EXAMPLES OF HATE SPEECH BY ISRAEL AGAINST PALESTINE From http://whatreallyhappened.com pdf by 91177info http://www.youtube.com/user/91177info 1. "There is a huge gap between us (Jews) and our enemies not just in ability but i n morality, culture, sanctity of life, and conscience. They are our neighbors he re, but it seems as if at a distance of a few hundred meters away, there are peo ple who do not belong to our continent, to our world, but actually belong to a d ifferent galaxy." Israeli president Moshe Katsav. The Jerusalem Post, May 10, 20 01 2. "The Palestinians are like crocodiles, the more you give them meat, they want more".... Ehud Barak, Prime Minister of Israel at the time - August 28, 2000. R eported in the Jerusalem Post August 30, 2000 3. " [The Palestinians are] beasts walking on two legs." Menahim Begin, speech t o the Knesset, quoted in Amnon Kapeliouk, "Begin and the Beasts". New Statesman, 25 June 1982. 4. "The Palestinians" would be crushed like grasshoppers ... heads smashed again st the boulders and walls." " Isreali Prime Minister (at the time) in a speech t o Jewish settlers New York Times April 1, 1988 5. "When we have settled the land, all the Arabs will be able to do about it wil l be to scurry around like drugged cockroaches in a bottle." Raphael Eitan, Chie f of Staff of the Israeli Defence Forces, New York Times, 14 April 1983. 6. "How can we return the occupied territories? There is nobody to return them t o." Golda Maier, March 8, 1969. 7. "There was no such thing as Palestinians, they never existed." Golda Maier Is raeli Prime Minister June 15, 1969 8. "The thesis that the danger of genocide was hanging over us in June 1967 and that Israel was fighting for its physical existence is only bluff, which was bor n and developed after the war." Israeli General Matityahu Peled, Ha'aretz, 19 Ma rch 1972. 9. David Ben Gurion (the first Israeli Prime Minister): "If I were an Arab leade r, I would never sign an agreement with Israel. It is normal; we have taken thei r country. It is true God promised it to us, but how could that interest them? O ur God is not theirs. There has been Anti - Semitism, the Nazis, Hitler, Auschwi tz, but was that their fault ? They see but one thing: we have come and we have stolen their country. Why would they accept that?" Quoted by Nahum Goldmann in L e Paraddoxe Juif (The Jewish Paradox), pp121. 10. Ben Gurion also warned in 1948 : "We must do everything to insure they ( the Palestinians) never do return." Assuring his fellow Zionists that Palestinians will never come back to their homes. "The old will die and the young will forget ." 11. "We have to kill all the Palestinians unless they are resigned to live here as slaves." Chairman Heilbrun of the Committee for the Re-election of General Sh lomo Lahat, the mayor of Tel Aviv, October 1983. 12. "Every time we do something you tell me America will do this and will do tha t . . . I want to tell you something very clear: Don't worry about American pres sure on Israel. We, the Jewish people, control America, and the Americans know i t." - Israeli Prime Minister, Ariel Sharon, October 3, 2001, to Shimon Peres, as

reported on Kol Yisrael radio. (Certainly the FBI's cover-up of the Israeli spy ring/phone tap scandal suggests that Mr. Sharon may not have been joking.) 13. "We declare openly that the Arabs have no right to settle on even one centim eter of Eretz Israel... Force is all they do or ever will understand. We shall u se the ultimate force until the Palestinians come crawling to us on all fours." Rafael Eitan, Chief of Staff of the Israeli Defense Forces - Gad Becker, Yediot Ahronot 13 April 1983, New York Times 14 April 1983. 14. "We must do everything to ensure they [the Palestinian refugees] never do re turn" David Ben-Gurion, in his diary, 18 July 1948, quoted in Michael Bar Zohar' s Ben-Gurion: the Armed Prophet, Prentice-Hall, 1967, p. 157. 15. " ... we should prepare to go over to the offensive with the aim of smashing Lebanon, Trans-jordan and Syria... The weak point in the Arab coalition is Leba non [for] the Moslem regime is artificial and easy to undermine. A Christian sta te should be established... When we smash the [Arab] Legions strength and bomb A mman, we will eliminate Transjordan, too, and then Syria will fall. If Egypt sti ll dares to fight on, we shall bomb Port Said, Alexandria, and Cairo." " David B en-Gurion, May 1948, to the General Staff. From Ben-Gurion, A Biography, by Mich ael Ben-Zohar, Delacorte, New York 1978. 16. "We must use terror, assassination, intimidation, land confiscation, and the cutting of all social services to rid the Galilee of its Arab population." Isra el Koenig, "The Koenig Memorandum" 17. "Jewish villages were built in the place of Arab villages. You do not even k now the names of these Arab villages, and I do not blame you because geography b ooks no longer exist. Not only do the books not exist, the Arab villages are not there either. Nahlal arose in the place of Mahlul; Kibbutz Gvat in the place of Jibta; Kibbutz Sarid in the place of Huneifis; and Kefar Yehushua in the place of Tal al-Shuman. There is not a single place built in this country that did not have a former Arab population." Moshe Dayan, address to the Technion, Haifa, re ported in Haaretz, April 4, 1969. 18. "We walked outside, Ben-Gurion accompanying us. Allon repeated his question, What is to be done with the Palestinian population?' Ben-Gurion waved his hand in a gesture which said 'Drive them out!'" Yitzhak Rabin, leaked censored versio n of Rabin memoirs, published in the New York Times, 23 October 1979. 19. Rabin's description of the conquest of Lydda, after the completion of Plan D alet. "We shall reduce the Arab population to a community of woodcutters and wai ters" Uri Lubrani, PM Ben-Gurion's special adviser on Arab Affairs, 1960. From " The Arabs in Israel" by Sabri Jiryas. 20. "There are some who believe that the non-Jewish population, even in a high p ercentage, within our borders will be more effectively under our surveillance; a nd there are some who believe the contrary, i.e., that it is easier to carry out surveillance over the activities of a neighbor than over those of a tenant. [I] tend to support the latter view and have an additional argument:...the need to sustain the character of the state which will henceforth be Jewish...with a nonJewish minority limited to 15 percent. I had already reached this fundamental po sition as early as 1940 [and] it is entered in my diary." Joseph Weitz, head of the Jewish Agency's Colonization Department. From Israel: an Apartheid State by Uri Davis, p.5. 21. "Everybody has to move, run and grab as many hilltops as they can to enlarge the settlements because everything we take now will stay ours... Everything we don't grab will go to them." Ariel Sharon, Israeli Foreign Minister, addressing a meeting of militants from the extreme right-wing Tsomet Party, Agence France P

resse, November 15, 1998. 22. "It is the duty of Israeli leaders to explain to public opinion, clearly and courageously, a certain number of facts that are forgotten with time. The first of these is that there is no Zionism,colonialization or Jewish State without th e eviction of the Arabs and the expropriation of their lands." Yoram Bar Porath, Yediot Aahronot, of 14 July 1972. 23. "Spirit the penniless population across the frontier by denying it employmen t... Both the process of expropriation and the removal of the poor must be carri ed out discreetly and circumspectly." Theodore Herzl, founder of the World Zioni st Organization, speaking of the Arabs of Palestine,Complete Diaries, June 12, 1 895 entry. 24. "One million Arabs are not worth a Jewish fingernail." -- Rabbi Yaacov Perri n, Feb. 27, 1994 [Source: N.Y. Times, Feb. 28, 1994, p. 1] 25. "We Jews, we are the destroyers and will remain the destroyers. Nothing you can do will meet our demands and needs. We will forever destroy because we want a world of our own." (You Gentiles, by Jewish Author Maurice Samuels, p. 155). 26. "We will have a world government whether you like it or not. The only questi on is whether that government will be achieved by conquest or consent." (Jewish Banker Paul Warburg, February 17, 1950, as he testified before the U.S. Senate). 27. "We will establish ourselves in Palestine whether you like it or not...You c an hasten our arrival or you can equally retard it. It is however better for you to help us so as to avoid our constructive powers being turned into a destructi ve power which will overthrow the world." (Chaim Weizmann, Published in "Judisch e Rundschau," No. 4, 1920) 28. "Our race is the Master Race. We are divine gods on this planet. We are as d ifferent from the inferior races as they are from insects. In fact, compared to our race, other races are beasts and animals, cattle at best. Other races are co nsidered as human excrement. Our destiny is to rule over the inferior races. Our earthly kingdom will be ruled by our leader with a rod of iron. The masses will lick our feet and serve us as our slaves." - Israeli prime Minister Menachem Be gin in a speech to the Knesset [Israeli Parliament] quoted by Amnon Kapeliouk, " Begin and the Beasts," New Statesman, June 25, 1982 29. "Tell me, do the evil men of this world have a bad time? They hunt and catch whatever they feel like eating. They don't suffer from indigestion and are not punished by Heaven. I want Israel to join that club. Maybe the world will then a t last begin to fear us instead of feeling sorry. Maybe they will start to tremb le, to fear our madness instead of admiring our nobility. Let them tremble; let them call us a mad state. Let them understand that we are a savage country, dang erous to our surroundings, not normal, that we might go wild, that we might star t World War Three just like that, or that we might one day go crazy and burn all the oil fields in the Middle East. Even if you'll prove to me that the present war is a dirty immoral war, I don't care. We shall start another war, kill and d estroy more and more. And do you know why it is all worth it? Because it seems t hat this war has made us more unpopular among the civilized world.We'll hear no more of that nonsense about the unique Jewish morality. No more talk about a uni que people being a light upon the nations. No more uniqueness and no more sweetn ess and light. Good riddance." --Former Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon 30. "The Modern Age is the Jewish Age, and the twentieth century, in particular, is the Jewish Century." -Yuri Slezkine, Professor of History at University of C alifornia, Berkeley, "The Jewish Century"; Princeton University Press

