Estudios Iranios y Turaniosada.usal.es/img/pdf/EIT01/Buyaner.pdfEstudios Iranios y Turanios 8 small but significant variation to be considered below. Let us start with the comparison

Estudios Iranios y Turanios

Número 1

Año 2014

Edita

SOCIEDAD DE ESTUDIOS IRANIOS Y TURANIOS (SEIT)

Girona


Director: Alberto Cantera

Secretarios: José Cutillas Ferrer

Juanjo Ferrer Losilla

Comité de redacción: Agustí Alemany Vilamajó

Alberto Cantera José Cutillas Ferrer

Juanjo Ferrer Losilla Jaime Martínez Porro

Éric Pirart

Depósito Legal: S-58820-14 ISSN: 2386-7833 Imprimida por: Printcolor

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Alberto Cantera, Facultad de Filología, Pza. Anaya s/n, 37008 Salamanca (España). Correo-e: [email protected] José Cutillas, Dpto. de Filologías Integradas, Campus de Sant Vicent del Raspeig, 03080 Alacant (España). Correo-e:[email protected] Juanjo Ferrer, Facultad de Filología, Pza. Anaya s/n, 37008 Salamanca (España). Correo-e: [email protected]

Índice de contenidos

David B. BUYANER On a Pahlavi Metonymic Figure and its Indo-European Roots ........... 7 Alberto CANTERA Repetitions of the Ahuna Vairiia and animal sacrifice in the Zoroastrian long liturgy .................................................................... 25 Juanjo FERRER Brief note on the abbreviation marker K in the Avestan manuscripts 31 Fateme JAHANPOUR A new Wīdēwdād Manuscript of Marzabān Family Collection ......... 35 Götz KÖNIG Die Pahlavi-Literatur des 9./10. Jh. und ihre frühe Kodex-Überlieferung (II). Die Pahlavi-Kodices der Bundār Šāhmardān-Familie ................................................................................................ 43 Jaime MARTÍNEZ-PORRO Los manuscritos avésticos de la ceremonia Visperad ........................ 75 Éric PIRART La plegaria en el sacrificio mazdeo zoroástrico ................................ 95 Kianoosh REZANIA Immanenz und Transzendenz im Zoroastrismus: Absenz, Nachbarkonzepte und Entstehung .................................................... 113

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On a Pahlavi Metonymic Figure and its Indo-European Roots David B. Buyaner Institut für Iranistik, FU Berlin

ABSTRACT: The paper deals with a metonymic figure which consists of three pairs of alliterative merisms and occurs in some Pahlavi sources belonging to different literary genres. An attempt is made to trace the source of the construction. Since its closest parallel is found not in an Indo-Iranian, but in a Latin source, namely, De agri cultura by Cato, it suggests itself the hypothesis of Indo-European origin of the figure. KEYWORDS: Pahlavi, Indo-European.

Collation of parallel passages in the Pahlavi versions of different Avestan texts, as well as in the original Pahlavi sources in which the zand passages are cited, is of special interest for the issue of the relative chronology and the textual history of the Pahlavi Translation and Commentary of the Avesta (Cantera 2004: 166-167). As the below observations show, this procedure accompanied with both the inner reconstruction and the external comparison can bring the results which are relevant not only for the history of Pahlavi writings, but also for the study of the Indo-European poetic language.

A particular case of the Avestan quotations is the use of the passages containing the formulary essential dogmata of Zoroastrianism as a preambular part of a later text, whether Avestan or Pahlavi. Thus, the benedictory section (called by its first word Frastuiiē, Y 11.17-18 = Y 0.4-7) of so called “profession chapter” (Fraorǝitiš hāitiš, Y 11.16-13.8, see Tremblay 2006: 248-257) provides the introductory part of Avestan Xwaršēd Niyāyišn, whose Pahlavi Translation and Commentary, close to, but not identical with the corresponding passage of the Pahlavi Yasna, coincides in turn with the introductory parts of two almost congruent Pahlavi penitential texts (patits), Patit ī pašēmanīh I and Patit ī murdagān1 (Pp I 1.1-6 = Pm 1.1-6), save for a 1 Contrary to the established opinion (West 1896: 110; Asmussen 1965: 89 etc.) that only

two of the four known patits (namely, Xwad patit and Patit ī pašēmānīh also called Patit ī Ādurbād) exist in both Pāzand and Pahlavi versions, the patit contained in cod. K27 (ff. 28r-34r) and edited by Hampel (1974: 136-159) as Patit ī pašēmānīh (cf. Hampel 1974: 137, n. 2: “Dies hier ist mit dem “Patīt-Āturpāt” zu identifizieren”) is sure enough a unique remnant of the Pahlavi version of Patit ī murdagān. The mistake has obviously been brought about by the fact that Patit ī murdagān is nothing else but a vicarious version of Patit ī pašēmānīh, i. e. essentially the same canon of repentance modified to be read for the sake of another person. The only difference between the two patits is thus the substitution of the 1st pers. pronoun (Patit ī pašēmānīh) by a name to be spoken (Patit


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small but significant variation to be considered below. Let us start with the comparison of all the passages being relevant for the present discussion. Y 11.18.1-4 (= Y 0.5.1-4):2 Av.: fәrā.3 vә̄.4 rāhī.5 amәšạ̄. 6spәṇtā. I hold forth to you, O Amәšạ Spәṇta, PT: prʾc ʾw' LKWM7 lʾtynm8 [MNW] ʾmhrspnd9 [HWEyt10]

frāz ō ašmā rādēnēm [kē] amahraspand [hēd] I liberally hold forth to you, who are Amahraspands,

Av.: yasnәmcā. vahmemcā.11 worship and praise PT: ycšn'12 [ʾšnʾk] W13 nydʾdšn' [ʾwstwplyt'14]

yazišn [āšnāg] ud niyāyišn [ustōfrit] worship [known] and praise [oblation]15 ī murdagān) and the “vicarious” penance formula occurring in Patit ī murdagān instead of the standard one. It is the identity of the Pahlavi “vicarious” formula as represented in K27 with one occurring in the Pāzand version of Patit ī murdagān (e. g. E1, f. 66v, ll. 5-12 et passim; see Kotwal / Hintze 2008: 127) that makes the identification quite clear.

2 For Y 11.18.1-4 see mss. J2, ff. 111v, l. 17 – 112r, l. 11; K5, ff. 82v, l. 14 – 83r, l. 6; T55b, f. 106v, ll. 5-14. The parallel passage Y 0.5.1-4 is absent in the two oldest mss.

