Events leading to the Falklands WarFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

There were many events leading to the 1982 Falklands War (Guerra de Malvinas in Spanish) between the United Kingdom and Argentina overpossession of the Falkland Islands and South Georgia (Georgia del Sur).

Contents

1 Background2 Build-up

3 Planning4 Landings on South Georgia

5 Failed diplomacy6 Invasion7 Task force8 Public opinion

9 The United Nations10 Shuttle diplomacy and U.S. involvement11 Soviet non-involvement12 European support

12.1 French involvement13 Latin American involvement

13.1 Chilean involvement13.2 Colombian support

14 Commonwealth support

15 References

Background

Main article: Sovereignty of the Falkland Islands

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Margaret Thatcher[1]

The Falkland Islands had been the subject of a sovereignty dispute almost since they were first settled in 1764, between the United Kingdom on oneside, and successively France, Spain and United Provinces of the River Plate (later Argentina) on the other. A settlement was successfully established onthe islands in 1828 by Luis Vernet (though there had been British, French and Spanish settlements before then). Vernet had acquired permission for hisventure from both the Government of the United Provinces and the British Consulate.

Vernet provided regular reports to the British and had requested British protection for his settlement should the British return. Britain made diplomaticprotests when Vernet was appointed as Governor by the United Provinces and both Britain and the United States made diplomatic protests over theattempt to curtail rights to sealing on the islands. After Vernet seized American ships sealing in the islands and confiscated their catch, the United Statesdispatched a warship to the islands, resulting in the abandonment of Puerto Soledad and the voluntary repatriation of many of the settlers.

Subsequently, the United Provinces tried to re-establish the settlement at Puerto Soledad as a penal colony but a mutiny resulted in the murder of oneGovernor. Shortly after that mutiny had been quelled, in January 1833, a British naval task force arrived charged with the re-establishment of British ruleon the islands. The British requested that the Argentine administration leave the islands, who complied with that request without a shot being fired.Contrary to popular belief the settlers on the island were not expelled at the same time but were encouraged to continue by the British. The islandsremained continuously in British possession from then until 1982.

Build-up

See also: Operation Journeyman

During the period 1976-1983, Argentina was under the control of a military dictatorship, and in the midst of a devastatingeconomic crisis. The National Reorganization Process, as the Junta was known, had killed thousands of Argentine citizensfor their political opposition to the government. The era was known as the Dirty War, and has since been characterised as

"genocide" by an Argentine court.[2] Many of the victims were simply "disappeared", without due process, for opposingthe corruption which infested the country's higher ranks.

The oppression of the Argentine people continued under a succession of dictators following a coup which deposedPresident Isabel Perón and put General Jorge Videla in power. Power passed from Videla to General Roberto Viola andthen General Leopoldo Galtieri for a short while. Before he started the Falklands War, Galtieri was subject to growingopposition from the people. The actual dictatorship of General Galtieri lasted only eighteen months but he had alreadybeen a key player in the slaughter and oppression of his own people for years. In the course of 1981, Argentina sawinflation climb to over 600%, and GDP fall by 11.4%, manufacturing output by 22.9% and real wages by 19.2%. Thetrades unions were gaining more support for a general strike every day and the popular opposition to the Junta wasgrowing rapidly.

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President Galtieri, as head of the military government, aimed to counter public concern over economic and human rights issues by means of a speedyvictory over the Falklands which would appeal to popular nationalistic sentiment. Argentine intelligence officers had been working with the CentralIntelligence Agency (CIA) to help fund the Contras in Nicaragua, and the Argentine government believed it might be rewarded for this activity by non-interference on the part of the United States if it invaded the Falklands. The Argentine leadership had noticed that during the Suez crisis 1956 the USAhad objected to the British use of force, that in 1981 the UK reached agreement with the former colony Rhodesia and that 1961 Indian Annexation of

Goa was initially condemned by the international community and then accepted as a fait accompli.[3] (The planned Argentine invasion of the Falklands

was even codenamed Operation Goa as it was believed that the annexation of the islands to Argentina would be similarly straightforward.[4][5])

Argentina exerted pressure at the United Nations by raising subtle hints of a possible invasion, but the British either missed or ignored this threat and did

not react. The Argentines assumed that the British would not use force if the islands were invaded.[6][7]

According to British sources, the Argentines interpreted the failure of the British to react as a lack of interest in the Falklands due to the plannedwithdrawal (as part of a general reduction in size of the Royal Navy in 1981) of the last of the Antarctic Supply vessels, HMS Endurance, and by theBritish Nationality Act of 1981, which replaced the full British citizenship of Falkland Islanders with a more limited version.

Operation Sol in 1976 secretly landed a force of 50 men from the Argentine military under the command of Captain César Trombetta on the unoccupiedSouthern Thule, belonging to the British South Sandwich Islands, where they established the military outpost Corbeta Uruguay. This led to a formalprotest from United Kingdom, and an effort to resolve the issue through diplomatic rather than military means. Operation Journeyman, the dispatching ofa small military force to the South Atlantic by Callaghan's Labour government, may have helped avert further action and subsequent reports from theJoint Intelligence Committee (JIC) in 1977, 1979 and 1981 suggested that "as long as Argentina calculated that the British Government were prepared tonegotiate seriously on sovereignty, it was unlikely to resort to force." However, if "... negotiations broke down, or if Argentina concluded from them thatthere was no prospect of real progress towards a negotiated transfer of sovereignty, there would be a high risk of its then resorting to more forceful

measures, including direct military action."[8]

Planning

At a lunch between Admiral Jorge Isaac Anaya and General Leopoldo Fortunato Galtieri on 9 December 1981, in the main army barracks at Campo deMayo, the two discussed how and when to overthrow President Roberto Viola. Anaya offered the navy's support on the understanding that the navy

would be allowed to occupy the Falkland Islands and South Georgia.[9] Galtieri appears to have hoped that public opinion would reward a successfuloccupation by affording him power for at least ten years. They believed that the flying of the Argentine flag in Port Stanley on the 150th anniversary ofBritain's "illegal usurpation of Las Malvinas" would lead to a neo-Perónist era of national pride.

