48

EXTRAJUDICIAL KILLINGS: HARROWING TALES OF WIDOWS OR

MOTHERS OF BICOL, PHILIPPINES

Noel R. Rafer

Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Bicol University

College of Social Sciences and Philosophy

Daraga, Albay 4501 Philippines

Abstract

This paper is a summary of harrowing tales of widows or mothers as regards

their experiences on extrajudicial killings (EJKs) in Bicol, Philippines. It especially

centers on the place where the incidents happened and how and why the victims were

killed, based on the accounts of their kin. Aside from briefly documenting the victims’

and their kin’s brief socio-demographic profile, it also presents the impacts of the death

of the victims to their families, and the coping mechanisms employed specifically by

widows or mothers of victims of EJKs, as well as their expectations from the society in

general.

This study asserts that an eclectic approach, i.e. using multiple sociological or

criminological theories, is quite vital in explaining the causes of EJKs, since only

allegations can be deduced from the responses of the key informants (KIs). Focusing on

the kin’s stories may also give the Church and the Philippine Government ideas that may

serve as basis for future policy making, or pastoral care and debriefing program as an

institutional response to EJK. It also claims that their individual experiences taken as a

whole is a reflection of the Philippine society, having substantiated the national reports

on the prevalence of EJK cases in the country. Finally, it also argues that the victims’

kin’s pleas may be realized if all structures of society conscientiously do their

corresponding spiritual and worldly functions so that in the end no harrowing tales may

be told once again.

Data for the paper were collected from interviews with key informant, focus

group discussion, including validation workshops, and review of relevant documents.

Key words: Extra-judicial killings, faith-based coping mechanisms, function of

religion, impacts of EJK, peace-building strategies, criminological/sociological theories

Introduction

The Martial Law Regime of the late

President of the Republic of the Philippines,

Ferdinand E. Marcos, from September 21, 1972

until early 1980s is said to be marked with

numerous violations of human rights.

Succeeding presidents or administrations, such

as from Aquino (1986) to Arroyo (2010), tried to

heal the wounds of the past dictatorship.

49

However, current reports would show that

human rights violations specifically

‘extrajudicial executions or killings (EJKs) have

been on the rise’ (Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann

2007, 19: 25). In this paper, EJKs shall be

referred to as either ‘alternative procedures -

illegal liquidations’ (Melo Commission’s Report

in Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann 2007, 19), or

‘political killings – disappearances’

(International Convention for the Protection of

All Persons From Enforced Disappearance in

Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann 2007, 19)

allegedly perpetuated either by the government

through the Armed Forces of the Philippines

(AFP) particularly that of the Philippine Army

(PA) or the Philippine National Police (PNP), or

by the Communist Party of the Philippines-New

People’s Army (CPP-NPA).

Organizations attempted to arrive at

exact number of the aforesaid cases, but their

conclusions show discrepancies. Some of these

are as follows: the Task Force Usig of the

Philippine National Police (PNP) claims 115

cases of slain party list or militant members

(PNP in Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann 2007,

19:25); Karapatan, a human rights group, asserts

206 victims just in 2006, and a total of 800 cases

from 2001 to 2007.1 The Philippine Alliance of

Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA) and

Amnesty International came up with an estimate

of only 50 killings from January to June of

2006.2 Bicol

3 alone had a total of 157 cases of

1This report falls short of 87 more victims as the

Regional Coordinator of KARAPATAN Bicol, Vida Barcenas, reported 887 victims of EJK from January 2001 to October 2007 during the Bicol Summit on Extrajudicial Killings on January 11, 2008 at the Bicol University. 2 Amnesty International’s Philippines: Political Killings,

Human Rights and the Peace Process (August 15, 2006, section 1), and Human Rights Watch Interview with Max De Mesa, PAHRA Chairperson (September 12, 2006) in Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann 2007,

19:25.

EJKs, which are distributed to its six (6)

provinces. Despite the discrepancies in the

above numbers, the said different organizations

are one in saying that EJKs really exist in the

Bicol Region, as supported by Philippine Human

Development Report 2005 (UNDP & NZAID

2005) and the study of Lobrigo, Imperial and

Rafer (2006) on the costs of armed conflict in the

Bicol Region.

This paper, therefore, is an attempt to

document the stories of extrajudicial killings as

experienced by the victims’ families, particularly

the widows or the mothers of the victims.

Theoretical Paradigm and

Significance of the Study

This study is anchored on two sets of

theories – (1) religious, for the faith-coping

mechanisms, and (2) sociological, for the

possible causes or motives of the killings. For

the religious ones, Augustine and many of the

Church Fathers’ illuminist theory of faith, as

well as that of Hodgson’s performative approach

to faith may be applicable. For the illuminist

theory, faith ‘contains a message of consolation

for those who are not favored by world

prosperity,’ and it is this commitment that faith

‘can give meaning to many aspects of life that

might otherwise appear unintelligible – including

the negative experiences of sacrifice, suffering,

poverty and death’ (Dulles in Haughey 1977, 16-

17). Similarly, for the latter, ‘faith is a liberating

power that saves life, giving it wholeness and

efficacy, in the midst of bondage, estrangement

and guilt’ (Dulles in Haughey 1977, 32). In

short, it is argued in this study that people may

turn into faith or religion for relief in order to

cope up with harrowing tales or experiences such

as EJKs.

3Bicol Region, which is the locale of this study, ranks

third in the Philippines with EJK incidents next to Central Luzon (first in rank) and Southern Tagalog (second).

50

As for the sociological theories that

may possibly explain the causes or motives of

EJKs, the following theories may be applicable:

Durkheim’s Theory on one of the functions of

religion and Anomie, Sutherland’s Differential

Association Theory or Social Learning Theory,

Merton’s Strain Theory, Hirschi’s Control

Theory, and Classical Criminological Theory.

For Durkheim, “religious belief offers the

comforting sense that the vulnerable human

condition serves some greater purpose”

(Macionis 1999, 484). Sutherland’s Differential

Association Theory, as revised by Akers’ Social

Learning Theory, asserts that people do deviate

from certain norms based on “the patterns of

interactions with others who are the source of

definitions that either favorable or unfavorable to

violating the law” and that “people do things that

they think will result in rewards or will avoid

punishments in the future” (Vold, Bernard, &

Snipes 2002, 173). Durkheim’s Anomie and

Merton’s Strain Theories may also be

complementary to Sutherland/Akers’. Durkheim

would assert that crime is done because of the

absence of social controls (Vold, Bernard, &

Snipes 2002, 116 & 135), or too much

integration with a group that pushes him to

commit a crime. On one hand, Merton argues

that the contradiction between culture (goals)

and the social structure of society (means) is

what causes strain or anomie (Vold, Bernard, &

Snipes 2002, 137), which effectively leads to

crime as well. In addition, Hirschi would add

that crimes result from individuals who are not

tightly bonded to social groups such as the

family, school and peers. On the contrary, too

much attachment or commitment is also found to

be correlated with delinquent behavior based on

the review of Kempf of the 71 studies on control

theory (Vold, Bernard, & Snipes 2002, 189).

The classical criminology theory also explains

the occurrence of EJKs as a ‘product of the free

choice of the individual, who first assesses the

potential benefits of committing the crimes

against its potential costs’ (Vold, Bernard, &

Snipes 2002, 9).