3 K5: frā. 4 J2: vī. 5 K5: rāhe.; J2: rā.hī. 6 T55b: amәšāspәntā. 7 J2: (L)[.](WM) 8 J2: (l)ʾ(t)[…] 9 K5: ʾmhrspndyt; T55B: ʾmhrspndt' 10 K5, T55b: HWEyt om. 11 J2: va(ṁ)[.](m)cā; K5: vaṁәmcā. 12 J2: fr W praescr. et del. 13 J2, K5: W nydʾdšn' om. 14 K5: ʾwstwplyt 15 As a prototype of Phl. ʾws(t)wplyt / us(t)ōfrit ‘oblation, offering’ the Av. usәfriti-

‘Weihe, feierliche Darbringung’ (Bartholomae 1904: 408) is usually suggested (Dhabhar 1963: 112, n. 9(5); MacKenzie 1971: 85 etc.). Tavadia (1930: 92, n. 7) explains as a graphic variant of (← Av. usәfriti-) with an intermediate stage * (-stw- < -yt- < -sw-). It seems to me plausible that alongside the Avestan ἅπαξ λεγόμενον usәfriti- (V 18.12: usәfritinąm. vā. miiezdinąm. PT: ul franāft myazd, s. Jamasp 1907: 568), the unattested parallel form *uštō.friti- should have existed and given rise to Phl. ustōfrit: Av. ušta-, part. pf. of vas- ‘to want, wish’ + friti- ‘prayer’, with OI *|št| (> Av. |št|, OP |št|) > MP |st| as in Phl. ʾngwst' / angust ‘finger’ (cf. Av. angušta-), Phl. mhst' / mahist ‘greatest’ (cf. Av. masišta-, OP maϑišta-) etc. The original meaning of the compound is thus to be reconstructed as “prayer for the wish” or “voluntary prayer”. This reconstruction is in accord with the contexts in which the Pahlavi term occurs. Thus, in the Pahlavi Rivāyat accompanying Dādestān ī dēnīg the following circumstances of undertaking ustōfrit are mentioned (see Dhabhar 1913: 76): PRDd 20.1 gyāg-ē paydāg kū mard-ē ka be xwānēd kū agar-em ēn nēkīh bawēd ustōfrit-ē bē kunēm ā ka-ez-eš nē bawēd ā-š bē abāyēd kardan cē yazdān sūd-dahišn hēnd nē kāmag-dahišn ud nīrmad ī mardōmān yazdān weh dānēnd “It is revealed in one

David Buyaner, On a Pahlavi Metonymic Figure and its Indo-European Roots

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Av.: fәrā.16 manaŋhā.17 fәrā.18 vacaŋhā. fәrā.19 š́iiaoϑnā.20 fәrā. aŋhāiiā.21 fәrā. tanuuascīt̰.22 xvax́iiā̊.23 uštanәm. forth with (my) thought, forth with (my) speech, forth with (my) action, forth with (my) will; and even (grant) the life of my own body.24

PT: prʾc PWN mynšn' prʾc PWN gwbšn' prʾc25 PWN kwnšn'26 prʾc27 PWN ʾhw' [ mynšnyk] W prʾc PWN tn' W ZKc28 Y NPŠE yʾn [AYK tn' PWN hwyšyh Y LKWM YHSNNm PWN29 hwyšyh Y LKWM dʾštn' HNA AYK HTm tn'30 lwbʾn'31 lʾd BRA ʾpʾdt'32 YHBWNtn'33 BRA YHBWNm34…] frāz pad mēnišn frāz pad gōwišn frāz pad kunišn frāz pad axw [ menišnīg] ud frāz pad tan ud ān-ez ī xwēš gyān [kū tan pad xwēšīh ī ašmā dārem pad xwēšīh ī ašmā dāštan ēd kū agar-em tan ruwān rāy be abāyēd dādan be dahēm…]

place that if a man declares: ‘If this good thing happens to me, I perform an offering (ustōfrit)’, then even if it does not happen, he must perform it (i. e. the offering), because the yazatas are givers of benefit, and not wish-fulfillers, and the yazatas know well (what is the real) interest of men.” It is clear from this passage that the precise meaning of Phl. ustōfrit is a sort of thanksgiving performed or ordered by a Zoroastrian of his own motion and at his own expenses. It has long agobeen noticed (see e. g. Dhabhar 1963: 112-113, n. 9(5) with references) that Phl. ustōfrit regularly occurs in combination with the verb padīriftan ‘to accept, undertake’ and its derivatives. These observations make it possible to account for the enigmatic gloss to PY 0.5.2 = PY 11.18.2 = PNy 1.4.2: yazišn [āšnāg] ud niyāyišn [ustōfrit] “worship [known] and praise [oblation]”. If Phl. ustōfrit designates a votive, i. e. occasionally undertaken, oblation, it suggests itself that āšnāg ‘known’ glossing Phl. yazišn (~ Av. yasna-) means in this particular case “the common worship, i. e. one known beforehand”.

16 K5: frā. 17 J2: man[...]ā. 18 K5: frā. 19 K5: frā. 20 J2: š́ii[.]oϑanā. 21 K5: aŋhā̊iiā. 22 T55b: tanuuascit̰. 23 T55b: x́ax́iiā̊. 24 An interesting parallel to this Avestan passage is provided by the Gospel: Εἴ τις ἔρχεται πρός με καὶ οὐ μισεῖ τὸν πατέρα ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τὰς ἀδελφάς, ἔτι τε καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἑαυτοῦ, οὐ δύναται εἶναί μου μαθητής (Lk 14: 26).

25 J2: W praescr. 26 J2: kwn(š)[..] 27 T55b: W praescr. 28 K5: ZKyc 29 T55b: W praescr. 30 T55b: Y add. 31 K5, T55b: lwbʾn 32 T55b: ʾpʾdt 33 J2: YHBWNt' 34 J2: [.]HBWNm


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forth with (my) thought, forth with (my) speech, forth with (my) action forth with (my) [intellectual] will and forth with (my) body,35 and even (grant my) own life [that is, I possess (my) body in your ownership; possessing (something) in your ownership (is) this: if I must give up my body for the sake of the soul, I give (it) up…]

Ny 1.4.1-4:36 Av.: +fәrā.37 vә̄. rāhī. amәšạ̄.38 spәṇtā.