On Tuesday 15 December, Anaya flew from Buenos Aires to the main Argentine naval base at Puerto Belgrano. He travelled there to install Vice-Admiral Juan Lombardo officially as the new Chief of Naval Operations. After the ceremony, Anaya surprised Lombardo by telling him to prepare a planfor the occupation of the Falkland Islands. Lombardo later told the author Martin Middlebrook in an interview that Anaya told him to "take them but not

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necessarily to keep them". The conversation between Anaya and Lombardo was short and concluded with Anaya stressing the need for absolutesecrecy.

Shortly after this initial order, Lombardo flew to Buenos Aires to ask Anaya for clarification of his orders. Lombardo recalled later, "I set out myquestions in a handwritten document to make sure they were on the record, but no copies were made. I asked these questions: Was the operation to bepurely naval, or joint with other services? Was the intention to take and keep the islands, or take them and then hand them over to someone else, and, ifso, would this be an Argentine force or a world force, that is, the United Nations. Could he guarantee that the secret nature of the planning bemaintained? These were the answers I was given: It was to be a joint operation, but nobody else had yet been informed. I didn't know at the timewhether Galtieri and [sic] Lami Dozo were aware of Admiral Anaya's orders to me, but it was confirmed a few days later that they were. I was to plan atake-over; but not to prepare the defence of the islands afterwards. About secrecy, he said that I would only be working with three other Admirals -Allara, Busser of the Marines and Garcia Bol of the Naval Air Arm; these were all near me at Puerto Belgrano. I started talks with those three, and theyall asked the same or similar questions."

"So I went back to Buenos Aires to insist that, if the operation was to be joint, co-operation with the other services would be essential. Anaya agreedthat General Garcia of the Army was in mind but had not yet been informed. He repeated that it was a Navy task to take over the Malvinas; what

followed was for the junta to decide. They did not think there would be any military reaction from the British."[10]

The Air Force's Brigadier Basilio Lami Dozo was not informed of the decision before 29 December[9] and even Foreign Minister Costa Méndez was

unaware of the planning while he prepared his diplomatic initiative in January 1982.[11]

The detailed planning began in early January 1982. It was headed by Vice Admiral Juan José Lombardo (Commander-in-Chief Fleet) and includedGeneral Osvald Garcia (commander of the Fifth Army Corps) and Brigadier Sigfrido Plessel (member of the Air Force Staff). The operation would bean amphibious landing of 3,000 troops en masse to minimise bloodshed. The contingent of Royal Marines, British civil service officials and the more anti-Argentine among the Falklanders would be deported and the bulk of the invasion force would return to their bases within 48 hours. A military governorand a gendarmerie of about 500 would be left to keep the Falklanders in line. Anaya's draft planned to replace the entire island population with Argentinesettlers, but Lombardo believed that such a step would outrage the international community. Instead the Falklanders should be offered financialcompensation if they wished to emigrate.

Commissioned by the British, an Argentine firm had constructed a temporary runway near Stanley in advance of the building of a main runway at Stanleyairport. The military Líneas Aéreas del Estado airline flew regularly to the Falkland Islands. LADE was represented by Vice-Commodore HectorGilobert in Port Stanley and he had been gathering intelligence for four years. The cargo ship ARA Isla de los Estados was hired for commercialpurposes by the island administration, and her captain Capaglio had detailed information on the Falkland coast, beaches and inner waters.

In an atmosphere of arms selling, the United Kingdom was very forthcoming to the Argentine naval attaché in London, Rear-Admiral Walter Allara. He

was invited on board HMS Invincible and had conversations with British naval personnel about shortcomings of the Royal Navy.[9]

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In January 1982, diplomatic talks over sovereignty ceased. Although it is often thought that the Falklands invasion was a long-planned action, it becameclear after the war that the subsequent defence of the islands had been largely improvised; for example, sea mines were not deployed at strategic landinglocations, and a large part of the infantry forces sent to the Falklands consisted of the current intake of conscripts, who had only begun their training in theJanuary/February of that year. Arguments that the war was a last-minute decision are bolstered by the fact that the Argentine Navy would have received,at the end of the year, additional French Exocet airborne anti-ship missiles, Super Étendards (French fighter aircraft capable of firing the Exocet) and newships being built in West Germany.

The Argentine Navy possessed modern British-built Type 42 air-defence destroyers of the type forming the bulk of the British Task Force's anti-airumbrella. Training attacks on these revealed that over half of Argentine aircraft might be lost in the process of destroying only a few British warships ifthey attacked at the medium to high altitudes at which the Sea Dart missile was designed to engage; hence the Argentine Air Force's employment of low-level stand-off Exocet attacks in blue-water combat, and over-land approaches when in the littoral.

The overall lack of readiness for the Falklands adventure was likely to have been due to the invasion being a last-minute decision taken as a consequenceof the South Georgia crisis. Furthermore, for several years, Argentina had been on the brink of war with Chile. Argentina's military strategists feared thatChile would take advantage of the Falklands crisis and attempt to seize part of Argentine Patagonia. In 2009 Basilio Lami Dozo, the commander-in-chief

of the Argentine Air Force during the war, disclosed that Leopoldo Galtieri announced to him that Chile would be the next invasion target.[12]

Consequently, a significant part of Argentina's limited forces and equipment were kept on the mainland - and, during the war, Chile, perhaps suspecting

an Argentine invasion[13] indeed deployed forces along border regions in what looked like mobilization for a possible invasion (it is still unclear whetherthis was defensive, offensive or merely a diversion prompted by its British allies).

