote-was inspired by the interpretation f 16th century Egyptianmysticssuch as 'Abd al-Wahhab al-Sha'rani and 'Abd al-Karim al-Khalwati (d. 1578). Al-Zabidihad since looked at Ibn 'Arabi'sworks andcame to the conclusion that theallegoricalexplanation was untenable. He then informed the reader that there were neverthelessscholars who defended Ibn 'Arabi's thesis understood literally, such as Jalal al-Din al-Dawani and Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Rasul al-Barzinji in his translation of Kazaruni'sPersian treatise.60 It is clear that the position of al-Dawani and al-Barzinji on the issuewas much bolder and less apologetic than Sha'rani's.This straightforward espousal of the more controversial ideas of Ibn 'Arabi was appar-ently not received with enthusiasm by all local scholars. For instance, some indication ofresentment may be gauged from the following biographical entry on the Yemeni mysticMuhammad al-Habashi (d. 1642):He was preoccupiedwith the works of [the uncontroversially rthodox Abu Hamid]al-Ghazali[(d. 1111)], and hence was nicknamed "al-Ghazali."Then he left for the two Holy Cities andfrequented al-Sayyid Sibghatallahand [Sibghatallah'sdisciples] al-Sayyid As'ad [al-Balkhi(d. 1636)] and Shaykh Ahmad al-Shinnawi, and regularlyread the works of Ibn 'Arabi andfollowed his way, and would at times make ecstatic statementsand some jurists would censurehim.6'The passage suggests that al-Habashi's enthusiasm for Ibn 'Arabi and his ensuingproblematic tatementswas a resultof his comingintocontactwithSibghatallahandhisMedinan disciples.A similar outspoken adherence to the theories of Ibn 'Arabi seems also to havebeen characteristic of a branch of the Khalwati order that spread in Damascus in the17th century. It was introduced into the city by a Kurdish immigrant, Ahmad al-'Usali(d. 1639), a disciple of a Khalwati master from Gaziantep.62Al-'Usali's Damascene dis-ciples went on to initiate a substantial number of local scholars, including the previouslymentioned scholars Muhammad Amin al-Muhibbi and Abu al-Mawahib al-Hanbali. Thelatter wrote a work enumerating the scholars with whom he had studied, and included aseparate ection in which he gavethechainof transmittersn whoseauthorityhe relatedthe works of Ibn 'Arabi.63One of the most prominent ocal disciples of al-'Usali wasAyyubal-'Adawial-Khalwati d. 1660),who left behind severalmysticalworks.Ayyub



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Openingthe Gate of Verification 273al-Khalwatiwas anoutspokenand controversialadherent f the views of Ibn'Arabi,andwas on good terms with the Shattaridisciples of Sibghatallahal-Barwaji n Medina.64AnotherIndianmystic who settled in the Hijaz in the early 17th centurywas Tajal-Din al-Naqshbandi d. 1640), a rival of the more famous IndianNaqshbandimysticAhmadal-Sirhindi(d. 1624).65Like his contemporarySibghatallahal-Barwaji,Tajal-Din translatedsome of the influentialworks of his order from Persian into Arabic, inparticularhehagiographical ollectionsNafahatal-UnsbyJami(d. 1492)andRashahat'ayn al-hayat by 'Ali Kashifi (d. 1532-33). He also wrote a treatisein Arabicon theprinciplesof the Naqshbandiorder.The Naqshbandiorderhas often been portrayedashostile or lukewarm o the monism of Ibn 'Arabi,but this view has been shown to besimplistic. Althoughsome Naqshbandis,most famously Tajal-Din's rival Ahmadal-Sirhindi,were critical of the idea of wahdatal-wujuid, therprominentmembersof theorderexplicitly defended t.66This seems to have beenthe case with Tajal-Din and hisdisciples,who areknown to havetaughtIbncArabi's ontroversialwork Fusus al-hikamin theholy cities.67Another Naqshbandiwho openly espoused the more controversialaspects of theteachings of Ibn 'Arabi was the Damascene scholar cAbd al-Ghani al-Nabulusi(d. 1731).Al-Nabulusiwas initiated nto theNaqshbandiorderby acertainAbuSacidal-Balkhi,a second-generationdisciple of the prominentCentralAsian-bornIndian-basedNaqshbandiMahmudKhawand(d. 1642), yet anotherNaqshbandirival of Ahmad al-Sirhindi.The first task Nabulusiwas set by his master was to write a commentaryonTajal-Din al-Naqshbandi'sreatise on the principlesof the order.68Al-Nabulusi,alongwith al-Qushashiand al-Kurani,was perhapsthe best-known defender of the ideas ofIbn cArabiin his time. He wrote influential commentarieson the classics of monistmysticism, such as theDiwan of Ibn al-Faridand the Fusus al-hikamof IbncArabi.Heprefacedthese mystical commentarieswith the remark hat he had not consultedanyother work while writingthem, andinsteadrelied entirelyon divine inspiration fath).This deliberatereliance on inspirationrather han books was a recurrent eatureof themystical and illuminationist raditionsand was also referred o as tahqTq, lthoughinthis case the "verification"was affordedby mystical experienceratherthanreason.69Al-Nabulusialso wrote a series of polemical works defendingcontroversialmysticalpracticesand deas such aslisteningtomusic,adoringhandsomebeardlessyouths,vener-atingthe tombs of saints,andwahdatal-wujiid.70 Inthese exotericwritings,al-Nabulusioften did cite otherworks,either to criticize them or to buttresshis own views. In hismajor apology for wahdatal-wujiid,entitledal-Wujudal-haqqwa-l-khitabal-sidq, herepeatedlysupportedhis position by citing passagesfrom al-Dawani'sSharhal-caqa'idal-'adudiyya,aworkthatwaspresumably irsttaught n Damascusby Nabulusi's eacherMulla Mahmudal-Kurdi.71Ibrahimal-Kuraniwas also well acquaintedwith this workby Dawani and wrote asupercommentary n it.72 He also taughtsuch straightforwardly hilosophicalworksas the commentaryof Muhammadbn al-Sharifal-Jurjanid. 1434-35) on Hidayatal-hikmaby al-Abhari d. 1265);Hikmatal-Ishraqbythe illuminationistphilosopherYahyaal-Suhrawardi l-Maqtul d. 1191);and the metaphysicalsectionsof Sharhal-Mawaqiffi 'ilm al-kalamby al-Sayyidal-Sharifal-Jurjanid. 1413).73Before his initiation intothe Shattariorder,al-Kuranihadbeen trained n philosophyandphilosophicaltheologyby his Kurdish teacher Muhammadal-Sharifal-Kurani d. 1676), who wrote, among



