Emics and Etics of Researching Black Colleges: Applying Facts and Avoiding Fallacies

This chapter delineates the disparate aspects of internaland external assessments and dispels many commonfallacies about historically black colleges anduniversities.

NEW DIRECTIONS FOR INSTITUTIONAL RESEARCH, no. 118, Summer 2003 © Wiley Periodicals, Inc. 27

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Emics and Etics of Researching BlackColleges: Applying Facts and Avoiding Fallacies

M. Christopher Brown II

Black colleges and universities are an endemic part of the higher educationlandscape. Despite their natural and epigenetic connection to the prolifer-ation of postsecondary institutions in the United States, they are rarelystudied (Brown and Freeman, 2002). On scant occasions, they are studiedin comparison with other colleges or institutional types; however, thesestudies often compare black colleges with nonpeer institutions (for exam-ple, American Association of Universities’ members). Even more rare areintragroup or single-site investigations that assess, evaluate, or observe ablack college in sum (save for institutional research or self-studies). Thereis even further confusion surrounding issues of institutional size, campusmissions or functions, and public or private college status. Notwithstand-ing, many (if not most) of these studies ignore the framing of emic or eticresearch that serves to delimit the biases and miscalculations that troubleblack college research. What follows is a brief guidance on how to positionacademic research involving this population of institutions.

On Emic and Etic Research

The terms emic and etic have implications for social science research in gen-eral and black college research specifically. Emic and etic denote a funda-mental distinction of approach, analysis, and interpretation of the samething, event, or discourse. Emic research explores the constructed accounts,descriptions, and interpretations in relation to the beliefs and behaviors of

28 STUDYING DIVERSE INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXTS

members of a specific population under investigation. Etic research usesunits of analysis to study the actions, images, and explanations of a popu-lation sample using conceptual guidance from the existing meaningsregarded as acceptable by the research community (Headland, Pike, andHarris, 1990). Emic research is conducted inside the culture of the inform-ants whereas etic research is conducted outside through observation. Bothare scientific traditions, and both must be learned.

Pike (1967) writes, “It proves convenient—though partially arbitrary—to describe behavior from two different standpoints, which lead to resultswhich shade into one another. The etic viewpoint studies behavior as fromoutside of a particular system, and as an essential initial approach to an aliensystem. The emic viewpoint results from studying behavior as from insidethe system” (p. 37). He further identified ten “principal differences betweenthe emic and etic approaches to language and culture” (pp. 37–38). Theseten approaches are paraphrased to evince clear relevance for black collegeresearch.

One or many. The etic approach treats higher education institutions as thepopulation and other institutional types as samples. The emic approachtreats black colleges as the population that is culture specific.

Units known in advance or discovered. Etic units of analysis are precondi-tioned by research traditions or prior scholarly examples. Emic units ofanalysis emerge from the research and cannot be predetermined.

Creation or discovery of a system. The etic approach allows for constructs,variables, and indices to be named by the researcher subjectively althoughthe named constructs, variables, and indices are advanced as objec-tive. The emic approach requires researchers to acknowledge the limita-tions and, more important, the delimitations that lead to naming theresearch study components. Etics suggest that things exist in a fixed statewhereas emics acknowledge the fluidity of a thing’s state.

External or internal view. Etic research findings and analyses are based on a perspective external to the black college. Emic research findings and analyses use internal perspectives derived from the black college context.

External or internal plan. Etic research designs use generic or externallymandated measures, indices, and units of analysis. Emic research plansuse emergent design methods that allow for definitions to be constructedwithin the project (often by participants).

Absolute or relative criteria. Etic research variables or units are believed tobe absolute whereas emic variables or units are relative to the black col-lege(s) being studied.

Nonintegration or integration. Etic research does not require the constructsused to have any direct application or import to the black college researchsite. Conversely, emic research mandates that each research componenthave relevance and congruence with the campus structure, ethos, or goals.

EMICS AND ETICS OF RESEARCHING BLACK COLLEGES 29

Evidences for differences. Units are etically different when quantitative orqualitative measures so demonstrate. They are emically different whenthey evince different responses from the people or things operating with-in the collegiate environment.