31. "What shocks and worries me is the narrow-mindedness and the shortsightednes s of our military leaders. They seem to presume that the State of Israel may or even must-behave in the realm of international relations according to the laws o f the jungle- -the long chain of false incidents and hostilities we have invente d, and so many clashes we have provoked;" - From Diary of Moshe Sharett, former Primer Minister of Israel in Livia Rokach, Israel's Sacred Terrorism published 9 80 32. Hebrew essayist Achad Ha-Am, after paying a visit to Palestine in 1891: "Abr oad we are accustomed to believe that Israel is almost empty; nothing is grown h ere and that whoever wishes to buy land could come here and buy what his heart d esires. In reality, the situation is not like this. Throughout the country it is difficult to find cultivable land which is not already cultivated." 33. The Balfour Declaration to Baron Rothchild, on the 2nd of November, 1917: "H is Majesty's Government view with favor the establishment in Palestine of a nati onal home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewis h communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews i n any other country." 34. Lord Sydenham, Hansard, House of Lords, 21 June 1922: "If we are going to ad mit claims on conquest thousands of years ago, the whole world will have to be t urned upside down." 35. Vladimir Jabotinsky, The Iron Wall, 1923: "Zionist colonization must either be terminated or carried out against the wishes of the native population. This c olonization can, therefore, be continued and make progress only under the protec tion of a power independent of the native population - an iron wall, which will be in a position to resist the pressure to the native population. This is our po licy towards the Arabs..." 36. Vladimir Jabotinsky, founder of Revisionist Zionism (precursor of Likud), Th e Iron Wall, 1923: "A voluntary reconciliation with the Arabs is out of the ques tion either now or in the future. If you wish to colonize a land in which people are already living, you must provide a garrison for the land, or find some rich man or benefactor who will provide a garrison on your behalf. Or else-or else, give up your colonization, for without an armed force which will render physical ly impossible any attempt to destroy or prevent this colonization, colonization is impossible, not difficult, not dangerous, but IMPOSSIBLE!... Zionism is a col onization adventure and therefore it stands or falls by the question of armed fo rce. It is important... to speak Hebrew, but, unfortunately, it is even more imp ortant to be able to shoot - or else I am through with playing at colonizing." 37. David Ben Gurion, future Prime Minister of Israel, 1937, Ben Gurion and the Palestine Arabs, Oxford University Press, 1985: "We must expel Arabs and take th eir places." 38. Joseph Weitz, head of the Jewish Agency's Colonization Department in 1940. F rom "A Solution to the Refugee Problem": "Between ourselves it must be clear tha t there is no room for both peoples together in this country. We shall not achie ve our goal if the Arabs are in this small country. There is no other way than t o transfer the Arabs from here to neighboring countries - all of them. Not one v illage, not one tribe should be left." 39. Israeli official Arthur Lourie in a letter to Walter Eytan, director general of the Israeli Foreign Ministry (ISA FM 2564/22). From Benny Morris, "The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem 1947-49", p. 297: "...if people become accus tomed to the large figure and we are actually obliged to accept the return of th

e refugees, we may find it difficult, when faced with hordes of claimants, to co nvince the world that not all of these formerly lived in Israeli territory. It w ould, in any event, seem desirable to minimize the numbers...than otherwise." 40. David Ben-Gurion, May 1948, to the General Staff. From Ben- Gurion, A Biogra phy, by Michael Ben-Zohar, Delacorte, New York 1978: "We should prepare to go ov er to the offensive. Our aim is to smash Lebanon, Trans-Jordan, and Syria. The w eak point is Lebanon, for the Moslem regime is artificial and easy for us to und ermine. We shall establish a Christian state there, and then we will smash the A rab Legion, eliminate Trans-Jordan; Syria will fall to us. We then bomb and move on and take Port Said, Alexandria and Sinai." 41. David Ben-Gurion, one of the father founders of Israel, described Zionist ai ms in 1948: "A Christian state should be established [in Lebanon], with its sout hern border on the Litani river. We will make an alliance with it. When we smash the Arab Legion's strength and bomb Amman, we will eliminate Transjordan too, a nd then Syria will fall. If Egypt still dares to fight on, we shall bomb Port Sa id, Alexandria and Cairo... And in this fashion, we will end the war and settle our forefathers' account with Egypt, Assyria, and Aram" 42. [Begin, and Yitzhak Shamir who were members of the party became Prime Minist ers.] Albert Einstein, Hanna Arendt and other prominent Jewish Americans, writin g in The New York Times, protest the visit to America of Menachem Begin, Decembe r 1948: "Among the most disturbing political phenomena of our time is the emerge nce in the newly created State of Israel of the Freedom Party (Herut), a politic al party closely akin in its organization, method, political philosophy and soci al appeal to the Nazi and Fascist parties." 43. Martin Buber, Jewish Philosopher, addressed Prime Minister Ben Gurion on the moral character of the state of Israel with reference to the Arab refugees in M arch 1949. "We will have to face the reality that Israel is neither innocent, no r redemptive. And that in its creation, and expansion; we as Jews, have caused w hat we historically have suffered; a refugee population in Diaspora." 44. Moshe Dayan (Israel Defense and Foreign Minister), on February 12 1952. Radi o "Israel.": "It lies upon the people's shoulders to prepare for the war, but it lies upon the Israeli army to carry out the fight with the ultimate object of e recting the Israeli Empire." 45. Martin Buber, to a New York audience, Jewish Newsletter, June 2, 1958: "When we [followers of the prophetic Judaism] returned to Palestine...the majority of Jewish people preferred to learn from Hitler rather than from us." 46. Aba Eban (the Israeli Foreign Minister) stated arrogantly. New York Times Ju ne 19, 1967: "If the General Assembly were to vote by 121 votes to 1 in favor of "Israel" returning to the armistice lines-- (pre June 1967 borders) "Israel" wo uld refuse to comply with the decision." 47. Dr. Israel Shahak, Chairperson of the Israeli League for Human and Civil Rig hts, and a survivor of the Bergen Belsen concentration camp, Commenting on the I sraeli military's Emergency Regulations following the 1967 War. Palestine, vol. 12, December 1983: "Hitler's legal power was based upon the 'Enabling Act', whic h was passed quite legally by the Reichstag and which allowed the Fuehrer and hi s representatives, in plain language, to be what they wanted, or in legal langua ge, to issue regulations having the force of law. Exactly the same type of act w as passed by the Knesset [Israeli's Parliament] immediately after the 1067 conqu est granting the Israeli governor and his representatives the power of Hitler, w hich they use in Hitlerian manner." 48. Joseph Weitz, Director of the Jewish National Fund, the Zionist agency charg

ed with acquiring Palestinian land, Circa 194. Machover Israca, January 5, 1973 /p.2: "The only solution is Eretz Israel [Greater Israel], or at least Western E retz Israel [all the land west of Jordan River], without Arabs. There is no room for compromise on this point ... We must not leave a single village, not a sing le tribe." 49. Israeli Rabbi Yitzhak Ginsburg, Inferring that killing isn't murder if the v ictim is Gentile. Jerusalem Post, June 19,1989: "Jewish blood and a goy's [genti le's] blood are not the same." 50. Benyamin Netanyahu, then Israeli Deputy Foreign Minister, former Prime Minis ter of Israel, tells students at Bar Ilan University, From the Israeli journal H otam, November 24, 1989: "Israel should have exploited the repression of the dem onstrations in China, when world attention focused on that country, to carry out mass expulsions among the Arabs of the territories." 51. Former Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir declares at a Tel Aviv memorial service for former Likud leaders, November 1990. Jerusalem Domestic Radio Service: "The past leaders of our movement left us a clear message to keep Eretz Israel from the Sea to the Jordan River for future generations, for the mass aliya [immigrat ion], and for the Jewish people, all of whom will be gathered into this country. " 52. Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, quoted in Associated Press, November 16, 2000: "If we thought that instead of 200 Palestinian fatalities, 2,000 dead woul d put an end to the fighting at a stroke, we would use much more force...." 53. Ben Gurion: In 1899, Davis Triestsch wrote to Herzl: " I would suggest to yo u to come round in time to the "Greater Palestine" program before it is too late ... the Basle program must contain the words "Great Palestine" or "Palestine and its neighboring lands" otherwise it's nonsense. You do not get ten million Jews into a land of 25,000 Km2". " The present map of Palestine was drawn by the Bri tish mandate. The Jewish people have another map which our youth and adults shou ld strive to fulfill -- From the Nile to the Euphrates." 54. Vladimir Jabotinsky (the founder and advocate of the Zionist terrorist organ izations), Quoted by Maxime Rodinson in Peuple Juif ou Problem Juif. (Jewish Peo ple or Jewish Problem): "Has any People ever been seen to give up their territor y of their own free will? In the same way, the Arabs of Palestine will not renou nce their sovereignty without violence." "We enthusiastically chose to become a colonial society, ignoring international treaties, expropriating lands, transferring settlers from Israel to the occupied territories, engaging in theft and finding justification for all these activiti es. Passionately desiring to keep the occupied territories, we developed two jud icial systems: one - progressive, liberal - in Israel; and the other - cruel, in jurious - in the occupied territories. In effect, we established an apartheid re gime in the occupied territories immediately following their capture. That oppre ssive regime exists to this day." (Michael Ben-Yair, 3 March 2002) "Accusations made by a well-established society about how a people it is oppress ing is breaking rules to attain its rights do not have much credence." (Shlomo Ben-Ami, 2000) "We'll make a pastrami sandwich of them, ... we'll insert a strip of Jewish sett lements in between the Palestinians, and then another strip of Jewish settlement s right across the West Bank, so that in 25 years' time, neither the United Nati ons nor the United States, nobody, will be able to tear it apart."