Argentina's original intention was to mount a quick, symbolic occupation, followed rapidly by a withdrawal, leaving only a small garrison to support thenew military governor. This strategy was based on the Argentinian assumption that the British would never respond militarily. Argentine assault units wereindeed withdrawn to the mainland in the days following the invasion, but strong popular support and the rapid British reaction forced the Junta to changetheir objectives and reinforce the islands, since they could not politically afford to lose the islands once the British came out to fight. The junta misjudgedthe political climate in Britain, believing that democracies were weak, indecisive and averse to risk, and did not anticipate that the British would movetheir fleet halfway across the globe.

Landings on South Georgia

See also: 1982 invasion of South Georgia

In 1980, Admiral Edgardo Otero (formerly the notorious commander of the Navy Petty-Officers School of Mechanics, where hundreds of thedisappeared were tortured and executed) was the head of the navy's Antarctic operations and sought to repeat Operation Sol in South Georgia byestablishing a military base (Operation Alpha). Admiral Lombardo feared that Operation Alpha would jeopardise the secret preparations for the Falkland

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HMS Endurance at Mar del Plata naval base, during her

trip to the Falklands on February 1982

landings, but Admiral Otero had close links to Admiral Anaya who approved Operation Alpha despite promising to Admiral Lombardo he would cancel

the operation.[14]

The Argentine entrepreneur Constantino Davidoff had a two-year old contract regarding scrapping an old whaling station on South Georgia. InDecember 1981, he was transported by the icebreaker ARA Almirante Irizar, headed by Captain Trombetta, to South Georgia for an initial survey ofthe work. The party was landed without the customary call to the British Antarctic Survey (BAS) base at Grytviken, which led to formal diplomaticprotests by the British Government.

Davidoff personally called the British Embassy in Buenos Aires to apologise, and promised that his men would follow the correct protocols on landing infuture. He received permission to continue with his venture, and on March 11 the naval transport ARA Bahía Buen Suceso set sail carrying Davidoff's

party of scrap workers. The party was however infiltrated by Argentine marines posing as civilian scientists. Operation Alpha had begun.[15][16]

Arriving on March 19, the party failed once again to follow the correct protocol[17] and proceeded directly to Leith Harbour. The BAS party sent toinvestigate found that the Argentinian scrap metal workers had established a camp, defaced British signs, broken into the BAS hut and removedemergency rations, and had shot reindeer in contravention of local conservancy measures (landing with firearms without permission was of itself illegal).

The BAS party also reported a number of men in military uniform and that the Argentine flag had been raised.[18]

A series of diplomatic exchanges then took place. The Falkland Island Governor andsubsequently the Foreign Office passed a message back to the BAS team for passing to thecaptain of the ARA Bahia Buen Suceso. This was to the effect that the Argentine flag must betaken down and that they must report to the British administrator (Mr Stephen Martin,commander of the British Antarctic Survey Base) at Grytviken to have their passportsstamped (which they refused to do since it would acknowledge British sovereignty over theisles). Although the flag was lowered and ARA Bahía Buen Suceso departed, a party of menwere left behind. On March 21, HMS Endurance set sail with a party of 22 Royal Marinesto expel the men who remained at Leith but to avoid further tensions, the FCO orderedEndurance to hold off.

Taking advantage of the British pause, the Argentine Junta then ordered the ARA BahíaParaíso to land a party of Buzos Tacticos (special forces) led by Lieutenant Alfredo Astiz("the blond angel of death"). Rather than force a confrontation, the Royal Marines were ordered to set up an observation post to monitor the situation atLeith. The full party of Royal Marines was not landed until March 31 when it became apparent that Argentine forces intended to seize the FalklandIslands. The Grytviken Base was actually assaulted the day after the Falklands, since bad weather prevented an attack on the same day.

Failed diplomacy

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During the conflict, there were no formal diplomatic relations between the United Kingdom and Argentina, so negotiations were carried out in a ratherindirect way, and via third parties who spoke with one then with the other belligerent ("shuttle diplomacy"). The Secretary-General of the United Nations,Javier Pérez de Cuéllar of Peru, announced that his efforts in favour of peace were futile.

Although Peru (which represented Argentina's diplomatic interests in Britain) and Switzerland (which represented Britain's diplomatic interests inArgentina) exerted great diplomatic pressure to avoid war, they were unable to resolve the conflict, and a peace plan proposed by Peruvian presidentFernando Belaúnde Terry although accepted by Britain was rejected by Argentina.

Invasion

Main article: 1982 invasion of the Falkland Islands

The British Government warned Rex Hunt, the Governor of the Falkland Islands, of a possible Argentine invasion on 1 April. Hunt then organised adefence, and gave military command to Major Mike Norman RM, who managed to muster a small force of Royal Marines. The Argentine Lieutenant-Commander in charge of the invasion, Guillermo Sanchez-Sabarots, landed his special forces at Mullet Creek.

He proceeded to attack the buildings in and around Stanley, including Government House and the Moody Brook Barracks until the Falkland Islandsgovernment at Government House surrendered on April 2. One Argentine was killed in the main invasion; a further three Argentines died in fighting totake control of South Georgia.