In other words, in the absences of clear-cut

evidences, EJKs may be caused by various

reasons, such as results of (a) expectations of

rewards as well as patterns of interactions with

other people in which the alleged killers learned

to do the killings (Social Learning Theory,

particularly Sutherland’s Differential Association

Theory), (b) absence of social control

(Durkheim), (c) contradictions between

culturally approved goals and means (Merton),

(d) lack of integration with social groups

(Hirschi), and (e) a product of free choice of the

individual and the benefits of committing a

crime (Classical Criminological Theory). For

further illustration, please see Fig. 1.

Since this study is sponsored by the

Social Action Center (SAC) of the Diocese of

Legazpi, results of this study shall be deemed

significant in the Catholic Church’s continuous

and progressive commitment to social justice and

psycho-spiritual transformation as mandated by

their encyclicals like the Evangelii Nuntiandi,

Centesimus Annus, Motu Proprio Iustitiam et

Pacem, Redemptoris Missio (Catholic Bishops’

Conference of the Philippines 2004) through its

social arm, the SAC. In particular, the data shall

be used as a background paper for the psycho-

social spiritual formation of the Center for

persons with similar experiences. On one hand,

this study may also contribute or add to the

existing body of literatures with similar themes,

particularly under the Sociology of Religion and

Deviance or Crime.

51

Figure 1. Theoretical Framework

Materials and Methods

This qualitative study4 gathered and

validated the needed data through key informant

interviews and focus group discussions. The six

(6) key informants5 were identified through the

records of the SAC and Philippine National

Police in Bicol, as well as through the referral of

a parish worker. Permissions were likewise

sought from SAC and the PNP to access their

records for possible identification of KIs to be

4 A qualitative study does not rely on numbers

or quantity of responses of the respondents. It relies on the actual accounts or words of the key informants, and does not in any way intend to generalize. It basically aims to present another angle of a social reality, which may not be captured by quantitative study and which may or may not be used for policy-making purposes. 5 Originally, the target number of key informants

was supposedly 10-15. However, due to the recent killing incidents in the locality and nearby towns, residents were quite hesitant to be interviewed for fear of being mistakenly identified with any group, be it for the military and/or for the NPA.

interviewed for this study, as well as from the

KIs to include them in the study and for the

interviews to be recorded. Prior to the start of

the data gathering, KIs were also briefed of the

goals of the study, as well as assured them of the

confidentiality of their private details by using

aliases in lieu of their real names due to the

critical nature of the study, or for fear of

becoming subjects of retaliation from the alleged

suspects. It is likewise in the above regard that

the exact locations of the study cannot be

revealed in this paper.

The research was done within three-

month period, that is, from December 2007 to

February 2008. The first month was devoted for

sending communications to concerned offices

and KIs, for reviewing related documents that

would serve as a backgrounder for the study.

The remaining months were used for the actual

gathering of data, writing and submission of the

initial findings, focus group discussion and/or

validation of the data, finalization and

submission of the final paper. Validation of the

results of the study was done in Manila with a

non-governmental organization working on

similar cases. The recurrent themes in the stories

of the six key informants were extracted. These

became part of the discussion or analysis of the

data. Likewise, findings of the study were

juxtaposed with the existing theories and related

literature or studies to give possible explanations

as regards the motives of the killings and of the

killers in the absence of clear-cut or prima facie

evidences, as well as the coping-mechanisms of

the victims’ relatives.

Results and Discussion

Out of the stories of the widow or

mothers (see Appendix A for full stories), the

following recurring themes or data could be

inferred: (a) the socio-demographics of the key

informants as well as of the victims, (b) details

of the crime such as how the victim was killed,

52

the motive of the killing, the alleged suspect or

killer, and the place where the incident

happened, (c) the impact of the death of the

victims to their nearest kin, (d) the widows or

mothers’ faith coping mechanisms and other

strategies they did to overcome their harrowing

experience, and (e) their expectations from the

government, the community and the church.

A. Socio-demographics of the Key Informants

and the Victims

Basically, three out of the six key

informants are elementary graduates. Four of

them are from the same barangay in which most

of the EJK incidents occur. Occupations of the

key informants are mostly associated with blue

collar jobs (like sewing handicrafts or doing

laundry), and most of them are already in their

middle age (i.e. 45-56) as far as Erikson’s stages

of psychosocial development or Hurlock’s

Stages in the Life Span is concerned (Myers

1989, 105; Hurlock 1982, 14).6

As for the six victims, four of them are

husbands of the key informants, while the

remaining two are the KIs’ sons. Four reached

elementary level and the two were able to go to

high school and college respectively. Four of the

victims became government workers – one in the

city level, two in the barangay level and the other

one as member of the military, and the remaining

two have blue collar jobs (a construction worker

and a welder). Three were in their early

adulthood and the remaining three were in their

middle age at the time when they were killed.

6 Based on Hurlock’s Stages in the Life Span, the

following categories exist: 1. Prenatal Phase – conception to birth; 2. Infancy-Birth – birth to end of the 2

nd week; 3. Babyhood – end of 2

nd week to end

of 2nd

year; 4. Early childhood – 2 to 6 years old; 5. Late childhood – 6 to 10 or 12; 6. Puberty or pre-adolescence – 10 or 12 to 13 or 14; 7. Adolescence – 13 or 14 to 18 years old; 8. Early adulthood – 18 to 40 years old; 9. Middle age – 40 to 60 years old; 10. Old age or senescence – 60 to death.

B. Details of the Extra-judicial Killings

From the stories, it could be inferred

that the motives of the EKJ incidents in Bicol are

not clear up to this time. What seemed to be the

main cause of EJK is the victims’ alleged

relationship with the NPA as messengers or

supporters (see Table 1). This is in consonance

with the motive identified by Sheppard, Sandler

& Neumann (2007, 19) in their Human Rights

Watch Report (HRW) about the Philippines.

Table 1. Details of EJKs

Motive

of the

EJK

Possible

Motive

How

EJK

was

execute

d

Suspec

t or

Allege

d

Killer

Where

the EJK

happene

d

Case 1

– not

clear

Victim’s

alleged

member-

ship to

the NPA

Stabbed

with a

knife

Militar

y

House of

the KI’s

brother

Case 2

– not

clear

Victim’s

misunder

-standing

with the

brother;

and case

related to

his job as

chief

barangay

security

Multipl

e

gunshot

s (one

on the

head;

one on

the

chest)

Militar

y

Inside

the

victim’s

house

Case 3

–not

clear

Victim’s

work as a

CAFGU

Multipl

e

gunshot

s on the

head

NPA Near the

victim’s

residence

Case 4

– not

clear

Victim’s

alleged

support

to the

NPA;

and

related to

cases

apprehen

ded by

Gunshot

on the

head

Militar

y

Along

the road,

but still

within

the

locality

53

Motive

of the

EJK

Possible

Motive

How

EJK

was

execute

d

Suspec

t or

Allege

d

Killer

Where

the EJK

happene

d

her

husband

in his

capacity

as a

barangay

official

Case 5

– not

clear

Victim’s

alleged

support

to the

NPA

Gunshot

on the

head

Militar

y

Along

the road,

but still

within

the

locality

Case 6

– not

clear

Altercati

on with a

military

official

Gunshot

on the

left side

of the

victim’s

torso

and the

head

Militar

y

Inside

the

victim’s

house

Their report also showed that the ‘perceived

political nature of the activities or affiliation’ of

the victims is seen to be the reason behind the

killings (Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann 2007,

19: 26). Likewise, suspects in the current study

are purportedly said to be military members,

which also supports the findings of Sheppard,

Sandler and Neumann (2007, 19: 25) in HRW

that ‘based on accounts from eyewitnesses and

victim’s families, members of the AFP were

responsible for many of the recent unlawful

killings’. The case of Pastor Isias de Leon Santa

Rosa of Daraga, Albay is an example - ‘a

military identification card in the name of

Lordger Pastrana (was) found on the body of one

of the assailants who dragged Santa Rosa from

his home’ (Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann 2007,

19, 9: 30).7

7A photocopy of the AFP ID and mission order is on

file with the Human Rights Watch. It could also be

Nonetheless, even if the motive of the

said killings seemed to be related to the political

affiliation or nature of the activities of the victim,

it still leaves a big puzzle as to what is the

ultimate cause or motive of the alleged killers, or

what could possibly explain their behavior, i.e.

