Eyewitness account from Egypt

8/7/2019 Eyewitness account from Egypt

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Eyewitness account from Egypt

Philip Bethge was in Egypt immediately after the fall of Mubarak (17-27 February)where he wrote a daily blog for the German socialist website www.marx21.de . This blog has now been translated into English and appears below. Please feel free to forward or to publish this blog, as long as you acknowledge the source ( www.marx21.de ) [Phil Butland, translator ([email protected])].

Day 1: Friday, 17 February: Egyptians celebrate the Liberation

Last Friday, Mubarak was overthrown. One week later, millions celebrated in Tahrir square. TheInternet diary of Philip Bethge, who will be reporting for 10 days for marx21.de begins with areport from the victory festival.

Celebrations in Tahrir Square. Photo: Philip Bethge

Today is my first day in Egypt. I landed at 2.30am and the atmosphere in the airport is quite different to

the last time that I was in Cairo (perhaps more about this in future e-mails). Then, suspicious soldierschecked all passengers, and you could never be sure whether you‟d get out of the airport. Now all thesoldiers are gone – from the airport at least.

It‟s different on the road. Many streets contain roadblocks, sometimes with tanks. Every kilometer, agroup of soldiers check driving licenses and passport. Sometimes, they let us through, sometimes wemust find a different route. A reminder that the army is still in charge of Egypt.

Part of the new Egypt

But these soldiers are di fferent to Mubarak‟s troops, who previously controlled the airport. They lookyounger, and all of them are smiling. They all chat with the drivers, as if they‟re not really sure whatthey‟re doing here. It may be the case, that in the future these soldiers will receive the command to

shoot demonstrators, und must then decide on which side they are. At the moment, though, they arepart of the new Egypt.

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Egypt is still ruled by the military. But whose side are the soldiers on ? Photo: Philip Bethge

A few hours‟ sleep, and then it‟s time to look round Cairo. I meet with a colleague from the Left Party inBerlin, who‟s also here to experience the Egyptian revolution for herself. The workers in our hotel areall watching mass demonstrations on television. There were so many uprisings in Arab countriesrecently, that it ‟s not clear which country they‟re watching .

Liberation Square

They ask us if we‟re going to “Liberation Square” (the English translation of Tahrir Square). “Of course”, we say, and they wish us well, jealous that they have to stay and work.

Although we weren‟t completely sure how we would find Tahrir square, we didn‟t need a map. There isa stream of people from all sides, going in just one direction. Most people carry Egyptian flags, or weart-shirts containing the motto “25 January: the day that Egypt was liberated“. People of all possibleages are there – men and women, many with their full family. And all of them are happy.

Young girl celebrating on the shoulders of her father. Photo: Philip Bethge



Guests of Honour from Europe

One million people were expected, but beyond a certain size it is impossible to estimate how manypeople are really there [I was told later there were 4 million people demonstrating in or around TahrirSquare]. Tahrir Square and all surrounding streets are full to bursting in all directions. There is no

demonstration today – it is more of a party. Suddenly a demonstration goes along a street, and greetsanother demonstration coming from the opposite direction. They are not going anywhere: everyoneknows that they must stay here.

Structure in Tahrir Square commemorating Mubarak’s victims. Photo: Philip Bethge

As effectively the only Europeans, we attract particular interest. A week ago, we had been warned thatit‟s too dangerous to travel to Egypt, as Mubarak‟s troops were selectively attacking foreigners. Now,we are honoured guests. We are regularly asked where we‟re from, and many want to bephotographed with us. A few men kiss me. Two lads want to shake my hand – followed by a woman infull burka.

Some of the many different faces of freedom in new Egypt. Photo: Philip Bethge



Democractic Uprising

Some don‟t understand why we‟re carrying Egyptian flags. “But you‟re not Egyptian”. We say: “today,we‟re all Egyptian. Now they understand. They are proud of what they have achieved. This isn‟t anationalistic demonstration like those with German, US or Israeli flags. The flags are a symbol thatnormal Egyptians have finally won their country back, after centuries of occupation or puppet

governments of the USA.