Task force

The British were quick to organise diplomatic pressure against Argentina. Because of the long distance to the Falklands, Britain had to rely on a navaltask force for military action. The overall naval force was commanded by the Commander-in-Chief Fleet, Admiral Sir John Fieldhouse, who wasdesignated Commander Task Force 317, and had three to four subordinate task groups, depending on the stage of the war. Rear Admiral John “Sandy”Woodward’s Task Group 317.8 was centred around the aircraft carriers HMS Hermes and the newly-commissioned HMS Invincible carrying only 20Fleet Air Arm (FAA) Sea Harriers between them for defence against the combined Argentinian air force and naval air arm. The task force would have tobe self-reliant and able to project its force across the littoral area of the Islands.

A second component was the Amphibious Group, Task Group 317.0, commanded by Commodore Michael Clapp RN.[19] The embarked force, theLanding Group or Task Group 317.1, comprised 3 Commando Brigade, Royal Marine (including units attached from the British Army’s ParachuteRegiment and a number of units under the Royal Armoured Corps cap badge (The Blues and Royals)) under the command of Brigadier Julian ThompsonRM to bring it up to its wartime strength. Most of this force was aboard the hastily-commandeered cruise liner Canberra.

A third was Submarine Group (TG 320.9) of three to four submarines under Flag Officer Submarines. The UK declared a 'total exclusion zone' of200 nmi (370 km) around the Falklands before commencing operation, excluding all nations' vessels.

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Throughout the operation, 43 British merchant ships (ships taken up from trade, or STUFT) served with or supplied the task force. Cargo vessels and

tankers for fuel and water formed an 8,000-mile (13,000 km) logistics chain between Britain and the South Atlantic.[20]

During the journey and up to the war beginning on May 1, the Task Force was shadowed by Boeing 707 aircraft of the Argentine Air Force. One ofthese flights was intercepted outside the exclusion zone by a Sea Harrier, but the unarmed 707 was not attacked because diplomatic moves were still inprogress and the British had not yet decided to commit themselves to war.

Prince Andrew, then second in line to the British throne, served as a Sea King helicopter pilot for No.820 Naval Air Squadron on HMS Invincibleduring the war, flying antisubmarine and anti-surface patrols. His helicopter also acted as an improvised airborne early warning platform, helped incasualty evacuation, transport and search and rescue.

The British called their counter-invasion Operation Corporate. When the task force sailed from Britain, the American news magazine Newsweek coverheadline proclaimed “The Empire Strikes Back,” the name of a recent Star Wars film, in humorous reference to the old British Empire.

Public opinion

The public mood in the UK was in support of an attempt to reclaim the islands.[citation needed] Internationalopinion was divided. To some, Britain was a former colonial power, seeking to reclaim a colony from a localpower, and this was a message that the Argentines initially used to garner support. Others supported Britain as astable democracy invaded by a military dictatorship. Whilst remaining diplomatically neutral, most Europeancountries, members of the Commonwealth and the United States supported Britain.

The United Nations

British diplomacy centred on arguing that the Falkland Islanders were entitled to use the UN principle of self-determination and showing willingness to compromise. The UN Secretary-General said that he was amazed at thecompromise that the UK had offered. Nevertheless, Argentina rejected it, the Junta being constrained by massivepopular support for the invasion and unable to backtrack; they based their arguments on rights to territory basedon actions before both 1945 and the creation of the UN.

Many UN members realised that if territorial claims this old could be resurrected, and invasions of territory

allowed unchallenged, then their own borders were not safe.[citation needed] On April 3, the UN Security Councilpassed Resolution 502, calling for the withdrawal of Argentine troops from the islands and the cessation of

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The key locations in the Task

Force's logistics chain.

hostilities. On April 10, the European Community approved trade sanctions against Argentina. President RonaldReagan and the United States’ administration did not issue direct diplomatic condemnations, instead providingintelligence support to the British military.

Shuttle diplomacy and U.S. involvement

At first glance, it appeared that the U.S. had military treaty obligations to both parties in the war, bound to the UK as a member of the North AtlanticTreaty Organization (NATO) and to Argentina by the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (the "Rio Pact"). However, the North AtlanticTreaty only obliges the signatories to support if the attack occurs in Europe or North America north of the Tropic of Cancer, and the Rio Pact onlyobliges the U.S. to intervene if one of the adherents to the treaty is attacked—the UK never attacked Argentina, only Argentine forces on Britishterritory.

In March, Secretary of State Alexander Haig directed the US Ambassador to Argentina Harry W. Shlaudeman to warn the Argentine government awayfrom any invasion. President Reagan requested assurances from Galtieri against an invasion and offered the services of his Vice President, George H.W.Bush, as mediator, but was refused.

In fact, the Reagan Administration was sharply divided on the issue. Meeting on April 5, Haig and Assistant Secretary of State for Political AffairsLawrence Eagleburger favoured backing Britain, concerned that equivocation would undermine the NATO alliance. Assistant Secretary of State forInter-American Affairs Thomas Enders, however, feared that supporting Britain would undermine U.S. anti-communist efforts in Latin America. Hereceived the firm backing of U.N. Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick, Haig's nominal subordinate and political rival. Kirkpatrick was guest of honour at adinner held by the Argentine ambassador to the United States, on the day that the Argentine armed forces landed on the islands.

The White House continued its neutrality; Reagan famously declared at the time that he could not understand why two allies were arguing over "that littleice-cold bunch of land down there". But he assented to Haig and Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger's position. Haig briefly (April 8–April 30)headed a "shuttle diplomacy" mission between London and Buenos Aires. According to a BBC documentary titled "The Falklands War and the White

House",[21] Caspar Weinberger's Department of Defense began a number of non-public actions to support and supply the British military while Haig'sshuttle diplomacy was still ongoing. Haig's message to the Argentines was that the British would indeed fight, and that the U.S. would support Britain, butat the time he was not aware that the U.S. was providing support already.

