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Electing the President: Italian StyleAuthor(s): Maria Elisabetta de FranciscisSource: Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 16, No. 3, Leadership and National Security Policy(Summer, 1986), pp. 451-459Published by: Wiley on behalf of the Center for the Study of the Presidency and Congress
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Electing
the
President: Italian
Style
MARIA
ELISABETTA
DE
FRANCISCIS
The
University of
Connecticut
Abstract
To
outsiders Italian
politics
seem
at
times
chaotic,
at
times
suicidal,
and almost
always
beyond
understanding.
Therefore
the
purpose
of
this
paper
is
to
try
to
shed
light
on
the
1985
presidential
elections
which
have
marked
several historical
firsts
or
this
nation.
Among
the
important
aspects
of
this
election
is
the
introduction
of
a
primary
system,
at
least
as
far
as
conventions
for
the selection
of
a
candidate.
I
describe also the
political
climate
immediately preceding
and
following
the
June
elec
tion,
and
analyze
the
personality
and
training
of
Francesco
Cossiga,
the
eighth
President
of
the Italian
Republic.
Since the
1983
general
elections
both the Italian
electorate
and the
political
cadres
have
not
stopped surprising
each
other,
and
everybody
with
their
unusually
mature
behavior.1
The
purpose
of this
paper
then,
is
to
try
to
shed
light
on
a)
the
1985
Presi
dential
elections
which
have marked several
historical firsts
for
this
nation;
b)
the
major
events
since
the
1983
elections
which
have
paved
the
way
for this
transition;
and
c)
the
political
stature
of
Francesco
Cossiga, eighth
Republican
President.
In 1978 the
choice
for
a
new
President
was
marked
by
squabbling,
heated
moods,
and
people
tired
of
watching
the shameful
behavior of
their
elected
officials.
Parlia
ment was
giving
once
again proof
of
diversity,
and
in-fighting
rather
than
unity
as
mandated
by
the
Constitution
for
such
occasions.2
On
July
8, 1978,
after
ten
days
and fifteen wasted
ballots,
an
82
years
old
Socialist,
Sandro
Pertini,
was
elected
on
the
sixteenth
ballot.
He
received
832
votes
out
of
a
possible
995,
and
his
83.6%
was
not
topped
by
Francesco
Cossiga
who
was
elected
to
the
presidency
on
June
24,
1985.3
In Pertini's
case,
as
for
all
those
who
preceded
him
in
such
a
position,
presidential
elections
in
Italy
have been
traditionally
long
and
dividing.
The 1985 elections
has
brought
this
custom to
a
definite
halt.
Francesco
Cossiga
was
elected
on
the first
ballot
with
752
votes
out
of
978,
less
than
two
hours
after
the
opening
of
the
procedures.
To
outsiders
Italian
politics
seem
at
times
chaotic,
at
times
suicidal,
and almost
always
beyond
understanding.
To
Italians,
and
to
scholars
of Italian
politics4
there
is,
however,
a
logic
behind
this
seemingly unintelligible
skein.
The
signs
of
a new
political
style,
of
attitudes,
and
approaches
which
could
only
be
seen
in
their
budding
stages
at
the
time
of
the last
general
election5 have
slowly
grown
and
reached
full bloom
just
in
time
for this
1985
important
appointment.
Since
the
1970s Italians
had
proven
their
discontent
with
maladministration
by
using
the
only
tool which
could
really
hurt
politicians:
the
electoral
consultations.
They
had
451
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452
j
PRESIDENTIAL
STUDIES
QUARTERLY
been
voting
blank
ballots,
practicing
absenteeism,
and
giving
their
support
to
minor
parties
well
aware
of
the
damages
such actions
were
procuring
to
the
major
forces.
Never,
before 1983 did
the
Christian
Democrats
(D.C.)
risk
losing
their
leadership,
and
never
before did
the
country
seem more
divided and
impossible
to
govern.6
The
lesson
to
be learned
in
that
occasion
was
that
the
parties
had
to
reorganize;
they
should
put
an
end
to
intraparty
power
struggling,
and
emphasis
should be
placed
on
straight
forward
and
solid
policies.