Demonstrators proudly fly the Egyptian flag. Photo: Stefanie Fischbach

We often hear that we must tell the world what we are experiencing. Many are worried that theEgyptian revolution is being falsely portrayed in the foreign press. Several home-made posters indifferent languages stress the democratic and peaceful nature of the uprising. The violent men whotried to foment the counter revolution are currently on the defensive. Soldiers allow children with flagsto be photographed on top of their tanks. At the moment, they are on the side of the people.

Demonstrators (including Steffi) on a tank. Photograph: Philip Bethge



First celebrate, then find solutions

There‟s a certain lack of clarity what should happen now. Everyone knows that they can‟t just gohome, but when we ask what comes next, we don‟t get any clear answe r. All are happy that Mubarakand Suleiman have gone, and have suspicions of the current military government, but at the momentthe general attitude is, let‟s celebrate now and talk about solutions later.

Time to celebrate. Photo: Philip Bethge

In this sense, the Egyptian revolution is simultaneously highly political and at the same time relativelydevoid of political content. Political, because the Egyptian have overthrown a dictator, and know thatthey need to stay on the streets to defend the gains of 25 January. Unpolitical, because there is hardlyany political discussion. I‟ve seen perhaps 2 leaflets – that‟s not 2 different sets of people handing outleaflets, but literally 2 leaflets. Socialists have played an important role in changing Egypt, but themovement is too large to really see them. Currently, no-one has hegemony in this movement.

Unstable Situation

The situation can‟t stay like this. The military is still in power, and must eventually decide, whether itcan use its soldiers to disperse the movement. At the moment, this seems to be impossible, but assoon as the movement stops going forward, everything can very quickly go into reverse. This hashappened before – not least in France in 1968, or in Chile in 1973 when right-wing governments keptor usurped power after only a half-revolution had been carried out. In these cases, it was ultimatelycritical that the forces of the left were not strong enough to bring the revolution to its conclusion.



Soldiers and demonstrators together – for the moment. Photo: Philip Bethge

It‟s too early to say how things will develop in Egypt. At the very least, the Egyptians have earned alarge celebration. This evening there should be a concert on Tahrir Square. We‟ll go there and I canreport what happens in my next e-mail.

Egyptians celebrate in Tahrir Square. Photo: Philip Bethge

Day 2: Saturday, 18 February: Anxiety before the elections

Who will profit from the free elections in Egypt. The new political forces of the revolution, orthe old forces of the régime with money and power? In the second part of his Internet diary,Philip Bethge reports discussions in the building of the journalists’ trade union.

On Friday we celebrated a little, then went for a tea in a nearby café with Omnia. Omnia is a friendfrom Egypt, who was a teen-age journalism student when we first met. Since then she has barely said



anything political to me – until the fall of Mubarak. Then she mailed me 2 sentences: “I a m 25 yearsold, and have not experienced anything apart from Mubarak. That is not fair.”

Omnia. Photograph: Philip Bethge

Omnia is naturally excited by the new movement, which means that she can finally talk about politics.However, she has many questions, She wants to know what we think of political parties. She is amember of a party that had been able to stand a candidate against Mubarak, although she alsobelieves that the candidate has grown too distant from the party basis. Is basis democracy rallypossible in political parties? And if so, how?

Liberals and the Headscarf

Omnia also has some reservations about liberals. We quickly learn that the tern “liberal” is used in

Egypt more as another word for “social” and “social democratic” than in the sense of “neoliberal” or theFDP (right-wing German equivalent of the Liberal Party in the UK). But her experience from individualparty members is that they would rather tell her to stop wearing her headscarf than to talk aboutpossible unity. For Omnia, that is the precise opposite of liberalism.

Women – with and without headscarves are in the centre of the movement. Photo: Philip Bethge

As Omnia has several meetings today, we spontaneously decide to go to the building of thejournalists‟ trade union. At the beginning of the last decade, the “Cairo Conference” took place here for many years‟ running. The Cairo Conference was an international confe rence which was organized by



the 3 main opposition forces – socialists, Nasserists (left-wing nationalists) and the MuslimBrotherhood. I visited the conference twice, and it was always fascinating.

Rafah and the Gaza Strip

In the main hall, a meeting was taking place for the families of the victims who were killed during thedemonstrations against Mubarak. Although our limited Arabic meant that we could only get asuperficial impression of the conference, some things were clear. A furious contribution repeatedlymentioned Rafah. Rafah is the border with the Gaza strip, that is blocked, not by the Israeligovernment, but by Egypt – even after the fall of Mubarak. It seems clear that several Egyptians arestarting to consider the international aspects of their revolution, at least those for the Palestinians.