Partial or total data. Etic-based findings are generated at the outset of theanalysis using limited information. The generation of emic-based findingsrequires a comprehensive interaction with a black college to relate theunits or phenomena to their appropriate significance.

Preliminary or final presentation. Etic research offers access to black collegesas the beginning of analysis followed by tentative and inconclusive find-ings. Emic research offers a final analysis resulting for a refined analysisin conjunction with a black college’s core units or measures.

In sum, the selection of an emic or etic orientation has implications forthe way in which the research on black colleges is conducted. This seem-ingly common but in effect significant decision will predispose the en-tire venture—theoretical framework, methodological guidance, coding ofdata, process of analysis, and interpretation of results. The emic and eticapproaches are not bifurcated positional stakes from which research is con-ducted but rather epistemological, ontological, and axiological lensesthrough which the research initiative is viewed. Etic research provides abroad perspective, phenomenological techniques, entry-point data or analy-ses, and pragmatic tools for attempting to learn “something” about blackcolleges. Conversely, emic research acknowledges black colleges as units ofsignificant study and efforts toward understanding and provides a founda-tion upon which social science can advance comprehensive findings onblack colleges.

Facts That Cannot Be Disputed

There are immutable facts regarding black colleges. These undisputed truthsemerge from the historic context of these institutions, their institutionalfacts, as well as their mission and function. What follows is a presentationof this “whole truth and nothing but the truth.”

Understanding the Historic Context. Before the Civil War, the com-bination of slavery and segregation restricted educational access and oppor-tunity for black Americans (Brown, 1999b). Although a few exceptions likeOberlin College in Oberlin, Ohio, and Bowdoin College in Brunswick,Maine, existed, black students were summarily denied entry to institutionsof higher learning. Many black colleges (particularly private, historicallyblack colleges) emerged from schools and training institutions founded bymissionaries, abolitionists, and progressive citizens and funded by liberalphilanthropic entities.

Three institutions lay hold to the claim of the nation’s first historicallyblack colleges and universities (HBCUs)—Cheyney State College in Cheney,


Pennsylvania; Lincoln University in Lincoln University, Pennsylvania; andWilberforce University in Wilberforce, Ohio. Cheyney State College uses1832 as its date of inception. However, in 1832, Cheyney was primarily apreparatory school rather than a college and did not begin offeringcollegiate-level instruction until the early 1900s. Unlike Cheyney State, bothLincoln and Wilberforce universities were founded with the goal of pro-viding collegiate-level instruction. Lincoln was chartered in 1854, but it didnot open its doors until 1856. Wilberforce, on the other hand, was incor-porated in 1856 and opened its doors in the same year. In addition,Wilberforce is certainly the oldest black-controlled HBCU in the nationbecause many black institutions (including Lincoln and Cheyney State) hadwhite presidents, administrators, faculty, and boards of trustees for manyyears (Brown, 2002).

The aftermath of the Civil War led to a proliferation of HBCUs, withmore than two hundred being founded before 1890. In addition to the phil-anthropic associations, churches, local communities, missionaries, and pri-vate donors, the end of the Civil War brought a new founder and funder of HBCUs—state governments. Southern states were required by law torespond to the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments by pro-viding public education for former slaves and other black Americans.Supplementary public support came with the passage of the Second MorrillAct of 1890. Although the first Morrill Act of 1862 provided federal supportfor state education, particularly in agriculture, education, and military sciences, the Second Morrill Act of 1890 mandated that those funds beextended to institutions that enrolled black Americans. Because of thestronghold of segregation in the South, many states established separatepublic HBCUs for the sole purpose of having a legal beneficiary for the federal support. These public HBCUs are often referred to as “the 1890schools.” Table 2.1 lists land-grant colleges and universities in nine-teen states.