At the end of the month, Reagan blamed Argentina for the failure of the mediation, declared U.S. support for Britain, and announced the imposition ofeconomic sanctions against Argentina.

In a notorious episode in June, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Jeane Kirkpatrick cast a second veto of a Security Council resolution calling foran immediate cease-fire, then announced minutes later that she had received instructions to abstain. The situation was blamed on a delay incommunications but perceived by many as part of an ongoing power struggle between Haig and Kirkpatrick.

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Caspar Weinberger, United States

Secretary of Defense between

1981-87.

Galtieri and a fair proportion of his government thought that the UK would not react. Margaret Thatcher declared that the democratic rights of theFalkland Islanders had been assaulted and would not surrender the islands to the Argentinian "jackboot". This stance was aided, at least domestically, bythe mostly supportive British press.

The Argentine dictatorship felt that the United States would, even in a worst-case scenario, remain completely neutral in the conflict (based upon thesupport that Argentina had given to the Reagan administration in Central America, training Contras). This assumption demonstrated a clear blindness tothe reality of the US-UK special relationship.

To some extent, the Argentine military dictatorship was misled by its own opinion of democracies as being weak, inefficient talking-shops, afraid of takingrisks. Indeed, in Britain there was much debate about the rights and wrongs of war. However, regardless of their own policies and opinions, oppositionparties firmly backed the government during the crisis, in order to present a single united front.

A U.S. fear of the perceived threat of the Soviet Union and the spread of communism, along with the certainty that Britain could handle the matter on itsown, may have influenced the U.S. to take a position of non-interference. During the Cold War, with the performance of forces being watched closely by

the Soviet Union, it was considered preferable for the UK to handle without assistance a conflict within its capabilities.[citation needed]

American non-interference was vital to the American-British relationship. Ascension Island, a British possession,was vital in the long term supply of the Task Force South; however, the airbase stationed on it was run andoperated by the U.S. The American commander of the base was ordered to assist the British in any way and for abrief period Ascension Air Field was one of the busiest airports in the world. The most important NATOcontributions were intelligence information and the rescheduled supply of the latest model of Sidewinder Lima all-aspect infra-red seeking missiles, which allowed existing British stocks to be employed.

Margaret Thatcher stated that "without the Harrier jets and their immense manoeuvrability, equipped as they werewith the latest version of the Sidewinder missile, supplied to us by U.S. Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger,we could never have got back the Falklands." This is not only politically but militarily questionable, however, as allthe Fleet Air Arm Sidewinder engagements proved to be from the rear.

In early May, Casper Weinberger offered the use of an American aircraft carrier.[22] This seemingly extremelygenerous offer was seen by some as vital: it was noted by Rear Admiral Woodward that the loss of Invinciblewould have been a severe setback, but the loss of Hermes would have meant an end to the whole operation.

Weinberger admitted [23] that there would have been many problems if a request had ever been made; not least, itwould have meant U.S. personnel becoming directly involved in the conflict, as training British forces to crew thevessel would have taken years.

Both Weinberger and Reagan were later awarded the British honour of Knight Commander of the British Empire (KBE). American critics of the U.S.role claimed that, by failing to side with Argentina, the U.S. violated its own Monroe Doctrine.

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Location of the Soviet

Bellingshausen Station in the

South Shetlands, relative to the

Falkland Islands, South Georgia

and Argentina

In September 2001, the President of Mexico Vicente Fox cited the conflict as proof of the failure of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistancesince the treaty provides for mutual defence. However, in this conflict, Argentina was the aggressor.

Soviet non-involvement

In general, the Soviet Union stayed aloof from the situation. Both NATO member UK and the proactively anti-Communist regime in Argentina at the time were enemies of the USSR. However, the Soviet Union did haveseveral interests in the South Atlantic/Antarctic region.

Angola had recently become independent, in a war in which the MPLA received support from the Soviet Union

and its allies,[24] and this was considered a highly important Cold War conflict, especially in regard to the southAtlantic. In fact, the Falklands War occurred at a point when the Cold War had re-escalated, with the election ofRonald Reagan in the USA in the previous year, and the Soviet war in Afghanistan in full swing. According toHugh Bicheno:

The Argentines saw [Reagan's] lifting of Carter['s weapons] embargo as a victory for their hard-nosed lineon Human Rights, but their obsessions led them to overrate their importance to US policy makers. ... they

based their self-delusion on the war across the South Atlantic in Angola, where some 36,000 Cuban

troops, acting as proxies for the Soviet Union, maintained an avowedly Marxist-Leninist government, in theface of two groups of insurgents backed respectively by South Africa and the USA. Soviet objectives were

to gain preferential access to Angolan natural resources and to create a base from which their naval forcescould threaten the western jugular ... whereas the view from Washington was that their bases at the British

islands of Ascension in the Atlantic ... were more than sufficient, and that the US Navy could protect thesea lanes without additional shore facilities. The Cape Route was indeed a vital US geopolitical concern, but the Argentines failed to realise that

they counted for less than a couple of little British islands in the equation.[25]

Also, the USSR maintained a number of Antarctic bases, some not far from the area of conflict, such as Bellingshausen Station in the South Shetlands, anarea claimed by both Argentina and the UK. The USSR had also just opened a new Antarctic base two years before — Russkaya Station — albeit onthe other side of Antarctica. Warsaw Pact member Poland also operated the Henryk Arctowski base not far from Bellinghausen. The USSR also had anumber of fishing boats and "research vessels" in the region which were "multipurpose". Bicheno continues that after Argentina, the UK and the USA,