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274 KhaledEl-Rouayhebotherthings, a supercommentary n the commentaryof Nasir al-Din al-Tusi(d. 1274)on Avicenna's condensed epitome of philosophy al-Isharat.74Al-Kurani's works indefense of wahdat al-wujfid tend to be more philosophicallyinvolved than those ofal-Nabulusi,who in generalseems to haverepresenteda more fideist strandof mysticalthought.75The Damascenescholar MuhammadKhalil al-Muradi d. 1791) wrote that studentscame to studywithal-Kurani rom allcornersof the Islamicworld.76 omeof al-Kurani'streatises were explicitlywritten at therequestof scholars and studentsfrom Fez in thewest to Java ntheeast.77Other18thcentury cholars nTurkeyandEgypt, writingbeforethenotion of pre-19thcenturydecadencetookroot,treatedal-Kuranias a thinkerof thesame statureas the now better-knownPersianphilosophersMir Damad(d. 1631) andMulla Sadra(d. 1640/41).78The Moroccanpilgrim'Abdallahal-'Ayyashi,who studiedwithal-Kurani nMedina,has left adescription-already quotedearlier-of al-Kurani'steachingstyle:His lectureon a topicreminded ne of discussionmudhakara)ndparley mufdwada),or hewould ay:"Perhapshisand hat", nd"It eems hat t is this", nd"Doyousee that hiscanbeunderstoodike that?." nd f he wasquestionedn even heslightest ointhe would topuntilthematterwasestablished.79Al-'Ayyashi'sDamascenecontemporary,hebiographer l-Muhibbidescribedal-Kuranias "the Imamof tahqTq."80With scholars such as al-Nabulusiand al-Kuranithe 17th century trends towardtahqlq and towardan open espousal of wahdat al-wujaidcoincided. Both scholars,to be sure, were conservativethinkersin the sense that they were to a large extentconcernedwithdefending,expounding,anddeveloping heories hathadbeen articulatedcenturiesearlierby Ibn'Arabiandhis followers. This characteristicorresponds o whatMarshallHodgsonhas describedas the"conservative pirit"of the 17thcenturyculturaland intellectual florescence in Persia and India."'Having said this, it is importantto emphasize that both scholars did much more thanmerely repeatold maxims. Forinstance, both had to addressthe metaphysical objectionsto the idea of wahdatal-wujuidhat hadbeenformulatedby Sa'd al-Dinal-Taftazanid. 1390),perhaps hemostinfluentialSunni heologianof the"post-classical" eriod.82 othof themalsorespondedto problemsand currentsof thoughtthat were peculiarto their times. Al-Nabulusi,forexample, intervened n the debate concerningthe religious permissibilityof tobacco,introduced nto the MiddleEast in the early 17thcentury.83He also arguedagainstthemoralistvigilantismof the violently puritanKadizadeli movementthat spreadin theOttomanEmpire n the 17thcentury.14Al-Kurani, or his part,got involvedin adisputewith the followers of the controversialIndianNaqshbandimystic Ahmad al-Sirhindiin Medina.85He also got involved in scholarly disputes because of his acceptanceof the historicityof the Satanic verses and of his elaborationand defense of a non-Ash'aripositionon the issue of free will. On both issues, he was strongly opposed bycontemporaryMaghribiheologians n the tradition fal-Sanusi,such asal-Hasanal-YusiandYahyaal-Shawi.86These scholarlydisputeshave yet to be studiedthoroughly,buttheirvery existence belies the predominant mageof the lethargic,moribundcharacterof intellectual life in the Arabic-speakingparts of the OttomanEmpire in the 17thcentury.