Last but
absolutely
not
least,
by
their
vote,
Italians
were
hoping
to
send
a
more
clear and
louder
message
than
ever:
the
people
were
tired
of
filibustering
and
of
paralysis
of
both the
political
and administrative life.7
Shockingly
by
Italian
style,
it
seems
the
political
cadres
responded maturely
to
such
demands;
and the
government
of
coalition formed
by
Mr. Craxi
on
August 4,
1983 has
been
able
to
remain in
power
basically
untouched
since
then.
A
record
for
a
post-war
government.
Approximately
a
year
before
the
1983
general
elections
Cir?aco De
Mita
was
nomi
nated
secretary
of
the Christian
Democratic
Party.
From
the
beginning
his
aims
have
been
to
reestablish
the
credibility
of
the
party
with
its
constitutional
interlocutors,
and
to
try
to
end the
internal divisions and
squabblings.
His
approach
to
politics
and
to
government
was
ridiculed
and
criticized
from
within
as
well
as
from outside the
party
after
the
debacle
suffered
in
1983.
And
yet,
it
began
to
reap
benefits
no
later
than two months after the elections. The appointment to form a coalition govern
ment
did
not
fall
upon
a
Christian
Democrat,
rather and for the first
time since the
beginning
of
the
Republic,
it
fell
to
a
Socialist.
But Mr. Craxi's
cabinet
is
staffed
mostly
by
D.C.
members,
and
most
of the
key
posts
are
covered
by
Christian
Democrats.8
When President
Pertini
opened
his rounds
of consultations
with
secretaries of
all
par
ties
to
appoint
a
Prime
Minister,
De Mita
announced
the
Christian
Democrats
will
ingness
to
leave
the
leadership
to
others.
The
party
was
in
fact
looking
ahead
to
1985.9
In
the
article
I
wrote
on
that
occasion10
I
speculated
that
there
would
probably
be
disagreement
within
the
party
on
whom
to
appoint
as
candidate
to
the
presidency
of the country. I also
suggested
the names of Giulio Andreotti and of Amintore Fan
fani,
two
old
timers
of
Italian
politics,
well known
figures
abroad,
and both
ex
Prime
Ministers. What
I had
not
foreseen
was
Mr. De Mita's
success
in
unifying
(if
only
temporarily)
the
party
from
within11;
nor
Mr.
Andreotti
being
at
the
center
of
a
heated
political
debate raised
by
declarations
on
the future of the
two
Germanies and which
have
been
attributed
allegedly
to
Andreotti
himself;
nor
the
good
dose
of
common
sense
which
would
pervade
the
party
leadership
and refrain
them
from
proposing
a
veteran
politician,
Fanfani,
while
declaring
a
rejuvenation
of
the
party.
Encouraged
by
the
progress
the
D.C.
was
slowly making
since
that
day
in
June
1983 when the
party
lost so
badly,
De Mita insisted on his new
approach
to
politics
and,
when
the
last
European
elections
proved
that
he
was
pursuing
the
right
trail
the
objections
from
within
the
party
began
to
diminish.
Then earlier
in
the
Spring
of
198512
the
Regional
Administrative elections
occurred.
Again
a
defeat
of
the Com
munist
Party,
and
more
support
was
given
to
those
parties
which with
their
loyal
support
of
the
government
coalition
were
enabling
the
country
to
witness
stability
and
therefore
positive
legislation,
and
effective
policies'
initiation.
Economic
policies
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ELECTING
THE
PRESIDENT: ITALIAN STYLE
|
453
aimed
at
reducing
inflation
and
halting
the
gradual
adjustment
of
income
proportion
ally
to
inflation
rates
were
hailed
as a
sign
of
good
will
of
the
parties
to
heed
to
the
demands of
the
electorate;
and
were
accepted
even
by
those
who
would
be
hurt the
hardest.13
The
victory again
earlier
in
the
month
of
June
(6/10/85)
of the coalition
parties
over
the
Communists
(P.C.I.)
on
occasion
of
a
proposed
referendum
requested by
the
P.C.I,
to
reverse
those
economic
policies
just
mentioned,
was
one more
sign
the elec
torate
gave
to
demonstrate their
appreciation
of
what
responsible politicians
were
ac
complishing
in
Rome.