"There was a fourth party involved — the Soviet electronic intelligence ships that maintained constant surveillance of the [British] task force. USgoodwill did not extend to giving the Soviets insight into NSA eavesdropping capability, or a windfall mass of encrypted traffic for their super-

computers to play with."[25]

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There was great Soviet interest in how good the UK battle capability was when thrown back on its own resources. Traditionally, the Soviet Union had

portrayed the UK as a US satellite, incapable of operating on its own.[citation needed]

European support

The European Community, of which the United Kingdom is a member, supported fully the UK's position and opposed the invasion of the Falklands, thecommunity also supported the United Nations Resolution requesting that Argentina withdraw from the islands. When Argentina refused, the communityannounced sanctions against Argentina. Today, the present European Union recognises the UK's sovereignty as the only legitimate claim and this isrecognised in the Treaty of Lisbon, with all member states (apart from Spain which is Neutral) also individually recognising it.

French involvement

President of France François Mitterrand gave full support to the UK in the Falklands war. Sir John Nott, who was Secretary of State for Defence during

the conflict, has acknowledged in his memoirs that "in so many ways Mitterrand and the French were our greatest allies".[26]

A large part of Argentina's military equipment was French-made, so French support was crucial. Sir John has revealed that France provided Mirage andEtendard aircraft, identical to the ones that it supplied to Argentina, for British pilots to train against. It is also disclosed in Sir John's memoirs that Franceprovided intelligence to help fight the Exocet missiles that it had sold to Argentina, including details of special electronic countermeasures that at the timewere only known to the French armed forces. In her memoirs, Margaret Thatcher says of Mitterrand that "I never forgot the debt we owed him for hispersonal support...throughout the Falklands Crisis". As France had recently sold Super Etendard aircraft and Exocet missiles to the Argentine Navy,there was still a French team in Argentina helping to fit out the Exocets and aircraft for Argentine use at the beginning of the war. Argentina claims that theteam left for France soon after the April 2 invasion, but according to Dr. James Corum, the French team apparently continued to assist the Argentines

throughout the war in spite of the NATO embargo and official French government policy.[27]

Latin American involvement

Argentina received military assistance only from Peru — despite receiving cursory support from the Organisation of American States in a resolution(http://www.oas.org/consejo/sp/RC/Actas/Acta%2020.pdf) supporting Argentina's sovereignty and deploring European Community sanctions (withChile, Colombia, Trinidad & Tobago, and the United States attending but abstaining), and Venezuela. Peruvian president Belaunde announced that hiscountry was "ready to support Argentina with all the resources it needed." This came in the form of aircraft supplies such as long range air fuel (drop)

tanks and spare parts.[citation needed]

Cuba and Bolivia offered ground troops, but their offers were seen as political posturing and not accepted. At this point in time, Cuba was also heavily

involved in the war in Angola across the South Atlantic, and had 36,000 troops there.[25]

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K.J. Holsti presents a different sight of the South American dilemma:[28] "While South American governments (except Chile) publicly supportedArgentina in its conflict with Great Britain, in private many governments were pleased with the outcome of the war. Argentina's bellicosity against Chileover the Beagle Channel problem ... [its] foreign intervention ([in] Bolivia and Nicaragua) ... and [its] propounded geopolitical doctrines that were seen inother countries as threatening to them."

Chilean involvement

See also: Beagle conflict

Neighbouring Chile, under General Pinochet's regime, became one of the major Latin American countries (the other being Colombia) to support Britain(and then only indirectly) by providing a military and naval diversion. In 1978 Argentina initiated Operation Soberania in order to invade the islands

around the Cape Horn, but stopped the operation few hours later due to military and political reasons.[29]

The Argentine government planned to seize the disputed Beagle Channel islands after the occupation of the Falklands. Basilio Lami Dozo disclosed that

Leopoldo Galtieri announced to him that "[Chile] have to know that what we are doing now, because they will be the next in turn.[12] Also ÓscarCamilión, the last Argentine Foreign Minister before the war (29. March 1981 to 11. December 1981) stated that "The military planning was, after

the solution of the Falklands case, to invade the disputed islands in the Beagle. That was the determination of the Argentine Navy"[30]

Such preparations were made public. On 2 June 1982 an article was published in the Buenos Aires newspaper La Prensa concerning ManfredSchönfeld's answer to the question as to what to do after the expected Argentine victory in the Falklands : "The war will not be finished for us,because after the defeat of our enemies in the Falklands, they must be blown away from South Georgia, the South Sandwich Islands, and all

Argentine Austral archipelagos."[31]

This intention was probably known by the Chilean government[13] that provided the United Kingdom with ‘limited, but significant information’.

In her book Statecraft, Lady Thatcher claims that General Pinochet gave Britain "vital" support during the war, most notably in intelligence, which savedBritish lives. Thatcher claims that the Chilean Air Force often provided Britain with early warning of impending Argentine Air Force attacks. When, atone point, the Chilean long-range radar was switched off for 24 hours for maintenance work, the Argentinian Air Force was able to bomb the Royal

Navy ships Sir Galahad and Sir Tristram with many casualties.[32] The Chilean Connection (http://www.spyflight.co.uk/chile.htm) is described indetail by Sir Lawrence Freedman in his book The Official History of the Falklands Campaign.

Colombian support

Although retaining positive relations with Argentina, Colombia sided with the United Kingdom. At the Organisation of American States' resolution(http://www.oas.org/consejo/sp/RC/Actas/Acta%2020.pdf) supporting Argentina's claim, it cast an abstaining vote, along with fellow American countriesChile, Trinidad and Tobago and the United States.