Although unintentional, the Second Morrill Act of 1890 cemented theprevailing doctrine of segregation. Separate and unequal patterns of fund-ing persist even today. Faculty salaries at HBCUs remain lower than theircounterparts. Expenditures at public HBCUs are lower than those at otherpublic institutions. And despite increases in enrollments across public andprivate HBCUs, they continue to be disproportionately worse off fiscallythan institutions that are predominantly white. Efforts for greater equity inhigher education were advanced with the inclusion of Title VI of the CivilRights Act of 1964. This law has become the linchpin in the ongoing effortsof HBCUs to resolve funding and resource disparities.

Facts and Figures. HBCUs have a unique educational history com-pared with other postsecondary institutions in the United States. HBCUs areinstitutions founded before 1964 to provide collegiate education to AfricanAmericans. There are 103 public, private, four-year, and two-year HBCUs.In addition to the nation’s 103 HBCUs are about 54 predominantly black


institutions. Predominantly black colleges and universities are institutionsthat have greater than 50 percent black student enrollment, were notfounded primarily for the education of African American students, and mayor may not have been founded before 1964.

According to the U.S. Department of Education (1996), the 103HBCUs enroll about 300,000 students and employ about 60,000 per-sons. HBCUs award 28 percent of the black bachelor’s degrees, 16 percentof the black first-professional degrees, 15 percent of the black master’sdegrees, and 9 percent of the black doctoral degrees. Notwithstanding,Vernon Jordan states that the historically black college remains the under-graduate home of “75 percent of all black Ph.D.s, 75 percent of all blackarmy officers, 80 percent of all black federal judges, and 85 percent of all black doctors” (as quoted in Roebuck and Murty, 1993, p. 13).Predominantly black colleges have experienced similar educational gains.

Table 2.1. Parallel Land-Grant Colleges and Universitiesin Nineteen States

College (C.) or University (U.) and Citya

State HWE HBCU

Alabama Auburn U., Auburn Alabama A&M U., Normalb

Arkansas U. of Arkansas, Fayetteville U. of Arkansas, Pine BluffDelaware U. of Delaware, Newark Delaware State C., DoverFlorida U. of Florida, Gainesville Florida A&M U., TallahasseeGeorgia U. of Georgia, Athens Fort Valley State C., Fort Valleyc

Kentucky U. of Kentucky, Lexington Kentucky State U., FrankfortLouisiana Louisiana State A&M U., Baton Rouge Southern U., Baton RougeMaryland U. of Maryland, College Park U. of Maryland, Eastern ShoreMississippi Mississippi State U., Mississippi State Alcorn State U., LormanMissouri U. of Missouri, Columbia Lincoln U., Jefferson CityNorth Carolina North Carolina State U., Raleigh North Carolina Agricultural and

Technical State U., GreensboroOhio Ohio State U., Columbus Central State U., Wilberforced

Oklahoma Oklahoma State U., Stillwater Langston U., LangstonPennsylvania Pennsylvania State U., University Park Lincoln U., Lincoln Universitye

South Carolina Clemson U., Clemson South Carolina State U., OrangeburgTennessee U. of Tennessee, Knoxville Tennessee State U., NashvilleTexas Texas A&M U., College Station Prairie View A&M U., Prairie ViewVirginia Virginia Polytechnic Institute and

State U., Blacksburg Virginia State U., PetersburgWest Virginia West Virginia U., Morgantown West Virginia State C., Institute

Note: HWE refers to historically white enrollment, HBCU to historically black college or university.aAll institutions are listed under their current names.bTuskegee University was added to this list by subsequent legislation.cSavannah State University was added to this list by subsequent legislation.dOriginally there was no designation for black students; however, land-grant funds were eventuallygiven to Central State University.eOriginally there was no designation for black students; however, land-grant funds were eventuallygiven to Lincoln University.


Historically Black Colleges and Universities. The 103 HBCUs in theUnited States are clustered in nineteen southern and Mason-Dixon-line bor-der states—Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky,Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, Ohio, Okla-homa, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and WestVirginia—plus Michigan and the District of Columbia. Table 2.2 lists his-torically black colleges by state, character, type, and date of founding.

