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IJRAR19L1946 International Journal of Research and Analytical Reviews (IJRAR) www.ijrar.org 502

Ethics in Vernacular Radio Broadcasting: a Study of

Popular Vernacular Radio Stations in Kenya.

Eunice Kijana

Lecturer

Department of Media and Communication Studies

Multimedia University of Kenya

Abstract

This paper examined the extent to which vernacular radio journalists understood and complied with the sections of

the Code of Conduct for the Practice of Journalism in Kenya, that address peace building as laid down by the Media

Councils of Kenya. Using a case study of three selected vernacular FM radio stations, the study focused on the

vernacular radio journalist as the unit of analysis. Considering the important role of the media in society, the study

was anchored on the social responsibility theory which posits that media should be more responsible and accountable

to the society. The study employed a descriptive survey to establish whether vernacular radio journalists in Kenya

have knowledge of the code of conduct that guides their practice. The findings showed that journalists working in the

selected vernacular FM radio stations in Kenya widely understood and complied with the sections of the code of

conduct for the practice of journalism in Kenya that address peace building.

Key words: Ethics, Vernacular radio, Journalists, Code of Conduct, News Content, Peace journalism, peace

building

1.0 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background

The democratization process that took place in most African countries including Kenya in the 1990s led to a call for

the liberalization of the media sector in Kenya. The liberalization of the media sector, and the Constitution of Kenya

of 2010, particularly, articles 33(1) and 34(3), which provide for the freedom of expression and freedom of the media,

led to a considerable increase in the number of vernacular radio stations in Kenya(MCK, 2015; CK, 2010:41-42).

Vernacular radio has slowly acquired a special place in our society as one form of independent media capable of

evolving interactive communication and programming of issues of public awareness and human activity (Ismail and

Deane, 2008; Maina, 2006). The media landscape in Kenya is currently dominated by regional vernacular radio

stations, which are very popular due to the fact that they are easily believable by their communities, promote positive

ethnic cohesion, strong communal/self identity and encourage tribal competition (Howard, 2009). The number of

vernacular radio stations has risen considerably since the first station, Kameme FM, was set up in the year 2000, to

over one hundred registered vernacular stations, with about 30currently on air (MCK, 2015).

A vernacular radio station in Kenya can be defined as a radio station that broadcasts in a particular vernacular

language and therefore targets an ethnic community who speaks that language (Howard, 2009: Githethwa, 2008).

This study will henceforth use vernacular radio and ethnic radio interchangeably. Like citizens of most African

countries, Kenyans identify themselves with their ethnic groups or tribes, a factor that has contributed immensely to

the popularity and proliferation of vernacular radio stations, to the extent that they have overshadowed those with

national reach (Communications Authority, 2011; Materu, 2015). Studies on vernacular/ethnic radio stations in

Kenya reveal that an overwhelming 80% of Kenyans listen to these stations (Kijana, 2012; Namasaka, 2012). The

programming of most of these vernacular FM radio stations initially comprised of mainly music and entertainment,

but this quickly changed to public discussions due to audience demand. The stations have therefore set aside much of

their airtime to talk shows and call-in programmes, especially in the morning hours and frequent news bulletins

across the dat. (MCK, 2015).

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2. LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter presents a review of the pertinent theoretical literature on the the social Responsibility Theory as

foundation for media ethics and practice.

2.1 The social responsibility theory

In dealing with media ethics, defining social responsibility requires a clarification of different terms: accountability,

liability, responsibility, etc. Within journalism, one could define accountability narrowly as being able to produce

records, e.g. evidence to support what has been reported on. However, the meaning of this term is often extended to

overlap with the concept of liability and responsibility. In other words, a journalist is also accountable in that he or

she is held liable for the consequences of his or her reporting.

Liability in this case, can be taken to signify being ethically or legally responsible for one’s actions; the concept of

whether or not to consider journalists as being liable for their reporting hinges on the question of whether or not their

profession entails a social responsibility.