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Commonwealth support

The Commonwealth of Nations, closely linked to the United Kingdom (which is also a member) condemned the Invasion of the Falklands and publiclysupported the UK, which they recognise as the rightful owner of the islands. Of the Commonwealth nations, New Zealand made available the frigatesHMNZS Canterbury and HMNZS Waikato as replacements for British ships in the Indian Ocean, freeing British vessels for deployment to the

Falklands. In addition, New Zealand and South Africa severed diplomatic relations with Argentina.[33]

References

1. ^ Image provided by the Margaret Thatcher Foundation

2. ^ La Nación, 19 September 2006. Condenaron a Etchecolatz a reclusión perpetua (http://www.lanacion.com.ar/841762).

3. ^ David R. Mares, "Violent Peace", 2001, Columbia University Press, ISBN 0-231-11186-X, page 156

4. ^ El negocio (http://www.perfil.com/ediciones/2012/4/edicion_664/contenidos/noticia_0055.html), Perfil.com, 31 Mar 2012. Retrieved Aug 2013.

5. ^ How Margaret Thatcher's Falklands gamble paid off (http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2013/apr/09/margaret-thatcher-falklands-gamble), TheGuardian, 9 April 2013. Retrieved Aug 2013.

6. ^ "Que tenía que ver con despertar el orgullo nacional y con otra cosa. La junta —Galtieri me lo dijo— nunca creyó que los británicos darían pelea. Él

creía que Occidente se había corrompido. Que los británicos no tenían Dios, que Estados Unidos se había corrompido… Nunca lo pude convencer de queellos no sólo iban a pelear, que además iban a ganar." ("This was neither about national pride nor anything else.The junta —Galtieri told me— never

believed the British would respond. He thought the West World had gone corrupt. That British people did not have God, that the US had gone corrupted…

I could never convince him that the British would not only fight back but also win [the war].") La Nación / Islas Malvinas Online. "Haig: "Malvinas fue miWaterloo"" (http://web.archive.org/web/20060908102813/http://www.malvinasonline.com.ar/g82/artic/aresp004.htm#Haig). Archived from the original

(http://www.malvinasonline.com.ar/g82/artic/aresp004.htm#Haig) on September 8, 2006. Retrieved September 21, 2006. (Spanish)

7. ^ [1] (http://www.ejercito.mil.ar/InMemori/MalvinasHistoria.asp) La Operación Rosario fue concebida como una acción militar sorpresiva destinada aprovocar una repercusión política internacional tal que obligara a Gran Bretaña a encarar seriamente las negociaciones sobre la soberanía de las islas deacuerdo con las resoluciones de las Naciones Unidas. Por esa razón, se planeó la ocupación, la instalación de un gobierno argentino y la retiradainmediata de las fuerzas intervinientes, excepto los efectivos indispensables que requiriera la seguridad. No se previó una reacción de la magnitud quetuvo la británica, que llevó a un conflicto que no se deseaba y para el cual no se estaba preparado.

8. ^ How Frank was Franks? (http://www.malvinasonline.com.ar/g82/artic/part.php?recordID=50)

9. ̂a b c Jimmy Burns: The land that lost its heroes, 1987, Bloomsbury Publishing, ISBN 0-7475-0002-9

10. ^ Martin Middlebrook: The Fight For The Malvinas - The Argentine Forces in the Falklands War, 1989, Viking, ISBN 0-670-82106-3

11. ^ Chapter three: Deadlock Again, page 23 in Freedman, Lawrence: Signals of war, 1990, Faber and Faber, ISBN 0-571-14144-7

12. ̂a b D., H. (22 November 2009), “Después de Malvinas, iban a atacar a Chile” (http://classic-web.archive.org/web/20120226054905/http://www.diarioperfil.com.ar/edimp/0420/articulo.php?art=18309&ed=0420) (in Spanish), Argentina: Argentinenewspaper Perfil, archived from the original (http://www.diarioperfil.com.ar/edimp/0420/articulo.php?art=18309&ed=0420) on 26 February 2012,retrieved 22. November 2009:

"Para colmo, Galtieri dijo en un discurso: „Que saquen el ejemplo de lo que estamos haciendo ahora porque después les toca a ellos“" .

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Commonwealth_of_Nationshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Zealandhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/HMNZS_Canterbury_(F-421)http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/HMNZS_Waikato_(F-55)http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_Oceanhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_Africahttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_note-33http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_ref-1http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_ref-genocidio_2-0http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Naci%C3%B3nhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/841762http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_ref-3http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/023111186Xhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_ref-4http://www.perfil.com/ediciones/2012/4/edicion_664/contenidos/noticia_0055.htmlhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_ref-5http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2013/apr/09/margaret-thatcher-falklands-gamblehttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_ref-6http://web.archive.org/web/20060908102813/http://www.malvinasonline.com.ar/g82/artic/aresp004.htm#Haighttp://www.malvinasonline.com.ar/g82/artic/aresp004.htm#Haighttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_ref-7http://www.ejercito.mil.ar/InMemori/MalvinasHistoria.asphttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_ref-Falklands_War_8-0http://www.malvinasonline.com.ar/g82/artic/part.php?recordID=50http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_ref-Jimmy_Burns_1987_9-0http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_ref-Jimmy_Burns_1987_9-1http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_ref-Jimmy_Burns_1987_9-2http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/0747500029http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_ref-10http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/0670821063http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_ref-11http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/0571141447http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_ref-perfil-22.11.2009_12-0http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Events_leading_to_the_Falklands_War#cite_ref-perfil-22.11.2009_12-1http://classic-web.archive.org/web/20120226054905/http://www.diarioperfil.com.ar/edimp/0420/articulo.php?art=18309&ed=0420http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Perfilhttp://www.diarioperfil.com.ar/edimp/0420/articulo.php?art=18309&ed=0420