(Ariel (Arik) Sharon, 1973) "People are scared in this country [the US], to say wrong is wrong because the J ewish lobby is powerful - very powerful. Well, so what? For goodness sake, this is God's world! We live in a moral universe. The apartheid government was very p owerful, but today it no longer exists. Hitler, Mussolini, Stalin, Pinochet, Mil osevic, and Idi Amin were all powerful, but in the end they bit the dust. Injust ice and oppression will never prevail. Those who are powerful have to remember t he litmus test that God gives to the powerful: what is your treatment of the poo r, the hungry, the voiceless? And on the basis of that, God passes judgment. We should put out a clarion call to the government of the people of Israel, to the Palestinian people and say: peace is possible, peace based on justice is possibl e. We will do all we can to assist you to achieve this peace, because it is God' s dream, and you will be able to live amicably together as sisters and brothers. " (Desmond Tutu, April 2002) "[T]here is no single fixed method for murder and not even for genocide. The aut hor Y. L. Peretz wrote about "the righteous cat" who does not spill blood, but o nly suffocates. The government of Israel, using the military and its instruments of destruction, is not only spilling blood, but it is also suffocating. ... Of course with our self-righteousness, with our self-adoration in our "Jewish ethic s" we make sure to advertise how beautifully the doctors take care of Palestinia n victims in the hospitals. We do not advertise how many of those are executed i n cold blood in their own homes. So it's not yet genocide of the terrible and un ique style of which we were past victims. And as one of the smart Generals told me, we do not have crematoria and gas chambers. Is anything less than that consi stent with Jewish ethics? Did he ever hear how an entire people said that it did not know what was done in its name?" (Shulamit Aloni, March 2003) "The United States has an absolute, uncompromising commitment to Israel's securi ty and an absolute conviction that Israel alone must decide the steps necessary to ensure that security. That is Israel's prerogative. We accept that. We endors e that. Whatever Israel decides cannot, will not, will never, not ever, alter ou r fundamental commitment to her security." (Al Gore, 18 May 2000) "I first visited Israel in 2000. I already then felt that I am returning home de spite the fact that this was a place I never visited. I have a deep affinity wit h Israel. I have always admired the history of the State of Israel and the hardn ess and determination of the people that founded it. ... I am also the daughter of a Presbyterian minister and was brought up on the very moving stories of the Holy Land. They mean a lot to me. When I first visited Mt. Olives, Lake Kinneret , Jerusalem, I felt a very deep emotional experience." (Condoleezza Rice, May 2003) "Let there be no doubt -- the United States of America stands with the State of Israel also because it is in our national interests to stand with the State of I srael." (Nancy Pelosi, April 1, 2003) "I have learned that the state of Israel cannot be ruled in our generation witho ut deceit and adventurism."

(Moshe Shertok, 1950s) "Let us approach them [the Palestinian refugees in the occupied territories] and say that we have no solution, that you shall continue to live like dogs, and wh oever wants to can leave -- and we will see where this process leads. In five ye ars we may have 200,000 less people - and that is a matter of enormous importanc e." (Moshe Dayan, September 1967) "God bless you. God bless our men and women serving on the frontlines today. And God bless our special relationship between the United States of America and the State of Israel." (Nancy Pelosi, April 1, 2003) "Let us not ignore the truth among ourselves .. politically we are the aggressor s and they defend themselves... The country is theirs, because they inhabit it, whereas we want to come here and settle down, and in their view we want to take away from them their country. ... Behind the terrorism [by the Arabs] is a movem ent, which though primitive is not devoid of idealism and self sacrifice." (David Ben-Gurion, 1938) ". it's utterly hypocritical for Israelis to wonder aloud why Palestinians don't pursue a non-violent strategy. One obvious reason is that, whenever they have, Israel brutally represses it." (Norman G. Finkelstein, 11 September 2003) "The Promised Land extends from the River of Egypt to the Euphrates. It includes parts of Syria and Lebanon." (Yehudah Leib Fischmann, 1947) "Everybody has to move, run and grab as many hilltops as they can to enlarge the settlements because everything we take now will stay ours... Everything we don' t grab will go to them." (Ariel (Arik) Sharon, 17 Bovember 1998) "We walked outside, Ben-Gurion accompanying us. Allon repeated his question, 'Wh at is to be done with the Palestinian population?' Ben-Gurion waved his hand in a gesture which said 'Drive them out!'" (Yitzhak Rabin, July 1948) "Jewish villages were built in the place of Arab villages. You do not even know the names of these Arab villages, and I do not blame you because geography books no longer exist. Not only do the books not exist, the Arab villages are not the re either. Nahlal arose in the place of Mahlul; Kibbutz Gvat in the place of Jib ta; Kibbutz Sarid in the place of Huneifis; and Kefar Yehushua in the place of T al Al-Shuman. There is not a single place built in this country that did not hav e a former Arab population." (Moshe Dayan, 4 April 1969) "Ours will be a brutal land of pens stretching between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean that will make South African apartheid pale."

(Yigal Bronner, 17 September 2003) "Palestine belongs to the Arabs in the same sense that England belongs to the En glish or France to the French. It is wrong and inhuman to impose the Jews on the Arabs. What is going on in Palestine today cannot be justified by any moral cod e of conduct. The mandates have no sanction but that of the last war. Surely it would be a crime against humanity to reduce the proud Arabs so that Palestine ca n be restored to the Jews partly or wholly as their national home. The nobler co urse would be to insist on a just treatment of the Jews wherever they are born a nd bred. The Jews born in France are French in precisely the same sense that Chr istians born in France are French." (Mahatma Gandhi, 26 November 1938) "Sharon certainly does have a plan: to protect Eretz Yisrael, avoid returning an y territories and make sure the settlements stay where they are. Everything else is tactics." (Aluf Benn, 18 September 2003) "Arabs in Israel ... have no right to serve in the Israel Defense Forces, to mar ry a Jew in Israel according to state law, or even to study in the language of t he majority." (Amnon Rubinstein, 18 September 2003) " We live in a thunderously failed reality. ... A state lacking justice cannot s urvive. ... Even if the Arabs lower their heads and swallow their shame and ange r for ever, it won't work. A structure built on human callousness will inevitabl y collapse in on itself. Note this moment well: Zionism's superstructure is alre ady collapsing like a cheap Jerusalem wedding hall." (Avraham Burg, 15 September 2003) "Israel, having ceased to care about the children of the Palestinians, should no t be surprised when they come washed in hatred and blow themselves up in the cen tres of Israeli escapism. They consign themselves to Allah in our places of recr eation, because their own lives are torture. They spill their own blood in our r estaurants in order to ruin our appetites, because they have children and parent s at home who are hungry and humiliated." (Avraham Burg, 15 September 2003) "Between the Jordan and the Mediterranean there is no longer a clear Jewish majo rity. And so, fellow citizens, it is not possible to keep the whole thing withou t paying a price. We cannot keep a Palestinian majority under an Israeli boot an d at the same time think ourselves the only democracy in the Middle East. There cannot be democracy without equal rights for all who live here, Arab as well as Jew. We cannot keep the territories and preserve a Jewish majority in the world' s only Jewish state" (Avraham Burg, 15 September 2003) "Do you want democracy? No problem. Either abandon the greater land of Israel, t o the last settlement and outpost, or give full citizenship and voting rights to everyone, including Arabs. The result, of course, will be that those who did no t want a Palestinian state alongside us will have one in our midst, via the ball ot box. The prime minister should present the choices forthrightly: Jewish racis m or democracy. Settlements, or hope for both peoples."

(Avraham Burg, 15 September 2003) "The British told us that there are some hundred thousand negroes ['kushim'] and for those there is no value." (Chaim Weizmann, around 1917) "We must expropriate gently the private property on the state assigned to us. We shall try to spirit the penniless population across the border by procuring emp loyment for it in the transit countries, while denying it employment in our coun try. The property owners will come over to our side. Both the process of expropr iation and the removal of the poor must be carried out discretely and circumspec tly. Let the owners of the immoveable property believe that they are cheating us , selling us things for more than they are worth. But we are not going to sell t hem anything back." (Theodore Herzl, 12 June 1895) "Exploiting the genuine security related worries of the Israeli people and the m ajority's wish for a political parting from the Palestinians, the Sharon governm ent is constructing a system of fences that will not achieve separation, that wi ll not draw a border, and that will not, eventually, bring security. What we are facing in the "fence" is yet another typical, thoroughly calculated "Sharonic" act of deception. The real purpose of the walls is very different. They are inte nded as another layer--maybe the ultimate one--in the complex matrix of control which constitutes the Israeli occupation: the settlements, the roads, the roadbl ocks, the curfews, the closures, and the use of brute military force. The walls that Sharon is building now are intended to render Israel's hold over the land i t captured in 1967 irreversible. They are the last nail in the coffin of the two -states solution. We shall wake up, in another year and a half from now, to a dr astically different reality: a cruel state consisting of pens enclosures will st retch between the Jordan river and the Mediterranean." (Yigal Bronner, 23 September 2003) "Israel must be like a mad dog, too dangerous to bother." (Moshe Dayan, unknown date) "Consider Jenin and Warsaw. In both cases, the world, Western democratic countri es stood by and watched the slaughter. Horrified but unwilling to act. But today , in Jenin, unlike during the Nazi slaughter of the Jews in Warsaw, no one can s ay they didn't know." (James Petras, April 2002) "[I]n Palestine we do not propose even to go through the form of consulting the wishes of the present inhabitants of the country ... The four powers are committ ed to Zionism and Zionism, be it right or wrong, good or bad, is rooted in age-l ong tradition, in present needs, in future hopes, of far profounder import than the desire and prejudices of the 700,000 Arabs who now inhabit that ancient land ." (Arthur James Balfour, 11 August 1919) "There is no terrible regime - Columbia, Guatemala, Uruguay, Argentina and Chile during the time of the colonels, Burma, Taiwan, Zaire, Liberia, Congo, Sierra L eone - there is not one that does not have a major military connection to Israel . Israeli arms dealers are there [acting as] mercenaries - the guy behind Norieg