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Openingthe Gateof Verification 275CONCLUSIONThe fact that al-KuraniandprominentMaghribitheologianswere at loggerheadsis asalutaryreminder hat the scholarlytrendspresented n the presentarticlewere distinctanddid notnecessarilyagreeon substantialssues. An emphasison verification, ogicaldemonstration, r Aristoteliandialectic in scholasticculturedid not necessarilylead tothe same conclusions.Maghribi heologiansin the traditionof al-Sanusi,for example,werestaunchAsh'aritesandtendednot toshare hemore renicattitude owardMu'tazilisandIslamicphilosopherscharacteristic f al-Dawani.Mysticsof theIbn'Arabi radition,such as al-Nabulusi,could at times strike a fideist note and criticizeexcessive preoc-cupationwith rational sciences such as logic, semantics, and philosophicaltheology.The pointof the presentarticlehas not been to suggest that the new intellectualtrendsformed a united front sharingcommon ideas that may be capturedby a single termsuchas "revival" r"reawakening"r"enlightenment."uchtermsareproblematicandbest avoided,partlybecausethey tend to elide significantdifferencesbetween variousthinkersandtraditions,andpartlybecause-as statedatthe outsetof thepresentarticle-they suggest,withoutadequate upport n the sources,a previousperiodof dormantandbenightedintellectualand cultural ife. This idea of centuriesof intellectualdarknessneeds,I believe, wholesalequestioning,and it hasnot beenmy intentmerelyto quibbleaboutthe dateat which it came to an end.WhatI havetried to do in this article s to questionthereceivedpictureof intellectuallife in the Arabicprovincesof the OttomanEmpirein what is often assumedto be adormant,"prerevival" eriod.I shouldemphasizethatI do not claim to havepresenteda full accountof each of these developments.My aim has ratherbeen to drawattentionto them andto suggest some lines for further esearch,unencumberedby preconceivedideas of an Islamic "darkage."The sources of the perioddo not supporta pictureofunmitigated ntellectual stagnationor "culturalapathy" hat stands in contrastto theeconomic and urbanexpansion of the period. There is also no basis for saying thatArabic scholarly culturewas isolated from more general trendsin the Islamic worldandfeeding off its own classical past.Nor is it truethatscholarlyculturewas miredinrote acquisitionof the religioussciences. On the contrary, he figuresusually presentedas 18thcentury"revivalists"and "reformers"uch as MuhammadMurtadaal-Zabidi(d. 1791), Muhammad bn 'Abd al-Wahhab(d. 1792), Shah Wali Allah al-Dihlawi(d. 1762), andMuhammadal-Shawkani d. 1834), despitetheirdifferences,all shareda much dimmer view of the value of the rational sciences than Maghribi andPersian-Kurdish cholars n the traditionsof al-Sanusiandal-Dawani.87 heycan indeedbe seen as reverting o the traditionof hostility to such sciences representedby earlierscholarssuch as IbnTaymiyyaandal-Suyuti.Formanyof the"revivalists" f the 18thand 19thcentury, heemphasisfell onijtihad,rather han on tahqTqn the sense of rationalor mystical-experientialverificationofreceivedscholarly opinions.As has been pointedout by R. Peters,the call forrenewedijtih-d in the 18thand19thcenturies endedto go handin hand,not with "rationalism"or "modernism"as is often supposed,but with "fundamentalism,"hat is, a radicallyscripturalistand antischolasticstance.88The prevalentscholastic traditionwas foundwanting,notbecauseit was insufficiently"rational" r "flexible,"butpreciselybecauseit was believed to havebeen too flexible andrationalthrough he ages andhad ceased



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276 KhaledEl-Rouayhebto be sufficientlygroundedin the Qur'anand the Sunna. The 18th and 19th century"revivalists,"aturally nough,tended oportray heiropponentsasrigidandunthinkingimitators.Less understandably, host of modernhistorians,bothWesternandEastern,have uncritically adoptedthis partisanview. Consequently, he very existence of analternative o both scripturalist jtihadandunthinking mitation was lost to sight. Theage before the 18th and 19thcentury"revivalist"ijtihatdmovementswas accordinglyviewed as marredby rigidandunthinkingmitation.The Damascene biographeral-Muhibbi would hardlyhave recognized the pictureof pervasiveintellectualapathyand unthinking mitation n the 17thcentury.He wasinitiated into the Khalwati orderthat, apparently or the first time, gained popularitywith Damascene scholars and promoteda bolder and more enthusiasticespousal ofthe theories of Ibn'Arabi. His teachers told him that a Kurdishscholar who settledinDamascus n the firstdecadeof the 17thcenturyhad ntroduced ewscholarlyhandbooksby Persianscholars, thus "openingthe gate of verification."He was also personallyacquaintedwitha host of intellectual uminaries.ThepolymathAhmad bn Lutfallahal-Mawlawi,who wrotea universalhistory, ranslatedrom Persian nto Arabicthe treatiseon figurative language by Isfara'ini,and wrote a work on the medical propertiesofEuropeanherbs,was a personalacquaintance.When the MoroccanscholarMuhammadal-Rudanisettledin Damascus,al-Muhibbiand al-Mawlawivisited him andnoted thestrong impressionhe made on local scholars with the breadthof his knowledge andhis new astronomicalnstrument.89 l-Muhibbi also met the renownedliteraryscholar'Abd al-Qadiral-Baghdadi(d. 1682), the authorof a still esteemed compendiumofearly ArabicpoetryKhizanatal-adab, and of an Arabiccommentaryon the versifiedPersian-Turkishdictionaryof Ibrahimal-Shahidi(d. 1550).90The toweringreputationof the mystic and scholar Ibrahimal-Kurani, he "imamof tahqtq,"had also reachedhim from Medina, and he was well aware of the intellectualstandingof his fellowDamascene 'Abd al-Ghanial-Nabulusi,"ourteacher,ourrelative,and ourblessing."91Indeed al-Muhibbihimself was a considerablescholar,whose writingsbelie the ideathat Arab-Islamic scholars were parochialand feeding off their own classical past.Al-Muhibbi'santhology of contemporarypoets, Nafhat al-rayhana is an impressivetestimonyto the opposite.Not only did al-Muhibbigo to great lengthsto gatherpoemsfrom all cornersof the Arab world, but he also includedcontemporaryTurkish andPersianpoets in his surveyand he translatedseveral of theirpoems into Arabic.92Al-Muhibbi also wroteone of the most extensive premodernworks on foreign loanwordsin Arabic:Qasdal-sabilfimafi lughatal-'arab mindakhil.93For some time, it has been conceded thata scholar like al-Nabulusiwas a luminous"exception" n a darkage of "imitationand compilation."94 l-Rudani has also beenportrayedby a recent Arab historian as a lone genius in a civilization that hadpassedits primeand descended into "ignorance"jahl wa-ghafla)and"resignation"ya's).95More recently, Ibrahimal-Kurani has been presentedas a "revivalist" n a centuryotherwisemarkedby "extremist" ufism anda "trivializedulema discourse" hat"couldno longer go anyfurther."96t is temptingat this point to make use of the historianofscience ThomasKuhn'sconceptof an"anomaly,"hat s, anacknowledged actthatdoesnot fit comfortablywith the overallassumptionsguidinga communityof scientistsorscholars. As Kuhnpointedout, themultiplicationof anomaliesputsadditionalpressureon the guiding assumptions-what he calls the dominant"paradigm"-of a community