I hold forth to you, O Amәša Spәṇta, PT: prʾc39 ʾw' LKWM lʾtynm [MNW] ʾmhrspnd40 [HWEyt41]

frāz ō ašmā rādēnēm [kē] amahraspand [hēd] I liberally hold forth to you, who are Amahraspands,

Av.: yasnәmcā. vahmemcā.42 worship and praise

PT: ycšn' [ʾšnʾk43] W nydʾdšn' [+ʾwstwplyt44] yazišn [āšnāg] ud niyāyišn [+ustōfrit] worship [known] and praise [oblation]

Av.: +fәrā.45 manaŋhā. +fәrā.46 vacaŋhā. +fәrā.47 š́iiaoϑnā. +fәrā.48 aŋhāiiā. +fәrā.49 +tanuuascīt̰.50 xvax́iiā̊.51 uštanәm forth with (my) thought, forth with (my) speech, forth with (my) action, forth with (my) will; and even (grant) the life of my own body.

35 As evidenced by the comparison with the Avestan original, Pahlavi translation of Y 0.5.4

(= Y 11.18.4 = Ny 1.4.4) shows an insufficient understanding of the declension system of Avestan, since it renders Av. fәrā. tanuuas° (gen. sgl.) in the same way (frāz pad tan “forth with (my) body”) as the preceding series of instrumentals. Patit ī pašēmānīh I and Patit ī murdagān (see below) go a step further in the same direction and translate fәrā. tanuuascīt̰. xvax́iiā̊. (gen. sgl. fem.) uštanәm. (acc. sgl. masc. / neut.) as frāz pad tan [frāz pad] ān-ez ī xwēš gyān “forth with (my) body, as well as [forth with] my very own vitality”. These additions and transpositions are of the same nature as the other variations of the patits in comparison with the parallel passages of PNy and PY and should probably be regarded as relatively late interpolations.

36 See mss. T12, ff. 16v, l. 7 – 17r, l. 11; G30, f. 1v, ll. 4-12. 37 T12: frā.; G30: frāvә̄rāhī. 38 G30: amәšāspәntā. 39 G30: prʾcyt 40 G30: ’mhrd’n'spn 41 T12: s. l.-yt scr.; G30: HWEyt om. 42 T12: vaṁәmcā. 43 G30: ʾšnʾk om. 44 T12: ʾwstwplyt; G30:ʾwstwplt 45 Mss.: frā. 46 Mss.: frā. 47 Mss.: frā. 48 Mss.: frā. 49 Mss.: frā. 50 T12: tanuuascit̰.; G30: tanauuascīt̰. 51 G30: xaxiiā̊.


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PT: prʾc PWN mynšn' prʾc PWN gwbšn' prʾc PWN kwnšn' prʾc52 PWN ʾhw [Y mynšnyk] prʾc PWN tn' W53 ZKc54 Y NPŠE55 +yʾn [ŠM56 lwbʾn' bwn PWN hwʾstḵ HNA AYT AYK tn' PWN +hwyšyh57 LKWM YHSNNm PWN +hwyšyh58 Y LKWM +dʾštn'59 HNA AYK HTm tn'60 +lwbʾn'61 lʾd62 BRA ʾpʾdt YHBWNtn'63 BRA64 YHBWNm] frāz pad mēnišn frāz pad gōwišn frāz pad kunišn frāz pad axw [ī menišnīg] frāz pad tan ud ān-ez ī xwēš +gyān [nām ruwān bun pad xwāstag ēd hast kū tan pad +xwēšīh ašmā dārem pad +xwēšīh ī ašmā +dāštan ēd kū agar-em tan +ruwān rāy be abāyēd dādan be dahēm]

forth with (my) thought, forth with (my) speech, forth with (my) action, forth with (my) [intellectual] will and forth with (my) body, and even (grant my) own life [the stock in (my) property dedicated to name and soul; that is, I possess (my) body in your ownership; possessing (something) in your ownership (is) this: if I must give up my body for the sake of the soul, I give (it) up…]

52 G30: prʾc om. 53 G30: W om. 54 G30: ZK 55 T12: NPŠEyʾn; G30: NPŠEyh 56 T12: s. l. ŠM… AYT scr.; G30: ŠM… AYT om. 57 T12: hwyšyy; G30: hwyškʾ 58 T12: hwyšyy; G30: hwyškʾl 59 T12: dʾštn; G30: YHSNN'tn' 60 T12: MN add. 61 T12: lwwʾn'; G30: lwbʾn 62 T12: s. l. lʾd scr. 63 G30: YHBWN tn' 64 G30: BRA om.


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Pp I 1.5 = Pm 1.565 |a| prʾc66 ʾw'67 LKWM lʾtynm68 [MNW69] ʾmhrspnd70 [HWEyt71] ycšn'72 W73 nydʾdšn'74 |b| prʾc PWN mynšn'75 prʾc PWN gwbšn'76 prʾc PWN kwnšn'77 |c| prʾc PWN ʾhw'78 prʾc PWN tn' [prʾc PWN79] ZKc Y80 NPŠE81 yʾn'82 [W83 tn' yʾn'84 W85 ŠM86 lwbʾn' bwn bl Y87 hwʾstk88 ZYm89 AYT |d| PWN

65 The below quotations from Patit ī pašēmānīh I (Pp I), Patit ī murdagān (Pm) and Xwad

patit (Xp) are given in accordance with my forthcoming critical edition of these texts, carried out in the framework of a research project financed by Deutsche Forschungsgesellschaft (DFG). However, the identity of the passages Pp I 1.5 and Pm 1.5 makes it possible to collate all the relevant mss., i. e. both those containing Patit ī pašēmānīh I and those which contain Patit ī murdagān. Thus, the collated mss. are as follows: Parsi MS 3/4 (Pp I), a part of the composite manuscript Parsi MS 4 (Wilson no. 12), formerly belonging to John Wilson (1804-1875) John Rylands University Library, Manchester, approximately end 14thc. A. D., six dislocated folios, written by the famous scribe Pešōtan Rām Kāmdīn (the scribe of K27 and M51a); TD23 (Pp I), ff. 106v, l. 15 – 107r, l. 5 (pp. ٢١٣ – ٢١٢), Private Collection of B. T. Anklesaria, A. Y. 1142 / A. D. 1773; R270 (Pp I), the Library of K. R. Cama Institute in Bombay, relatively new ms., European paper, no colophon; K27 (Pm), ff. 28v, l. 6 – 29r, l. 1, Det Kongelige Bibliotek; the ms. written by Pešōtan Rām Kāmdīn approximately at the end of the 14th c. A. D.