HBCU Curriculum and Mission. The early curriculum advanced atHBCUs was influenced by the debate between W.E.B. Du Bois and BookerT. Washington. Both learned men themselves, Du Bois and Washingtonhelped to provide valuable leadership to a marginalized and disjointedAfrican American community. Even so, they did not interpret the purposeand mission of HBCUs in the same manner. Symbolized in his establishmentof the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, Washington was a strong advocate ofvocational training. He argued that it was in the best interests of freed peo-ple to accept the manual labor employment and roles available, succeed inthese positions, and thus prove themselves worthy of better treatment andopportunities. Washington believed that black colleges should be estab-lished to train African Americans to fulfill these roles (Brown, Bertrand, andDonahoo, 2001).

Du Bois, on the other hand, did not believe that black colleges or theirstudents should be so willing to accept segregation. Du Bois argued that,rather than provide vocational training, black institutions should work todevelop an elite group known as “the talented tenth” that would challengediscrimination and lead black citizens. He believed that students attendingHBCUs should be trained to be doctors, lawyers, teachers, and politiciansrather than masons, blacksmiths, or farmers (Anderson, 1988; Morgan,1995).

Reflecting the influence of both Washington and Du Bois, the early cur-riculum found at many HBCUs was made up of a combination of industrialand liberal arts courses. Many students who attended these institutionslearned cooking, sewing, and farming as well as reading, writing, and math-ematics. By paying heed to Washington and Du Bois, these colleges and uni-versities were able to construct environments that allowed them to supplytheir students with skills that would help them succeed in life and in theclassroom (Brown, 1999a). Applying the notion of racial uplift, these insti-tutions set out to produce students who not only could read and write butwould also be viewed as a credit to both their race and their nation. Theseinstitutions promoted educational attainment and advancement, and theyalso served as a safe haven and cultivated hope in an otherwise raciallydemoralizing society (Barrow, 1990).

Predominantly Black Colleges and Universities. Predominantlyblack colleges and universities (PBCUs) are similar to HBCUs in their tradition of serving a large number of black collegiate students. Althoughhistorically black colleges are federally designated, PBCUs include any


Table 2.2. Historically Black Colleges By State, Character, Type,and Date of Founding

StateCollege (C.) orUniversity (U.) Character Type

Date ofFounding

Alabama Alabama A&M U. Public 4 year 1875Alabama State U. Public 4 year 1874Bishop State Community C. Public 2 year 1927C. A. Fredd State Technical C. Public 2 year 1965Concordia C. Private 2 year 1922J. F. Drake Technical C. Public 2 year 1961Lawson State Community C. Public 2 year 1965Miles C. Private 4 year 1905Oakwood C. Private 4 year 1896Selma U. Private 4 year 1878Stillman C. Private 4 year 1876Talladega C. Private 4 year 1867Trenholm State Technical C. Public 2 year 1963Tuskegee U. Private 4 year 1881

Arkansas Arkansas Baptist C. Private 4 year 1884Philander Smith C. Private 4 year 1877Shorter C. Private 2 year 1886U. of Arkansas at Pine Bluff Public 4 year 1873

Delaware Delaware State U. Public 4 year 1891District of Columbia Howard U. Mixed 4 year 1867

U. of the District of Columbia Private 4 year 1851Florida Bethune-Cookman C. Private 4 year 1904

Edward Waters C. Private 4 year 1866Florida A&M U. Public 4 year 1877Florida Memorial C. Private 4 year 1879

Georgia Albany State C. Public 4 year 1903Clark Atlanta U. Private 4 year 1989Fort Valley State C. Public 4 year 1895Interdenominational Theological Center Private 4 year 1958Morehouse C. Private 4 year 1867Morehouse School of Medicine Private 4 year 1975Morris Brown C. Private 4 year 1881Paine C. Private 4 year 1882Savannah State C. Public 4 year 1890Spelman C. Private 4 year 1881

Kentucky Kentucky State U. Public 4 year 1886Louisiana Dillard U. Private 4 year 1869

Grambling State U. Public 4 year 1901Southern U. A&M C.-Baton Rouge Public 4 year 1880Southern U. at New Orleans Public 4 year 1959Southern U. at Shreveport-Bossier City Public 2 year 1964Xavier U. of Louisiana Private 4 year 1915