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Openingthe Gate of Verification 277of scholars,and may well lead to a "revolutionary"ituationin which this paradigmis widely challenged.97 t may perhapsbe plausible to representa single scholar asan "exception."However,as more and more"exceptions"are conceded, the standardinterpretation f the period comes underpressure.Rather than increasing the list ofexceptions, tmaybemore fruitful o ask whether he culturaland ntellectual lorescencethatis often thoughtto have occurred n the Safavid andMoghul Empiresin the 17thcenturywas a more general phenomenon n the Islamic world. From this perspective,scholars such as al-Hasanal-Yusi,Muhammadal-Rudani, brahimal-Kurani,and 'Abdal-Ghanial-Nabulusiappear,not as"exceptions"but ascontemporaries ndcounterpartsof 17thcenturyPersianand Indianscholarssuch as Baha'al-Dinal-'Amili, Mulla Sadraal-Shirazi,Ahmadal-Sirhindi,and'Abd al-Hakimal-Siyalkuti.

NOTESAuthor'snote: I thankProfessorMichaelCook, ProfessorRob Wisnovsky,Dr. BasimMusallam,and theanonymousrefereesof IJMES or theirhelpful remarkson earlierdraftsof this paper,as well as Dr. KateA.Bennison forkindlytakingthetimeto teach me how to readMaghribiscript.I also thank he BritishAcademyfor fundingmy research.1H. A. R. Gibb and H. Bowen, Islamic Society and the West(London:OxfordUniversityPress, 1957),vol. 1, partII, 159-64.2A. Raymond,"The OttomanConquestand the Developmentof the Great ArabTowns,"InternationalJournalof TurkishStudies1 (1980): 84-101; A. Raymond,The GreatArabCities in the16th-18th Centuries:An Introduction New York:New YorkUniversityPress, 1984), 5-9; A. Raymond,Cairo(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress, 2000), 216-25; See also A. Abdel Nour,Introductiona l'histoire urbaine de laSyrieottomane,XVIe-XVIIIe Beirut:Publicationsde l'Universit6Libanaise,1982).3Raymond,"The OttomanConquest," 7-98.4M. Hodgson, The Ventureof Islam (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974), vol. 3. See alsoE. Yarshater, The PersianPresence n the IslamicWorld,"n The Persian Presence in the Islamic World, d.R. Hovanissianand G. Sabbagh Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1997).5See N. Levtzion and J. O. Voll (eds.), Eighteenth-CenturyRenewal and Reform in Islam (Syracuse:SyracuseUniversityPress, 1987);J.O. Voll,"Foundations or Renewal andReform,"n TheOxfordHistory ofIslam,ed.J.Esposito(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1999);ReinhardtSchulze,"Das slamischeachtzehnteJahrhundert,"DieWeltdesIslams30(1990): 140-59; Reinhardt chulze,"Was st die islamischeAufklhrung?",Die Weltdes Islams 36 (1996):276-325; P.Gran,The Islamic Rootsof Capitalism:Egypt1760-1840 (Austin,Tex.:Universityof TexasPress, 1978).6MuhammadAmin al-Muhibbi,Khulasat al-atharfi a'yan al-qarn al-hadi 'ashar (Cairo: al-Matba'aal-wahbiyya,1284H),4:329-30.

7MuhammadKhalilal-Muradi,Silkal-durarfia'yan al-qarnal-thani'ashar (Istanbul&Cairo:al-Matba'aal-miriyyaal-'amira,1291H-1301H), 3:10.8KaraHalil (d. 1711),MehmedEminHagiyasi(Istanbul:Matbaa-iAmire 1258H),7. Forthe translation ftahqfqas "verification," nd its juxtaposition o taqlfd,see D. Gutas,Avicennaand the Aristotelian Tradition(Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1988), 188-91.9Kamalal-Din al-Ghazzi,al-Wirdal-unsi wa-l-waridal-qudsifi tarjamatal-'arif bi-llah 'Abdal-Ghanial-Nabulusi(MS:BritishLibrary:Or.11862)54a-b.10Abu-al-Mawahibl-Hanbali,Mashyakha,ed. MuhammadMuti' al-Hafiz(Damascus:Daral-fikr,1990),86-87." Al-Burini studied the semantic-rhetorical works of al-Taftazani and al-Jurjani with Isma'il al-Nabulusi

(d. 1585) and 'Imad al-Din al-Hanafi (d. 1578), see Hasan al-Burini, Tarajim al-a'yan min abna' al-zaman,ed. Salah al-Din al-Munajjid (Damascus: al-Majma' al-'ilmi al-'Arabi, 1959-63), 2:65, 2:303.12Ibrahim al-Kurani, al-Amam li-iqaz al-himam (Hyderabad: Matba'at majlis da'irat al-ma'arif al-nizamiyya, 1328H), 104-10.