66 Parsi MS 3/4: prʾc… kwnšn' lac. 67 TD23: Y add. 68 TD23: lʾt HWEm 69 K27: AYK 70 K27: ʾmyhr'spnd 71 R270: HWEt 72 R270, K27: ycšn & K27 Y add. 73 TD23: W om. 74 TD23, R270: nydʾdšn'; TD23, K27: Y add. 75 R270: mynšn; K27: Y add. 76 R270: gwbšn; K27: Y add. 77 R270: kwnšn; K27: Y add. 78 Parsi MS 3/4, R270: ʾhw 79 K27: s. l. PWN scr. 80 Parsi MS 3/4: ẔNE; TD23, K27: Y om. 81 TD23: s. l. -ŠE scr. 82 Parsi MS 3/4, R270, K27: yʾn 83 Parsi MS 3/4, TD23, K27: W om. 84 K27: yʾn 85 Parsi MS 3/4, TD23, K27: W om. 86 Parsi MS 3/4: ZYm praescr. et del. 87 Parsi MS 3/4, R270: Y om. 88 Parsi MS 3/4, K27: BOYHWNst; R270: hwʾst 89 R270: HNA


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NPŠEyh90 Y91 yẕdʾn YHSNNm92 PWN NPŠEyh93 Y94 yẕdʾn dʾštn'95 HNA96 YHWWNyt97 AYK98 HT MNDWM MN ZK YHMTWNyt99 AYKm100 tn'101 lwbʾn lʾd BRA ʾpʾdt YHBWNtn'102 BRA YHBWNm] |a| frāz ō ašmā rādēnēm [kē] amahraspand [hēd] yazišn ud niyāyišn |b| frāz pad mēnišn frāz pad gōwišn frāz pad kunišn |c| frāz pad axw frāz pad tan [frāz pad] ān-ez ī xwēš gyān [ud tan gyān ud nām ruwān bun bar ī xwāstag ī-m hast |d| pad xwēšīh ī yazdān dārēm pad xwēšīh ī yazdān dāštan ēd bawēd kū agar ciš az ān rasēd kū-m tan ruwān rāy be abāyēd dādan be dahēm] |a| I liberally hold forth to you, who are Amahraspands, worship and praise |b| forth with (my) thought, forth with (my) speech, forth with (my) action, |c| forth with (my intellectual) essence, forth with (my) body, as well as [forth with] my very own life; [both body and life, both name and soul, the principal and income of the property that I have |d| I possess in ownership of the yazatas; possessing (something) in ownership of the yazatas is this: if something of that (sort) occurs that I must give up my body for the sake of the soul, I give (it) up].

Xp 1.5103 |a| prʾc OL LKWM104 lʾtynm MNW105 ʾmhrspndʾn'106 PWN ycšn'107 W108 nydʾdšn' |b| prʾc PWN mynšn' prʾc PWN gwbšn' prʾc109 PWN kwnšn' |c| prʾc

90 Parsi MS 3/4: hwyš-1; R270: NPŠE; K27: hwyšyk 91 Parsi MS 3/4, K27: Y om. 92 TD23: s. l. -m scr. 93 Parsi MS 3/4: hwyš-1; R270: NPŠE; K27: NPŠEyk 94 Parsi MS 3/4, K27: Y om.; R270: s. l. Y scr. 95 TD23: dʾštn' om.; R270: YHSNNtn 96 TD23: ẔNE 97 Parsi MS 3/4: YHWWNʾnd; R270: YHWWNd; K27: YHWWNʾndʾ 98 TD23: AYK om.; R270: MNW 99 Parsi MS 3/4: YHMTWNt'; R270: YHMTWNd 100 Parsi MS 3/4: MNW & ẔNE add.; TD23: km; K27: MNW & ZYm add., del., -m add. et

i. l. -m iter. 101 R270: tn & Y add. 102 R270: YHBWNtn 103 See mss. K20, f. 157v, ll. 8-12 (Det Kongelige Bibliotek,according to West 1880: xxvii,

the ms. was “…written several years before A. Y. 766 ( A. D. 1397)”); M51a, f. 143v, ll. 10-15 (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, the ms. was written by Pešōtan Rām Kāmdīn, the scribe of K27 and Parsi MS 3/4 in A. Y. 766 / A. D. 1397); F33, ff. 96r, l. 7 – 96v, l. 3 (Meherjirana Library in Navsari, A. Y. 1245 / A. D. 1876, copy of a ms. A. Y. 1142 / A. D. 1773); G22, f. 127r, ll. 4-11 (Meherjirana Library in Navsari, Samvat 1920 / A. D. 1863)

104 G22: l add. et del. 105 M51a, F33, G22: MNW om. 106 K20: ʾmhrspn'dʾn' & s. l. pr. -'- scr. 107 K20: [..](š)n' 108 M51a, F33, G22: W om. 109 K20: W praescr.


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PWN ZK Y NPŠE tn' W110 HYA [W xwʾstk] |d| [AYK PWN hwyšyh111 Y112 yẕdʾn YHSNNm HTm MNDOM MN ZK YHMTWNyt113 ZYm tn'114 lwbʾn'115 lʾd BRA ʾpʾyt YHBWNtn'116 BRA YHBWNm] |a| frāz ō ašmā rādēnēm kē amahraspandān pad yazišn ud niyāišn |b| frāz pad mēnišn frāz pad gōwišn frāz pad kunišn |c| frāz pad ān ī xwēš tan ud gyān [ud xwāstag] |d| [kū pad xwēšīh ī yazdān dārēm agar-em ciš az ān rased ī-m tan ruwān rāy be abāyēd dādan be dahēm] |a| I liberally hold forth to you, who (are) Amahraspands, with worship and praise, |b| forth with (my) thought, forth with (my) speech, forth with (my) action |c| forth with my very own body and life [and property] |d| [that is, I possess (it) in ownership of the yazatas; if something of that (sort) occurs with me that I must give up my body for the sake of the soul, I give (it) up].