And
again
Mr. De
Mita
did
not
leave
this
signal
unheard.
He
took
the
initiative
of
proposing
consultations
among
all
those
parties
involved
in
the
process
of
drafting
the
Constitution
of
1948
to
reach
an
agreement
on
the
presidential
candidate.14 The
technique
was new to
Italian
politics
in
as
far
as
the consultations
were
conducted
openly
and the
aim
of
arriving
to
June
24
with
an
understanding
of all
parties
on
the
name
of
one
candidate
pleasing
to
all,
so as
to
avoid
the
long,
costly,
and self
defeating
traditional
approach
to
presidential
elections,
was
also
made
clear
by
De
Mita
to
politicians
and
citizens
alike.
De
Mita
then
convened all
the
Chris
tian
Democratic
deputies
and
senators,
369
in
all,
to
agree
on
the
name
of
Francesco
Cossiga
in
a
meeting
held
on
June
23.
Cossiga
received 305
votes
of
support
from
his
party's
convention.
The almost unanimous
vote
is
a
tribute
to
both the
candidate,
and
to
the
leadership
of the
party secretary.
The
election
of
Francesco
Cossiga
to
the
presidency
on
the first
ballot,
and
in
less
than
two
hours
since the
beginning
of the
procedures
on
June
24
was
saluted
by
the media with
equal
headlines
to
the
victory
of Cir?aco
De
Mita.15
The
solidarity
and
cooperation
among
all
parties,
and
the deci
sion
of
Mr.
De Mita
to
include the
P.C.I,
in
the
process
of
consultations
have
been
praised
by
all16 and
judged by
some as a
defeat of
the
role
of
opposition
played
by
the Communist
party
since the 1983
elections.17
As
just
emphasized,
the consultation
process
occurred
ante-elections rather
than
infra-elections,
and that
constitutes
a
first
in
Italian
politics.
The
brevity
of
the
elec
toral
process represents
the
second
novelty
of
this 1985
appointment.
Table
I
shows
the
timetables,
the
votes,
the
duration,
the
number of
ballots
required,
and the
percen
tile
obtained
by
each of
the
seven
presidents
who
preceded
Cossiga.
The
presence
of
Enrico De
Nicola
in
this
table,
however,
can
be
misleading.
He
too
required
only
one
ballot
to
be
elected,
but
at
that
time
he
had been
appointed (on
June
28,
1946)
TABLE
1
Possible
President
Party
Ballots From.To
Days
Votes Total
De Nicola
-
1
-.6/26/47
1
405
5562.9
Einaudi PLI
4
10_5/11/48
2
518 872
9.4
Gronchl
DC
4
28...
.
4/29/55
2
658
833
8.9
Segni
C
9
2.5/6/62
5
443
8422.6
Saragat
PSDI
21
16...
12/28/64
13 646
937
8.9
Leone
C 23
9....
12/24/71
16 518
9962.0
Pertini
PSI
16
6/29
. . .
7/8/78
10
832
995
3.6
//
Giornale
di
Napoli,
Napoli,
June
24,
1985.
Key
to the
Parties' abbreviations:
PLI
?
Liberal
Party;
DC
-
Christian
Democratic
Party,
PSDI
-
Social
Democratic
Party;
PSI
-
Socialist
Party.
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454
I
PRESIDENTIAL STUDIES
QUARTERLY
by
the Constitutional
Assembly
to
lead
the
provisional
government
and,
only
a
year
later,
after
the
plebiscite,
and the birth of the
Republic
was
he
confirmed
first
Presi
dent
of
the
new
nation.
The
youngest
President this
country
has
ever
had
(Cossiga
was
born
on
July
26,
1928)
follows
the
oldest
one
ever
to
hold
such
a
position
(Pertini
was
born
on
September
25,
1896).
Because
of
Pertini's
Presidency
immediately
preceding
his,
Cos
siga
will
have
an
even more
difficult task
than
any
of
his
predecessors.