The distinction between accountability and responsibility can be held as such. Whereas accountability often is

referred to as the manifestation of claims to responsibility, the latter is the acknowledged obligation for action or

behavior within frameworks of roles and morals (Plaisance, 2000). Responsibility is in this sense the obligation for

proper custody, care and safekeeping of one’s audience. More specifically, social responsibility entails the necessity

for the journalist to keep society’s interest as a top priority. This can also be seen as a collective responsibility or

public interest responsibility. Holding the press accountable for the level of responsibility of its actions therefore

implies having a clear idea of what this “responsibility” entails. In the words of Hodges, “we cannot reasonably

demand that the press give an account of itself or improve its performance until we determine what it is the press is

responsible for doing.” (Hodges, 1986).

Concern for this improved performance of the media became more vocal at the end of the Second World War and

was powerfully voiced by two landmark reports: the British Royal Commission of the Press and the US Commission

on Freedom of the Press which is better known as the Hutchins Commission. Social responsibility in the media

traces back to this key landmark in the field: that is, a report produced by the Commission on the Freedom of the

Press in the US, more commonly known as the Hutchins Commission (1947) and the writings of Ernest Hocking.

This commission came up with five guidelines for a socially responsible press in a report titled “A Free and

Responsible Press” as follows: a truthful, comprehensive, and intelligent account of the day’s events in a context

which gives them meaning; a forum for the exchange of comment and criticism; the projection of a representative

picture of the constituent groups in the society; the presentation and clarification of the goals and values of the

society; full access to the day’s intelligence. According to the commission, the media should be accurate and not lie.

Here the first link in the chain of responsibility is the reporter at the source of the news. He/she must be careful and

competent, estimate correctly which sources are authoritative, know what questions to ask, what to observe and

which items to report. The employer on the other hand has the responsibility to train him/her for this work.

Social responsibility entails the necessity for the journalist to hold society’s interest as a top priority. This can also be

seen as a collective responsibility or public interest responsibility. From the perspective of a developing country,

specifically Nigeria, Owens-Ibie (1994) maintains that as part of its responsibility to serve public interest, the mass

media are expected to inform the citizenry of what goes on in the government, which, in a way, keeps rulers in check.

Moreover, the media should be reporting on and promoting discussion of ideas, opinions and truths aimed at social

refinement; acting as a nation’s ‘bulletin board’ for information and mirroring the society and its peoples just as it is

(Owens-Ibie, 1994).Therefore, social responsibility remains a viable, generative concept with which to examine and

improve the service provided by all mass media, whether public or privately operated. Social responsibility, asserts a

fundamental commitment to the prosperity of the communal whole and a fundamental goal to achieve the good in its

sphere of symbolic activity and influence (Fackler, 2011:99).

Arguably, the power and near monopoly position of the media impose on them an obligation to be socially

responsible. It should ensure that all are fairly represented and that the public has enough information to decide; and

that if the media do not take on themselves such responsibility, it may be necessary for some other agency of the

public to enforce it. This model of the press maintains that the media has a moral obligation to safeguard social peace

and stability, and to create an informed citizenry. This obligation would be met through self-regulation of the media




through media councils and codes or ethics, as well as public opinion and consumer reactions. At the same time,

while the media is privately owned, government monitoring is allowed to assure that it truly serves the people. As

such, both media organizations, and journalists, are accountable for the contents that they disseminate (Siebert et al,

1956).

Different views of the debate span the spectrum from complete opposition to any formal regulation whatsoever (e.g.

self regulation by the media, with a reference to ethics codes as a normative framework internal to each media

organization), to propositions for enforcement of social responsibility in media legislation. However, regardless of the

wide range of differing positions on what constitutes an acceptable level or intensity of regulation, most would agree

that the media is obligated to carry out ethical practices, e.g. its social responsibility. Regardless of whether

government-imposed public interest obligations are constitutional, the broadcast media, like the print media, have an

ethical obligation to serve the public interest and make a positive contribution to the democratic process (Napoli,

2001). The basis of self-regulation in journalism lies in the existence of ethics codes, whose actual impact on ethical

standards in media organizations is largely questionable, especially given that a certain portion of journalists are not

fully aware of their content, and there is no formal structure to ethics code violations. The risk when dealing with

ethics codes in journalism is to assume that their mere existence guarantees thorough application of ethical principles;

one could maintain instead that the most effective formulation of an ethics code would take place not in writing, but

ultimately through the status quo of what decisions and actions journalists perceive as being ethical and therefore

carry out in the practice of their work.