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278 KhaledEl-Rouayheb13KatibCelebi,Kashfal-zununCanasamial-kutubwa-l-funun Istanbul:MaarifMatbaasi,1941-43), 2:1372(al-Jami'scommentary n al-Kafiyaand theglosses of Isfara'ini);1:477(Talkhis l-miftahand ts commentaryby Isfara'ini);1:898 (al-Iji'sRisalat al-wad' and the commentaryof al-Isfara'ini);1:845 (al-Samarqandi'sRisalat al-isti'ara and its commentary by al-Isfara'ini);1:516 (al-Taftazani'sTahdhibal-mantiq and its

commentaryby al-Dawani);2:1144 (al-Iji's'Aqa'idand its commentaryby al-Dawani).14This s of course anargumenthat s difficult o proveconclusively,but we havequitedetailed nformationon theeducationof bothscholars,and heworksof al-Dawaniandal-Isfara'iniarenotmentioned nthiscontext.On al-Burini,see the referencesabove, which show him to have studied the rhetoricalworksof al-Taftazaniandal-Jurjani.On al-Ghazzi,see al-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar,4:189-200.15Ibnal-'Imadal-Hanbali,Shadharatal-dhahab i akhbarmandhahab(Cairo:Maktabat l-qudsi,1351H),8:291 (on al-Isfara'ini)and8:160 (on al-Dawani).See also al-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar,3:87. Ibnal-'Imad'sbiographical nformation n al-Isfara'iniandal-Dawani s scanty,and his dates of death arewrong.However,it is significant hathe still felt the need to include a reference o the twoscholars.By contrast,Najmal-Din al-Ghazzi,inhis biographicaldictionaryof Muslimnotables of the tenthcenturyof theMuslimera(1494-1591),did not providean entryon eitherscholar;see Najm al-Din Muhammadal-Ghazzi,al-Kawakibal-sa'irafiacyan al-mi'a al-'ashira, ed. J. Jabbur Beirut:AmericanUniversityof BeirutPublications,1945-58).16IbncAbd al-Hadi taught al-Isfara'ini'sSharh al-risala al-wadCiyyao the biographeral-Muhibbi,seeal-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar,2:438. Al-Qattan aughtal-Dawani'scommentaryon the creed of al-Ijito thechroniclerIbn Kannanal-Salihi (d. 1740), see Ibn Kannanal-Salihi, al-Hawadithal-yawmiyyamin tarikhihda 'ashar wa-alfwa-mi'a,ed. AkramHasanal-'Ulabi (Damascus:Daral-Tabbac,1994), 84.17Al-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar,3:147-48, 3:87-88.18Al-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar, 1:313(on al-Ghunaymi)and 1:332(on al-Khafaji).190n al-'Ulaymi, see al-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar, 4:491-92. He was accused by a later scholar ofplagiarizing romal-Isfara'ini'scommentary, ee IbnSa'id al-Tunisi,Hashiya cala Sharhal-Khabisi[printedon the lowermarginsof Hasanal-'Attar,Hashiyacalasharhal-Khabisi(Cairo:MatbaCatulaq, 1290H)],3.20'Abdallahal-'Ayyashi,Rihla (Rabat:Daral-Maghrib,1977 [reprintof lithographed dition of 1316H]),1:140.21'Abd al-Rahmanal-Jabarti, Aja'ib al-atharfi al-tarajim wa-l-akhbar (Bulaq: al-MatbaCa l-'amira,1297H), 1:287.221haveconsulted the manuscript f the translation n the BerlinStaatsbibliothekMS: Sprenger1093), nthe preambleof whichthe translator'sname is given as Ahmadal-Mawlawi(fol. 2a). Anothermanuscript fthe work,extant n the BiblothequeNationale n Paris,also give this as thetranslator's ame,see M. Le Baronde Slane, Cataloguedes Manuscritsarabes (Paris:ImprimeriesNationale, 1883-95), 4429.23Muhammad l-Sabban,Hashiya'ala Sharhal-Sullam(Cairo:al-Matba'aal-azhariyya,1319H), 10(lines3-4).24MehmedStireyya,Sicill-i Osmani (Istanbul:Matbaa-iAmire, 1308-15H), 1:232; Mehmed TahirBur-sali, Osmanl Miiellifleri (Istanbul:Matbaa-iAmire, 1333-42H), 3:142. Carl Brockelmann,GeschichtederArabischenLiteratur Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1937-49), Supplement2:637.25Encyclopaedia f lslam, 2nded. (Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1954), s.v. "Al-Dawani"A. K. S. Lambton),2:174.26HajjiKhalifa,Kashfal-zunun,2:1372.27Jalalal-Dinal-Dawani,Sharhal-'aqa'id al-CadudiyyaIstanbul: Arif Efendi, 1316H),2.28A1-Dawani, harhal-Caqa'id l-'adudiyya,27.29Al-Dawani,Sharhal-'aqa'id al-Cadudiyya,8 ff.30SeeA. Knysh,lhbnArabiin the LaterIslamic Tradition Albany,N.Y.: SUNY Press, 1999), 141-65. Itshould be noted, however,that Knysh relies heavily on the tractFadihat al-mulhidin hat has been falselyattributed o al-Taftazani.Theauthorof the tract s rather'Ala' al-Dinal-Bukhari d. 1438),as shownbyBakriAladdin in the introductiono his edition of 'Abdal-Ghanial-Nabulusi,al-Wujud l-haqq(Damascus: nstitutFrancaisde Damas, 1995), 16-30. The hostilityof al-Taftazani o the theoryof wahdatal-wujtd is not indoubt,however,andis attestedby his otherworks.31Al-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar,2:242 (line 5).32Al-Ayyashi, Rihla, 1:333.33See Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der Arabische Literatur [henceforth GALJ (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1937-49), 2:208-9.34Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti, Sawn al-mantiq wa-l-kalam 'Canannay al-mantiq wa-l-kalam, ed. 'Ali Sami al-Nashshar (Cairo: Maktabat al-Khanji, n.d.), page lam of editor's introduction, citing Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti,