Italians
had
just
began
to
learn
to
appreciate
and
respect
the
person
and
the role
of
a
President
of
the
Republic
with
De
Nicola
and
Einaudi,
when
President Gronchi
began
to
freely
interpret,
at
times,
the
sphere
of
his
powers.18
It
was
the
beginning
of
a
downhill
trend until in 1978 President Giovanni Leone resigned from office in the midst of
the
Lockheed
International scandal. The
office,
and
the
figure
of
the President
was
in
disrepute
throughout
the
country.
It is
for this
reason
that the
1978
electoral
proce
dures lasted
ten
days.
The
political
cadres realized
they
had
to
converge
their
efforts
on
a
personality beyond
all
suspicions.
Someone
who
loved
the
country,
and would
be
loved
in
return.
On
June
29,
1978
the
grand
electors
found such
a
person
in
Sandro
Pertini.
Since his
youth,
Pertini
had
been
an
ardent believer
of
Socialism and
in
1914
joined
that
party.
He
fought
in
World
War
I
and
then
in 1922
he suffered
the
first
of three
imprisonments
because
of his
opposition
to
the
Fascists.
During
his
third prison term he escaped and joined the partisan groups inMilano. He was one
of
the
founding
fathers of
modern
Italy.
At
age
72,
in 1968
he
was
elected
speaker
of
the
Chamber
of
Deputies.
During
his
Presidency
(1978-1985)
Pertini
has
never
ceased
to
recall
the
values
and sacrificies of
the
population
and the
partisan
groups
during
the last
world
conflict,
reminding
those
old
enough
to
remember,
and
teaching
the
youth
about the
past;
to
emphasize
the
good
in
life;
and
to
stray
from
evil
and
violence
which
inevitably
lead
to
destruction.
He
has been
justly
called the
President
most
loved
by
the Italians.19
To
follow
Pertini's
footsteps
undoubtedly
will be
an
added
responsibility
for
Cos
siga
but there is
general
agreement
in the
country20
that he is
capable
of the extra
burden.
Who
is
then the
eighth
President
of
Italy?
Francesco
Cossiga
is
not
a
new
name
in the
world
of Italian
politics,
but
can
not
be included
among
those
who
have
made,
shaped,
and
reshaped
the
Christian
Democratic
Party.
He
has been
however
directly
involved
in active
politics
since
his
elections
to
the
Chamber of
Deputies
in
May
1958. He
brings
to
the
Quirinale
(the
Italian
Presidential
Palace)
several
qualities
which should
enrich
the
office
and
help
him
in
one
of
the
most
critical
of
his
new
duties: the
representation
of
national
unity.21
His
education
as a
doctor
juris,
and
his
many
years
as
a
teacher of
constitutional
law will
in
fact
undoubtedly
guide
his
rela
tionship
with the other
organs
of the State: the
judiciary;
the
administrative;
and
the
legislative.
As
for
the other duties
mandated
to
him
by
article 87 and
article
88,
his
long
tenure
(until
1980)
in
the
House
of
Deputies,
and
since
recently
(1983)
in
the
Senate22
make
him
well
aware
of
the
workings
of the Italian
legislative
machine.
His
experience
of
government,
as
undersecretary
of
Defense;
Minister
of
Public
Ad
ministration;
Minister
of
Interior,
and
twice
Prime
Minister,
have
given
him
an
ap
preciation
of
the
responsibilities
and
difficulties
of
statesmenship
in
Italy.
While chairman
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456
I
PRESIDENTIAL
STUDIES
QUARTERLY
office
that the President
of the
Christian Democratic
Party,
Aldo
Moro,
was
kidnapped
and
brutally
killed.
It
fell
upon
his
shoulders the burden
of
defending
the
State
and
to
rigorously
refuse
to
give
in
to
terroristic
demands
even
when
jeopardizing
the
life
of
a
dearest friend.
Cossiga
shocked the
nation,
as
well
as
gained
respect
and
admi
ration
from
the
people,
and the
politicians
when
upon
Moro's
death he
resigned
from
his
post
to
admit his
failure
to
defend
the State
and
its citizens.