The phrase ud tan gyān ud nām ruwān bun bar ī xwāstag ī-m hast (Pp I 1.5 |c| / Pm 1.5 |c|) partly corresponds to the Pahlavi Commentary ŠM lwbʾn' bwn PWN hwʾstḵ HNA117 AYT… / nām ruwān bun pad xwāstag ēd hast… “the principal in (my) property dedicated to name and soul, that is…”, found in ms. T12 of Xwaršēd Niyāyišn after the words ud ān-ez ī xwēš gyān (PNy 1.4.4) and not occurring in PY 0.5.4 and 11.18.4, which fact suggests specific closeness of the patits to Xwaršēd Niyāyišn. However, some significant divergences between the Pahlavi Commentary to Xwaršēd Niyāyišn and the patits are of importance for a relative chronology of the texts concerned. The notion of “the soul stock in property” (ruwān bun pad xwāstag, PNy 1.4.4, cf. xwāstag ī ruwān, MHD 71.2) and of dedicating the principal (i. e. capital stock as against income, Phl. bar) of the part of one’s property set apart and dedicated to pious purposes is wellknown (see de Menasce 1964; Boyce 1968; Perixanian 1973; Macuch 1991; Macuch 1994).118 It is of special interest that the ‘name’ (ŠM / nām) is regarded here as the posthumous fame and mentioned together with ‘soul’ (lwbʾn' / ruwān) in the context of pious foundations. In the two mss. used by Dhabhar for editing Pp I and referred to 110 K20: W om. 111 F33: s. l. -yh scr. 112 F33: s. l. Y scr. 113 K20: YYMTWNyt 114 K20: Y add. 115 K20, M51a, G22: lwbʾn 116 K20: YHBWNt 117 Cf. HNA / ēd instead of ZYm / ī-m in ms. R270. 118 The emergence of this commentary might have to do with the fact that the oldest ms.,

in which it occurs, namely, T12 (A. Y. 921 / A. D. 1552), has NPŠEgʾn / xwēšagān (?) preceding it instead of the correct NPŠE yʾn' / xwēš gyān (cf. also ms. G30: NPŠEyh / xwēšīh (!), where, however, the commentary is absent). This conjecture is, however, dubious, because exactly the principal part of one’s property set apart “for salvation of the soul” was thereby made out of one’s right of possession (see MHD 24.16-17, 24.17-25.1, 25.2-5, 46.4-9; Macuch 1991: 381).


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as D and E in Dhabhar 1927, the ideogram is replaced with the phonetic script, i. e. . Dhabhar reads “and also (my) soul” (Dhabhar 1927: 55, l. 8) and defends this reading against the opposite evidence of the Pāzand version of the text119 and of its Neo-Pahlavi retranscription (Dhabhar 1963: 101, n. 2 (2); 124, n. 2 (3)). The evidence of mss. T12 (PNy 1.4.4), Parsi 3/4, TD23, R270 (Pp I 1.5 |c|) and K27 (Pm 1.5 |c|), in all of which the ideogram is used, renders Dhabhar’s reading untenable. The notion of one’s name mentioned in this context may well be accounted for by a comparison with PWN rwbʾn W ptnʾm / pad ruwān ud paynām ‘for (one’s) soul and fame (lit. ‘name’)’ referred to in the inscription of Šāpūr I in Ka’ba-i Zardušt within the context of establishing fire temples for the memory of the king and his relatives (Perixanjan 1973: 10; Back 1978: 331-333). As Klingenschmitt (1971 : 145-150) points out, the commemoration of the dead through calling out their names by the offspring (Phl. nʾmgʾnyh / nāmgānīh or nʾmkʾnyh / nāmagānīh)120 is an integral part of the Indo-European cult of ancestors, inherited by Zoroastrianism, and can be traced back at least to Avestan (FrA. 10 / PursAF. 75.5 and Yt. 13.50, trsl. Klingenschmitt 1971: 144, 150): FrA. 10 (PursAF. 75.5): Av.: iziieiṇti. zī. +spitama. zaraϑuštra. iristanąm. uruuąnō. auuat̰.haōsrauuā̊ŋhe. PT: MHšʾn' kʾmk' spytʾmʾn' zltwhšt' OLEšʾn' Y wtwltkʾn' lwbʾn' ZK Y ʾnd

hwslwbyh [W nʾmgʾnyh Y PWN gytyḏy] Av.: Denn es wünschen, o Spitama Zaraϑuštra, die Seelen der Verstorbenen soviel

guten Ruf. PT: Denn es wünschen, o Spitāmān Zarduxšt, die Seelen der Verstorbenen soviel

guten Ruf [und nʾmgʾnyh in der irdischen Welt]. Yt 13.50: Av.: kahe. nō. iδa. nąma. āγairiiat̰. kahe. +nō. uruua. frāiieziiāt̰. Von wem von uns wird hier der Name begrüßt werden, von wem von uns

wird die Seele verehrt werden? I believe that the juxtaposition of the two notions corresponding to the two aspects of the posthumous existence (viz. the good fame in the material world and the salved soul in the otherworld) may also be compared with the Achaemenian idea of the “integrated happiness” (see Buyaner 2010: 166-168) consisting in both worldly wealth and blessedness after death (XPh §4d, see Kent 1950: 151-152):

119 See e. g. Antiâ 1909: 119, 126 (…tanu. jąn. nąmi. ruąn. bun. bar. x́āsta…) and Kotwal

/ Hintze 2008: 105 (ms. E1, ff. 45r, ll. 10-11 and 65r, ll. 14-15: …tanu. jąn. nąmi. r(u)uąn. bun. barx́āsta…).

120 On this word see also Klingenschmitt 1971: 145-150; Macuch 2003: 235; Macuch 2005: 127.


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54 …hauv : utā : jīva : 55 šiyāta : bavatiy : utā : marta : artāvā : 56 bavatiy

54 “…he both alive 55 becomes happy and dead blessed 56 becomes”121

It appears that the dual representation of a notion aimed at emphasizing its integral character122 survived in the Persian tradition also in the post-Achaemenian period. Thus, in the commentary replacing the above nām ruwān bun pad xwāstag ēd hast… (PNy 1.4.4) in Pp I 1.5 |c| / Pm 1.5 |c| two additional pairs, namely, tan gyān “body (and) life” and bun bar ī xwāstag “principal (and) income of property”123 occur, which, together with nām ruwān “name (and) soul”, build up a threefold parallel construction, to be

121 A close parallel to the Iranian concept of the “name” (= ‘good fame’) being a worldly

aspect of one’s posthumous existence dependent on one’s progeny is found in Is. 56: 4-5: 4 ki-ḵoh ʾāmar yǝhowāh la-ssārīsīm ʾăšer yišmǝrū ʾeṯ-šabbǝṯōṯay u-ḇāḥărū ḇa-ʾăšer ḥāp̄āṣtī u-maḥăzīqīm bi-ḇrīṯī 5 wǝ-nāṯattī lāhem bǝ-ḇēyṯī u-ḇǝ-ḥōmōṯay yāḏ wā-šēm ṭōḇ mi-bbānīm u-mi-bbānōṯ šēm ͑ōlām ʾetten lō ʾăšer loʾ yikkārēṯ

4 For thus saith the Lord concerning the eunuchs that: keep My sabbaths, and choose the things that please Me, and hold fast by My covenant: 5 Even unto them will I give in My house and within My walls a monument and a memorial (lit.: ‘name’, D. B.) better than sons and daughters; I will give them an everlasting memorial that shall not be cut off.