Palestinian flag on the Egyptian demonstration. Photo: Philip Bethge

In the entrance hall of the union building, we spoke with several people, including Walid El-Sheik, anEgyptian journalist, who lives in Berlin. Walid has come back to Cairo to experience the revolution, andis hoping for a new liberal government (that word again). However, he says clearly that the revolutionis not yet over, and that all existing parties have been compromised. Some of Mubarak‟s ministers arestill in office, at the very least for the coming week.

Walid El-Sheik. Photo: Philip Bethge



Problem of New Elections

Walid has worries about the coming elections, as he thinks that it will lead to a victory for the partieswith the biggest financial resources which can be used to buy votes. He reckons that if the electionswere to take place in 2 months‟ time, as originally planned, the Muslim Brotherhood would win 40% of the votes, and a renamed Mubarak party would win 30%. He insists that the problems in Egypt werenot just the individual fault of Mubarak, but in his whole apparatus, that will use its money andpositions to maintain power. This must be prevented.

I partially agree with Walid. If Mubarak is replaced by a bourgeois party which is orientated on theWest, but the power structures remain – that is, if control over the economy stays in the same hands – the gap between poor and rich will not change. However, I also believe that he overestimates theability of the social democratic liberals to change this, even though he has experienced the Schrödergovernment in Germany. And perhaps he underestimates the potential power of fighting workers.Perhaps I‟ll write more about this tomorrow, after we have visited Mahalla, the heart of the Egyptianstrike movement.

Against the Arab RégimesWhat I find less convincing is Walid‟s belief that a postponement of the election will automatically helpthe not-yet-established left parties. In 1968 in France, General de Gaulle made a deal with theCommunist Party: call off the strikes, go back to the factories, and then we‟ll have new elections. Theatomized workers lost their self-belief and their sense of power, and de Gaulle won the election. Thiscould also happen in Egypt if the debate about the timing of the new elections is disconnected fromthe strategic discussion that the demonstrators should stay on the streets and that the workers shouldcarry on striking.

The movement must stay on the streets. Photo: Philip Bethge

Walid told us that there was going to be a demonstration outside the Libyan embassy – naturally ournext port of call. On this demo there were 15 people – even in revolutionary times, spontaneity is noton its own sufficient to organize mass demos. However, the young activists here want to take theirdemands against all Arab leaders into the movement. There is a demonstration planned for Mondaywhich will visit several embassies with the demand for the removal of all Ar ab régimes. Hopefully, I‟llbe able to report a much bigger presence on these demos.



Demonstrators in front of the Libyan embassy. Photo: Philip Bethge

Soldiers in front of the Television Studios

On the way home, we walk past the main television studio. What we see there contradicts the ideathat we‟ve heard from nearly everyone: “ we hate the police (who are, by the way, nowhere to beseen), but the army will always defend us.“ Although it is true that most soldiers are still on the side ofthe demonstrators, the military leadership is already preparing its retaliation. Dozens of highly armedsoldiers stand In front of the television studios behind tanks and barbed wire. When I photographthem, a solider threatens to arrest me – and he is not joking.

Heavily guarded television studios. Photo: Philip Bethge

The military régime knows that for many Egyptians the revolution has still not gone far enough, andthey are prepared to go further if the new government sells them out. Many Egyptians are learning theexperience of previous revolutions that it is important to occupy the communication centres, like

television studios and post offices. As Walid, the social democratic journalist, said: “we trust the armyat the moment, but if they try to prevent the aims of the revolution, we know from experience, that wemus t fight on”.



Day 3: Sunday, 19 February: Successful Strike in Mahalla

After the overthrow of Mubarak, the fight went on. In the textile factories of Mahalla, workersfought for 25% more pay, and equal pay for unskilled workers. In the third part of his Internetdiary, Philip Bethge reports from his visit to the city to the North of Cairo

We spend Sunday in Mahalla where – the local activists proudly tell us – the uprising against Mubarakbegan. In 2006 there was an important strike in the textile factories, which inspired the youngmovement. Two years later, on 6 April 2008, the textile workers fought again, because they had notbeen paid for 2 months. 500,000 people demonstrated in solidarity in Mahalla. Unfortunately, the restof the country lacked the self-confidence to make their own demonstrations, but an importantopposition organization named itself after the 6 April. On the day of our visit, 14,000 textile workershad just ended a strike, with which they had won a pay rise of 25%, equal pay for unskilled work andother demands.