Like many others in the field, Plaisance (2000) questions the reliability of ethical practices that are supposedly

guaranteed by written ethics codes and explains that professional codes of ethics have become popular among news

organizations as a demonstration of accountability. However, reliance on codes generates significant suspicion that

they often are used to merely put an ethics veneer over questionable behavior. A similar idea was brought up during

an Ethics and Human Rights in Information Society conference at UNESCO, by Rodotà (2007), who argued that

Codes of ethics have been spawned in the most diverse sectors and feature, at times, considerable ambiguities.

Indeed, some of them are ultimately little more than proclaims devoid of concrete effects and are only used to convey

a reassuring image of the organizations that have drafted them. In this case, the implementation and effectiveness of

ethics codes in practice depends on the individual journalists’ attention to the significance of ethical reporting for

their society. Whether they can carry out responsible journalism on their own, or on the contrary need a regulatory

instance controlling them, remains largely subject to debate.

According to Syed Arabi Idid (1996), press freedom and press responsibility have been discussed often enough in

forums and seminars, and they will continue in future, as they are issues of concern to all groups of people in society.

Like many related moral issues, ethics is ephemeral, oftentimes difficult to pin down. (Ramanathan,2000; 134). Over

the past two decades, the international community and local actors engaged in a series of media reforms in order to

develop a healthy media environment, also known as “enabling environment” or the process of building media laws

and institution that support free and independent media (Price & Krug, 2007). This is why a comprehensive media

strategy cannot be complete without a two-fold approach: positive, peace-oriented media and regulation of negative

media practices that enable violence.

In Kenya, the Media Council of Kenya works to promote ethical standards among journalists and in the media

industry in general. And similarly, the Code of Conduct for the Practice of Journalism as entrenched in the Second

Schedule of the Media Act 2007 governs the conduct and practice of all media practitioners in the country. However,

whether or not reporters in vernacular radio stations are familiar with, understand and adhere to these sections of the

code of conduct remains a question that this study will endeavor to address.

A study commissioned by The Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) in Nairobi and conducted by the African Woman and

Child Feature Service (AWC) and the Media Diversity Centre (MDC) to investigate the underlying factors that

influence media behavior and to make recommendations on how the sector could be reformed in a manner that would

approximate aggregated expectations in Kenya, indicates that although the code of conduct for journalists is

available, conformity and adherence is problematic across the board. Employers too, rarely promote it among entry-

level journalists (FES, 2000). According to another study by Sam Howard on community radio and ethnic violence




in Kenya, there were no binding broadcast codes and content monitoring; there was little knowledge of media ethics,

thus the study recommended a proper regulatory framework to be put in place (Howard, 2009;37).

Likewise, Ochieng, Gachoka & Mureithi (2014) examined the extent to which journalists reflect on the code of

conduct to make decisions on how to gather information, package information, publish and distribute stories in

media. Investigations were made on which decisions were made, when to select appropriate channels used to break

the story; if moral journalistic considerations were made before relying the information to the public and, whether

media practitioners upheld ethical journalistic actions that minimized harm to other parties. The study concluded that

reporters were generally aware of the existing code of conduct however, adherence to it was not quite apparent.

Additionally, Köylü, Hilal (2006) examined the practice of the profession of journalism in Turkey and whether the

fundamental ethical codes and standards of journalism are being honored in the contemporary market-driven media

sector. The study confirmed that ethical codes and standards are not being followed in the Turkish media (Hilal,

2006).

From the above examples, it is apparent that studies examining journalistic code of conduct have been rather general,

besides yielding mixed and rather contradicting results, hence further research and a more specific subject oriented

study that would help clarify the inconsistencies would be desirable.

3. FINDINGS

This chapter presents the results of the findings on the extent to which selected vernacular radio journalists in Kenya

understand and adhere to the various aspects of the Code of conduct for the practice of journalism in Kenya that

address peacebuilding.