I believe that this passage of Deutero-Isaiah can only be adequately understood, if an Iranian influence is admitted and taken into account. The assumption that Deutero-Isaiah (Is. 40-66) contains Iranian motifs and allusions to the realia of the Achaemenian period is nothing new in itself. However, as far as the above passage is concerned, only a reminiscence of the prescription to remove eunuchs from the worshipping community (Deut. 23: 2) has been suggested for its explanation (Smith 1995: 54 with further references). To my mind, drawing on Iranian data, such as the concept of perpetuation of one’s name by the offspring, provides quite a new view of the issue.

122 Cf. Heb. yāḏ wā-šēm ‘monument and a memorial’ in the passage of Deutero-Isaiah quoted in the preceding note. Heb. yāḏ ‘monument’ (1 Sam. 15: 12; 2 Sam. 18: 18; Is. 56: 5 etc.) itself may well prove to be of Old Persian origin: cf. OP *yāda- ‘worship’ (e. g. in bāgayādi-, the name of the seventh month of the Old Persian calender, probably derived from *bāgayāda- ‘gods’ worship’). Another possible explanation is that Heb. yāḏ ‘monument’ should not be separated from yāḏ ‘share, portion’ (Gen. 43: 34, 47: 24; 2 Kings 11: 7 etc.), both of them originating in OI *yāta- ‘share, portion’ (cf. Av. yāta-, Phl. jād, jādag ‘id’) with sonorisation of the final dental to be compared e. g. with Heb. / Aram. ʾăḥašdarpān ‘satrapes’ (Esth. 3: 12; Dan. 3: 2), Akk. aḫšadarapannu ‘id’ < OI *xšaϑrapāvan-.

123 For Phl. bun ud bar ‘core capital and income’ cf. Pahlavi Rivāyat to Dādestān ī dēnīg 42.5 (Dhabhar 1913: 124): …pad ān zamān ka mardōmān pad dānišn ī ōy aδβadāt nē mad ēstēd tā ka mardōmān aδβadāt mad ēstēd ā-š pad bun ud bar hudārišn be abāyēd kardan “…(it is) at that time, when people, to his knowledge, have not (yet) come to begging, until (the time) when people have come to begging, that he should keep his capital and income well”.


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compared the formula occurring twice in Kārnāmag ī Ardaxšīr ī Pāpakān (Čunakova 1987: 52, 57):124 KnAP 12.16:

awēšān pad passaxw guft kū amā pad tan ud gyān ud xīr ud xwāstag ud zan ud frazand jādag ī ašmā bayān šāh ī ērān ud agar be abāyed abespārdan be abespārēm

They replied: “We (are) your domain, O divine king of Ērān, in (our) bodies and lives, wealth and property, wives and children, and if we must forgo (all these things) for your sake, we will forgo (them)”.

KnAP 15.10: agar kār-ē mad ēsted ī pad mardōm-kārīh cārag kardan šāyed amā-z āgāh framāyēd kardan tā tan ud gyān ud xīr ud xwāstag ud zan ud frazand ī xwēš pēš dārem ud agar wizand ān hast kū cārag kardan nē šāyed xwēš tan ud amā mardōmān ī kišwar zarīgōmand ud bēšōmand mā framāyēd kardan

If such a trouble has come (to you) that one can find a humanly possible means (to spare it to you), may you order to make us aware of it as well, so that we sacrifice (our) bodies and lives, wealth and property, wives and children, and if the damage is such that one cannot find any humanly possible means, may you not order to make yourself and us, the people of the oecumene, sorrowful and grieved.

This formula, although occurring here in a genre which is quite different from the Pahavi Niyāyišn and the patits, may well be compared with that occurring in Pp I 1.5 |c| / Pm 1.5 |c|, for being used in a similar context: whereas the formula of the patits is included in an invocation of the Amahraspands, in the two above passages of the Kārnāmag the appeal is to a king. In the passage of Ardā Wirāz Nāmag, where a woman buried in hell appeals to her husband going to the Best Existence, the threefold structure (2 × 3) is replaced with the twofold one (3 × 2): AWn 68.8 (See ms. K20, f. 22r, ll. 10-12.):

ud tan ud gyān ud ruwān ī man ān tō būd ud xwarišn ud +dārišn125 ud paymōzan man rāy az tō būd

And my body, life and soul were yours, and the alimony, maintenance and wear for me were from you

The supposition suggests itself that the metonymic construction of the type considered is characteristic of the reverent style of speech. In a different context (the epistle of Pāpak to Ardaxšīr) we find an abridged variant of the formula: KnAP 2.29:126

ud tō xwad dānēh kū ardawān abar man ud tō ud wasān mardōm ī andar

And you know by yourself that Ardawān is a more sovereign lord in

124 In the absence of available mss., the quotations from Kārnāmag ī Ardaxšīr ī Pāpagān

are given following the edition by Čunakova (1987). 125 Ms.: YHSṈ & Ṉšn add. 126 See Čunakova 1987: 42.


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gēhān pad tan ud gyān ud xīr ud xwāstag kāmgārdar padixšā hast

body and life, (in) wealth and property, than I, you and many people in the world.

What stands out both in the passage at issue (Pp I 1.5 |c| / Pm 1.5 |c|) and in the above quotations is the alliteration of the elements of each pair at the end of the word (tan ~ gyān, nām ~ ruwān, zan~ frazand) or in the beginning (bun ~ bar, xīr ~ xwāstag).127 This feature testifies to the Indo-European roots of the figure: a similar series of three pairs, each of which consists of alliterative synonyms (hendiadys) or complementary notions (merism)128 can be found e. g. in the prayer of Suouentaurilia (Cato, De agri cultura 141, 3):

…utique tu fruges frumenta uineta uirgultaque grandire dueneque129 euenire siris; pastores pecuaque salua seruassis duisque duonam salutem ualetudinemque mihi domo familiaeque nostrae

… and that you let grains (and) corn and vineyards (and) orchards grow and turn out well, that you keep safe shepherds (and) cattle and give good health and soundness to me, to the house, and to our household.