Our hosts today are supporters and sympathizers of the Democratic Front in Mahalla. Liberals (in theEgyptian sense) who support the presidential campaign of Mohammed El-Baradei. Nearly all are

newly politicized, young, and come from the middle class.4 of the 5 are doctors, though the extent towhich a doctor who earns €20 a month is really part of the middle class is maybe open to debate.

Young activists from Mahalla (with Steffi). Photo: Philip Bethge

How important is the Muslim Brotherhood?

They have no homogenous viewpoint and discuss amongst themselves the importance of the religiousquestion. Two of them warn that the Muslim Brotherhood are trying to use religious differences tocome to power. Two others say that we shouldn‟t take this danger too seriously. What is interesting isthat on each side of this argument is one Christian man and one Muslim woman. Despite their worryabout the mixture of religion and politics, all are religious – one also wears a headscarf, although shewhispers to me later, she only wears it for defence. All are fighting for a secular state in which religionis a private matter.



Demonstrators praying in Tahrir Square. What should be the role of religion in New Egypt? Photo: Philip Bethge

From the office of the Democratic Front, we go to the “Labourers of Egypt“ . This organization ofvolunteers helps workers in Mahalla to organize resistance. The coordinator for Mahalla, Gamal AbuAla, says that all trade unions were part of the old state machinery, and that it is therefore necessaryto found new organizations. He thus introduces Saeed Habib, who apparently organized the lateststrikes from this office.

Saeed Habib and Gamal Abu Ala. Photo: Philip Bethge

Strikes and Demonstrations

We‟re not able to validate th ese claims, but it is reasonable to say that the ideas of the Labourers ofEgypt roughly reflect the ideas of many striking workers. For this reason, it is interesting to hear whatthey have to say.

Their argument goes roughly as follows: it is good, that workers strike during the week. It is also goodthat they demonstrate on Friday. Both are part of the same struggle. But the demands of the strikers



should remain economic – for higher pay, equality between skilled and unskilled workers, etc. It is thusperfectly reasonable, that the strike is over without winning all its demands . They don‟t want to appeartoo greedy.

The idea that workers should organize themselves for trade union demands, separate from theirpolitical work is an essentially syndicalist idea. But if a system is standing on the edge, as in Egypttoday, syndicalism shows its limitations. Should we fight for better conditions inside the existingcapitalist system, or should the system as a whole be removed? The absence of political demandsalso means that, in times like these, the economic demands can only be partly fulfilled.

Criticism and Respect

From trade union activists to so-called religious fanatics. Today, the young activists are meetingMahmad Bara for the first time. Mahmad is the local organizer of the Muslim Brotherhood, and theactivists are sceptical. Not just becaus e they believe that the Brotherhood doesn‟t share their goal of asecular state, but also because they worry that the Brotherhood is surfing the wave of the revolution, inorder to come to power. Nevertheless, they have great respect for the discipline and organization of

the Brotherhood, and treat them as a relevant part of the opposition.

Mahmad Bara, Muslim Brotherhood organiser in Mahalla. Photo: Philip Bethge

Bara explains that the Brotherhood fully supports the revolution, and had only not officially supportedthe initial protests because they wanted to avoid the revolution being identified with the Brotherhoodalone. The Brotherhood is not standing a candidate for the presidency, and also a limited number ofcandidates for parliament.

He goes on to say that the gains of the revolution must be defended, and that the strikes from lastweek were therefore counter-revolutionary – and probably organized by Mubarak supporters. Mycomrade Steffi and I recognize these arguments. From at least 1937, the Stalinist Communist Party inSpain argued against strikes to defend the revolution, in order to maintain the existing gains. Theresult was that many Spanish workers found it harder to identify with the revolutionary forces andFranco‟s Fascists finall y won the civil war.