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Openingthe Gate of Verification 279Husn al-muhadara i akhbarMisr wa-l-Qahira,ed. MuhammadAbu al-Fadl Ibrahim Cairo:'Isa al-Babial-Halabi,1967-68), 1:338.35MuhammadMurtada l-Zabidi, thafal-sada al-muttaqinbi-sharhIhya' 'ulumal-din (Cairo:al-Matba'aal-muyammaniyya,1311H), 1:179.

36Al-Zabidi, thafal-sada al-muttaqin,1:179-80.37Seemy "Was here a Revival of Logical Studiesin Eighteenth-Century gypt?",Die Weltdes Islams 45(2005): 1-19.38The irst wo works(and heircommentaries)weretaughtby Yusi'sstudent Abdallahal-Kinaksi o Ahmadal-Damanhurid. 1778), see al-Jabarti,Aja'ibal-athar,2:25-27. The thirdwork(andits commentaries)wastaughtby Maghribischolars such as 'Isa al-Tha'alibi(d. 1669) andYahyaal-Shawi(d. 1685), bothof whomsettledin the easternArablands,see al-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar, 2:240-43, 4:486-88.39Muhammadbn Yusuf al-Sanusi,Sharh umm al-barahin [printedwith the Hashiya of Muhammad bn'Arafaal-Dasuqi(d. 1815)] (Beirut:Dar al-kutubal-'ilmiyya,2001), 70 ff.; Muhammadbn Yusufal-Sanusi,'Umdatahl al-tawfiqbi sharh'aqidat ahl al-tawhid(Cairo:Matba'at aridatal-Islam,1316H), 11 ff.40See M. Horten, "Sanusi und die griechische Philosophie," Der Islam 6 (1915): 178-88, andA. J. Wensinck,The Muslim Creed(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1932), 248.41Al-Sanusi, Umdatahl al-tawfiq,140 ff., 276-77.42Quoted n 'Abbas al-Samlali,al-I'lam bi-man halla Marrakushwa-aghmatmin al-a'lam, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab bn Mansur Rabat:al-Matba'aal-malakiyya,2001), 3:162.43A1-Muhibbi, hulasatal-athar, 1:302-11.44A1-Muhibbi, hulasatal-athar,4:204-8.45Al-'Ayyashi,Rihla, 2:30.46A1-Muhibbi, hulasatal-athar,4:207.47Thiswork was printed n 1961 in Medina(Matba'atal-Sayyid'Abdallah Hashimal-Yamani).48OnBasri, see J.O. Voll, "'Abdallah bn Salim al-Basri and 18th centuryHadithScholarship,"Die Weltdes Islams42 (2002): 356-72. Al-Rudani s describedas muhaddithal-Hijaz in Muradi,Silkal-durar,4:27.'Abdallah bn Salim al-Basri's sonwrote that his fatherstudied "all the sciences" with al-Rudani,"especiallythe science of Hadith," ee Salim ibn 'Abdallahal-Basri,al-Imdadbi-ma'rifat uluww al-isnad (Hyderabad:Matba'atmajlisda'iratal-ma'arifal-nizamiyya,1328H),68.49SeeR. Mach,Catalogueof the ArabicManuscripts YahudaSection)in the GarrettCollection,PrincetonUniversityLibrary(Princeton,N.J.: PrincetonUniversityPress, 1977), 4950.50Al-'Ayyashi,Rihla, 2:42. For an extantmanuscriptof the work, see Mach,Catalogue,5017.51Al-'Ayyashi,Rihla, 2:38.52Al-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar,4:206.53SeeC. Pellat(ed.), "Muhammad l-Rudani:al-Naqi'acalaal-'alaal-naficah," Bulletin d'etudes orientales26 (1973): 7-82. C. Pellat (trans.),"L'astrolabe pheriqued'al-Rudani,"Bulletin d'etudes orientales 28(1975): 83-165. I follow MuhammadHajjiin amendingthe title of al-Rudani's ractgiven by Pellat on thebasisof manuscriptsnot available o Pellat, see Muhammadal-Rudani,Silat al-khalafbi-mawsulal-salaf, ed.MuhammadHajji(Beirut:Dar al-Gharbal-Islami,1988), 13, n. 9.54A1-Muhibbi,Khulasat al-athar, 2:243-44. See also A. Copty, "The Naqshbandiyyaand its offspring,the Naqshbandiyya-Mujaddidiya,n the Haramaynn the 1 th/17th Century,"Die Weltdes Islams 43 (2003):321-48. Althoughal-Barwaji,vocalizationgiven in al-Muhibbi, bid., 2:243 (line 19-20), was also initiatedinto theNaqshbandiorder,his primaryallegiance seems-pace Copty--to have been to the Shattariyya rder.He was a discipleof Wajihal-Din al-'Alawi (d. 1609), a discipleof theprominentShattarimysticMuhammadGhawthGwaliori,see J. S. Trimingham,TheSufiOrders n Islam (Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress, 1998),97-98; and A. Schimmel, MysticalDimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill, N.C.: Universityof North CarolinaPress, 1975), 355. In giving the Sufi chainsinto which he was initiated,Barwaji'ssecond-generationdiscipleAhmad al-Qushashigives the Shattarichain first. See Ahmad al-Qushashi,al-Simt al-majid (Hyderabad:Da'iratal-ma'arifal-nizamiyya,1327H),67. TheNaqshbandichain is given muchlater,on page 78.55Onal-Shinnawi,see al-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar, 1:243-46. Onal-Qushashi, ee al-Muhibbi,Khulasat