3.1 Demographics

A total of 30 questionnaires were distributed in the month of June 2017with a response rate of 80%, (n=24,

N=30).The questionnaire was divided into three parts as follows: part one contained background information and 24

questions about the journalists’ level of preparedness for peace journalism. Part two comprised of ten statements

highlighting various aspects of the Code of Conduct for the Practice of Journalism in Kenya and was meant to

establish how well the journalists understood the code of conduct. Part three also comprised of another ten statements

highlighting various practical applications of the code of conduct and was aimed at establishing journalists’

compliance with the code. Responses to part two and three of the surveys were based on the Likert Scale and each

answer was assigned weights to establish normally distributed scores based on the collected responses (See Table5.1)

Table 4.1: Likert Scale

4.2 Demographics

A total of 24 journalists took part in the survey for this study. Table (5.2and 5.3) below presents the breakdown of the

sample size for the participants who completed the survey for journalists. In terms of gender, 25% (n=6) of the

participants were females, while 75% (n=18) were males (N=24). From the results, it is clear that there were three

times as many males than female journalist in vernacular radio stations. This may be due to the demanding nature of

the job, which involves sourcing for news in remote areas where the target audience are located and having to work

during odd hours. Furthermore, the traditional society has not fully embraced women as capable of carrying out

certain professional duties such as in media, which demand being away from the home. As such, many women

experience humiliation, stigmatization and many other forms of discrimination when working out in remote rural

areas where the audiences of these radio stations are located. Many female journalists are therefore reluctant to take

up such duties.

Weight Responses

5 Strongly Agree

4 Agree

3 Neither Nor

2 ‘Disagree

1 ‘Strongly Disagree




Table 4.2 Gender

Q. What is your gender?

Gender Frequency Percent

Male 18 75

Female 6 25

Total 24 100

In terms of age, about 20.8 % (n=5) of the participants were between 20-25years; about 45.8% (n=11) 26-30years;

about 29.2% (n=7) between 31-35years; about 4.2% (n=1), 36-40 years and none, above 40 years. The fact that only

20.8 % were 25 years and below may be because in Kenya this is the college - going age, since majority of the

students complete high school at about 18 years with about one to two years transition period to college, where they

spend between three and four years. The fact that majority are between 26-30 years is because this is the period

immediately after graduation from college and many start their carriers at about this time. Beyond 30 years of age,

many start rising within the ranks and therefore may not be found in the field as reporters, explaining the decrease in

the number of journalists as the age advances. The results above also reflect the Kenyan demographic profile.

According to the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics (KNBS) 2017, the majority of the Kenyan adult

population(33.91%) fall within 25-54 years age bracket, and only 6.92% are 55 years and above. According to

Country Report 2017, the median age for the Kenyan journalist is 30 years with mean age of 31.9 years (Obonyo &

Owilla, 2017). The average life expectancy in Kenya stands at 59 years and the median age only 19.7 years. The

above statistics also help to explain why none of the sampled journalists was above 40 years of age.

Table 4.3 Age

Q. What is your age category?

Age Frequency Percent

20_ 25 years 5 20.8

26_ 30 years 11 45.8

31_ 35 years 7 29.2

36_ 40 years 1 4.2

Total 24 100

According to the results of the study, more than half of the journalists, that is 66.7% (n=16) hold a college or

university diploma as their highest level of education; about 25% (n=6) have a Bachelors’ degree; 4.2% (N=1) holds

a postgraduate diploma/certificate; while another 4.2% (n=1) has a postgraduate degree. The fact that the majority of

the journalists hold a diploma is because for a long time, the only recognized institution in Kenya offering college

diplomas and certificates in journalism and mass communication was Kenya School of Mass Communication

(KIMC). Although many universities now offer Bachelor’s degree, which is now becoming a basic requirement, the

KIMC diplomas are still highly recognized. The fact that only one institution -the University of Nairobi, has been

offering post-graduate diploma may serve to explain why only a very small percentage holds this qualification. At the

same time, many journalists who have higher qualifications like post - graduate degrees are mainly found at the

managerial level and not as lower - level journalists, explaining why only 4.2% belong to this category (see table 5.4

below).