a was Michael Harari, an Israeli, who got out of Panama. Israeli mercenaries in Sierra Leone go around the UN boycotts of what are called blood diamonds, same i n Angola. Israel was very involved in South Africa, of course, during the aparth eid regime." (Jeff Halper, 20 September 2003) "Israel has also become the main subcontractor of American arms. Just last year, Israel signed a contract to train and equip the Chinese army. It signed another multi-billion dollar contract to train and equip the Indian army. What is it eq uipping them with? It is equipping them with American weapons." (Jeff Halper, 20 September 2003) "When AIPAC sells Israel to Congress, it doesn't go to Congressmen and ask them to support Israel because it is Judeo-Christian, or because it is the 'only demo cracy in the Middle East,' which it also does. It sells it on this basis: 'You a re a member of Congress and it is your responsibility to support Israel, because this is how many industries in your state have business links to Israel, this i s how many military research people are sitting in universities in your district , this is how many jobs in your district are dependent on the military and the d efence industry,' and they translate it down to the extent to which your distric t is dependent on Israel. Therefore, if you are voting against Israel, you are v oting against the goose that lays the golden egg. In most of the districts in th e United States, members of Congress have a great dependence on the military. Mo re than half of industrial employment in California is in one way or another con nected to defence. Israel is right there, right in the middle of it all. And tha t is part of its strength." (Jeff Halper, 20 September 2003) "Israel is very important, because on the one hand it is a very sophisticated, h igh-tech, arms developer and dealer. But on the other hand, there are no ethical or moral constraints: there is no Congress, there are no human rights concerns, there are no laws against taking bribes - the Israeli government can do anythin g it wants to. So you have very sophisticated rogue state - not a Libyan rogue s tate, but a high tech, military-expert rogue state. Now that is tremendously use ful, both for Europe and for the United States. For example, there are American Congressional constraints on selling arms to China because of China's human righ ts problems. So what Israel does is it tinkers with American arms just enough th at they can be considered Israeli arms, and in that way bypasses Congress." (Jeff Halper, 20 September 2003) "I don't think we can dismantle the matrix of control. I think it has gone too f ar, and that the occupation is permanent. We are in a state of apartheid. But no t everybody agrees with me - Uri Avnery doesn't agree with me, the people who ar e in favour of a two-state solution still think that we can end the occupation, or that we can roll it back enough that a Palestinian state will emerge. But the danger in being for a Palestinian state is that if you don't understand the con trol dimensions, then you are actually agitating for a Bantustan. I mean, Sharon also wants a Palestinian state; he wants a state that is completely controlled by Israel. So if you only look at territory and you don't look at the issue of c ontrol, you end up advocating a Bantustan." (Jeff Halper, 20 September 2003) "I was recently at a conference with John Dugard, who is now the Special Rapport eur of the UN Commission on Human Rights for the Occupations Palestinian Territo ries, and is originally from South Africa. He was (jokingly) offended that apart

heid was being maligned [by its comparison the Israeli occupation]. In South Afr ica you didn't have apartheid on the roads, you didn't have walls being construc ted." (Jessica Montell, September 21, 2003) "We possess several hundred atomic warheads and rockets and can launch them at t argets in all directions, perhaps even at Rome. Most European capitals are targe ts for our air force. ... Let me quote General Moshe Dayan: "Israel must be like a mad dog, too dangerous to bother." I consider it all hopeless at this point. We shall have to try to prevent things from coming to that, if at all possible. Our armed forces, however, are not the thirtieth strongest in the world, but rat her the second or third. We have the capability to take the world down with us. And I can assure you that that will happen, before Israel goes under." (Martin van Creveld, 2003) " We must define our position and lay down basic principles for a settlement. Ou r demands should be moderate and balanced, and appear to be reasonable. But in f act they must involve such conditions as to ensure that the enemy rejects them. Then we should manoeuvre and allow him to define his own position, and reject a settlement on the basis of a compromise position. We should then publish his dem ands as embodying unreasonable extremism." (Yehoshafat Harkabi, 2 November 1973) "Following 70 years of intensive excavations in the Land of Israel, archaeologis ts have found out: The patriarchs' acts are legendary, the Israelites did not so journ in Egypt or make an exodus, they did not conquer the land. Neither is ther e any mention of the empire of David and Solomon, nor of the source of belief in the God of Israel. These facts have been known for years, but Israel is a stubb orn people and nobody wants to hear about it." (Ze'ev Herzog, 29 October 1999) "All these events [in the biblical books of Exodus and Joshua] are practically c ontradicted by archaeology." (Ze'ev Herzog, 23 December 1999) "Even orders given by a government elected by a perfectly formal democratic proc ess can be criminal orders. The French in their colonies and the Americans in Vi etnam provided classic examples of war crimes perpetrated by democratic governme nts." (Ze'ev (Zeev) Sternhell, 17 October 2003) "In fact, I cannot think of any other country on earth that, in full view of nig htly TV audiences, has performed such miracles of detailed sadism against an ent ire society and gotten away with it." (Edward Said, September 25, 2003) "The obvious intention of the Israeli government is to see that the reality of f orced poverty and starvation, brought on by the imposition of the wall and the n ew "closed zones" become so unbearable for communities in the northern West Bank that people choose to leave in the hope of finding a better life. The village o f Jubara is just one of many cases being fatally affected in this latest attempt by Israel and its military to cleanse the recently seized "closed zone" of all its Palestinian inhabitants and thus annex the land, and its existing illegal se

ttlers to Israel proper." (Mustafa (Mustapha) Barghouti, October 27, 2003) "DiY media analysis: It is relatively easy to locate bias and imbalances in the media. An obvious way into it is to note the language used to describe news acto rs and assess whether the same words are used for similar actions or behaviours. Look for the language used to describe political stories. Who are the 'terroris ts'?; and who the 'activists', 'fighters' or 'guerrillas'? Which governments are described in negative terms as 'extreme' or 'corrupt' and which in more positiv e terms? Check which side in a conflict are said to 'kill', 'murder' or commit ' massacres' and which are said simply to 'respond', 'strike' or commit actions wh ich result in 'deaths'? Is it always the case that these descriptors are simply factual terms?" (David Miller, 2003) "It's been a long time since I've felt so small, uncomfortable and red-faced as during the show of whining and whimpering organized by Israel at The Hague. ... The Palestinians are fighting occupation and we want the world to stand by us as we pay the price for that occupation. Sooner or later, the fence will fall, jus t like the Berlin Wall. ... Exploiting bereavement and wallowing in self-pity is fitting for soap operas - not for the strongest country in the Middle East." (Yoel Marcus, 27 February 2004) "Is it conceivable that somebody on our side has decided that all of Palestinian society is the target? ... [Israel's] war without questions intensifies and bro adens the circles of hatred for generations." (Alex Fishman, October 2003) "The depressing truth is that Israel's current behavior is not just bad for Amer ica, though it surely is. It is not even just bad for Israel itself, as many Isr aelis silently acknowledge. The depressing truth is that Israel today is bad for the Jews." (Tony Judt, 23 October 2003) "While Israeli forces were engaged in what many termed a brutal - some even say criminal - campaign to crush Palestinian militants and terrorist cells in West B ank towns, U.S. military officials were in Israel seeing what they could learn f rom that urban fight." (Christian Lowe, 10 June 2002) "[Y]ou have here in the United States the very powerful role played by the Israe l lobby on Amnesty International USA. They are very powerful; they apply enormou s pressure on Amnesty International USA, headquartered in New York. Amnesty Inte rnational USA pretty much kowtows to them, and they use contributions to make su re that Amnesty International USA tows the line on Israel, and Amnesty Internati onal USA pays about 20% of the London budget. So that has an impact over in Lond on too." (Francis Boyle, Summer 2002) "make their life so bitter that they will transfer themselves willingly" (Binyamin (Benny) Elon, some date around 2003)