Perhaps
Cossiga's
popularity
rises
from
the
tough
emergency
laws
he
enacted
against
terrorism. To
most
protesters
of
the 1970s
his
name
was
spelled
with
a
K
and
he
was
symbolized
as a
dictator.
In
his
inaugural
speech
on
July
3,
Cossiga
himself
declared with
some
pride,
in
a
joint
session of
Parliament,
plus
the
Regional Delegates,
the Diplomatic Corps, the media, and thus the nation, that those
were
years inwhich
the
State
itself
was
being
attacked,
and that
the
State did
not
succumb because of
those
laws.
To
the
American
public
he is
perhaps
known for the
politically
courageous
step
he
took
to
implement
the
cruise
missiles
on
Italian soil amidst
general opposition
from
all sides.
Among
the first
appointments
on
the
Presidential
calendar
there
was
a
visit
by
the Italian
Prime Minister
on
July
4,
for
the
presentation
of
the
resignations
of the
Cabinet.
These
are
called
courtesy
resignations
and
as
such
were
not
expected
to
open
a
crisis,
rather
they might
have
offered
the
opportunity
for
minor
changes
to
the
com
position of the government (just change a few names); The resignations were rejected
by
President
Cossiga,
and
two
ministers
were
changed although
the
party
allotment
within the Cabinet has remained the
same.
After
consultations
with
the
secretaries
of
all
parties
forming
the
governmental
coalition
(Socialist,
Christian
Democratic,
Social
Democratic, Liberal,
and
Republican),
Mr.
Craxi's
Cabinet
seems
well
underway
towards
a
successful
completion
of
the
five
year
term.
Since
Cossiga
was
the chairman
of the Senatorial
Assembly,
and
since
his
appointment
to
the
highest
magistrature
of
the
nation
left
a
vacancy
in
that
chamber,
among
the
other
politically
intense activi
ties
of this
Spring
and
Summer
there
was
also the election
of the President
of
the
Senate. The successful
approach
to the Presidential election has been emulated for this
chamber,
and
by
so
doing
it
has
begun
a
trend
in
Italian
politics.
Mr.
Amintore Fan
fani
(DC)
was
expected
to
be elected
to
the nation's
second
highest
position,
and
was
so on
July
9.
Furthermore the
government,
and the
leadership
of
those
parties
com
posing
it
had
yet
to
resolve local
administrative
coalition formuli
in
the
aftermath
of
the
May
elections.
Whatever
lies
ahead,
Italy
will withstand
the
pressure.
The
political
and
institu
tional
emergency
is
over,23
the
political
cadres
and the
citizenry
have
given
proof
of
unknown
maturity
and
capabilities.
Sandro
Pertini,
while
overstepping
his
powers
in
many
an
occasion,
and
by
so
doing
provoking
resentment in the
legislative
body,
also
helped
restore
the love and
respect
of
the
people
for
the
institutions.24 The
in
novative
procedures employed
at
this electoral
appointment,
the
compactness
among
the
grand
electors
(grandi elettori)
of
all
parties
and
Regional
delegates,
the
vote
of
all
with
exception
of
the Radical
(P.R.),
Demoproletarian
(D.P.),
and Social
Move
ment
(M.S.I.-D.N.)
exemplifies
a
unity
and
maturity
of
the
political
cadres which
deserves
praise,
and
instigates
hope
for
a
better
future.
Francesco
Cossiga,
a
strong
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ELECTING
THE PRESIDENT:
ITALIAN
STYLE
|
457
TABLE 3
The
Grand
Electors
(Key
to
the
parties: Liga
Ven.
=
Venetian
League;
PS
D'A
=
Socialist
party
of
Action;
Un.
Vald.
=
Val
dAosta's
Union;
SVP
=
SouthTyroTs
Party;
DP
=
Demoproletarian
Party;
Sin.
Ind.
=
Independent
Left;
PCI
=
Communist
Party;
Verdi
=
The
Greens;
PR
=
Radical
Party;
PSI
=
Socialist
Party;
PSDI
=
Socialist
Democratic
Party;
PRI
=
Republican
Party;
PLI
=
Liberal
Party;
DC
=
Christian
Democratic;
MSI-DN
=
Social
Movement.