killing of noncombatant civilians. The Melo

Commission concludes that the ‘killing of

activists and media personnel is pursuant to an

orchestrated plan by a group or sector with an

interest in eliminating the victims’ (in Sheppard,

Sandler & Neumann 2007, 19, 9: 19).8 If the

said conclusion is indeed true as the ulterior

motive of the killings, the direct assailants’

behavior, i.e. following the order of a group or

sector to do so, stills needs an explanation. Such

overt and direct action of the assailants may

possibly be attributed to two factors – one, there

could be an expectation for a reward on the part

of the killers from a certain group or sector, and

two, the degree of integration or commitment of

the said killers to the group or sector, that either

ordered them to do the killings or that which

they belong.

As for the first factor, it may be

explained by the social learning theory,

specifically that of Sutherland’s Differential

Association Theory as revised by Akers. The

said theory holds that the most important –

perhaps the only – motivation for aggression is

an expectation for a reward (Bandura as cited in

Michener, DeLamater & Schwartz 1990, 293), as

well as a product of interactions with individuals

who had already committed the same crime.

Myers (1996) would further stress that

‘aggression sometimes has payoffs. If nothing

more, it gets attention. The same is true with

terrorist acts, which enable powerless people to

seen from the Daraga Municipal Police file regarding the investigation of the killing of Santa Rosa. 8 The Melo Commission is an independent

commission in the Philippines that was tasked to address media and activist killings.

54

garner widespread attention (Myers 1996, 449).

The said explanation is likewise accepted by the

classical criminology theory, which asserts that

‘crime is seen as a product of the free choice of

the individual, who first assesses the potential

benefits of committing the crimes against its

potential costs’ (Vold, Bernard & Snipes 2002,

9). On one hand, the degree of commitment or

integration of the assailants to a group or sector

that perhaps ordered them may also be

considered as aggravating factor that may push

them to do the killings. It is said that when

social integration is too strong, deviance may

occur or one may be induced to commit a crime

in solidarity with a group, as in the case of

altruistic suicide (Durkheim in Ritzer 2000, 87)

or suicide bombers, which may also be applied

in this study. This relation of attachment and

crime was also validated by Kempf in her review

of 71 studies of control theory (Vold, Bernard &

Snipes 2002, 189).

Another angle that is also evident from

the stories of the widows and/or mothers is that

the victims were executed through a single or

multiple gunshots on the head, except for the one

who was stabbed with a knife, leaving no room

for the victims to survive. This suggests that

whatever or whoever really mandated such

killings, their intention is not to discipline or

instill fear on the part of the victims, but to really

eliminate them as supported by the Melo

Commission’s findings. This may be interpreted

in the light of Merton’s Strain Theory,

particularly a form of innovation – killing as a

means of achieving a culturally approved goal

(either peace, unity, or punishing actual

offenders), and Durkheim’s Anomie Theory – an

actual absence of legitimate and strong social

controls that which makes the commission of

EJKs permissible.

More apparent also in the study is that the

victims were killed inside or near their residence,

except for the two cases in which the victims

were killed along the road, but still within the

same locality.

B. Impacts of EJK to the Key Informants

As narrated by the key informants, the

impacts of their experience vary. Their most

recurring responses are as follows: three out of

six KIs said that (a) they wondered why it

happened to their husband/son, (b) they find life

a bit difficult due to the loss of the material

provider, (c) they became too thin, and (d) their

sons/husband would like to avenge the death of

their loved one. Two out of six KIs said that (a)

they do not easily trust anyone, and (b) their sons

became problematic because they are now the

ones left to fend for their needs.

Other impacts or multiple responses,

which were individually mentioned, are as

follows: (a) her fear or worries as regards the

whereabouts of her son was lessened, (b) she

would always stay at home, (c) she would not

want to talk with or to see anyone, (d) she

seemed to lose her usual self; (e) she did not

understand as to what to do and how she would

take care of the needs of their family, (f) she

became indebted because of the loans

accumulated and spent for the wake of her

husband, (g) she would just cry; (h) her children

were greatly affected, (i) she got so angry with

the problems left by her husband in his capacity

as a barangay official and with the knowledge of

her husband’s other woman, (j) she felt

uneasiness and nervousness for awhile, (k) she

would seem to smell blood even if she did not

see it, (l) she did not find it hard to adjust

because of her husband’s absence prior to his

death; and (m) she experienced immense anger

and very painful feeling.

The immense anger experienced by the

victim’s nearest kin could be readily explained in

the field of Psychology. Based on the study of

James Averill (1983) as cited in Myers (1989,

55

391), the feeling of anger is “especially common

when the other person’s act was considered

willful, unjustified and avoidable”. In this study,

the killing of the victims is considered

unjustified, hence obtaining the ire of their

relatives.

C. KIs’ Faith Coping Mechanisms and

Other Strategies to Overcome their

EJK Experience

According to the KIs, their faith in God

deepened with what happened to their loved

ones, although they wondered at first why such

incidents happened to them, according to five out

of six KIs. They express it through giving their

full trust in God, attending the mass, joining

parish renewal experience seminar, going to

confession, going back as members of the

Couples for Christ (CfC), helping in the parish

during weekends and praying for guidance and

inspiration. It is also the same faith that helped

them move on with their lives, or that which

helped them understand the meaning and

purpose of what happened to their husbands or

sons. Specifically for the two KIs, what

happened is perhaps God’s way of putting a stop

to her burden, fears or worries of losing his son

when he hid from one place to another for fear

being apprehended by the military, and of

inspiring her that she has no one to hold on

except God Himself, and of training or preparing

her to face her later life. For them, God has

plans for everything, including the death of their

loved ones.

Such expressions of faith basically

prove Emile Durkheim’s Theory that indeed

religion provides meaning and purpose in times

of adversities like the EJK experience of the key

informants. These further support his emphasis

that people do not really despair much when

faced with life’s difficulties with such faith in

religion, which in turn made them attend various

church activities and/or celebration of the

sacraments, as in the case of the key informants.

Moreover, results of the study corroborate with

the illuminist theory of faith. This is validated

with the key informants’ claim that their faith

provided them a sense of meaning even when

faced with the deplorable death of their loved

ones, which seemed incomprehensible for them

at first.

Other strategies that they did to

overcome their harrowing experience are as

follows: (a) dispelling their ill feelings towards

other people especially to the one who allegedly

killed their husband/son, (b) weaving/sewing

handicrafts, (c) planting vegetables, root crops

and flowering plants, (d) listening to music, (e)

reading Christian books, (f) taking extra work or

doing overtime, (g) attending to the needs of

their children, (h) forgiving the other woman of

her husband, (i) and constantly reminding herself

and her sons that God has a purpose why it

happened to her husband.