"[Some people believe] a mistaken claim holding that Zionism's main rationale wa s to create a sanctuary for persecuted Jews" (David Breakstone, 5 November 2003) "I am prepared, as an American and a Jew, to make the well being of Israel my pr imary concern" (Gary Rosenblatt, 7 November 2003) "The delusions, the self-righteousness, and the disassociation from a hostile wo rld and the distancing from universal norms are symptoms of a society sinking in to apartheid, as the South Africans who experienced that descent can attest. The hiding behind anti-Semitism may make an impression on the Europeans, but it wil l not be long before the ostracism will penetrate the walls of self-righteousnes s and bring them crashing down." (Meron Benvenisti, 6 November 2003) "The issue of Palestinian refugees resonated with me because I myself was a refu gee. ... We came to the U.S. in August 1944 as part of a token group of about 1, 000 mostly Jewish refugees ... In 1987, when I read Simha Flapan's The Birth of Israel: Myths and Realities, I was so shocked and disbelieving that it took me a second reading of his book to come to terms with what he wrote at the outset: t hat the 1948 war was as needless and unnecessary for the "security" of Israel as was the Israeli invasion of Lebanon of 1982. I learned that ... the 1948 war wa s not defensive, but a war to gain more territory than the U.N. had allotted for the Jewish state and to "cleanse" the area of Palestinian Arabs. I learned that even before the May 15 invasion by Arab armies, Jewish forces had succeeded in expelling some 300,000 Palestinians from their homes, but another 400,000 Palest inians remained in areas that the Jews coveted. Since the Jewish population of P alestine in 1948 was only about 600,000, the Ben-Gurion leadership required war in order to rid the new Jewish state of most of its Arab population." (Ronald Bleier, November 1992) "The guideline of our policy has always been the idea that a permanent situation of no peace and a latent war is the best situation for us, and that it must be maintained at all costs. ... we are becoming stronger year by year in a situatio n of impending conflict where it is possible that actual fighting may break out from time to time. SUch wars will usually be short and the results guaranteed in advance, since the gap between us and the Arabs is increasing. In this way we s hall move on from occupation to further occupation. ... this criminally mischiev ous policy has led us into the crisis we are living through today" (Yeshayahu Leibowitz, 30 November 1973) "We have not been seeking peace for twenty-five years -- all declarations to tha t effect have been no more than coloured statements or deliberate lies. There is of course no assurance that we could have made peace with the Arabs if we had w anted to. However, it has to be heavily emphasized that we have not only made no attempts to seek peace, but have deliberately and with premeditation, sabotaged every possibility of doing so." (Yeshayahu Leibowitz, 30 November 1973) "I want the Arabs to see Jewish lights every night 500 meters from them." (Ariel (Arik) Sharon, 1980)

"We're involved here ... in a struggle for the existence of the State of Israel as the state of the Jews, as opposed to those who want to force us to be a state of all its citizens." (Limor Livnat, 2002) "Indeed, the most pernicious aspect of a political philosophy like Zionism that masquerades as democratic is that it requires an enemy in order to survive and, where an enemy does not already exist, it requires that one be created. In order to justify racist repression and dispossession, particularly in a system purpor ting to be democratic, those being repressed and displaced must be portrayed as murderous and predatory. And in order to keep its own population in line, to pre vent a humane people from objecting to their own government's repressive policie s, it requires that fear be instilled in the population: fear of "the other," fe ar of the terrorist, fear of the Jew-hater. The Jews of Israel must always be ma de to believe that they are the preyed-upon. This justifies having forced these enemies to leave, it justifies discriminating against those who remained, it jus tifies denying democratic rights to those who later came under Israel's control in the occupied territories." (Kathleen Christison, 8 November 2003) "I think that everyone who lives with the contradictions of Zionism condemns him self to protracted madness. It's impossible to live like this. It's impossible t o live with such a tremendous wrong. It's impossible to live with such conflicti ng moral criteria. When I see not only the settlements and the occupation and th e suppression, but now also the insane wall that the Israelis are trying to hide behind, I have to conclude that there is something very deep here in our attitu de to the indigenous people of this land that drives us out of our minds." (Haim Hanegbi, 8 August 2003) "It would be quite astounding if Israel, the US's most loyal ally, which we now know has at least one secret prison, wasn't offering its services to the US. Isr ael has decades of expertise in torturing and interrogating Arab prisoners -- ex actly the skills the Americans now need since the invasions of Afghanistan and I raq." (Dalia Kerstein, November 2003) "Trying to eliminate Saddam...would have incurred incalculable human and politic al costs. Apprehending him was probably impossible.... We would have been forced to occupy Baghdad and, in effect, rule Iraq.... there was no viable "exit strat egy" we could see, violating another of our principles. Furthermore, we had been consciously trying to set a pattern for handling aggression in the post-Cold Wa r world. Going in and occupying Iraq, thus unilaterally exceeding the United Nat ions' mandate, would have destroyed the precedent of international response to a ggression that we hoped to establish. Had we gone the invasion route, the United States could conceivably still be an occupying power in a bitterly hostile land ." (George H. W. Bush, September 1998) "Our claim that Israel has fulfilled ng credibility because not only have re working in every way to whitewash (Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, its side of the 'road map' is seen as lacki we not evacuated the illegal outposts, we a their existence and build more." Autumn 2003)

"We don't have unlimited time ... More and more Palestinians are uninterested in

a negotiated, two-state solution, because they want to change the essence of th e conflict from an Algerian paradigm to a South African one. From a struggle aga inst 'occupation,' in their parlance, to a struggle for one-man-one-vote. That i s, of course, a much cleaner struggle, a much more popular struggle - and ultima tely a much more powerful one. For us, it would mean the end of the Jewish state ." (Ehud Olmert, November 2003) "We don't have unlimited time ... More and more Palestinians are uninterested in a negotiated, two-state solution ... we may have to espouse unilateral separati on. We won't need the Palestinians' support for that. What we would need is to p ull ourselves together, to determine where the line should run. ... [The fence w ould] ultimately become part of [the unilateral plan]" (Ehud Olmert, November 2003) "The fear of the loss of the majority has already yielded plans for campaigns ag ainst the danger, such as the projects for increasing the Jewish birth rate, gra nting voting rights to expatriates or even to Jews wherever they may be." (Meron Benvenisti, 20 November 2003) "Israel and the Palestinians are sinking together into the mud of the "one state ." The question is no longer whether it will be binational, but which model to c hoose." (Meron Benvenisti, 20 November 2003) "It's a unitary state controlled by one dominant national group, which leaves th e other national group disenfranchised and subject to laws "for natives only," w hich for the purposes of respectability and international law are known as laws of "belligerent occupation." ... That's the situation nowadays." (Meron Benvenisti, 20 November 2003) "We should say we accept a two-state solution, but that it means going back to t he 1967 borders, and a fully independent and sovereign Palestinian state. We sho uld give them six months. If there is no decision, we should say Israel, by its own choice, doesn't want a two-state solution. If Israel wants a one-state solut ion we accept; but 20 years from now, we're going to ask for one person, one vot e." (Ali Jirbawi, November 2003) "If you look at the drive for a two-state solution in the past, it was always to prevent conflict. What is becoming more prevalent is that people are saying we have to do it because if we don't we're going to end up with a bi-national state . ... If you look at all the surveys of public opinion, the one issue that unite s the Jewish population of Israel is that more than 90 per cent say they want to retain a Jewish majority. The problem of the right wing is that they want a Gre ater Israel including the occupied territories, without any withdrawal. The iron y is by doing that they invite a bi-national state." (David Newman, November 2003) "In progress in the occupied territories is a war of repression entirely subserv ient to the ideology of the settlement drive. The Palestinian population is bein g subjected to starvation, denial of medical treatment, demolition of homes and economic strangulation. I will take no part in these war crimes, nor will I serv

e as a fig leaf for them." (Idan Landau, July 2001) "Benny Morris used to be a "Young Turk", but now he's become an old jerk with a vengenace." (Avi Shlaim, 8 November 2003) "The trees grow back and ultimately we hope to harvest them in the place of the unwanted inhabitants of the area." (Yossi Peli, 14 November 2003) "The life of the Palestinians has indeed become hell. Most of them live below th e poverty line, many on the threshold of hunger, some in an actual state of hung er. Hundreds of thousands of Palestinian children suffer from malnutrition. Ever y village has become a prison camp, completely surrounded by roadblocks. Traffic is well-nigh impossible. Many Palestinians cannot reach their place of work, ho spital, university or school or bring their produce to market. Israeli troops pr owl in the towns and villages, demolishing homes, arresting or killing activists and, at the same time, women and children, too. The distant sound of an airplan e engine is enough for the whole population to hold their breath." (Uri Avnery, 14 November 2003) "Palestine will be as Jewish as England is English." (Chaim Weizmann, 1921) "It was decided and carried out: they washed her, cut her hair, raped her and ki lled her." (David Ben-Gurion, 1949) "What answer do we have to the question: Why should Natasha from Kiev, whose anc estors had no connection to the Jewish people, be preferred to Ahmad, whose fami ly tilled the land around Safed for centuries?" (Jonathan (Jonathon) Rosenblum, 1999) "The mass non-Jewish immigration undermines the very legitimacy of Israel. The s pate of bills introduced by Arab Knesset members to amend the definition of Isra el as a Jewish state and to recognize an Arab right of return derive their credi bility from the non-Jewish immigration." (Jonathan (Jonathon) Rosenblum, 1999) "[M]ass immigration of non-Jews has the potential to trigger a social conflagrat ion the likes of which we have never seen. Israelis of Middle Eastern descent, w ho had just begin to recover from the devastation of their own absorption in the country, feel they are being shunted aside in favor of those who are not even J ewish. The resentment aroused by this sense of being shoved back into the underc lass has little to do with religion. The pork shops and churches of the non-Jewish immigrants are merely the most pot ent symbols of the contempt in which the Middle Eastern population feels it is h eld. Even crucifix-wearing, pork-eating Russians are considered preferable to th em." (Jonathan (Jonathon) Rosenblum, 1999)