In the chapter considering in detail the ritual of lustration of the fields as represented in Cato, De agri cultura 141, 1-3 (Watkins 1995: 197-213) some further examples of similar constructions in different Indo-European traditions are given, e. g. the threefold meristic formula nerf arsmo uiro pequo castruo frif “magistrates (and) formulations, men (and) cattle, heads [of grain] (and) crops” occurring repeatedly in Umbrian Iguvine Tables VIa-VIIa and the alliterative merism púruṣaṃ paśúm “man (and) cattle” (AV 8.7.11) or púruṣān paśū́ṃśca “men and cattle” (AV 3.28.5.6).130 However, as regards structure and phonetic figure used, no parallel is so close to the Latin lustral prayer131 as the Pahlavi threefold formulæ occurring in the contexts of an appeal of the inferior to the superior. Nor can the combination of the threefold structure with alliterative merisms be found in the Old Persian prayer of Darius at Persepolis, DPd 15-20, which was compared with the Suouentaurilia by Benveniste (1945: 11) as containing the homomorphous idea of a threefold disaster which the prayer aspires to avert (DPd: haina- ~ dušiyāra- ~ drauga- “enemy ~ bad food ~ lie”; cf. Cato 141, 2: morbos~uiduertas uastitudoque~ 127 Similar threefold construction puhl ud pādifrāh band drōš tōzišn

tāwān, occurring in Pp I 13.6 |a|, follows the same pattern (2 × 3). The second pair band drōš (from Av. baṇda- + draoša-) is to be considered in detail in a forthcoming paper.

128 This metonymic figure (“a bipartite noun phrase consisting of two nouns in a copulative relation (A and B), two nouns which share most of their semantic features, and together serve to designate globally a higher concept C, i.e. to index the whole of a higher taxon C”) is considered against Indo-European background in Watkins 1995: 45-46.

129 Lat. duene and duonam are reconstructed Old Latin forms of later bene, bonam (Watkins 1995: 199, n. 4).

130 Watkins 1995: 210, 212. 131 “…not only the most ancient piece of Latin literature but the oldest Latin poem that we

possess” (Watkins 1995: 199).


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calamitates intemperiasque “maladies ~ miseries of war (lit.: ‘depopulation and devastation’) ~ natural disasters (lit.: ‘calamities and tempests’). Three alliterative pairs are present in Y 19.10: aētat̰ca. aēšą̣m. uxδanąm. uxδōtәmәm. yāiš. yauua. fraca. vaoce. fraca. mruiiē. fraca. vaxšiiete “And this is the word par excellence of those words which have ever been pronounced, or which are spoken (now), or which will be pronounced (in future)”, but none of them is a merism, nor a hendiadys. It is worth noting that the alliterative merisms in Pahlavi are not only used in the formulæ of the above type, but are a widely favoured stylistic means, particularly, but not exclusively, in the language of the law, cf. dār ud draxt ‘woods and trees’ (GrBd 16.6 etc.), kār ud kirbag ‘meritorious deeds and actions’ (Xp 13.1, DD 21.1 etc.), dād ud dēn ‘law and religion’ (DD 38.3, Dk 4.49 etc.), pēšēmāl ud pasēmāl ‘plaintiff and defendor’ (MHD 75.9, A16.5 etc.; Pp I / Pm 3.1 |b| etc.), dārū ud darmān ‘drug and remedy’ (Pp II Phl. A., B. 4.1.14.19), zaxm ayāb stahm “injury or oppression” (MHD 1.5). This suggests that this metonymic figure, although inherited from the Indo-European, remained vigorous and productive in Middle Persian and probably also in early New Persian (cf. the well-known pair Īrān va Tūrān).

For the discrepancy between the commentary to Ny 1.4 (nām ruwān bun pad xwāstag ēd hast) and the parallel phrase in Pp I 1.5 |c| / Pm 1.5 |c| (ud tan gyān ud nām ruwān bun bar ī xwāstag ī-m hast) two possible explanations may be suggested. The first possibility would be as follows: the commentary to Ny 1.4 was taken as a starting point, and some replacements and additions were made, which approximated it as much as possible to the threefold epic formula tan ud gyān ud xīr ud xwāstag ud zan ud frazand “body and life, wealth and property, wives and children”. The supposed restructuring of the sentence breaks up the set phrase (nām ud) ruwān bun “the stock of (name and) soul”, which functions as a technical term in Ny 1.4.4, and should thus be regarded as an innovation of the same sort as the other additions introduced into the text of the patits as against the Pahlavi Translation of Niyāyišn and Yasna in order to make the text more patterned, symmetric and consistent from the viewpoint of the commentator.

The second possible explanation inmplies an earlier date of the Pp I / Pm version in comparison with that of Pahlavi Niyāyišn. The preposition in the phrase bwn PWN hwʾstḵ / bun pad xwāstag (PNy) might be a hypercorrection for , which had in turn resulted from in the set phrase bwn (W) bl / bun (ud) bar, which would thus be deemed the original one. This explanation seems to me preferable for two reasons. First, a reduction through omissions, ellipsis, misreadings etc. is, generally speaking, more typical for the evolution of the Pahlavi Translation of the Avesta and its quotations in Pahlavi sources than secondary additions; a fuller version is ceteris paribus the primary one. Second, in the following passage of Dādestān ī mēnōg ī xrad, clearly alluding to the commentary at issue, a special closeness to the version of Patit ī pašēmānīh I / Patit ī murdagān is manifest:


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DMx 15.16, 21-22, 24-25:132 16. +hupādexšāīh133 ān bawēd kē šahr ābādān ud driyōšān +abēmust134 ud dād ud ēwēn rāst dārēd ud framāyēd…21. ud dēn ī weh ī māzdēsnān rāy tan ud ān-ez ī xwēš gyān be abespārēd 22. ud agar hast kas kē az rāh ī yazdān bē ēstēd ēg-eš wirāyišn padiš kardan framāyēd … 24. ud az xwāstag ī-š hast bahr ī yazdān ud arzānīgān kirbag driyōšān be baxšēd 25. ud tan ruwān rāy abespārēd

16. The good government is that which maintains and renders the country prosperous, the poor content and the laws and customs just … 21. and gives up his body, and even his own life for the sake of the good religion of the Māzdayasnians. 22. And if there be any one who stays from the way of the yazatas, then he orders to make an arrangement concerning this (person)… 24. …and allots, from the property that belongs to him, the share of the yazatas, of the worthy (ones), of pious deeds and of the poor; 25. and gives up the body for the sake of the soul.