D. Their Expectations

Three out of the six key informants

expect nothing from the government. While the

two basically said no apparent reason, the

government’s inability to do anything regarding

her husband’s case is the other kin’s main

reason. Another key informant would no longer

file a case against her son’s alleged killers,

because her husband thinks that if they do, they

might come back for them. Hence, they just

wanted the investigation to stop. These

sentiments corroborate with the report of

Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann (2007, 19: 4) in

the Human Rights Watch that the EJK

experience of the victims’ kin resulted to their

‘distrust in the investigative efforts of the police,

widespread fear, particularly in affected rural

communities, of further military abuses… and of

becoming targets of reprisal’.

56

On the other hand, some are still

expecting financial help from the government

and from the church in the form of livelihood

projects for the future of their children, other

than asking for lookouts in areas wherein EJK

happened. The rest expect nothing from the

church since it has limited to offer, as one

informant emphasized.

As from their community, only three

have expectations. One expects the same

support she is currently receiving. Another one

expects her community to understand her

membership to CfC and to help her capture and

penalize her son’s alleged killer. The last one

simply expects her community to tighten security

in their area.

Conclusions

This study essentially affirms the

function of religion and the theories of faith,

which provided the key informants the strength

to move on with their lives, despite the

harrowing tales they had, and notwithstanding

the various impacts it had on them. Furthermore,

on a psycho-socio-emotional and spiritual level,

their stories urgently appeal for a venue wherein

they could further share their experiences and be

guided as well towards healing their wounds.

This would entail not only the widows or the

mothers of the victims themselves, but also their

children, who were also deeply affected

spiritually, psychologically and emotionally by

the killing as revealed in the study. It also

establishes the need for an eclectic approach, i.e.

the use various sociological or criminological

theories, in explaining the possible causes of

EJKs amidst the absence of straightforward

evidences of the real motives of the killings.

The results of the study also show that

the victims’ kin’s individual and/personal

experiences are not a part from the Philippine

society in general. In fact, they substantiate the

different existing reports that of the Philippine

Human Development Report of 2005, the Melo

Commission Report, the Task Force Usig of the

PNP, Karapatan, Philippine Alliance of Human

Rights Advocates, Amnesty International, and

Task Force Detainees of the Philippines on

similar EJK cases and/or human rights

violations, particularly on the alleged reasons

why the victims were executed, as well as the

fear and distrust that dawned on the victim’s kin,

as expressed during the data validation or focus

group discussion held during the PMP-TWG on

Peace and Human Rights’ meeting.

Recommendations

Corollary to the above data and

conclusions, the following recommendations are

suggested:

There must be a venue wherein the

victims’ kin may be provided with a pastoral

care or debriefing program from the Catholic

Church and the Philippine Government as an

institutional response to EJK.

With the impacts of the EJKs, there

must be a way of ending this violence, which the

Philippine Government should be at its forefront.

It may start learning from the Bicol churches

initiatives on peace building, which include

‘peace advocacy thru Social Action Centers

(SAC), the Coalition for Bicol Development

(CBD), and the Center for Community

Journalism and Development (CCJD),

organizing work or the formation of Basic

Ecclesial Communities (BECs), which may

become a venue for organizing people and

educating them of their rights, engagement

strategy or involvement in mediation,

negotiation, and dialogues with both military and

rebel forces, and addressing human rights

violations and the consequences of armed

conflict or taking steps to respond to the

distressing situation of civilians caught in the

57

midst of armed conflict, providing rehabilitation

services to other communities together with the

Task Force Detainees-Bicol, the Department of

Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) and

the local government, organizing fact-finding

missions, soliciting funds for the victims, and

facilitating free legal assistance thru the Justice

and Peace desks and the Task Force Detainees of

the Philippines (TFDP)’ (Lobrigo and Imperial

2005, 39-43).

On a practical level, the widows and/or

the mothers’ experiences directly plea from the

government for security, financial and legal

assistance or programs considering their fear of

almost always having the same experience in

their locale, the lack of governmental care as

they had expressed and experienced, as well as

their dire current economic and/or financial

status much more due to the loss of a material

provider. The Church or Religious Sectors, in

this regard with their very strong influence in the

governance of the Philippines State, may

facilitate the realizations of the victims’ kin’s

pleas through their social arm, e.g. the Social

Action Center (SAC) of the Catholic Church.

The Philippine Government through its Local

Government Units and concerned agencies, like

the DSWD, PNP and alike should work hand in

hand with non-governmental agencies, like the

SAC, to mitigate, if not eradicate, the prevalence

of EJKs in the Region, as well as lessen and/or

address its impacts.

Finally, the above expectations or pleas

may be realized if all structures of the society

religiously observe and do their corresponding

spiritual and worldly functions so that in the end

no harrowing tales may be told once again.

References

1. Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the

Philippines. Compendium of the Social

Doctrines of the Church. Manila:

Word of Life Publications, 2004.

2. Hurlock, Elizabeth B. Developmental

Psychology (A Life-Span Approach),

5th

ed. Philippines: Mc-Graw Hill, Inc.,

1982.

3. From Vatican II’s Pastoral Constitution

on the Church in the Modern World in

Dulles’ The Meaning of Faith

Considered in Relationship to Justice in

Haughey. The Faith That Does Justice.

New York: Paulist Press, 1977.

4. Lobrigo, Jovic. & Sonia Imperial.

Peace-Building Experiences of

Church-Based Organizations in Bicol.

Manila: UP CIDS and UNDP, 2005.

5. Lobrigo, Jovic, Sonia Imperial, & Noel

Rafer. “Armed Conflict in Bicol: the

Price Does Not Come Cheap,” Policy

Notes, Makati City: Philippine Institute

for Development Studies No. 2006-04,

2006, March.

6. Lobrigo, Jovic, Sonia Imperial, & Noel

Rafer. “Case Study on the Human

Development and Economic

Costs/Spillovers of Armed Conflict in

Bicol,” “Case Study on the Human

Development and Economic

Costs/Spillovers of Armed Conflict in

Bicol,” Philippine Human

Development Report 2005 (Philippines:

UNDP and NZAID, 2005).

7. Macionis, John. Sociology, 7th

edition.

NJ: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1999.

8. Myers, David. Psychology. New York:

Worth Publishers, Inc., 1989.

9. Myers, David. Social Psychology.

New York: The McGraw-Hill

Companies, Inc., 1996.

10. Michener, Andrew, John DeLamater, &

Shalom Schwartz. Social Psychology,

2nd

edition. Florida: Harcourt Brace

Jovanovich Publishers, 1990.

58

11. Ritzer, George. Sociological Theory,

5th

edition. USA: McGraw-Hill, 2000.

12. Sheppard, Bede, Leonard Sandler & A.

Lin Neumann. Scared Silent: Impunity

for Extrajudicial Killings in the

Philippines. Human Rights Watch v.

19, n. 9 (c) (2007, June).

13. Steidl-Meier, Paul. Social Justice

Ministry. New York: Le Jacq

Publishing, Inc., 1984.

14. Vold, George, Thomas Bernard, &

Jeffrey Snipes. Theoretical

Criminology, 5th

edition. New York:

Oxford University Press, Inc., 2002.

Appendix A.