Conservative Interests

Finally, the young activists ask Bara about women‟s rights. First, he explains that the Koran tells us torespect animals – so why shouldn‟t we also respect women? He answers t he question as to whetherthe Brotherhood could live with a Christian or female president first with a “no”, then by saying that thequestion is abstract, because the Christians are in a minority.



What is the role of women and Christians in the revolution? Photo: Philip Bethge

Our discussion carried on after the meeting. The young men and women are more convinced thanever that Bara and the leadership of the Brotherhood represent conservative interests. However theyalso accept that the Brotherhood cannot be ignored. The basis of the Brotherhood, that does notnecessarily share all the ideas, must be won through political argument. The Brotherhood receives itssupport, not primarily on religious grounds, but because it could and can offer a coherent body ofideas in opposition to Mubarak.

Roots of Syndicalism

Finally we go to the station, to speak with Mohammed Mourad. Mohammed is a railway worker, andlocal councillor for the Party of Labour. Because of the ban on parties, it was impossible for Egyptianorganisations to join international groupings. The one exception was Mubarak‟s National Democratic

Party which as a member of the socialist international is still a sister party of the German SPD and theBritish Labour Party. This means that it is difficult to judge exactly where the Party of Labour stands,but we can assume that they have some sort of social democratic ideas.

Mohammed Mourad, Party of Labour. Photo: Philip Bethge

It is therefore interesting to hear that at least on one point, Mourad is in agreement with Mahmad Barafrom the Brotherhood. The recent strikes in Mahalla were counter-revolutionary, and could have beenorganized by Mubarak supporters. It hadn‟t really surprised us that a relatively petit bourgeois organization like the Brotherhood would argue so, but Social Democrats as well?



This makes it perhaps easier to understand how syndicalist ideas can develop amongst fightingworkers. If apparently progressive politicians are not prepared to support their resistance, thenperhaps it is better to reject politics and just fight in the workplace. The unifying perspective, that onlypolitical change can guarantee permanent economic improvements is unfortunately not offered bymost Egyptian organizations or individuals.

Redistribution in Egypt

Over an evening meal of Egyptian food, we go over today‟s discussions. Mario, badly-paid doctor, whohas begun in the last few weeks to think about political alternatives, asks me how the new Egyptshould look. I answer him with something that Walid, the Social Democratic journalist hat told me. Theproblem in Egypt is not money. Egypt is a rich country. The problem is who owns the money, and whonot.

The money is already there. Photo: Philip Bethge

If you take Walid‟s argument to their logical conclusion, you see that a simple change of governmentwon‟t solve Egypt‟s problems. What is necessary is a redistribution of wealth, which itself raises thequestion of power. The people who can successfully build an alternative society are the workers, likethose in Mahalla, who have been rejected, on one side by the Brotherhood, and on the other side bythe social democrats. However, these workers are affected by syndicalist ideas and keep a generaldistance from politics. An organization which can fill this vacuum is absolutely necessary.

Mario finds these crude Marxist ideas plausible. He would like a link to my blog (here it is Mario), andwe swap e-mail and facebook addresses. He and his comrades have already done so mu-ch for theEgyptian revolution. But to ensure success and to bring the revolution to its conclusion, there is stillmore to do …



Marx is also on sale in Cairo. Photo: Philip Bethge

Day 4: Monday, 20 February: United but Different

Many groups have worked together to get rid of Mubarak. The way forward and the aims of themovement are open. Philip Bethge reports the differences between the various forces in thefourth part of his Internet diary

Today we meet in the King Hotel with Mahmoud Adel Elhetta and Amr Aladin. Mahmoud and Amrbelong to “Generation Facebook” – to the young people, who initiated the Egyptian revolution.Mahmoud says, correctly, that the strikes and large demos were important, but they came later. It wasthe youth who provided the spark.

Young people were the spark for the revolution. Photo: Philip Bethge

Right at the beginning of our talk, both activists explain that the term “Generation Facebook“ ismisleading. Of course they used facebook to mobilize for their demonstration, but that was a small partof their work. They – and many other organizations and individuals – produced and distributed leaflets,they rang and mobilized their friends. The uprising of 25 January didn‟t come out of nowhere: it wasthe result of hard work.