Maryland Bowie State U. Public 4 year 1865Coppin State C. Public 4 year 1900Morgan State U. Public 4 year 1867U. of Maryland-Eastern Shore Public 4 year 1886

Michigan Lewis C. of Business Private 2 year 1874Mississippi Alcorn State U. Public 4 year 1871

Coahoma Community C. Public 2 year 1949Hinds Community C. Public 2 year 1954Jackson State U. Public 4 year 1877Mary Holmes C. Private 2 year 1892Mississippi Valley State U. Public 4 year 1946Rust C. Private 4 year 1866Tougaloo C. Private 4 year 1869

(continued)


Table 2.2. Historically Black Colleges By State, Character, Type,and Date of Founding


Date ofFounding

Missouri Harris-Stowe State C. Public 4 year 1857Lincoln U. Public 4 year 1866

North Carolina Barber-Scotia C. Private 4 year 1867Bennett C. Private 4 year 1873Elizabeth City State U. Public 4 year 1891Fayetteville State U. Public 4 year 1877Johnson C. Smith U. Private 4 year 1867Livingstone C. Private 4 year 1879North Carolina A&T State U. Public 4 year 1891North Carolina Central U. Public 4 year 1910St. Augustine’s C. Private 4 year 1867Shaw U. Private 4 year 1865Winston-Salem State U. Public 4 year 1862

Ohio Central State U. Public 4 year 1887Wilberforce U. Private 4 year 1856

Oklahoma Langston U. Public 4 year 1897Pennsylvania Cheyney State U. Public 4 year 1837

Lincoln U. Public 4 year 1854South Carolina Allen U. Private 4 year 1870

Benedict C. Private 4 year 1870Claflin C. Private 4 year 1869Clinton Junior C. Private 2 year 1894Denmark Technical C. Public 2 year 1948Morris C. Private 4 year 1908South Carolina State U. Public 4 year 1896Voorhees C. Private 4 year 1897

Tennessee Fisk U. Private 4 year 1867Knoxville C. Private 4 year 1875Lane C. Private 4 year 1882LeMoyne-Owen C. Private 4 year 1862Meharry Medical C. Private 4 year 1876Tennessee State U. Public 4 year 1912

Texas Huston-Tillotson C. Private 4 year 1876Jarvis Christian C. Private 4 year 1912Paul Quinn C. Private 4 year 1872Prairie View A&M U. Public 4 year 1876Saint Phillip’s C. Public 2 year 1927Southwestern Christian C. Private 4 year 1949Texas C. Private 4 year 1894Texas Southern U. Public 4 year 1947Wiley C. Private 4 year 1873

Virginia Hampton U. Private 4 year 1868Norfolk State U. Public 4 year 1935Saint Paul’s C. Private 4 year 1888Virginia State U. Public 4 year 1882Virginia Union U. Private 4 year 1865

West Virginia Bluefield State C. Public 4 year 1895West Virginia State U. Public 4 year 1891


institution with a 50 percent or greater black student enrollment. Thenation has fifty-four PBCUs, according to recent federal data. UnlikeHBCUs, predominantly black institutions are scattered across the nation,from California to New York. In addition, PBCUs tend to cluster in urbanmetropolitan regions and are more likely to be two-year institutions orbranch campuses of a larger college system. Table 2.3 lists the predomi-nantly black colleges.

The institutions listed in Table 2.3 represent a full range of institutiontypes, missions, and histories. Like other higher education organizations,these colleges and universities have employed a variety of strategies to suc-ceed in maintaining needed student enrollments. One strategy some col-leges have used is to change the name of the institution. For example,Macon Technical Institute is now Central Georgia Technical Institute, andMetropolitan Community College in Illinois is now East St. Louis Com-munity College Center. Although these institutions remain relatively thesame, their current names better reflect the areas they serve, which may alsohelp in attracting students. Another survival strategy employed by theseinstitutions has been to merge with others. Many of the institutions are theresult of mergers between two or more preexisting colleges. In 2000,Davenport University in Michigan and Indiana was founded when Daven-port College, Detroit College of Business, and Great Lakes College merged.This merger allowed the individual campuses to stay and maintain theirlocal history and identity while gaining the ability to appeal to more stu-dents by offering a greater variety of courses.