Full Stories of Harrowing Tales

of Extrajudicial Killings of Widows or

Mothers of Bicol, Philippines

Ate Pia. At the age of 52, Ate Pia, a

high school graduate and a former saleslady

turned businesswoman, could very well recall the

incident that happened to her son almost ten

months ago. His son, who was then 30 years

old, a construction worker and an elementary

graduate, was mercilessly butchered at the house

of his brother in April 2007. According to her,

she could hardly express the too much pain she

felt at that time.

Until now, the person responsible for

his death could nowhere to be found. On the

other hand, she was able to get hold of the

picture as well as the former place of residence

of the alleged killer from someone else.9

Likewise, the motive for killing her son is not yet

clear. Although before her son’s actual death,

they were informed that the military would

conduct a zonal or community surveillance.

Hence for fear that her son might be captured,

her family drove him away, hid him from place

to place, and until such time that the bloody

incident happened.

9 Ate Pia does not want to mention the name of

the person to protect his identity.

Just before her son’s death, Ate Pia

remembered that he became irritable and

unusually violent after he joined a particular

‘group of people’10

. He also seemed to have a

different mindset as compared before. Actually,

she and her husband were against their son’s

membership to that ‘group’. But then, she

recalled that her son would even become more

insistent in joining because for him, he found

peace and much more his life in that ‘group’.

For Ate Pia, such condition made their family

life a little bit difficult. Nevertheless, she still

considered the flow of their life at that time as

generally reasonable. Just like at the moment,

they eat regularly, they are able to send their

children to school, and they are able to easily

recover in difficult times.

When her son died, she felt that her fear

and/or worries as regards what her son might be

probably doing outside their house was lessened.

It is because every time he was not around, he

was either drinking liquor with his friends, or be

in trouble for caring too much or defending his

friends whenever they were being misjudged. In

fact, she now feels thankful to God not that he is

already dead, but that she thinks that her son is

already with the Lord; she would no longer

worry that one day their family would be

lessened; and that he would no longer hide or

flee whenever he sees members of the military.

Nevertheless, even if she already lifted up her

son’s case to God and that their usual family life

still goes on, she feels a big difference and/or

missing piece in their family when he died. This

feeling would especially intensify during

December in which their family would also

remember him.

As far as her personal life is concerned

after her son’s death, she said that she does not

easily trust anyone now, unlike before. She

would also seldom talk to anyone after the said

10

She would no longer want to name the “group”. But from her insinuations and/or story, this “group” seemed to refer to a rebel group, since they would hide their son once there are members of the military patrolling their community.

59

incident. On the other hand, she would tell the

rest of her family members to persevere and go

on with their life, and to always foster good

conduct now that they have an experience to

ruminate. But right after the incident, she

admitted that she was looking for some answers

to her questions like why it happened, why her

son was not given a chance despite that she

wanted to lead her son to the right path, and why

is it that her son is not yet given justice.

Likewise, she disclosed that she did not go to

mass and/or receive other sacraments like the

sacrament of reconciliation.

A striking feature of Ate Pia’s story is

that her faith now in God as well as that of her

husband’s deepened after such harrowing

experience. Moreover, their faith also helped

them recover from such incident. She would no

longer ask questions she would ask before. This

is because she realized that her family has no one

to hold on to except God alone; and that it was a

great offense to reject Him. She would also

think that he is now at peace and enjoying the

Lord’s company; and that he would no longer

have problems as mentioned above. Hence, for

the Lord and in return, as she said, her family

just accepted everything that comes their way

even the death of her son; and they went back to

the Couples for Christ (CfC).

Having such faith in God, and

overcoming her experience was not that easy.

She could even hardly express what happened to

her son, because it was too much for her.

Similarly, she said that “Haloy pa! Haloy pa!

Gari nawara kami sa sadiri [It took us (referring

to her husband and herself) quite sometime (to

cope up). It seemed that we lost our usual self].”

They also did not go to church for almost three

months so that they will not recall the burial rites

for their son. She would always stay at home

and would not want to see anyone even her

husband. Nonetheless, her husband would insist

that if they would not fight their ill feelings and

face their problem, he was thinking that

something might happen to them. He also

recommended that they had to go back to the

church specifically as members of CfC and serve

the Lord so that their fears would cease to exist.

She, then, conceded. With the help of the prayer

meetings and talking or sharing to the other

members of the CfC about their son’s death,

giving their full trust in the Lord, and going to

the church to attend the mass with their children,

their problem seemed to be solved little by little.

With her experience, she wishes that the

government would extend help to them in the

form of livelihood especially that her husband

cannot work well because of recurrent high

blood pressure, as well as anything that would

help prepare the future of the children who are

still attending school. One is even about to

graduate from high school; and they just plan to

send him to a TESDA center wherein he could

earn at least a two-year course due to financial

constraints. Likewise, she only hopes to avail of

the sacraments of the church for free like

baptism and/or wedding especially for one of her

children, who currently has a live-in partner.

This is because she thinks that the parish had

seldom to offer aside from administering the

sacraments. She also wishes that her community

will understand someday her membership to the

CfC, which is often questioned by their

neighbors. Furthermore, her heart desires that

the one who killed her son, once captured, would

be penalized and would let them understand why

he killed their son.

Ate Sandra. Her story is different from

Ate Pia’s in some respect. Aside from the age

difference (she is 54 years old), the educational

attainment (she is an elementary graduate), and

occupation (she sews or make handicrafts), the

one whom she lost almost one and a half years

ago was her very own husband. Her husband

was then 53 years old, a former local government

unit employee – a member of the civil security

unit and a welder and/or construction worker,

who at first was only able to reach grade 2.

Later on, however, he was able to pursue his

studies and was able to achieve at least second

year high school level on a home study program.

But what is more appalling in her story is how

her husband was killed, which until now affects

her so much.

Ate Sandra recounted that on the eve of

their barangay’s fiesta, around past twelve

midnight, an unknown man outside their house

was calling her husband’s name. He was asking

why their house had no visitors, and why it was

60

too dark well in fact it was the eve of their

barangay’s fiesta. Ate Sandra, since she could

not recognize the voice of the man, thought that

it was one of their children’s visitors. Hence,

she, together with her husband, got up from the

bed. She went directly towards the direction of

the window in order to remove the curtain, which

only covered their window, and in order to know

the person calling. However, her husband

shoved her away. He was the one who peeked

out of the window instead. As soon as his head

got out of the window, she heard a ‘bang’, which

made her screamed constantly. Her husband

with a shot on his head fell on her. Because of

his weight, both of them fell on the floor. As

soon as they touched the floor, Ate Sandra saw

on the window a hand, which was holding a

seemingly 45caliber pistol aimed at them.

Without further notice, another gunshot, which

hit the chest of her husband and made her

screamed further, was heard once again.

Since it was dark outside their house

and they have no electricity at that time, plus the

fact that the front yard of their house before was

full of tress, she did not see the face of the

person who killed her husband. She could also

hardly decipher if they were other persons

outside their house aside from the killer. On the

other hand, a female relative who was then inside

their house allegedly saw from another window a

shadow of male person in front of the main door

who was about to enter their house. Upon seeing

it, she hurriedly closed the window. Thus, she

failed to recognize the person, aside from the fact

that she was not able to light up any lamp out of

fear and astonishment.

With what happened, Ate Sandra is still

wondering as regards the motive of her

husband’s killer. Up to now, she is asking why

she was not even able to receive any notice or

letter, if indeed the killer belongs to the NPA.