It is evident that the phrase az xwāstag ī-š hast “from the property that belongs to him” is closer to bun bar ī xwāstag ī-m hast “both the principal and income of the property that I have” (Pp I 1.5 |c| / Pm 1.5 |c|) than to the phrase bun pad xwāstag ēd hast “the stock in (my) property, that is…” in Pahlavi Nyāyišn. At the same time, the discrete character of the hidden quotation distributed between paragraphs 21, 24 and 25 of DMx 15 (see above), as well as the substitution of the verb dādan, attested not only in Pp I 1.5 |d| / Pm 1.5 |d| and PNy 1.4.4, but also in the parallel passage of PY 11.18.4 (= 0.5.4), by abespārdan in DMx 15.25, makes it quite evident that the direction of borrowing should have been from Pp I 1.5 / Pm 1.5, to Dādestān ī mēnōg ī xrad, and not vice versa. It thus seems plausible that the time of the creation of Dādestān ī mēnōg ī xrad (probably the 6th c. A. D., see Boyce 1989: 128; Čunakova 1997: 11) should be taken as terminus ante quem for the emergence of the considered passage of the patits.135

132 Because the oldest ms. of Dādestān ī mēnōg ī xrad, i. e. K43, has a lacuna on the place

of DMx 14.1-27.49, the below passages are cited according toSanjana 1895: 31. 133 Sanjana: hwpʾtwhšʾyh 134 Sanjana: ʾpʾmwst' 135 Besides, the reference to the “share of the yazatas and the worthy, of pious deeds and

the poor” in DMx 15.24 (bahr ī yazdān ud arzānīgān kirbag driyōšān) to be allotted from the property of the accused in apostate (az xwāstag ī-š hast) suggests that the “superfluous” passages – omitted both in Pahlavi Yasna (PY 0.5, PY 11.18) and Pahlavi Niyāyišn (PNy 1.4) – agar ciš az ān rased (Pp I / Pm) and agar-em ciš az ān rasēd (Xp) can be regarded as remnants of an alternative reading (and probably of lost elements) of the passage which should have concerned giving a share of one’s property to charities. The verb rasīdan ‘to come’ functioned in similar contexts as a technical term designating increase of capital (see Macuch 1993: 151, 153-154, 168-169), so that the above phrases should not originally have meant “if something of that (sort) occurs …”, but “if something increases from it (i. e. from the property)”. If thus understood, the phrase agar(-em) ciš az ān rasēd is now out of context and should formerly have been


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To sum up, the basis of the investigation into Indo-European poetic style should not be restricted to the ancient sources. In the same way that some specimens of the oral folk poetry, such as Lithuanian daina or Russian bylina, preserve archaic stylistic means and formulæ, so the above Middle Persian metonymic figure turns out a remnant of an Indo-European poetic device. Further steps in this direction may prove fruitful for both Iranian and Indo-European studies.

Manuscripts:

F33: The First Dastur Meherji Rana Library, Navsari (see Dhabhar 1923: 21).

G22: The First Dastur Meherji Rana Library, Navsari (see the description by F. Kotwal, D. Sheffield and Bh. Gandhi at http://ada.usal.es/img/pdf/meherjirana_new_catalogue.pdf).

G30: The First Dastur Meherji Rana Library, Navsari (see the description by F. Kotwal, D. Sheffield and Bh. Gandhi at http://ada.usal.es/img/pdf/meherjirana_new_catalogue.pdf).

J2: 1. The Ancient Manuscript of the Yasna with its Pahlavi Translation (A.D. 1323) Generally Quoted as J2 and now in the Possession of the Bodleian Library. Reproduced in Facsimile and Edited, with an Introductory Note by L. H. Mills, D. D., Translator of the Zend-Avesta, Part III (‘Sacred Books of the East’, Vol. XXXI). Oxford, 1893.

2. The Avestan manuscript J2_500 (Yasna Indian Pahlavi) of the Bodleian Library (University of Oxford). Avestan Digital Archive Series 28. J. J. Ferrer (ed.) Salamanca 2012.

K5: The Avesta Codex K 5. Codices Avestici et Pahlavici Bibliothecae Universitatis Hafniensis. 3 Teile, Vols. VII-IX. K. Barr (ed.). Copenhagen, 1937-1939.

K20: The Pahlavi Codices K 20 & K 20b Containing Ardāgh Vīrāz Nāmagh, Bundahishn etc. Codices Avestici et Pahlavici Bibliothecae Universitatis Hafniensis. Vol. I. A. Christensen (ed.). Copenhagen, 1931.

K27: Cod. Iran. 27, Kongelige Bibliotek, Copenhagen (see Hampel 1974).

M51a: Cod. Zend. 51a, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München (see Bartholomae 1915: 38-56).

Parsi MS 3/4: A part of the composite manuscript Parsi MS 4 (Wilson no. 12), formerly belonging to John Wilson (1804-1875) John Rylands University Library, Manchester (see West 1896: 110).

followed by a passage corresponding to one in Dādestān ī mēnōg ī xrad:… agar(-em) ciš az ān rased “…if it increases something from it, ”, which could at a certain stage of the transmission erroneously have been read as duplicating the following passage (ruwān rāy… be dahēm) and consequently eliminated.


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R270: The Library of K. R. Cama Institute, Bombay. T12: The First Dastur Meherji Rana Library, Navsari (see Dhabhar 1923:

112). T55 b: The First Dastur Meherji Rana Library, Navsari. Published on ADA

(http://ada.usal.es/paginas/buscador_biblioteca) by M. A. Andrés-Toledo (see Dhabhar 1923: 129).

TD23: Khorde Avesta & an Incomplete Pahlavi Text of the Mēnōy i Xrat. Kh. M. Jamasp Asa, M. Nawabi and M. Tavousi (eds.). Shiraz, 1976 (The Pahlavi Codices and Iranian Researches 4).

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Documents

Estudios Iranios y Turaniosada.usal.es/img/pdf/EIT01/Buyaner.pdfEstudios Iranios y Turanios 8 small but significant variation to be considered below. Let us start with the comparison