The literature on predominantly black colleges is often mistakenlyembedded with the literature on HBCUs. The confounding of the literatureleads to a confusing array of institutional lists with divergent realities.HBCUs are eligible for special federal aid; PBCUs are not. HBCUs werefounded during legal segregation. PBCUs were not necessarily founded witha mission of educating blacks. Conversely, PBCUs have majority black stu-dent enrollments. An increasing number of HBCUs have predominantlywhite student enrollments. Acknowledging these differences aids in posi-tioning both sets of institutions within the larger higher education discourse(Brown, Bertrand, and Donahoo, 2001).

Ten Research Fallacies About Black Colleges

An examination of existing research on, about, and including black colleges(Brown and Freeman, 2001, 2002) evinces ten fallacies, mistaken assump-tions, errant comparatives, or problematic practices made by researchers(see Fischer, 1970). Although the general failure of the existing corpus ofresearch has been a disregard of the fundamentals of emic and etic research,there remain several areas where direct guidance to the researcher shouldbe given. Many of the fallacies can be corrected using the facts presented


Table 2.3. Predominantly Black Colleges or Universities by State,Character, Type, and Date of Founding


Date ofFounding

Alabama Wallace Community C.-Sparks Campus Public 2 year 1927John M. Patterson State Technical C. Public 2 year 1962a

Reid State Technical C. Public 2 year 1963California Charles R. Drew U. of Medicine and Science Private 4 year 1966

Compton Community C. Public 2 year 1927Los Angeles Southwest C. Public 2 year 1967West Los Angeles C. Public 2 year 1968

District of Columbia Southeastern U. Private 4 year 1879Georgia Albany Technical Institute Public 2 year 1974

Atlanta Metropolitan C. Public 2 year 1974Bauder C. Private 2 year 1964Columbus Technical C. Public 2 year 1961DeKalb Technical C. Public 2 year 1961Georgia Military C.-August-Fort

Gordon Campus Public 2 year 1879Georgia Military C.-Fort McPherson

Campus Public 2 year 1879Gupton Jones C. of Funeral Service Private 2 year 1920Herzing C.-Atlanta Private 4 year 1949Central Georgia Technical C. Public 2 year 1989Savannah Technical C. Public 2 year 1929

Illinois Chicago State U. Public 4 year 1867East St. Louis Community C. Public 2 year 1969East-West U. Private 4 year 1935Kennedy-King C. Public 2 year 1935Malcolm X C. Public 2 year 1968Olive-Harvey C. Public 2 year 1970

Indiana Martin U. Private 4 year 1873Kentucky Simmons U. Private 4 year 1873Maryland Baltimore City Community C. Public 2 year 1947

Prince George’s Community C. Public 2 year 1958Sojourner-Douglass C. Private 4 year 1972

Massachusetts Roxbury Community C. Public 2 year 1973Michigan Davenport U.-Dearborn Private 4 year 2000

Davenport U.-Flint Private 4 year 2000Wayne County Community C. Public 2 year 1967

Mississippi East Mississippi Community C. Public 2 year 1927Mississippi Delta Community C. Public 2 year 1927Natchez Junior C. Private 2 year 1884

New Jersey Bloomfield C. Private 4 year 1868Essex County C. Public 2 year 1966

New York Audrey Cohen C. Private 4 year 1964Fiorello H. LaGuardia Community C. Public 2 year 1971Helene Fuld C. of Nursing of North

General Hospital Private 2 year 1945Long Island C. Hospital School

of Nursing Private 2 year 1858Medgar Evers C. Public 4 year 1967New York City Technical C. Public 2 year 1971York C. Public 4 year 1966

North Carolina Edgecombe Community C. Public 2 year 1967Roanoke-Chowan Community C. Public 2 year 1967

(continued)


earlier in this chapter. Notwithstanding, ten issues of investigations, expli-cation, and discussion should be addressed. (Note: The fallacies are notlisted in any rank order.)