This is because as far as she knows and/or from

the information she got from their former

barangay captain, members of the NPA would

send first a letter of warning or reprimand, as

well as an explanation before one has to be

executed. Another angle that she is looking into

is the possibility that it may be related to her

husband’s job. Before his death, he was

appointed as the chief barangay tanod (head of

security) in their community. In the same

manner, her husband also got one of his brothers

(older than he is) as a member tanod. She got

information from the other members of the

barangay security that the two would always

have squabbles, especially when there was an

occasion or a drinking spree. She also heard that

her husband was once brought to the peace and

order council in their locality because he has

allegedly committed something wrong. Her

husband just dismissed the allegation, when she

asked him.

Nonetheless, there were instances

wherein when her husband’s older brother

mentioned above was drunk, he would always

yell out outside their house. At one time, while

her husband and one of their children was fixing

their roof, her drunk older brother bellowed very

harsh words – “Dai ka pa yudeputa natitigbak na

salbahe ka! (Why are you not yet dead, you son

of a bitch!)” She failed, however, to ask her

husband’s brother what the problem was all

about. She also did not report such incident to

the barangay captain at that time as per request

of her husband. He simply told her not to give

his brother attention, since he was just drunk.

Her husband, likewise, told her to ignore his

brother as long as he is outside their house, and

he does not harm any member of their family.

For Ate Sandra, her husband was quite

dedicated to her job. She could recall that before

his death, he would always work even if he did

not yet receive his previous salary. In fact he,

together with the military, was too busy helping

the evacuees right after the succeeding calamities

last year. She also heard that upon return to the

city hall from the evacuation center, he would

still cook food for them. He just became sad

when it was about fiesta time in their barangay.

When she would ask him as to what possibly

bothered him or made him sad, he would simply

say that he had not yet received his salary.

Their family life was likewise ‘natural’

according to Ate Sandra when her husband was

still alive. They had the things that they needed

for everyday life, as well as for the schooling of

their children. When he died, she found it a bit

difficult, although she was still able to get food

for her family during mealtime. On the other

61

hand, their family life became much more

destitute after few months of his death.

According to her, she did not understand or

know what she should do, specifically on how

she would take care of them when they would

get sick, as well as where to get their everyday

needs, especially that of her eight children.

Aside from the above dilemma, she

experienced “Sobra! Dagit, dai mo maintindihan

[(I experienced) immense anger, which I could

hardly explain],” especially towards her

husband’s brother as a result of his death. She

thinks that “gabos nagkonsente (everyone has to

be blamed).” There are times that she just cries.

She also feels that her sons are quite problematic

nowadays since they are now the ones who have

to fend for their needs. They are also thinking of

joining a group that does something bad, she

said. But they also think that it is hard to get out

of that system.11

That is why they just leave

their present life to God. Nonetheless, she still

expects her two children to finish even 4th

year

high school, as well as her youngest child who is

now in grade one.

There are practical things that she does

in order to cope up with her harrowing

experience. She just prays to God and leaves

everything to Him, even if she does not

understand why it happened to her husband, and

if indeed he had done something wrong. For her,

her faith still stays the same; nothing has

changed. She attributes this to her being a

member of the Couples for Christ, and by

attending parish renewal experience (PREX).

11

Ate Sandra would not want to name the group for security reasons. However, she seemed to refer to a rebel group, which her sons were thinking of joining to avenge the death of their father. This could be inferred from her statements especially on the note that she was expecting to receive if indeed the alleged killer was a member of the NPA. But since she did not receive any letter, she is thinking that the killer could possibly be a member of the military. On the other hand, since her children know the repercussion of joining such group, they simply leave everything to God.

She also weaves or sews handicrafts. Likewise,

she plants vegetables in which she may harvest

in times of need. Nevertheless, she still expects

the church to help her financially. However, she

does not want to receive something in a form of

a loan because she thinks that she does not have

the means to repay it. On the other hand, she

does not expect anything from the government.

She would just feel thankful if there would be.

Ate Agnes. “Garo baga pirmi blurred

pag-iisip ko... Pirmi na sana malibong an payo

kan agom ko (It seemed that my mind is always

confused… My husband is always irritable),”

Ate Agnes said as regards the result of her son’s

death. She is also wondering why her son was

killed, well in fact he did not do anything wrong

as far as she is concerned.

Ate Agnes, a laundry woman who only

reached third year high school, experienced in

2007 the most shocking story in her life after

living for 56 years at the same locality as Ate Pia

and Ate Sandra. Almost same case as Ate Pia’s,

she also lost her youngest son, who was then 31

years old, who only finished grade six, and who

allegedly became a member of the Citizen’s

Auxiliary Forces Geographical Unit (CAFGU)

for eight months before he died.

Last year, she recalls that four men,

who introduced themselves as members of the

New People’s Army (NPA), visited their house

at around six thirty in the morning. She further

recalls that one of them had a flat top haircut and

the other one had a handkerchief covering his

head. The three were fair skinned. The other one

had a dark complexion; and he was short and

stout. They were wearing white shirts, short

pants and slippers. They were also carrying big

back packs, which seemed to be very heavy. All

of them were carrying long firearms, which she

considered as M16 rifles. According to her, she

had already seen one that is why she knew that

what they were carrying were M16 rifles. The

four men were positioned at different parts of

their residential area. One was inside their

house, the two were standing outside, and the

fourth one, who actually asked for a cup of

coffee later on, was waiting at the beginning of

the pavement facing their house.

62

After one of them finished drinking

coffee, he told her that they simply wanted to

invite her son for a talk and that there was

nothing to worry at all. She replied by asking if

she could come along with her son. He

answered that it would just be a very brief talk,

about thirty minutes, which he planned to have

just few meters away from their house pointing

to the direction of the rice field. To assure her

that they would come back, the person talking to

her also said that they even plan to have their

lunch at their house. Ate Agnes’ son then

secretly told her that it would be better if she just

remained at their house because it is dangerous

to come with them. Her son further said that he

does not know them, although he recognizes

their face.

At around seven o’clock, she heard

three gunshots, which she simply ignored.

However, more or less after an hour, somebody

informed her that their son was found dead just

few meters up and away from their house. She

hurriedly went to her husband who was then

working at the house of one of their children to

inform him of what happened. Together, they

went to the barangay captain, who in turn

ordered a barangay tanod or security to inform

the police, who did not come for any apparent

reason.

When they reached the place where her

dead body’s son was found, she saw that “Sabog

ini (referring to the head). Halos wasak ang

utak kaidto (His head was totally blown. His

brain was almost scattered all over the place).”

Shocked with what she saw, she almost fainted

and cried. Later on, she informed her another

son who was in Manila about what happened to

their brother, and then asked a funeral parlor to

get the body of her son. No one stopped them

from getting their dead son’s body. No police

authority investigated the incident, which up to

now makes her wonder. Much more, no one

dared to help them at that time.

His son never mentioned anything about

his life as a member of the CAFGU. What she

could remember was her son one night came

home very sad. He never shared what happened

to him. He simply kept it to himself. Hence,

until now, the motive for killing her son is still a

puzzle.

“Gari bibalewala mi na sana lang ta

kung pagpaparaisipon mi ito, maniwang lang

kami pagpaparaisip,mamumroblema kami [We

(referring to her husband and herself) would

simply dismiss it because if we would always

think about what happened, we would just get

thin and become problematic],” she said as

regards how they withstood the incident.