Facebook is a tool, but it’s not the o nly tool. Photo: Philip Bethge

Young Activists

Mahmoud and Amr are – like the young activists that we met in Mahalla – supporters of the LiberalMohammed El-Baradei, although El- Baradei‟s supporters do not share all the same ideas. They areagreed that Mubarak had to go, and they are a little more sceptical about the ruling military councilthan others with whom we have spoken. Some say, for example, that Mubarak is still ruling the countryfrom his palace in Sharm El Sheik. However, apart from some abstract terms like “Democracy” and“Freedom”, they have few clear ideas what they want instead of Mubarak.

Mubarak and Sulemann are gone, but what now? Photo: Philip Bethge

Although the King Hotel is not a 5 star hotel, it is a little more opulent then the small cafés with whichwe are more familiar. These young activists have already travelled abroad, which means that they arepolitically more experienced than many of their countrymen. It also means, though, that their demandsare much more orientated on the German government and industry investing more in Egypt. Theydiscuss amongst themselves, whether the demonstrations should go on or stop – some using theargument that further demonstrations would be bad for tourism and business.

Conflicting Interests

Without the young activists, the revolution would not have happened. For example, the strikes inMahalla didn‟t break out until after their demos. Yet it is quite possible, that the interests of the workersin Mahalla and those of some of the youth could start to diverge.



How will the new young activist relate to the growing workers’ movement? Photo: Philip Bethge

The Egyptian middle class could be satisfied with a bourgeois democracy, where it is not Mubarak

who exploits the workers, but themselves. For some of them, it does not matter whether they receivetheir support from the USA, China or the EU – what is important is that this support comes in supportof the new Egyptian ruling class.

Whether Mahmoud and Amr also go in this direction depends on the extent to which organizedworkers and socialists can take the initiative. These young people know better than most that thesuccesses of the revolution are fragile. They can choose to decide either to fight to take the revolutionfurther, or they can say “if only a minority is going to profit, why shouldn‟t we be that minority?”

Egyptian demonstrator appeals for Western help. Will this help come from the movement or from imperialist governments? Photo: Stefani Fischbach

Revolutionary Housewife

From the Hong Kong Hotel we go once more to the building of the journalists‟ trades union, for ameeting with Mona Wafa. We met Mona 2 days ago at the meeting for t he victims„ families. Sheimpressed us with her emotional intervention. We had no idea, what she said, as we don‟t speak muchArabic, but we still wanted to hear what this woman had to say.

Mona, roughly 50 years old, introduces herself as a simple housewife. She worked previously forEgypt Air and has no experience of politics. On 25 January, at the first large demonstration, she didn‟teven take part. But after Mubarak‟s police fought back on the 28 th January, murdering many people,she decided to do something. For the first time in her life, she slept outside, together with 1 millionothers who were occupying Tahrir Square for the 2 weeks until Mubarak fell. She is now a proudmember of the “25 January movement”.



Mona Wafa, revolutionary housewife: picture Philip Bethge

As a result of her experience, Mona – like many others, who had only experienced Mubarak‟s NationalDemocratic Party, is very sceptical about parties. Not just that – she is convinced that the neworganizations like the “defenders of the revolution of the 25 th January” are being financed fromMubarak or from abroad. She believes that the reforms are coming too slowly, the revolution is still indanger, and that the movement must stay on the street and go further.

Expand the movement

For this reason, Mona, together with others who she knows from Tahrir Square, has called a demo fortomorrow. The demo will march from Tahrir Square to the government buildings, where they want toorganize a permanent vigil, until the following demands have been met:

Remove the government of Ahmed Sharif. Sharif leads Egypt with the acquiescence of themilitary council. However, he is Mubarak‟ s chosen successor and therefore part of the oldrégime.Release of all political prisoners.Abolition of all emergency laws, which are still being used against civilians.Legal action against Mubarak and the freezing of all his assets (including those in Germanyand the EU).

The movement can only benefit from more political discussion. Photo: Philip Bethge



Mona‟s demands show how far Egypt still has to go to achieve even the appearance of democracy.But the fact that she is so convinced that the struggle must go further is grounds for hope. We will seehow large her demonstration will be, but she is not trying to compete with the existing weekly Fridaydemo. After our experience of the relatively unpolitical demo last Friday, maybe it could benefit fromher clear demands.