Table 4.4 Academic Qualification

Q. What is your highest level of academic qualification?

Academic Qualification Frequency Percent

College/University diploma 16 66.7

Bachelor’s degree 6 25

Post-graduate certificate/diploma 1 4.2

Post-graduate degree 1 4.2

Total 24 100

The results of this study also indicate that a large majority of the journalists 91.7% (n=22) are specialized in

journalism/media/ communication. This means that vernacular radio stations are keen on attracting mainly

professionals in the area. Only 4.2 % (n=1) are specialized in other fields and another 4.2% (n=1) specializing in the

field of Business as shown in table 5.5 below.

Table 4.5 Area of Specialization

Q. What is your area of Specialization?

Frequency Percent

Journalism/media/communication 22 91.7

Business 1 4.2

Other(specify) 1 4.2

Total 24 100

As for how the journalists were recruited to work for the radio stations, the findings indicate that most of the

respondents applied and were recruited a competitive process through interviews as this is most acceptable way to get

employment in Kenya. The results also indicate that a considerable percentage (29.2%) did not respond to this

question. Because of issues of corruption and tribalism Kenya has the highest unemployment rate in East Africa.

Kenya recorded 39.1 percent unemployment rate according to a recent report by United Nations; Human

Development Index (HDI) 2017. Matters of employment are therefore very sensitive as many people are employed

through corruption based on whom they know. Many people therefore are reluctant to reveal how they got

employment for fear of victimization.




Table 4.6 Employment method

Q. How did you join the station?

Frequency Percent

Blank 7 29.2

Acquisition 1 4.2

Application 1 4.2

Application 2 8.3

Application, another media ho 1 4.2

Applied and did an interview 1 4.2

Applied for job 1 4.2

Applied for job and did

interview 1 4.2

Applied for the vacancy 1 4.2

By applying 1 4.2

Competitive interview 2 8.3

Competitive recruitment 1 4.2

Internship 1 4.2

On merit 1 4.2

Through organization 1 4.2

Through competitive interview 1 4.2

Total 24 100

Further still, the findings indicate that majority of the journalists had just graduated from college, as shown in table

5.7 below. Notably, 33.3% did not respond to the question of what they did before joining the current station. The

results may imply that the media profession generally prefer young and energetic fresh graduates because of the

demanding nature of the job.

Table 4.7 previous employment status

Q. What were you doing before joining the station?

Frequency Percent

Not answered 8 33.3

Business 1 4.2

I was fresh from university 1 4.2

None 1 4.2

Political reporter in another company 2 8.3

Public relations 1 4.2

Reporter 2 8.3

Student 7 29.2

Working as journalist in another station 1 4.2

Total 24 100

According to the results of the survey, the majority of the journalists 54.2 % (n=13) have 2-5 years’ experience, 25

%(n=6) have worked for 1year and below. Perhaps this is because most of them also were fresh graduates from

college as suggested above; about 20.5 % (n=5) 6-9 years and none above 10 years of experience. (see table 5.8

below). This small percentage of journalists having experience of above 5 years may mean that after gaining enough

experience, many of the journalists probably rise to higher ranks and take up other responsibilities within the

organization or elsewhere.




Table 4.8 Work Experience

Q. For how long have you worked in your current position?

Experience Frequency Percent

0_ 1 years 6 25

2_ 5years 13 54.2

6_ 9 years 5 20.8

Total 24 100

3.3 Journalists’ understanding of the sections of the code of conduct that address peace building.

Table 4.9 displays the results on the level of understanding of the code of ethics for the practice of journalism in

Kenya. For the likert scale, it is appropriate to use the Mean (m) in order to show a clear picture of the average

results, while the standard deviation indicates the distance from the mean. The results indicate that the 24 journalists

exhibited a high level of understanding of the code of ethics/ conduct, which is implied in the higher means above the

“agree” and towards “strongly agree” on the Likert scale for most of the statements as shown in table 5.24 below. In

terms of understanding, verification of facts before broadcasting news, views or comments on ethnic, religious or

sectarian disputes was the highest rated aspect by the journalists (m=4.61). The second highest rated aspects included

avoiding the use of racists or negative ethnic terms, discriminating or perpetuating stereotypes, particularly based on

gender, ethnic or religious grounds, and not glorifying social evils, warlike activities, ethnic, racial or religious

activities through their reporting (m= 4.57).Ensuring an atmosphere of national harmony, unity and peace during

reporting was the third highest understood aspect of the code of ethics (m=4.52). The next well understood aspect of

the code of ethics was the need to apply a recognized code of ethics or set of principles of ethical practice in reporting

conflicts (m=4.48). The other aspects included taking ethical responsibility for their actions during reporting