Likewise, she would just clean their

surroundings, and plant root crops and flowering

plants since she is the only one at home. But

there are times that when she sees the place,

where her son was killed, in which it could

readily be seen from their house, “maraoton sa

boot (It is quite painful).” On the other hand,

Ate Agnes’ husband no longer wants to file a

case against her son’s alleged killers. It is

because he thinks that if they do, the alleged

killers might come back for them. That is why

he just wants the investigation of the case to be

stopped.

Despite what happened to her son, her

faith is still unwavering. She said that “Dai man

pwedeng magluya an pagtubod mo sa mahal na

Diyos. Ta siempre poraber baga kita, dapat

Diyos nguna (It is not possible for my faith to

weaken because before anything else, God

should always be the first).” She would also

pray for God’s inspiration and/or guidance so

that she and her husband would not think much

of their son. Likewise, she would also pray that

God may enlighten the minds of those who killed

her son, and that God would reprimand them for

what they have done. If in case her son has also

done something wrong, she would also ask for

God’s forgiveness.

On the other hand, considering their

family’s condition, she expects the government

to give them financial assistance especially for

the every day’s needs of their children, rice,

livelihood like raising livestock and whatever it

could possibly offer. Similarly, she would also

welcome whatever her community could give

them, as long as it comes from their heart.

Financial assistance, especially for the bereave

wife and child of her son, is also what they

63

expect from the church, specifically from the

Social Action Center.

As to her fellow widows with the same

experience as she does, she simply said that they

just have to offer to God whatever happened to

them.

Ate May. “Perhaps the absence of my

husband was God’s way of training and

preparing me for what will happen to him later”

– this is how Ate May, 45 years old, a college

graduate and a government employee, described

her experience before the death of her husband,

who was then a barangay official in their locality

almost 7 years ago.

Ate May’s husband, also a college

graduate who was then 38 years old, was shot on

the head in the presence of their youngest child

when the former was bidding farewell to a

reporter who interviewed him. According to her

at around nine o’clock in the morning of

Saturday, while she was waiting for her children

to come home from school to spend the weekend

with them, she heard a gunshot. She never

assumed it was her husband because she knew

that he was outside with their youngest child

answering the queries of a reporter. After few

minutes, her cousin shouted calling her name and

informed her of what happened to her husband.

When she went to the place of the incident, her

husband was profusely bleeding and dead along

the road. The alleged killer was described by her

child as fat, with an army cut hair, tall and well-

built man. The cousin who called her supported

this statement by saying that the man who shot

her husband was 5’5” or 5’6” in height, and

indeed possessed the physical characteristics

mentioned by the kid. Her cousin further stated

that when she heard the gunshot and got out, the

man was riding a motorcycle and came back to

the scene to look at her. Accordingly, there were

two men riding the motorcycle.

Ate May attributed this incidence to the

events that happened prior to the shooting

incident. She claimed the he had been saying

that he was receiving death threats for allegedly

supporting the NPA, as reported by the CAFGU.

On the same morning of her husband’s death,

somebody came to their house to fix a case of

illegal logging which her husband had

apprehended. She also said that the man behind

the illegal logging operation was a politician.

Furthermore, there was also a case of stolen

cows that which he never feared to face. These

she cited as the possible reasons for her

husband’s death.

Before her husband died, she already

felt the absence of her husband, which helped her

more to move on easily, as the latter always

seemed to be pre-occupied with a lot of things

being a barangay official in their place than their

family issues that which caused a division

between them then. She said that they were poor

and that she had to strive as equally as her

husband does to provide for their needs.

When her husband died, she did not

find it hard then to adjust to her husband’s

absence because of her experience prior to the

killing. It was her children who found it hard to

adjust. The first she attended to were all the

papers needing immediate action in the barangay

which were still her husband’s accountability

and which need to be cleared. It was while doing

that she found out of her husband’s deficiencies

in their barangay. Among these, she found it

very difficult to process the papers for a gun she

did not know of. She felt relief when a police

friend of hers helped her secure a police blotter

and clearance. Further complicating the matter

was the equipment in the barangay that her

husband left.

She never saw their children as

problems, but the work mentioned, along with

the on-going projects and collection papers her

husband handled. But what pained her most at

the time of her husband’s death was it was the

time that she found out of her husband’s other

woman, whom was being doubted as having a

military boyfriend, who was also being doubted

as the one responsible for the death of her

husband. “Feeling ko, ako nagparasapar kang

gabos, maray siya ta trangkilo na (I felt I had to

absorb everything. Good for him because he is

already at peace).” She further attributed the

burden that she felt at that time not from the

matters that needed to be attended in line with

her husband’s death, but more on the papers she

64

had to do for her husband and the reality of the

other woman she had to deal with.

After her husband’s death, she felt

uneasiness and nervousness for awhile. She

claimed to have seen her husband who had been

reminding her of all that need to be done. She

also said that she always seem to smell blood

even when there was no blood around. She also

became doubtful of everybody who goes to their

house and was even hesitant to allow her

children to leave the house for fear that there

may be persons eyeing them and they may get

shot anytime like her husband. She said that her

seven children cried for several days and missed

their father very much. But she made them

understood that what happened was God’s way

and that there is a reason why it happened. This

was her way of coping, she said. The constant

reminder she gave to their children that God has

a purpose for what happened was also at the

same time her reminder to herself. She further

opted to look at her good memories with her

husband than think of all the difficulties she had

experienced.

Her faith was also strengthened through

her involvement in the church. Her workmates

also contributed greatly to this by constantly

giving her Christian books to read. Her husband

also liked to listen to music before in which she

also learned to love and helped her to relax. She

also made herself busy by taking an extra work

and attending to the needs of her children. She

spends the weekends at the parish helping out.

But the greatest action she did was to confront

her husband’s mistress and talk about different

things. She said that since her husband did not

have kids with the other woman, it was easy for

her. She and the mistress even became friends

and the latter would even seek for advice from

her. She added that forgiveness, which she gave

to her husband’s mistress, made the death of her

husband lighter for her to carry.

However, she claims that she no longer

expects anything from the government, because

up to now, nothing has been done yet regarding

her husband’s case. Similarly, she does not have

any expectation from the church. As from her

community, she simply expects the same support

that they are expressing towards her.

Furthermore, she advises all the other women

whose husbands were victims of extra-judicial

killings to look for a job to deviate their attention

from focusing solely on the loss of their

husbands, to focus instead on their children who

are still dependent on them, and to have a strong

will to face their situation because they do not

have any other choice but to survive and accept

what happened because God has a purpose for

that.

Ate Teresa. “Siguro ini talaga ang

tinalaga sakuya kang Mahal na Diyos (Perhaps

this is really God’s will for me)” is the statement

of Ate Teresa, a 48-year old elementary graduate

and a handicraft factory employee, about her

being a widow.

Already living by herself as a widow for

two years with one 22-year old son, she now

describes herself as being very faithful compared

before. She already has gotten to a point of

trusting God’s will and giving Him her sacrifices

as offerings of faith. Widowed since March 3,

2006, she still vividly recalls what was recounted

to her about her husband’s death.

The man, who told her about the

incident, was the passenger of a motorcycle who

witnessed the killing, and she stated as

translated:

Ten o’clock that Friday

evening, he went down (from our

locality) to pick me up from work. I

could not leave because I was having

my overtime so he decided to leave and

take a passenger with him as he is

engaged in ‘habal-habal’ (door to door

transport service) going to our place.