"The credibility issue is extremely important. On numerous occasions the IDF has put out lying accounts of incidents, and in the end the Palestinian version tur ned out to be true. This tradition of lying is very dangerous for the resilience of the society, especially if the lies are wrapped in a security cloak." (Gideon Levy, 23 November 2003) "Ben-Gurion gave the official version. He denied any IDF involvement [in the Qib ya massacre] ... This was not Ben-Gurions first lie for what he saw as the good of his country, nor was it to be the last, but it was one of the most blatant." (Avi Shlaim, 2000) "it is permissible to lie for the sake of the Land of Israel" (Yitzhak Yizernitzky, unknown date) "Without lies, it would be impossible to talk about peace with the Palestinians for 36 years while at the same time seizing more and more Palestinian land. With out lies, it would be impossible to claim that there is no partner for the road map, while at the same time injecting more and more money into outposts that the road map calls for dismantling. Without lies, it would be impossible to promise "painful concessions" in exchange for peace, while at the same time terming peo ple who concluded such an agreement "traitors."" (Akiva Eldar, 24 November 2003) "[I]n Israel, lying has become the norm among the working levels of the army, th e legal establishment and the diplomatic corps. Lying has become a way of life f or commanders and soldiers, lawyers and clerks, most of whom are far from having right-wing views and many of whom loathe the occupation." (Akiva Eldar, 24 November 2003) "While the politicians lie in order to perpetuate the occupation, the workers le arn to lie in order to justify it. Israel Defense Forces soldiers have become us ed to seeing settlers prepare a road to yet another outpost in the morning, and then hearing on the radio in the evening that the defense minister and the prime minister "vehemently deny" the existence of any new outposts. So what do they d o? They say (perhaps even to themselves) that this is a "security road."" (Akiva Eldar, 24 November 2003) "Members of the Shin Bet security service know that not every Palestinian who wa s executed without trial was truly a "ticking bomb." They have become used to "c utting corners" and to living with the lie. Analysts understand that it is impos sible to defeat a people fighting for its land and that there is no basis for th e claim that there is no Palestinian partner for a fair division of the land. Bu t they have learned that it does not pay to tell the leaders the truth." (Akiva Eldar, 24 November 2003) "The soldiers who harden their hearts at roadblocks, the pilots who loose bombs in the middle of cities, the attorneys who whitewash and the spokesmen who lie a re not people who lack moral values. Most are merely victims of the situation cr eated by the occupation." (Akiva Eldar, 24 November 2003)

"Today and a ective (Ariel

there is no separation [between an anti-Semitism that should be condemned legitimate criticism toward Israel's policies]. We are talking about coll anti-Semitism." (Arik) Sharon, 24 November 2003)

"Our sufferings have granted us immunity papers, as it were . . . After what all those dirty goyim have done to us, none of them is entitled to preach morality to us. We, on the other hand, have carte blanche, because we were victims and ha ve suffered so much. Once a victim, always a victim, and victimhood entitles its owners to a moral exemption." (Amos Oz (born Klausner), 1982) "The failure to differentiate between civilians and terrorists turns all the Pal estinians into potential suicide bombers." (Yosef Paritzky, 2003) "The world is rightly horrified at the cruel and bloody deaths of Israeli civili ans, including babies and small children, inflicted by terrorist suicide bombers . Grievous though every one of these deaths most certainly is, it cannot be deni ed that during the three years of the Second Intifada the Israelis have killed t hree times as many Palestinians, some of them terrorists (in illegal targeted as sassinations) but most of them innocent civilians, including babies and pregnant women." (Gerald Kaufman, 22 November 2003) "The prime minister has a plan. First he has to complete the eastern security fe nce. Then he will declare an enclave consisting of 52 percent of the West Bank " a temporary Palestinian state." The working premise of this plan is that 300,000 or more Palestinians will find themselves imprisoned between the fence and the Green Line, cut off from the mainstream of West Bank life, and will migrate slow ly to the enclave." (Akiva Eldar, 25 November 2003) "Better Sharm-el-Sheikh without peace than peace without Sharm-el-Sheikh." (Moshe Dayan, 1967) "The most valuable part of the Jewish nation is already in Palestine, and those Jews living outside Palestine are not too important." (Chaim Weizmann, 1942) "One Cow in Palestine is worth more than all the Jews in Poland." (Yitzhak (Izaak) Greenbaum, 18 February 1943) ""The Sharon government sometimes apologizes after it kills an innocent civilian , but it does not apologize for raping the cities and for going in and carrying out terrorist actions, going house to house much like the Nazis did in World War II, tearing holes through the walls, roughing up people, killing people, assass inating people. This is a terrorist government funded, by the way, by the United States government to the tune of $3 billion a year in U.S. military aid. These are American helicopters and tanks and F-16s doing this damage to the Palestinia n people.""

(Adam Shapiro, March 29, 2002) "The Zionist movement o the Holocaust]. Its ey could not use were (Yossi Schwartz, June was a partner to this crime [of abandoning European Jews t policy was to settle Palestine with Jews and those Jews th as good as dead." 2003)

"If I knew that it would be possible to save all the children in Germany by brin ging them over to England and only half of them by transporting them to Eretz Is rael, then I opt for the second alternative." (David Ben-Gurion, 1938) "It may interest you to know that some weeks ago the representatives of all the leading Jewish organizations met in conference. ... It was decided that no Jewis h organization would, at this time, sponsor a bill which would in any way alter the immigration laws." (Stephen S. Wise, 1938) "The hopes of Europe's six million Jews are centered on emigration. I was asked: 'Can you bring six million Jews to Palestine?' I replied, 'No.'... From the dep ths of the tragedy I want to save... young people [for Palestine]. The old ones will pass. They will bear their fate or they will not. They are dust, economic a nd moral dust in a cruel world... Two millions, and perhaps less; "Scheerith Hap leta" - only a branch will survive. They had to accept it. The rest they must le ave to the future - to their youth. If they feel and suffer, they will find the way, "Beacharith Hajamin" [at the end of times]." (Stephen S. Wise, 1938) "When they come to us with two plans - the rescue of the masses of Jews in Europ e or the redemption of the land - I vote, without a second thought, for the rede mption of the land. The more said about the slaughter of our people, the greater the minimization of our efforts to strengthen and promote the Hebraisation of t he land. If there would be a possibility today of buying packages of food with t he money of the Karen Hayesod [United Jewish Appeal] to send it through Lisbon, would we do such a thing? No. And once again no!" (Yitzhak (Izaak) Greenbaum, 1943) "In principle I support Zionism, but there are difficulties with solving the Jew ish question. Our experiment in Birobidzan failed, because the Jews prefer to li ve in cities." (Stalin, 11 February 1945) "How did we get to the point where Israeli soldiers are preventing women in labo r from reaching a hospital? ... this is also the other side of terrorism - Israe li terrorism. A roadblock that doesn't let pregnant women in labor pass is a let hal roadblock. It attacks innocent civilians, just as in a suicide bombing attac k." (Gideon Levy, 23 January 2002) "The whole system is systematically biased ... Twenty years ago I sat one of the se tests at Tel Aviv university. I was asked who Einstein was. I said he was the biggest scientist in the world. But they said no, we gave a different first nam

e. We are speaking of a singer from Tel Aviv." (Hassan Jabareen, 1 December 2003) "Fear of being slandered as 'anti-Semites' means we are abetting terrible deeds in the Middle East." (Robert Fisk, 17 April 2001) "On October 29, 1956, soldiers of the Israeli Border Police murdered 43 civilian s, including women and children, and wounded many others because they were outsi de their homes after curfew was imposed on the Israeli Arab village of Kafr Qass em at the beginning of the Sinai War. The perpetrators knew that they were killi ng villagers who were returning from work in the fields without knowing anything about the existence of a curfew." (Aviv Lavie, 31 October 2003) "Without an internationally recognized provocation, an Israeli invasion of Leban on would have a devastating effect on the United States." (Alexander Haig, 1982) "But there are Arabs in Palestine. I did not know." (Max Nordau, 1897) "By establishing the State of Israel in the traditionally Arab land of Palestine and by forcibly displacing its original inhabitants, the Zionists did not provi de their adherents with a peaceful refuge, but placed them astride a volcano." (Henry Cattan, 1976) "The land without people -- for the people without land." (Israel Zangwill, 1901) "My step on the road to reality was not taken until 1904, when I appear to have become fully aware of the Arab peril." (Israel Zangwill, 1904) "Today...we are located in the Palestinian areas, we are violating international agreements, and no one is saying anything. So we talk Palestinian state, Palest inian state, but in the meantime not even Area A exists any longer. And there is no Orient House, no Palestinian representation in Jerusalem, and Palestinians a re afraid to walk around with weapons in their own cities. Obviously we all want peace, who doesn't want peace. But [my father's] statement about a Palestinian state is a very remote statement." (Omri Sharon, 12 December 2002) "[The Jewish immigrants from Arab countries are] human dust lacking language, ed ucation, roots, tradition or national dreams." (David Ben-Gurion, unknown date) "Mizrahim now comprise about 45 percent of Israel's population. ... Their cultur e was disparaged by the country's historic leaders. Israel's first Prime Ministe r, David Ben-Gurion, referred to them as "human dust." Golda Meir said they were