(m=4.43), avoiding broadcasting content with the potential to cause communal trouble (m=4.39), investigating

complaints by the public and promptly correcting errors that occur during their reporting (m=4.22), and not

broadcasting quotes from persons making inflammatory /derogatory remarks respectively.

Generally, the means from the results above indicate that journalists in the sample had an understanding of the

various tested aspects of the code as reflected in the table below. The average responses remained around and within

the “agree” category and towards “strongly agree” category. The standard deviation was between1.158 to 1.38,

which signifies a low dispersion among the journalists’ views on the aspects tested, thus the distribution was normal

(see table 4.9 below).




Table 4.9 Understanding of the code of conduct

Statement

Strongly

disagree Disagree

Neither

disagree

nor

agree Agree Strongly Mean

Standard

Deviation

Journalists should apply a

recognized Code of Conduct or set

of principles of ethical practice

when reporting conflict. 8.7 0 0 17.4 73.9 4.48 1.163

Journalists should not broadcast

quotes from persons making

inflammatory /derogatory remarks. 8.7 4.3 8.7 26.1 52.2 4.09 1.276

Journalists should not use racists or

negative ethnic terms when

reporting 8.7 0 0 8.7 82.6 4.57 1.161

Journalists should take ethical

responsibility for their actions

during reporting. 8.7 0 0 21.7 69.6 4.43 1.161

Journalists should ensure an

atmosphere of national harmony,

unity and peace during reporting. 8.7 0 0 13 78.3 4.52 1.163

Journalists should verify facts

before broadcasting news, views or

comments on ethnic, religious or

sectarian disputes. 8.7 0 0 4.3 87 4.61 1.158

Journalists should not broadcast

content with the potential to cause

communal trouble. 8.7 0 4.3 17.4 69.6 4.39 1.196

Journalists should not discriminate

and perpetuate stereotypes,

particularly based on gender, ethnic

or religious grounds while

reporting. 8.7 0 0 8.7 82.6 4.57 1.161

Journalists should not glorify social

evils, warlike activities, ethnic,

racial or religious activities through

their reporting. 8.7 0 0 8.7 82.6 4.57 1.161

Journalists should investigate

complaints by the public and

promptly correct errors that occur

during their reporting. 13 0 4.3 17.4 65.2 4.22 1.38

3.4 Journalist compliance with the code of conduct for the practice of journalism

Table 4.10 displays the results on journalists’ compliance with the code of ethics/conduct for the practice of

journalism in Kenya. Overall, the journalists surveyed exhibited high level of compliance with the code of ethics,

which is implied in the higher means(m) for most of the statements above the “agree” category and towards “strongly

agree” category on the Likert scale. In terms of compliance, the highest ranked aspect of the code of ethics was

avoiding the use of racists or negative ethnic terms when reporting (m=4.83). This compares for closely with the

same aspect tested in relation to understanding of the code of ethics, which was ranked the second. Verifying facts




before broadcasting news, views or comments on ethnic, religious or sectarian disputes, investigating complaints

made by the public and promptly correcting errors that occur and avoiding glorifying social evils, warlike activities,

ethnic, racial or religious activities were ranked the second highest(m=4.78). The third highest ranked aspects

included avoiding broadcast of content with the potential to cause communal trouble and avoiding discrimination and

perpetuation of stereotypes, particularly based on gender, ethnic or religious grounds while reporting(m=4.7).