Table 3
is
taken
from
// Giornale di
Napoli
of June
24,
1985.
constitutionalist,
has the
potential
to
renew
the
equilibrium
between
the
branches
of
government,
and
to
lead the
nation
to
amore
responsible,
and
important
role
within
the
European
Community
and
in
the world
in
general.
Before
the 1983
general
elections
Italy
did
not
have those elements
of
a
civic
culture
required
by
Almond
and Verba's standards.25 With the elections
ofthat
year,
Italians
proved
to
have
reached
a
higher
level
of
political
participation
but
were
still
far from
satisfying
the
requirements
of
nationalism
and
respect
of
institutions.26
At
the conclusion of Sandro
Pertini's
tenure,
and
after
witnessing
Cossiga's
election
to
the
Presidency
of
this
nation,
it
can
be
affirmed
that Italians
now
have
a
realistic
ap
preciation
for the
institutions.
If
the
expectations
of
Cossiga's
tenure
of office
are
not
being misplaced,
nationalism
will
be
expressed
in
all
aspects
of life
and
not
only
at
sporting
events
and
during
crisis.
Notes
1.
de
Franciscis,
Maria
Elisabetta.
General Elections
1983 Italian
Quarterly.
Year
XXIV,
no
94
Fall
1983,
pages
65-75.
2. Constitution of the
Italian
Republic:
Article
87.
For
the
full
spectrum
of
the constitutional
man
dates
of
presidential
powers
and electoral
procedures
in
Italy
see
also Table
II
of the
text.
3.
Cossiga
was
elected
to
the
Presidency
with the
vote
of
76.8% of
the
grand
electors.
He
received
in
fact
seventy-eight
votes
more
than
required
by
the
Constitution.
4.
Just
to
name
a
few:
Kogan,
Norman.
A
Political
History of
Postwar
Italy.
New
York:
Praeger,
1966;
Kogan,
Norman.
Storia
Pol?tica
dellltalia
repubblicana.
Bari:
Editori
Laterza,
1982; Parisi,
Arturo
and
Pasquino,
Gianfranco.
Changes
in
Italian Electoral
Behavior: the
Relationship
Be
tween
Parties
and
Votes
in
Lange
Peter
and
Tarrow,
Sidney,
ed.
Italy
in Transition:
Conflict
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458
j
PRESIDENTIAL
STUDIES
QUARTERLY
and
Consensus West
European
Politics.
October
1979,
pages
6-30;
Barnes,
Samuel.
Representation
in
Italy:
Institutionalized
Tradition andElectoralChoice.
Chicago:
University
of
Chicago
Press,
1977;
Parisi,
Arturo
and
Pasquino,
Gianfranco
(a
cura
di)
Continuit?
e
mutamento
elettorale
in
Italia.
Bologna:
Il
Mulino,
1977; Allum,
P.A.,
Italy.
Republic
without
Government?.
New York:
W.
W.
Norton
&
Company,
1973.
5. de
Franciscis,
Maria
Elisabetta,
op.
cit.
6. The Christian
Democratic
Party
received
32.9%
of the
vote,
the
Communist
Party
29.9%;
the
Socialist
Party
11.4%;
the Social
Movement
(Fascist)
6.8%
the
Social Democratic
Party,
4.1%;
the
Republican
Party
5.1%;
the Liberal
Party
2.9%,
and
all
the other
parties
(circa
ten)
all
to
gether
6.8%.
For
more
reading
on
electoral
behavior
see:
Barnes,
Samuel
H.
Representation
in
Italy:
Institutionalized
Tradition andElectoral Choice.
Chicago:
University
of
Chicago
Press,
1977;
and
Parisi,
Arturo
and
Pasquino,
Gianfranco
(a
cura
di)
Continuit?
e
mutamento
elettorale
in
Italia.
Bologna: IlMulino, 1977.
7. In
addition
to
the
just
mentioned books
(note
6)
also:
de
Franciscis,
Maria
Elisabetta. General
Elections
1983
Italian
Quarterly.
Fall
1983,
pages
65-75;
Parisi,
Arturo
and
Pasquino,
Gianfranco.