Fallacy One: Nonevidentiary Questioning. A survey of research onand about black colleges illustrates a prevalence of nonevidentiary ques-tioning. Many scholars draft questions based on preconceptions, prejudices,and postulates. These questions assume facts that cannot be known empir-ically. For example, “Why are black colleges in financial crisis?” This ques-tion assumes the fact of financial crisis across all black colleges; this is nottrue. Researchers must craft narrowly defined questions geared towardassessing a specific, concrete, and factual area of inquiry.

Fallacy Two: Assumptive Evidence. The fallacy of assumptive evi-dence occurs when the researcher uses pseudo-facts to construct an argu-ment, question, or discussion. There is a volume of black college researchthat assumes evidence based on prior scholarship (for example, that blackcolleges provide a congenial campus climate). These references cite priorliterature that is nonempirical or based on secondary citation as well.Consequently, the key arguments and constructs become skyscrapers builton landfills. In a number of instances, scholars attempt to use philosophi-cal logic—that is, if a = b and b = c, then a = c. Sadly, philosophical syllo-gisms do not apply to social behavior or socially constructed realities—forexample, if black colleges have lower resources than research institutions,and institutions with low resources are academically inferior, then black col-leges are academically inferior. The problem with the preceding logic is theassumption that resources and inferiority have a proven relationship inunrelated settings.

Fallacy Three: Collective Universalism. The literature also demon-strates a tendency to group all black colleges in one category—that is, col-lective universalism. In several cases, researchers grouped black collegestogether as if they were monolithic. There are meaningful differences basedon size, mission, geography, and even public or private status. Hence, theinclusion of private black colleges in a discussion of collegiate desegregation

Table 2.3. Predominantly Black Colleges or Universities by State,Character, Type, and Date of Founding


Date ofFounding

Ohio Cuyahoga Community C. Public 2 year 1963Pennsylvania Pierce C. Private 4 year 1865South Carolina Williamsburg Technical C. Public 2 year 1969Tennessee Southwest Tennessee Community C. Public 2 year 2000Texas Bay Ridge Christian C. Private 2 year 1962U.S. Virgin Islands U. of the Virgin Islands Public 4 year 1962Virginia Virginia U. at Lynchburg Private 4 year 1888

Note: aOriginally chartered in 1947.


is errant. In other cases, scholars used findings from a study of one specificblack college to make generalizations about the entire cadre. Further, thereis a dubious belief that the collective institutional missions and practices areheld constant over time, allowing historical and contemporaneous cross-sectional analysis. It may be the case that changes over time within the insti-tutions and larger higher education community render such analysisimproper.

Fallacy Four: Linguistic Imprecision. Linguistic imprecision occurswhen scholars use language that is not applicable to the black college con-text. There are references to the dual development of black colleges in colo-nial higher education with the aim of naming a black “ivy league.” This isnot true. Black higher education was not born until immediately before theCivil War. Even more so, scholars will use historical archetypes of black col-leges to define present-day practices. Others try to use static terms to definecomplex phenomena; often, these terms refer to the preceding historicalarchetypes. Finally, many academics discuss events and occurrences atblack colleges with a voice of continuity—that is, the way things were is theway things are and the way they will be.

Fallacy Five: Reasoned Cause. The reasoned-cause fallacy assumesthat the reasons for a phenomenon or behavior at black colleges are thesame as the cause. This occasionally extends to the presentation of a dis-course on causal effects that are in reality outcomes of reasons. Reasonedcause occurs when scholars infer causal explanations that are most likelynever possible in black college research. In a study of collegiate desegrega-tion (Brown, 2002), I attempted to discover the cause of a high white stu-dent enrollment at a specific public black college. What I found insteadwere several reasons that may or may not have influenced the high numberof white students enrolled. If I had erroneously referenced my findings ascauses, I would have then been able to generalize to a broader sample orpopulation about the effects of certain practices. However, those general-izations would be spurious at best and, at worst, completely false.