al-athar, 1:343-46. The vocalization al-Qushashi s given in al-'Ayyashi,Rihla, 1:408 (lines 23-24). Onal-Kurani, ee al-Muradi,Silk al-durar, 1:5-6; A. Knysh, "Ibrahimal-Kurani d. 1101/1690), an apologistfor wahdatal-wujud," ournalof theRoyalAsiaticSociety5 (1995): 39-47; Encyclopaediaoflslam, 2nd ed.(Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1954), s.v. "Al-Kurani"A. H. Jones), 5:432-33; B. Nafi, "Tasawwufand Reform inPre-Modern slamic Culture: n Searchof Ibrahimal-Kurani,"Die Weltdes Islams42 (2002): 307-55.



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280 KhaledEl-Rouayheb56The ranslation s extant n the BritishLibrary MS:Or.9039). On the Persianoriginal,see Brockelmann,GAL,Supplement1:794,andO. Yahia,Histoire et classificationde l'oeuvred'Ibn 'Arabi(Damascus: nstitutFrancaisde Damas, 1964), 1:119. Secondary ourcesusually give the vocalizational-Barzanji,but I presumethe scholar hailed fromthepresent-day raqiKurdish own of Barzinja.57See Muhammad ibn Abi-al-Hasan al-Bakri, Tarjumanal-asrar wa-diwan al-abrar, MS: BerlinStaatsbibliothek:WetzsteinII 227: 3b-4a; 'Abd al-Wahhabal-Sha'rani,al-Yawaqitwa-l-jawahir i bayan'aqa'id al-akabir (Cairo:Mustafa al-Babi al-Halabi, 1959), 7, 13; 'Abd al-Ra'uf al-Munawi,al-Kawakibal-durriyafi tarajimal-sada al-sufiyya,ed. MuhammadAdib al-Jadir Beirut:DarSadir,1999) 2:421, 2:503,2:515. Onal-Sha'rani'sapologeticattitude othe work of Ibn'Arabi,see also M. Winter,SocietyandReligionin Early OttomanEgypt(New Brunswick,N.J.: TransactionBooks, 1982), 165-72.58A1-Ayyashi,Rihla, 1:417.59Al-Zabidi, thafal-sada al-muttaqin,1:256.60A1-Zabidi,thafal-sada al-muttaqin,2:245-46.61Quoted n al-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar,4:80.62A1-Muhibbi, hulasatal-athar, 1:248-50. Al-Muhibbigives the vocalizational-'Usalion 1:249(line 16).63Abual-Mawahibal-Hanbali,Mashyakha,p. 106-7.64A1-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar, 1:428-33. Ayyub'sadmiration or al-Qushashi s apparent rom a letterpartlyreproducedn Ibid., 1:244-45.65Al-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar, 1:464-70.66HamidAlgar,"A Brief Historyof the Naqshbandiorder,"n Naqshbandis:cheminements t situationsactuelle d'une ordremystiquemusulman,ed. M. Gaborieau, t al. (Paris:EditionsIsis, 1990), 21.67A1-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar, 4:203-4 (a student of Tajal-Din teaches the works of Ibn 'Arabi)and4:442 (a scholarfromHadramawt tudies the Fusus with Tajal-Din).68A1-Ghazzi, l-Wirdal-unsi, 56a.69For the use of the word tahqTqn the mystical and illuminationisttraditions to denote inspirationalknowledge or gnosis, as opposed to scholastic rationalknowledge, see E. Kohlberg, "Aspectsof AkhbariThought n the SeventeenthandEighteenthCenturies,"n Eighteenth-Century enewal and Revival inIslam,ed. Levtzion and Voll, 139-45; W. Chittick, The Sufi Path of Knowledge: Ibn 'Arabi's Metaphysics ofImagination(Albany,N.Y.:SUNY Press, 1989), 166-68.70Seehis Ghayatal-matlub i mahabbatal-mahbub,ed. S. Pagani(Rome:Bardi,1995);Idah al-dalalatfi