Changes
in
Italian Electoral
Behavior:
the
Relationship
Between
Parties
and
Votes in
Lange,
Peter
and
Tarrow,
Sidney,
ed
Italy
in
Transition:
Conflict and Consensus
West
European
Poli
tics. October
1979,
pages
6-30.
8.
In
a
Cabinet
of
30,
16
are
Christian
Democrats,
and
6
Socialist. The Christian
Democrats
cover
the
positions
of
Deputy
Prime
Minister;
Foreign
Affairs
Minister;
Interior
Minister;
Justice
Min
ister;
Treasury
Minister;
Education
Minister;
Agriculture
Minister;
Postal
and Telecommunica
tions
Minister;
Merchant
Marine
Minister;
Public
Investments
Minister;
Health
Minister;
Cul
turalWealth
Minister;
Public
Functions
Minister;
Civil
Protection
Minister;
Scientific
Research
Minister;
and
Budget
for the
Mezzogiorno
Minister.
The
Socialists,
on
the
other
hand,
in
addi
tion
to
the
Prime
Ministry
have the
following
posts:
Transportation;
Labor;
Foreign
Trade,
Tourism
and
Theatre,
and
Community
Relations.
9.
de
Franciscis,
Maria
Elisabetta.
op.
cit.
page
68;
and
II
Mattino,
Il
Corriere
d?lia
Sera,
Il
Pop?lo,
La
Stampa,
and
//
Giornale
for
the
period July 12-July
21,
1983.
10.
de
Franciscis,
Maria
Elizabetta.
op.
cit.
11.
On
June
24
II
Giornale
di
Napoli
was
published
with
the
following
headline:
Si
della
DC
a
Cos
siga.
II conclave
dei
grandi
elettori
democristiani
ha
ufficialmente
designato
il
Presidente del
Senato.
Anche
i
capi
storici
del
partito
si
son?
dichiarati
disposti
a
sostenerlo.
(Yes
of the
DC
to
Cossiga.
The
conclave
of the Christian Democratic
grand
electors
has
officially
nominated the
President
of the Senate. Even the historical leaders of the party have demonstrated their willingness to sup
port
him).
Most
other
newspapers
were
published
with
similar
headlines.
12. The administrative Elections
were
held
on
May
1,
1985.
13. The
consultation
on
whether
to
change
this
course
was
held
on
June
9-10,
1985 and
45.7%
of
the electorate
voted
against
the
governmental
platform
but
53.3%
were
willing
to
sacrifice
now
for
a
better
tomorrow.
14.
Among
the
parties
included
in
the consultation
process
was
the
Communist
Party
and
among
those
excluded,
the
Fascist
one
which
has
been banned
in
Italy
in
the
post-war
period;
(See
disposi
tions
to
the
Constitution,
XII.I).
15.
Il
Mattino,
June
25,
1985
La vittoria
di
De Mita
(De
Mita's
Victory);
and,
on
the
same
day,
same
newspaper
D-Day
a
Montecitorio. Un
coro,
qualcosa
?
davvero
cambiata
ora
(D-Day
in
Parliament.
It
is
unanimous,
something
has
truly
changed);
Avanti,
June
25,
1985 Un'intesa
raggiunta
nella chiarezza
(An
understanding
reached
in
plain
daylight);
Il
Manifesto,
Cossiga,
Pax Democristiana
(Cossiga,
Christian
Democratic
Peace);
Avvenire,
Pieno
successo
dell'inizi
ativa
di
Cir?aco
De Mita
(Complete
success
for Cir?aco De Mita's
initiative);
II
Corriere
della
Sera,
Trionfo della
nuova
strategia
DC
(The
new
Christian Democratic
strategy:
Triumphant);
Napoli
Nottey
Ore
17:52
De Mita
ha
Vinto
(At
5:52
pm
(time
of
Cossiga's
election)
De
Mita
has
won);
and
again
II
Manifesto,
Allori
per
la
DC
(Honors
and
congratulations
to
the
Christian
Democrats).
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ELECTING
THE
PRESIDENT:
ITALIAN
STYLE
|
459
16.