not "real Jews" because they don't speak Yiddish." (Joel Beinin, 19 June 2000) "If I were an Arab leader I would never make terms with Israel. That is natural: We have taken their country. Sure, God promised it to us, but what does that ma tter to them? Our God is not theirs. We come from Israel, it's true, but 2,000 y ears ago, and what is that to them? There has been anti-Semitism, the Nazis, Hit ler, Auschwitz, but was that their fault? They only see one thing: We have come here and stolen their country." (David Ben-Gurion, unknown date) "The United Nations is under no more of a legal obligation to maintain Zionism i n Israel than it is to maintain apartheid in South Africa." (William Thomas Mallison, 1986) "Question: Is anti-Semitism on the increase? Chomsky: In the West, fortunately, it scarcely exists now, though it did in the past. There is, of course, what the Anti-Defamation League calls "the real antiSemitism", more dangerous than the old-fashioned kind: criticism of policies of the state of Israel and US support for them, opposition to a vast US military bu dget, etc. In contrast, anti-Arab racism is rampant. The manifestations are shoc king, in elite intellectual circles as well, but arouse little concern because t hey are considered legitimate: the most extreme form of racism." (Noam Chomsky, December 4, 2003) "The penalty for succumbing to the settlers' single-minded pursuit of Greater Is rael is the dissolution of the Jewish state. ... Many Israelis, and other Jews, will argue that historic justice demands a Jewish state. They will insist that, particularly after centuries of horrendous Jewish suffering culminating in the H olocaust, there should be one place on Earth where the Jews can exercise their n atural right to sovereignty. They are absolutely right, but, unfortunately, give n the choice between sovereignty and land, we chose land. We have manifestly pre ferred settlement in the whole Land of Israel to a state of Israel in part of th e land. It is irrelevant that the settlers are a small minority. The rest of us have permitted them to do what they wanted." (Daniel Gavron, December 2003) "Concerning the name, we gave this law the name Basic Law: Israel-Lands. There w ere a number of proposals about the name. MK Harari proposed to name it "The Peo ple's Lands". On the face of it, I do not see any great difference between the t wo names. I admit that neither name hits the target. What is it that we want? Wh at we want is difficult to define. We want to make it clear that the land of Isr ael belongs to the people of Israel. The "people of Israel" is a concept that is broader than that of the "people resident in Zion", because the people of Israe l live throughout the world. On the other hand, every law that is passed is for the benefit of all the residents of the state, and all the residents of the stat e include also people who do not belong to the people of Israel, the worldwide p eople of Israel." (Zerah (Zerach or Zorah) Warhaftig, 19 July 1960) "Ben-Gurion said that anyone who approaches the Zionist problem from a moral asp ect, he is not a Zionist." (Moshe Dayan, September 1967)

"I do not deny the Palestinians any place or stand or opinion on every matter. B ut certainly I am not prepared to consider them as partners in any respect in a land that has been consecrated in the hands of our nation for thousands of years . For the Jews of this land there cannot be any partner." (Chaim (Haim) Herzog, 1972) "My job was to take..... [each Palestinian's] thumb and immerse its edge in ink and fingerprint them on the departure statement....Every day tens of buses arriv ed. There were days on which it seemed to me that thousands were departing ..... .there were also not a few people who were simply expelled....We forced them to sign. I will tell you how exactly this was conducted: [for instance] a bus [carr ying men] was arriving and only men were getting off,...--only men, aged 20 to 7 0, accompanied by borderguard soldiers. We were told that these were saboteurs, fedayeen, and it would be better that they would be outside the state.......[The Palestinian men] did not want to leave, and were dragged from the buses while b eing kicked and hit by revolver butts. By the time they arrived to my [signing] stall, they were usually already completely blurred [as a result of beatings] at this stage and did not care much about the signing. It seemed to them part of t he process. In many cases the violence used against them was producing desirable results from our point of view. The distance between the border point and the [ Allenby] Bridge was about 100 metres and out of fear they were crossing to the o ther side running; the borderguard men and the paratroopers were all the time in the vicinity. When someone refused to give me his hand [for finger printing] th ey came and beat him badly. Then I was forcibly taking his thumb, immersing it i n ink and finger printing him. This way the refuseniks were removed....I have no doubt that tens of thousands of men were removed against their will." (Former Israeli soldier inverviewed by Kol Ha'ir in 1991, November 1991) "I remember that 5 days after the..... War I was in Jericho. It was empty there and we were told that the [refugees of 'Ayn Sultan, Nu'aymah and 'Aqbat Jabir ca mps outside Jericho] fled. It is more likely that ... [the Israeli army] drove t hem away. In [1948] ... [Israeli commanders] volunteered to carry out [transfer] on their own initiative. In the Six Day War there were similar situations. Many thought that we had not completed the job in [1948] ... It is known that there was a plan to conquer Qalqilyah and destroy it. There was also a plan to carry o ut transfer in Hebron as a revenge for the massacre [of Jews] in [19]29." (Uri Milstein, unknown date) "Is this the way to occupy Hebron? A couple of artillery bombardments on Hebron and not a single 'Hebronite' would have remained there. Is this the way to occup y [East] Jerusalem [without driving most of the Arabs out]." (Yigal Allon, November 1967) "Our plans for large-scale immigration offered Germany an additional advantage i n that they would fulfil one of her avowed aims, namely, to rid Europe of the Je ws." (Nathan (Natan) Friedman-Yellin, 1978) "[The] formula for the parameters of a unilateral solution are: To maximize the number of Jews; to minimize the number of Palestinians; not to withdraw to the 1 967 border and not to divide Jerusalem." (Ehud Olmert, November 2003)

"the impression is that all of Israel is turning into one big settlement in the territories." (Lily Galili, 18 December 2003) "If Rabbi Kaplan really wanted to know what happened, we old Jewish settlers in Palestine who witnessed the fight could tell him how and in what manner we, Jews , forced the Arabs to leave cities and villages ... some of them were driven out by force of arms; others were made to leave by deceit, lying and false promises . It is enough to cite the cities of Jaffa, Lydda, Ramleh, Beersheba, Acre from among numberless others." (Nathan Chofshi, 9 February 1959) "We came and turned the native Arabs into tragic refugees. And still we dare to slander and malign them, to besmirch their name. Instead of being deeply ashamed of what we did and trying to undo some of the evil we committed ... we justify our terrible acts and even attempt to glorify them." (Nathan Chofshi, 9 February 1959) "I dislike the coercive methods of Zionists who in this country have not hesitat ed to use economic means to silence persons who have different views. I object t o the attempts at character assassination of those who do not agree with them." (Arthur Hays Sulzberger, 1946) "I cannot rid myself of the feeling that the unfortunate Jews of Europe's DP cam ps are helpless hostages for whom statehood has been made the only ransom." (Arthur Hays Sulzberger, 1946) "It is often said that the Arabs fled, that they left the country voluntarily, a nd that they therefore bear the responsibility for losing their property and the ir land. It is true that in history there are some instances - in Rome and in Fr ance during the Revolutions when enemies of the state were proscribed and their property confiscated. But in general international law, the principle holds true that no citizen loses his property or his rights of citizenship; and the citize nship right is de facto a right to which the Arabs in Israel have much more legi timacy than the Jews. Just because the Arabs fled? Since when is that punishable by confiscation of property and by being barred from returning to the land on w hich a people's forefathers have lived for generations? Thus, the claim of the J ews to the land of Israel cannot be a realistic political claim. If all nations would suddenly claim territories in which their forefathers had lived two thousa nd years ago, this world would be a madhouse. ... there is only one solution for Israel, namely, the unilateral acknowledgement of the obligation of the state t oward the Arabs - not to use it as a bargaining point, but to acknowledge the co mplete moral obligation of the Israeli state to its former inhabitants of Palest ine." (Erich Fromm, 19 May 1958) "Do all you can to immediately and quickly purge the conquered territories of al l hostile elements ... The residents should be helped to leave [these] areas." (Moshe Carmel, 31 October 1948) "As it turns out, even in a hospital - a place where human compassion is suppose d to be the sole operating norm - a Palestinian is still not on the same footing as other human beings. This process of dehumanizing the Palestinians has spread

to every sector of Israeli society. What started in the Israel Defense Forces a nd Shin Bet security service, and spread to other branches of power and to the m edia (which has, for years, deliberately emphasized the violent side of Palestin ian reality) has now permeated every part of Israel's social fabric. That's appa rently the only way a state can continue with a conquest and oppression without being overly concerned about what it means to the conquered." (Gideon Levy, 21 December 2003) "Former IDF soldier Ron Porer, author of the book "The Roadblock Syndrome," rela tes how soldiers he knew were furious whenever Palestinians dared wish them "goo d morning" at checkpoints. That's no accident: Such courteous residents of the t erritories might have put a crack in the soldiers' wall of rage and contempt." (Gideon Levy, 21 December 2003) "What we wanted to escape in Vilna we found here. ... There, hatred was directed against Jews, here against Arabs. The class struggles were the same, with homel ess sleeping in the street." (Meir Vilner, 1998) "[Israel should implement a stringent policy of family planning in relation to i ts Muslim population] ... the delivery rooms in Soroka Hospital in Be'er Sheva h ave turned into a factory for the production of a backward population." (Yitzhak Ravid, 18 December 2003) "We don't differentiate between ordinary Palestinians and Palestinians who claim to be journalists." (Daniel Seaman, 2003) "The root cause of terrorism is its success and its support. It is a case of adv antaged people using disadvantaged people as cannon fodder. As we all know, Pale stinian terror has been supported by the UN, by the Vatican and several other in stitutions." (Alan Morton Dershowitz, December 2003) "Pre-emption is the other primary method of reducing the scourge of terrorism. P re-emption, although Israel has praciticed it, generally falls outside the rule of law. Terrorists put democracies in a tragic dilemma by hiding among civilians ." (Alan Morton Dershowitz, December 2003) "We have a joint project between Israel and the US, which lawyers must lead. Our project is to propose new rules of international law. Israelis are obliged to f ollow the rules of law in the democracy called Israel, as I am within the US. Yo ur moral obligation to comply with international law is voluntary. You are not r epresented in the making or implementing of those laws. International law lives or dies by its credibility, not by the democracy by which it has been constructe d. I am suggesting the change of the rule of law. Democracy should not have to j ustify its actions and show how the rule of human rights has become a weapon in promoting human wrongs... You are the lab for that process. You are contributing greatly. Do not allow the world to bully you into believing that you are the hu man rights violators ..." (Alan Morton Dershowitz, December 2003)