sama' al-alat, ed. A. Hammush Damascus:Daral-Fikr,1981);Kashfal-nur 'an ashab al-qubur(Princeton,N.J.: MS: PrincetonUniversity LibraryYahuda3977), 157-66.71Al-Nabulusi,al-Wujud l-haqq, 25, 69, 98, 140.72Passages rom these glosses arequotedin Khayral-Din Nu'manal-Alusi,Jala'al-'aynaynfi muhakamatal-Ahmadayn Beirut:Dar al-kutubal-'ilmiyya,no date),339.73Al-'Ayyashi,Rihla, 1:333-36. Al-'Ayyashistudiedthe three works with al-Kurani n Medina.74Al-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar,4:280-81.75This s suggested by comparingal-Nabulusi'sal-Wujudal-haqqand al-Kurani'sMatla' al-jud bi-tahqiqal-tanzihfi wahdatal-wujud(MS: ChesterBeatty4443), 15-39.76A1-Muradi,ilkal-durar, 1:5.77Forexample, his al-Jawabat al-ghurrawiyyaCanal-as'ila al-Jawiyya (mentionedby al-Muradi)andNibras al-inas bi-ajwibatsu'alan li-ahl Fas (MS: SuleymaniyeLaleli3744).78See for example RaghibPasha (d. 1763), Safinat al-raghib (Beirut:MaktabatLubnan),279, 296, 339,857; Ibrahimal-Madhari d. 1776), al-Lumcai tahqiqmabahithal-wujudwa-l-huduthwa-l-qadarwa-af'alal-'ibad (Cairo:Matba'atal-anwar,1939), 24, 34, 54, 57.79Al-'Ayyashi,Rihla, 1:333.oAl1-Muhibbi, hulasatal-athar 2:122 (line 33).81Hodgson,TheVenture f lslam 3:14-15.82A1-Nabulusiountered he argumentsof al-Taftazanin his al-Wujudal-haqq, 36-8, 121-48. Al-Kuraniarguedagainstal-Taftazanin his commentary nal-Tuhfaal-mursala-at least this is whathe statesinanotherwork Tanbih al-'uqul 'ala tanzih al-sufiyya 'an i'tiqad al-tajsim wa-l-'Cayniyya wa-l-ittihad wa-l-hulul (MS:Chester Beatty 4443), 45b-46a.

83Al-Sulh bayna al-ikhwanfi hukm ibahat al-dukhkhan (Damascus: al-Matba'a al-salafiyya, 1924).84Michael Cook, Commanding the Right and Forbidding the Wrong in Islamic Thought (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2000), 325-28.



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Openingthe Gate of Verification 28185Al-'Ayyashi,Rihla, 1:404. Al-Kurani'spupil anddisciple al-Barzinjiwrotea tractdenouncingthe ideasof Sirhindi,see Y.Friedmann,ShaykhAhmadSirhindi(Montreal:McGill Instituteof IslamicStudies, 1971),97-99; Copty,"TheNaqshbandiyya," 31-45.86A1-Kurani'sracton the Satanicverses has been studiedand editedby A. Guillaume,see his "al-Lum'at

al-saniyaby Ibrahimal-Kurani"n Bulletin of the School of Orientaland AfricanStudies, 20 (1957): 291-303. It provokeda virulentattackby Yahyaal-Shawi, and a defense by al-Kurani'sstudental-Barzinji,seeP.K.Hittiet al.,DescriptiveCatalog of theGarrettCollectionofArabicManuscripts n thePrincetonUniversityLibrary Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1938),460-61. Al-Kurani'sworks on free will provokedrejoindersrom severalMaghribi cholars, ncludingal-Hasanal-Yusi,see Muhammadbnal-Tayyibal-Qadiri,Nashr al-mathani i-ahl al-qarnal-hadi cashar wa-l-thani,ed. MuhammadHajjiand AhmadTawfiq(Rabat:Maktabat l-matalib,1986), 3:9-10.87A1-Zabidi'sppositionto logic has beennoted above. For the lukewarmattitudeof al-Shawkaniand ShahWali Allah to the rationalsciences, see, respectively,B. Haykal,RevivalandReform n Islam: TheLegacy ofMuhammad l-Shawkani Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2003), 86, 104;and B.D. Metcalf,IslamicRevivalin India:Deoband, 1860-1900 (Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1982), 38.88R.Peters,"Idjtihad ndTaqlid n 18th and 19thCentury slam,"Die Weltdes Islams 20 (1980): 132-45.89Al-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar,4:204 (line 21).90A1-Muhibbi, hulasatal-athar,4:453. Al-Baghdadi'scommentaryon Tuhfat l-Shahidi s extant(BritishLibraryMS: Or.13880).91Al-Muhibbi,Khulasatal-athar, 1:52 (lines 13-14).92MuhammadAmin al-Muhibbi,Nafhat al-rayhanawa-rashhat tila' al-hana, ed. 'Abd al-FattahMuham-mad al-Hilu(Cairo:Dar hya' al-kutubal-'Arabiyya1967-69), 3:3-138 (Turkishpoets)and 3:214-38 (Persianpoets).93'UthmanMahmudal-Sini (ed.) (Riyad:Maktabatal-tawba,1994).94GibbandBowen,IslamicSocietyand the West,vol. 1, partII, 164.95See Muhammadal-Hajji'scomments in the introduction o his edition of al-Rudani's Silat al-khalafbi-mawsulal-salaf, 13.96Nafi,"TasawwufandReform n Pre-Modern slamic Culture."97T.S. Kuhn,The Structure f ScientificRevolutions,2nd ed. (Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress, 1970),

chap.6.

Documents

El-Rouhayeb, K. (2006). Opening the Gate of Verification