Fallacy Six: Mission Stability. The idea that mission adoption andadherence are universal and consistent across and throughout all black col-leges is the fallacy of mission stability. There is not a cogent mission state-ment that can be universally applied to all black colleges. Moreover, if therewere, there would not be and is not consistent application of that missionacross all black colleges. Research that attempts to investigate whether blackcolleges are fulfilling their mission is deceived by the assumption of missionstability. No cohort of institutions is the same perennially in an omnipresentand circumstantial form. The way in which institutions individually andeven collectively define their mission is contingent on time, place, and cir-cumstance. This contingency is even more necessary in black colleges(Brown, 1999b). In each study, the research must acknowledge that whatis accurate depends on many known and unknown factors.

Fallacy Seven: Homogeneity. The fact that black colleges are notmonolithic is further ignored in the fallacy of homogeneity. Simply put,not all of the students at black colleges are black. Not all of the faculty, staff,and administrators at black colleges are black. Not all black colleges offerAfrican American studies or other Afrocentric events, curricula, or contexts.There is great diversity in precollege preparation among black college stu-dents. There are varying degrees of wealth, social and cultural capital, polit-ical activism, and interest in things “black.” The campuses offer space forRepublicans, Democrats, Libertarians, Reformists, Socialists, and others. Thecorporate constituency is not summarily Judeo-Christian. The physicalplants are each in differing states of maintenance. In sum, the word all doesnot apply literally or epistemologically in the black college research context.

Fallacy Eight: Converse Comparatives. Converse comparison is theinaccurate designation of something as opposite that of the black college forpurposes of analysis. Some researchers assume that predominantly whiteenrolled institutions are a natural comparative for black colleges; this is notso. In many cases, black colleges and other institutions may be correlativesdepending on size, geography, mission, public or private status, and othercategories. Black students at black colleges are not necessarily converse toblack students at white colleges. They are all participants in the higher edu-cation venture, just in different places. Research should be careful to delin-eate clear and significant rationales for comparatives with black colleges.

Fallacy Nine: Negligible Shibboleths. Researchers should be awarethat a word or phrase might not have an exact and entire definition in theblack college context. The word shibboleth may in fact be pronounced “sib-boleth.” I am not suggesting that language and word choices at black col-leges are sacred. They are, however, occasionally different. For example,“tenure track” cannot be assumed to have the same meaning at a private,black liberal arts college that it does at a public research university. Thetenure process at the two sites may be (and most likely are) summarily andformulaically different. Consequently, a study that is trying to investigatedifferences in the amounts of time devoted to classroom instruction andextramurally sponsored research at the two institutions may yield startlingand noncomparable findings.

Fallacy Ten: Supreme Significance. Research on and about black col-leges does not enjoy supreme significance. As a member of several editorialboards, I get a fair amount of manuscript drafts that have limited or absentscholarly significance or import. I concede that the scholarship on black col-leges is scant and that more is both needed and warranted. However, thefact that the research site is a black college does not in and of itself makethe study significant (as the limited scholarship about left-handed studentsdoes not deem any research on this population worthy of publication). It isimportant for researchers to connect their inquiry to the larger corpus ofresearch on black colleges and higher education.


A Final Word to Researchers

Understanding the fundamental characteristics of emic and etic research,the facts related to black colleges, and the fallacies common to studyingthese institutions serves as a framework for clear, cogent, and comprehen-sive research. The paucity of consistent, quality, and replicable research onblack colleges mandates significant changes to the practice and form ofresearch on these institutions. The future of research in this area requireskeen attention to the choice of problems raised for inquiry; the form inwhich the queries are constructed; the testing proposed; the presence of fal-lacy; the facts utilized; the interpretation of ambiguities; and the applica-bility for administrative, curricular, or policy recommendations (or allthree). All of this is possible with an acknowledgment of the emics and eticsof researching black colleges.

References

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Brown, M. C. “The Politics of Industrial Education: Booker T. Washington and TuskegeeState Normal School, 1880–1915.” Negro Educational Review, 1999a, 50, 123–128.

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M. CHRISTOPHER BROWN II is executive director and chief research scientist ofthe Frederick D. Patterson Research Institute of the United Negro College Fund.


Documents

Emics and Etics of Researching Black Colleges: Applying Facts and Avoiding Fallacies