13. ̂a b Article Chile teme que Argentina pueda repetir una acción de fuerza en el canal de Beagle(http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/CHILE/ISLAS_MALVINAS/CANAL_DE_BEAGLE/LATINOAMERICA/ARGENTINA/REINO_UNIDO/GUERRA_DE_LAS_MALVINAS_/1982/Chile/teme/Argentina/pueda/repetir/accion/fuerza/canal/Beagle/elpepiint/19820411elpepiint_5/Tes) in the spanishnewspaper "El País" on 11 April 1982 written by Rafael Urbina in Santiago de Chile, retrieved on 26 August 2008

14. ^ Rowland White, Vulcan 607, London, Bantam Press, p30.

15. ^ "infiltrated on board, pretending to be scientists, were members of an Argentine naval special forces unit" Nick van der Bijl, Nine Battles toStanley, London, Leo Cooper P.8 as reported in Lawrence Freemdman, The Official History of the Falklands Camapign: Vol I The Origins of theFalklands War

16. ^ "Bahia Buen Suceso set sail for South Georgia on 11 March carrying Argentine Marines" Rowland White, Vulcan 607, London, Bantam Press,

p30.

17. ^ "The Argentine Navy certainly knew the rules for the islands; these were part of the navigation code" Lawrence Freedmand and VirginiaGamba-Stonehouse, Signals of War, London, Faber and Faber P.47.

18. ^ http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/march/19/newsid_2543000/2543639.stm BBC: 19 March 1982

19. ^ Michael Clapp, Amphibious Assault Falklands. ISBN 0-7528-1109-6

20. ^ "1982: Dozens killed as Argentines hit British ships" (http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/may/25/newsid_2502000/2502995.stm). BBCNews. 25 May 1982.

21. ^ [2] (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/documentary_archive/6591267.stm) The Falklands and the White House, broadcast April 2007, Accessed2007-10-27

22. ^ D. George Boyce, The Falklands War, Palgrave MacMillan, (2005). page 92. Also see Richardson, L., When Allies Differ: Anglo-American relationsduring the Suez and Falklands Crises, London, (1996).

23. ^ [3] (http://webstorage3.mcpa.virginia.edu/poh/falklands/transcripts/falklands_2003_0515.pdf) Ronald Reagan Oral History Project, Final EditedTranscript, The Falklands Roundtable, May 15-16th 2003, Washington D.C., Accessed 2007-10-27

24. ^ Obituary: Jonas Savimbi, Unita's local boy (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/264094.stm), February 25, 2002. BBC News.

25. ̂a b c Bicheno, Hugh (2006) Razor's Edge: The Unofficial History of the Falklands War. London. Weidenfield & Nicholson. ISBN 978-0-7538-2186-2

26. ^ [4] (http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=%2Fnews%2F2002%2F03%2F13%2Fnot13.xml) French were UK's greatest Falklands ally

27. ^ [5] (http://www.airpower.maxwell.af.mil/airchronicles/apj/apj02/fal02/corum.html) Dr. James S. Corum

28. ^ K.J.Holsti, The state, the war, and the state of war, University of Cambridge Press, ISBN 0-521-57790-X (pbk), first published 1996, page176:

29. ^ See Alejandro Luis Corbacho in http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1016843 "Predicting the probability of war during brinkmanshipcrisis: The Beagle and the Malvinas conflicts"] about the reasons of the call off that (p.45): The newspaper Clarín explained some years later that suchcaution was based, in part, on military concerns. In order to achieve a victory, certain objectives had to be reached before the seventh day after theattack. Some military leaders considered this not enough time due to the difficulty involved in transportation through the passes over the AndeanMountains. and in cite 46: According to Clarín, two consequences were feared. First, those who were dubious feared a possible regionalisation of theconflict. Second, as a consequence, the conflict could acquire great power proportions. In the first case decision makers speculated that Peru, Bolivia,Ecuador, and Brazil might intervene. Then the great powers could take sides. In this case, the resolution of the conflict would depend not on thecombatants, but on the countries that supplied the weapons.

30. ^ Óscar Camilión, „Memorias Políticas“, Editorial Planeta, Buenos Aires, 1999, page 281:

„Los planes militares eran, en la hipótesis de resolver el caso Malvinas, invadir las islas en disputa en el Beagle. Esa era la decisión de laArmada ...“

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31. ^ Spanish original from „La Guerra Austral“:

"Para nosotros no lo estará [terminada la guerra], porque, inmediatamente después de barrido el enemigo de las Malvinas, debe serlo de lasGeorgias, Sandwich del Sur y de todos los demás archipiélagos australes argentinos,"

All articles of Manfred Schönfeld published by „La Prensa“ from 10. January 1982 to 2. August 1982, are compiled in „La Guerra Austral“, ManfredSchönfeld, Desafío Editores S.A., 1982, ISBN 950-02-0500-9

32. ^ Margaret Thatcher, Statecraft: Strategies for a Changing World (HarperCollins, 2002), p. 267.

33. ^ See Lieutenant Colonel Luis Andarcia in http://oai.dtic.mil/oai/oai?verb=getRecord&metadataPrefix=html&identifier=ADA157369 "Falklands War:Strategic, Intelligence and Diplomatic Failures"

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Categories: Causes of war Falklands War Falklands War in South Georgia

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