Applying a recognized Code of Conduct or set of principles of ethical practice when reporting conflict, taking ethical

responsibility for their actions and ensuring an atmosphere of national harmony, unity and peace during reporting,

ranked fourth(m=4.65). This position is also very close to the ranking of the same aspects tested for understanding

which were ranked 4, 5 and 3 respectively. Finally, avoiding broadcasting quotes from persons making inflammatory

or derogatory remarks was ranked the fifth and least complied with aspect (m=4.43).Interestingly the same aspect of

the code of ethics also emerged the least understood. However, in both cases this aspect still scored a high mean

(m>4) which is around the “agree” category and towards the “strongly agree” category. The above scenario is

consistent with the results of the content analysis, where 87.8% of the content analyzed avoided broadcasting quotes

from persons making inflammatory or derogatory remarks.

Table 4.10 Compliance with the Code of Conduct

Statement

Strongly

disagree Disagree

Neither

disagree

nor

agree Agree Strongly Mean

Standard

Deviation

I apply a recognized Code of Conduct or set

of principles of ethical practice when

reporting conflict. 4.3 0 0 17.4 78.3 4.65 0.885

I avoid broadcasting quotes from persons

making inflammatory /derogatory remarks. 4.3 0 8.7 21.7 65.2 4.43 0.992

I avoid using racists or negative ethnic

terms when reporting. 4.3 0 0 0 95.7 4.83 0.834

I take ethical responsibility for my actions

during reporting 4.3 0 0 17.4 78.3 4.65 0.885

I ensure an atmosphere of national

harmony, unity and peace during reporting. 4.3 0 0 17.4 78.3 4.65 0.885

I verify facts before broadcasting news,

views or comments on ethnic, religious or

sectarian disputes. 4.3 0 0 4.3 91.3 4.78 0.85

I avoid broadcast of content with the

potential to cause communal trouble. 4.3 0 0 13 82.6 4.7 0.876

I avoid discrimination and perpetuation of

stereotypes, particularly based on gender,

ethnic or religious grounds while reporting. 4.3 0 4.3 4.3 87 4.7 0.926

I avoid glorifying social evils, warlike

activities, ethnic, racial or religious

activities through my reporting. 4.3 0 0 4.3 91.3 4.78 0.85

4.3 0 0 4.3 91.3 4.78 0.85




I Investigate complaints by the public and

promptly correct errors that occur during

my reporting.

Correlation analysis was used to determine the relationship between journalists understanding of and compliance with

the code of ethics. The significance of the results of the inferential analysis was interpreted at 95% confidence level.

The results indicate a coefficient of correlation of 0.663, p< 0.05 implying that there is a positive relationship

between journalists’ level of understanding of the code of conduct and their compliance with the same. The p-value<

0.05 implied that the relationship was significant at 95% confidence level (ref: table 4.11 below)

Table 4.11 Relationship between understanding and compliance with the code of conduct

Compliance Understanding

Compliance with the code of

ethics

Pearson

Correlation

1

.663**

Sig. (2-tailed) .001

N 24 24

journalists' understanding Pearson Correlation .663** 1

Sig. (2-tailed) .001

N 24 24

**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).

4. DISCUSSIONS, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

4.1 Summary

Radio has formidable power over audience perceptions in Kenya and throughout much of Africa. For many people

here, radio is the only mass medium accessible, since it requires neither electricity nor the ability to read. For

vernacular radio there is the added advantage of addressing its target audiences in local ethnic languages. This partly

explains why vernacular radio in Kenya has registered tremendous growth over the past 20 years; from one

vernacular radio station in 2000 to over 50 vernacular stations (MCK, 2015).However, this growth has not been

without challenges. Among the many challenges of vernacular radio stations in Kenya is that they have been in the

past associated with all sort of negativities, ranging from lack of professionalism, poor content to being unethical.

This study therefore sought to answer these two research questions: How do reporters comply with and understand

the existing code of conduct for the practice of journalism in Kenya?

In order to answer the above research questions, a questionnaire was used to gather relevant data from the selected

vernacular radio journalists.




4.2. Discussions

The findings suggest that vernacular radio journalists generally understand the various aspects of the code of conduct

for the practice of journalism in Kenya, with the majority of the respondents’ indication that they “strongly agreed”

with the various aspects of the code that were tested. On one hand, these findings confirm a previous study conducted

by Ochieng, Gachoka & Mureithi (2014) which examined the extent to which journalists reflect on the code of

conduct to make decisions on how to gather, package, publish and distribute stories in media. The study concluded

that reporters were generally aware of the existing code of conduct. On the other hand, the findings disagree with the

study by Howard, (2009:37) on community radio and ethnic violence in Kenya, which concluded that there was little

knowledge of media ethics among community radio journalists, (ref: 7.2.1). The current findings also negate the

findings by Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES, 2000).