L'Unit?
(the
P.C.I, official
newspaper)
of
June
25,
1985
was
releasedwith
the
following
headline:
Cossiga
subito
eletto,
prevale
Pin
tesa
delle
forze
costituzionali
. . .
Novit?
e
portata
politico
istituzionale
(Cossiga
was
immediately
elected;
prevails
the
understanding
among
the
constitu
tional
forces
. .
.
Novelty
and
importance
for
the
institutions and
politics);
and then
on
page
2: Natta
Perch?
dico
si
a
Cossiga ;
(Natta:
(The
Communist
party
secretary)
Why
do
I
say
Yes
to
Cossiga. ;
Avvenire,
page
3,
Un'ampia
in
tesa
dei
partiti
(A
large
understanding
of all
parties);
II
Giorno,
Un
miracolo che
rafforza
i
cinque partiti
della
coalizione
ma
inserisce anche
il
PCI
nel
grande dialogo
politico
(A
miracle
which,
while
reinforcing
the
coalition
of five
in
cludes the
Communists
in
the
vast
political dialogue).
17.
Il
Manifesto (daily
Communist
newpaper)
of
June
25,
1985
Spine
per
il
PCI.
Rassegnati
i
Com
munisti
pensano
di
aver
parato
il
terzo
colpo
(More
pain
for
the PCI. With
resignation
the
Com
munists think
to
have
avoided
the
third
failure);
//
Corriere
delta
Sera,
of
June
23,
1985
La
ques
tione Comunista: La duplice sconfitta
...
ha avviato alPinterno del PCI
un
processo di revisione
e
autocr?tica
(The
Communist
Question:
Twice defeated
...
a
process
of
revision
and self
cri
tique
has
now
started within
the
party).
18.
For
more
of the
history
of
Italy,
and
the
role
played
by
each
President read:
Kogan,
Norman.
Storia
pol?tica
dell'Italia
repubblicana.
Bari: Laterza
Editori,
1982.
19.
Gerosa,
Guido,
(a
cura
di)
Historia,
supplement
to
the
May-June
1985
issue. In
addition
to
the
following
newspaper
articles:
II
Giornale
di
Napoli,
June
24,1985 Pertini,
il
presidente
che
piaceva
alla
gente
(Pertini,
the President liked
by
the
people);
Avanti,
June
25,
1985
Pertini,
il Presidente
pi?
amato
dagli
Italiani
(Perini,
the
most
loved
President
by
the
Italians).
20.
This
was
such
an
overwhelming feeling
that it
is
impossible
to
select
one
headline.
You
may
choose
any
newspaper
for the
period
of
June
23-July
8,
1985.
21. Italian Constitution, Article 87. See also Table II.
22. He
was
elected
chairman of
that
Chamber
immediately
after
the
general
elections
of
1983,
with
280
votes
out
of
315.
The
youngest
and
most
voted chairman
in
the
history
of
the
Senate.
The
chairmanship
position
also
entails the
vice-presidency
of the
country,
as
per
article
86
of the
Con
stitution.
23.
Also
read,
Avvenire,
June
30,
1985
Quirinale
austero
e
discreto
(Discreet
and somber
Quirinale),
by
Guido
Bossa.
24.
Read
also,
Panorama,
July
14,1985,
pages
42-44: Antonio
Maccanico,
Sua
efficienza
il
Segretario
(Antonio
Maccanio,
his
efficency,
the
secretary).
The
article
itself
focuses
on
Maccanico who
was
the
general
secretary
for President
Pertini,
and
has
now
been
reappointed
by
Cossiga.
First
time
ever
such
a
post
is
covered
by
the
same
person
in
two
subsequent
terms.
The
renewed
love
for
institutions
of the Italian
people
is
very
clearly brought
up
in
this
article,
and
Maccanico
attributes
it
to
Pertini's actions.
25.
Almond,
Gabriel,
and
Verba,
Sidney.
The
Civic
Culture.
Political
Attitudes
and
Democracy
in
Five
Nations.
Princeton,
1966.
26. de
Franciscis,
Maria
Elisabetta.
op.
cit.