"One of the most important changes that the Oslo process brought about was the d e facto transformation, indeed the ultimate corruption, of the Palestine Liberat ion Organisation, from a liberation movement representing the entire Palestinian people, into a vassal regime called the Palestinian Authority (PA), representin g only one third of the Palestinian people. What is quite insidious in this proc ess is how the PA, conscious of this transformation, continues to speak of the " Palestinian people", which had been reduced through the Oslo Accords to those We st Bank and Gaza Palestinians it now represents. Diaspora Palestinians are simpl y referred to, in accordance with US and Israeli parlance, as "refugees", and Is raeli Palestinians are referred to by Israeli diktat as "Israeli Arabs". In doin g so, not only has the scope of the Palestinian leadership and its representativ e status of the whole Palestinian people (achieved in international fora in 1974 after a strenuous struggle) been substantially reduced, but the Palestinian peo ple themselves were diminished demographically by the PA's appropriation of the designation "Palestinian people" to refer to a mere third of Palestinians." (Joseph Massad, 25 December 2003) "There were some fellows who refused to take part in the expulsion action [of th e Palestinian population from the towns of Lydda and Ramla in July 1948] ... Pro longed propaganda activities were required after the action, to remove the bitte rness of these [soldiers] and explain why we were obliged to undertake such a ha rsh and cruel action." (Yitzhak Rabin, 1979) "Israel counted "81 days of quiet" without terrorist attacks. But there is no gr eater lie than this. The quiet was only here. During this "quiet," dozens of Pal estinians were killed, and almost no one bothered to report it. That is how it b ecomes possible to speak of quiet and then claim that the Palestinians disturbed it. The fact that the media does not speak of Palestinian deaths does not mean that they did not happen." (Gideon Levy, December 28, 2003) "I ran toward them and punched the Arab right in the face, never before did I do such a thing, he collapsed on the road . I dragged him over behind the jeep, pu shed him in . We sat in the back seat . Our Arab lay down there and just wept qu ietly to himself . and he bled and made a puddle of blood and saliva, which ange red and disgusted me, so I grabbed him by the hair and twisted his head to the s ide. He cried out loud . He didn't stop crying and someone said his hands hurt f rom the handcuffs. One of the soldiers approached him and punched him in the sto mach. The Arab suffered from pain and grunted, we all giggled, it was funny . I kicked him real hard in the bottom and he whirled inside, just as I planned. The y shouted that I am crazy and laughed - and I felt great." (Liran Ron-Forer, December 2003) "Washington and Jerusalem have an understanding dating back to 1969 that as long as Israel maintains "ambiguity" and does not openly declare itself a nuclear po wer, the U.S. will not force it to join the NPT (which would mean destroying its nuclear capabilities)." (Aluf Benn, 26 December 2003) "I am sure, the soldier didn't know he was shooting at a Jew. ... the army deals differently with the Palestinians. Soldiers feel threatened by Palestinians and open fire when they feel threatened. This is not the same when soldiers deal wi th Jews."

(Moshe Ya'alon (Yaalon), December 2003) "I am sorry, I never thought I was shooting at Jews, I would never shoot a Jew." (Israeli soldier who shot Gil Naamati, December 2003) "[The shooting of Gil Na'amati at Mas'ha] also supplies the answer to the questi on that Ze'ev Schiff posed in this paper on August 8, when he examined the offic ial numbers of the enemy killed. Until that date, 2,341 Palestinians had been ki lled and another 14,000 wounded. "According to the calculations of the Shin Bet, 551 of those killed were terrorists, Who, then, were the others?" Schiff asked. The incident at the fence provides the definitive answer." (Ze'ev (Zeev) Sternhell, 2 January 2004) "The Israeli government is not the first to be elected democratically and to ord er its security forces to perform actions that conscience can barely abide. Fran ce of the Fourth Republic and the United States in the period of the Vietnam War were democracies that forced their soldiers to commit war crimes or that ignore d the perpetration of such crimes." (Ze'ev (Zeev) Sternhell, 2 January 2004) "Therefore, there must be a wall. I would prefer a wall built through negotiatio ns. However, in the absence of that option, you [the Israelis] must take steps t owards the creation of two states. The wall will provide a solution to both the security and population questions. It should be built in the western, not the ea stern, portion of the West Bank. If you want a two state solution, you must have a wall." (Dennis B. Ross, December 2003) "The goal [of the December 2003 Israeli plan to double the number of settlers on the Golan] is for Assad to see from the windows of his home the Israeli Golan t hriving and flourishing. ... The government resolution is a response to the init iative posed by Syria, which on one hand announces that it is interested in peac e, and on the other hand openly supports Palestinian terror." (Yisrael Katz, December 2003) "Iraq, rich in oil on the one hand and internally torn on the other, is guarante ed as a candidate for Israel's targets. Its dissolution is even more important f or us than that of Syria. Iraq is stronger than Syria. In the short run it is Ir aqi power which constitutes the greatest threat to Israel. An Iraqi-Iranian war will tear Iraq apart and cause its downfall at home even before it is able to or ganize a struggle on a wide front against us. Every kind of inter-Arab confronta tion will assist us in the short run and will shorten the way to the more import ant aim of breaking up Iraq into denominations as in Syria and in Lebanon. In Ir aq, a division into provinces along ethnic/religious lines as in Syria during Ot toman times is possible. So, three (or more) states will exist around the three major cities: Basra, Baghdad and Mosul, and Shiite areas in the south will separ ate from the Sunni and Kurdish north." (Oded Yinon, February 1982) "I deeply believe in launching preventive war against the Arab States without fu rther hesitation. By doing so we will achieve two targets: firstly, the annihila tion of Arab power; and secondly, the expansion of our territory." (Menachem Begin, 12 October 1955)

"We must review the fence's routing ... There is a very serious risk the World C ourt will rule against us ... and this is liable to prompt the General Assembly into imposing all sorts of sanctions against us ... There is a danger that we wi ll be exposed to an international boycott as was the case before the fall of the regime in South Africa." (Yosef (Tommy) Lapid, 4 January 2004) "We have to reserve the right to bomb the niggers." (David Lloyd George, mid-1920s) "A partial Jewish State is not the end, but only the beginning ... We shall brin g into the state all the Jews it is possible to bring ... We shall establish a m ulti-faceted Jewish economy - agricultural, industrial, and maritime. We shall o rganize a modern defense force, a select army ... and then I am certain that we will not be prevented from settling in the other parts of the country, either by mutual agreement with our Arab neighbors or by some other means. Our ability to penetrate the country will increase if there is a state." (David Ben-Gurion, 1937) "Why are there so many Arabs? Why didn't you expel them?" (David Ben-Gurion, July 1948) "[Ariel Sharon has a strong tendency] to not tell the truth." (David Ben-Gurion, some date in the early 1950s) "Since Ben Gurion first remarked in his diary 50 years ago that the young office r had a strong tendency "to not tell the truth," Sharon has improved his art for m." (Gideon Samet, 7 January 2004) "Later, the Zionist organisation organised a debate and asked me to support the Balfour Declaration. I asked them for material on the Declaration before I would speak. After reading, I came to the conclusion that the Balfour Declaration wou ld not solve the Jewish problem, that the Jews are all over the world, and Israe l, which was then Palestina, cannot absorb all the Jews and what would happen to the Palestinians?" (Rachel (Ray) Alexander Simons, 1996) "Just as Israel has claimed many times that Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasse r Arafat is not a partner for peace, the Syrians can claim, and indeed are so do ing, that the Israeli government is not a true partner for peace talks. Although there are glimmers of willingness to conduct negotiations, on the whole the Syr ians are right. The Israeli leadership recoils from the price involved in negoti ations with Syria." (Ze'ev Schiff, 7 January 2004) "it is clear that the present government of Israel simply does not tell the trut h." (Arthur Hertzberg, 7 January 2004)

"One of my own proudest moments was the day some thirty years ago when Abba Eban and I, who were both suspected, correctly, of being "doves," were described in an article by one of the neoconservatives as "functional anti-Semites." To disag ree with the then dominant line of Menachem Begin's government, that it was Isra el's destiny to hold on to the West Bank, was not to be discussed as an argument about policy; such views were to be defamed as "Jewish anti-Semitism."" (Arthur Hertzberg, 7 January 2004) "There is, of course, a moral problem with the expectation that the rules of eng agement should be different for Israelis and Palestinians, even when the situati ons are similar. It appears to be racial discrimination." (Amos Harel, 7 January 2004) "The attitude you [Edgar Bronfman, president of the World Jewish Congress, and C oby Benatoff, head of the European Jewish Congress] have shown in your letter .. . forces me to suspend the preparations. ... [I am ] both surprised and shocked. I could not believe you were signing such an article." (Romano Prodi, 6 January 2004) "Zionist colonialism inhabits the space between two extinct models -- those prov ided by South Africa and French practice in Algeria. It is not a blend of the tw o, but rather a distillation of the worst in each." (Azmi Bishara, 8 January 2004) "Moshe Dayan and his aides adopted a policy of open bridges after the 1967 War [ because they] wanted the Palestinians to have an economic and demographic outlet to Jordan, the Gulf countries, and other parts of the region, so as to free Isr ael from the economic and other responsibilities commonly assumed by occupying a uthorities. These open bridges helped the occupation endure, and helped the peop le endure it." (Azmi Bishara, 8 January 2004) "In Jerusalem, when you see an Arab you don't know whether he's with you or agai nst you," she said, "but here [Gaza] if you see an Arab you know he's dangerous and you shoot him. - Adi Dan