From a city church, two men hailed

him, and asked to transport them going

to the direction of their residence. In

fact, the man, who saw the killing, said

that he was also requested by the two

men to bring them to the same locale.

However, since he already had a prior

arrangement with a customer, and the

one next in line was her husband, her

husband’s motorcycle was the one

rented by the two men. He also

overheard that the two men were going

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to a village. Hence, they went ahead.

When the witness followed later on, he

saw upon reaching the area near a

village that the motorcycle of her

husband signaled as if needing help.

Since he already passed, he went back

towards her husband’s motorcycle. But

before he was able to get near, he saw

that her husband was shot. Out of fear,

he hurriedly drove his motorcycle away

from the incident. That time, a tricycle

driver was also passing by and he saw

my husband lying along the street.

After the incident, Ate Teresa further

narrated that the man riding the tricycle went to

their house to awaken their sons who were told

that their father had an accident. Her two sons

then went to the place and found their father

already cold and dead. The cadaver was then

brought to the hospital while one of her sons

went to her office to fetch and tell her what

happened. As she immediately went to the

hospital, she found her husband already dead and

with no diagnosis done by the doctors at the

hospital. She recalled that the wound of her

husband was at his head as this was the spot

where there was a lot of oozing blood. She even

remembered how she was shocked when the

blood that dripped off her husband’s ear was still

warm despite his death. She perceived that as

being the signal of what her husband wanted her

to know.

Despite the narration given by the

witnesses, the latter refused to testify because of

fear. Hence, no case could be filed.

The death of her husband had a

tremendous impact on her, notwithstanding that

she became too thin, and her family because she

is now left on her own to provide for her and her

son’s needs. Her husband, who was then 47

years old, an elementary undergraduate, and a

former fish vendor, was engaged in ‘habal-

habal’. Hence, the death of her husband resulted

to her taking over the role of material provider

for the family. The loss of her husband was a

very big one according to her as she claimed that

money was never a problem to her before since

both of them are working, but not it is.

This is further intensified by the fact

that after her husband’s death, she became

indebted because of loans accumulated and spent

in the 10-day lavish burial of her husband. She

said that if it were not for her children’s request

to have a long wake for their father, she would

not have that much loans at her office. Further

complicating is the fact that she still has her 22-

year old unemployed son to feed.

In the 10-day wake following her

husband’s death, she did not take a long leave

from her work because she would just feel

melancholic and confused. Her manager even

suggested giving her a 2-month leave to enable

her to cope very well. But she did not take it.

Instead, she just filed a leave for 15 days. She

further even did a lot of overtime, went to

confession and strengthened her faith in God.

She constantly reminded herself and her sons as

well that God has a purpose why it happened.

This she does even up to now because her sons

want to avenge the death of their father.

Ate Teresa also emphasized that she

and her sons know the suspect because of

rumors. Their alleged suspect is a military man

from a nearby town who was assigned in their

place. This she said along with her seen motive

to silence her husband because after her

husband’s death, rumors spread that her husband

was a messenger of a leftist organization – a

matter that she did not even know before.

Further, she admitted that she even doubts the

tricycle driver and its passengers because they

knew her husband and their house. She further

doubts that maybe the driver was asked by the

alleged killers to bring them back to the city

proper before he went to their house. She was

thinking this way because she believed that if the

tricycle driver went directly to their house after

the incident, then the body of her husband would

still be warm. However, when she and her sons

saw and touched the body, it was already too

cold.

With all that had happened to her

husband and their family, she has a great

expectation from the government particularly in

terms of the victims of EJK. She wants the

government to put lookouts in the areas whereby

such killings have taken place. Moreover, she

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wants the government to help the families of the

victims in filing a case because often, like her,

those who do not have the money are hesitant to

file a case because of the work attached to it and

the cost of processing. As for the community,

she has expectation only from those barangay

officials to tighten the security in their place to

prevent further occurrence of more EJK. Finally,

from the church, she expects the SAC to help the

families of the victims of EJK uplift themselves

from poverty by providing means of livelihood.

She is also requesting that SAC help her find a

job for her son or give him one, even as a janitor.

She advises the women who have experienced

the same thing she did to meet with other fellow

women thru SAC so they could help each other

clear their thoughts. She considers the

conversation that will take place as essential in

finding one’s direction.

Ate Cristina. “Dai man akong

naginibo. Dai akong naiisip. Garo daing laog

so payo ko kaidto. Garo kuyan invalido so isip

ko kaidto. Tinios ko na sana su kulog kan boot,

sa irarom kan boot ko na sana. Dai akong

maginibo. Ano ko man maginibo (I was not able

to do or think anything. I think my head then

was empty, and my mind was unstable. I simply

kept the pain inside of me. I cannot do anything.

What else can I do)?” This is how Ate Cristina,

68 years old, elementary undergraduate and a

housewife, recalled her experience after the

death of her husband.

She remembered that in 2003, her

husband, 58 years old then, and an elementary

graduate but became a barangay official, was

shot from the left side of his torso; and the bullet

went out on the right side of his head. But she

never heard a gunshot even if she was standing

right beside her husband. She later found out

that her husband’s killer used a silencer,

according to the authorities.

At the beginning, the said killer was

looking for her husband in his capacity as a

barangay official. She was actually the one who

entertained him at first. She recalled that the

man was allegedly saying that he was looking for

a certain person who had a long outstanding debt

from certain marketing agency. Since her

husband was an official in their barangay, he told

her that her husband might know the person

whom he was looking for. Her husband then

went out from their room to receive the

seemingly letter from the said marketing. While

he was about to open to letter, the man

supposedly said that “Bahala ka na kaiyan (You

just take care of it).” Then after that, all she

knew was a bullet already hit her husband.

Ate Cristina claimed that she was not

able to recognize the killer since a hand towel

was covering his face, and he was also covering

his nose with a handkerchief while biting a ball

pen. But as far as she could remember, the said

killer was a bit old, thin and short, less than five

feet in height. She likewise could not think of a

possible motive except that one time, or a year

before her husband was killed, he has been

lambasted by a military commander in their

locality for allegedly reporting the killing

incident of a CAFGU and a military man along

the crossing towards their place to the authorities

at the city proper rather than reporting it to the

said military official. Aside from that, she never

knew any enemy of her husband.

The death of her husband had a great

impact on their family since no one would

already take care of their family’s needs. Unlike

before, they were not that poor and that they

could always have whatever they basically need.

Aside from getting too thin and the personal

impact, which the said incident had on her as

previously mentioned, it is now their two

children who are taking care of her needs based

on whatever they could possibly provide. Ate

Cristina further said that she could not do

anything about what happened simply because it

did happen already. Besides, she added that they

did no longer file a case because they do not

know as to whom to charge with the said crime.

Nevertheless, with what happened to

her husband, her usual relationship with her

neighbors remained the same, and her faith did

not become unsteady. According to her, it was

the same normal or usual faith that she has, even

though at times she would still ask God in a

prayer why it happened to her husband. She also

agreed that it is because of her faith that she is

still able to go on with her life until now.

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At present, she no longer expects

anything from the government now that her

husband is already dead. Unlike before that her

husband was still a barangay official, whatever

the government offered their barangay, their

family would always be benefiting from it.

Good that the Social Action Center gave her

livestock to take care of and to generate income

for their family.