The findings of the results show that majority of vernacular radio station reporters comply with the various aspects of

the code of conduct that address peace. Most of the respondents responses ranged from “agree” to “strongly agree”

with the majority falling within the “strongly agree” category. These findings however contradict the findings of a

previous study commissioned by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES), in Nairobi and conducted by the African Woman

and Child Feature Service (AWC) and the Media Diversity Centre (MDC), to investigate the underlying factors that

influence media behavior and to make recommendations on how the sector could be reformed in a manner that would

approximate aggregated expectations in Kenya. The study established that although the code of conduct for

journalists was available, conformity and adherence was problematic across the board (FES, 2000). It also disagrees

with another study conducted in Turkey by Köylü, Hilal (2006), who examined the practice of the profession of

journalism in Turkey and explored whether the fundamental ethical codes and standards of journalism were being

honored in the contemporary market-driven media sector. The study confirmed that ethical codes and standards were

not being followed in the Turkish media (Hilal, 2006). This difference in findings can possibly be explained by the

earlier findings that showed increased trainings in specialized areas including peace reporting and media ethics,

especially after the 2007/2008 post- election violence in Kenya, where vernacular radio stations were particularly

singled out for playing a negative role (KNCHR, 2008).

4. 3 Conclusion and Recommendations

The question that this study addressed was: How do reporters comply with and understand the existing code of

conduct for the practice of journalism in Kenya? The findings of this study concludes that reporters of selected

vernacular radio stations operating in conflict prone regions in Kenya largely comply with and understand the code of

conduct for the practice of journalism in Kenya.

This study recommends that the Media Council of Kenya (MCK) and other stakeholders should invest in

strengthening journalists’ skills to ensure the highest level of professionalism in doing their job. Furthermore, the

government and other stakeholders should ensure proper implementation and enforcement of existing media policies

in Kenya. As revealed by the findings of this study, MCK has put considerable effort in monitoring of compliance

however, there is need to re-visit the media monitoring systems by civil society and research organizations. Such

monitoring should be systematic and effective in documenting evidence of incitement and malpractices perpetrated

via the media especially vernacular radio stations. The documents gathered by these organizations will be helpful in

determining the intent of violations. The government, in consultation with all stakeholders in the media industry

should also monitor compliance and enforcement of existing media policies. Such initiative can strengthen and

empower the media sector, as well as acting as an impetus for the growth of the industry. The policy should be

inclusive of issues that deal with cross-ownership of the media, allocation of frequencies and policies that deal with

content. Capacity building activities and self-regulation initiatives can be spearheaded through MCK in collaboration

with local and international development partners. There should be consistent dialogue between the media industry

stakeholders to identify and rectify the weaknesses recognized as a result of the post-election violence coverage.

Generally, media houses should strive to improve the observance of media laws and ethics and promote effective

self- regulation.

Last is to improve the working conditions for Journalists. Vernacular radio stations lack adequate funds that can

allow them to operate effectively. As a result, poor remuneration and lack of safety for journalists hamper a free and

plural media. Among the challenges cited by the journalists’ surveyed was poor remunerations, therefore the




challenge for vernacular radio stations in Kenya is to increase the salaries of their journalists. Better pay would attract

qualified professional staff, who are better protected from internal and external manipulations and threats. Substantial

progress in strengthening the media will not be possible unless the working conditions of journalists are improved.

Recognizing the importance of the media as a system of checks and balances in a democratic society, the author is

suggesting innovative funding schemes to strengthen the vernacular radio sector in particular. Such initiatives can

support the Journalism profession to perform its civic duty especially at grassroots level. This kind of support is

necessary in upgrading media enterprises and sustaining their resource and technical capacity. With these initiatives,

the media can be self-reliant and break from political and ethnic shackles that hinder their work as gatekeepers and

agenda setters for human rights and become more ethical as carry out their social responsibility.

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