Socialist in Egypt

We don‟t want to leave Mona, but now it‟s time to visit Nivin. Nivin is a socialist who spoke about Egyptlast year at the summer academy of the Socialist Left [a tendency inside the German Left party] inBielefeld. Nivin shares Mona‟s scepticism about Sahrif and the army council. Until now there havebeen virtually no concrete reforms. With a few exceptions, all the old leaders are still in office. Therevolution – notwithstanding its inspiration – must go further.

Nivin: Photo: Philip Bethge

We ask Nivin about El-Baradei, the great white hope of the liberals. She is less convinced than theyoung activists, who we met yesterday. El-Baradei is running his election campaign from abroad. Hecurrently lives in Vienna, and is not seriously anchored in the movement in Egypt. Although he spokeout against the Iraq war, you can‟t be sure that he won‟t make compromises with the Western powers.

Alliances and Conferences

Nivin believes that there will be 3 important opposition groups in the coming elections. Various liberalgroups and parties are forming an electoral alliance. Similarly, the Muslim Brotherhood will set up anelectoral list (a few hours after we spoke with Nivin, the Brotherhood formed a party to contest theelections). And the Left, organized socialists, and independent individuals will come together.

As part of the celebrations of the revolution, these alliances, perhaps together with otherorganisations, are organizing a conference at the end of April, in the same tradition as the CairoConferences of the last decade, although hopefully on a larger scale. The conference is still beingprepared, but as soon as more information is available, I‟ll publish it on marx21.de and elsewhere.



Europeans are invited to visit revolutionary Egypt in April. Photo: Stefanie FIschbach

I leave Nivin with the plan that we‟ll meet again at the Friday demo in Tahrir Square. This should bring

me the experience of exactly how the existing forces of the left relate to the new movement. Moreabout this soon …

Day 5: Tuesday, 21 February: Egyptians want Justice

Mubarak’s régim e murdered hundreds in ist attempt to maintain power. The families of thevictims demand justice. In the fifth part of his Internet diary, Philip Bethge reports from ameeting with the father of a victim and his lawyer.

Mona‟s demonstration to the governme nt buildings was apparently banned by the army. Omnia is notparticularly concerned – because of the Cairo public transport system, demonstrations during theweek are problematic. On Friday, it will hopefully go on as before.

There are other indications that not everything is going forward uninterrupted. Today we see police forthe first time. Not many – 2 cars and a bus during the day, but the police are slowly finding their self-confidence again. Previously, the Egyptian people were not prepared to accept the presence of policeon the streets. However, this does not mean that the revolution is over.

United Hopes

Over breakfast we chat with a Spaniard, who‟s also here to experience the revolution. He‟s spoken toa number of people who are now looking for some sort of normality. The younger people are stillenthusiastic that Mubarak has gone – the older people are happy, but are now looking for stability.Many people live from tourism, and the absence of tourists means that they are poorer than before.

Egyptian demonstrators make an attractive offer to tourists: Photo: Stefanie Fischbach



The demo this Friday could be critical. Until now, the movement has stayed together preciselybecause it has made few demands. Everyone was united in their hopes. But without concreteimprovements in living conditions, the diverging interests between those who only want a bourgeoisdemocracy, and those who want to fight their poverty will soon separate from one another. Thequestion is, whether the workers will maintain their central role.

Hope in Europe

We won‟t get an answer to this before Friday at the earliest. Before that, we will make a trip to theNorth, to visit Omnia‟s family, and after that, hopefully go to the working class city of Alexandria.Omnia‟s parents live in Tanta, a city with 300,000 inhabitants in the Nile delta, Although they are bothprofessors, they live in a modest house, and Omnia‟s father is proud of his old Opel. Omnia dreams of Paris fashion and Italian bags, but she feels equally at home in the heart of her family.

We talk about European politics. Omnia‟s parents seem confused, when I say that I don‟t think muchof David Cameron or Tony Blair (in a similar vein, many Egyptians find it hard to believe me when I tellthem that Angela Merkel supported Mubarak till the bitter end). They are, however, happy, when I

support the third British politician that they know – George Galloway. After the long period ofdictatorship, they have hope in all politicians who come from Europe, but they have a special love forGalloway, because his anti-war position crosses all international boundaries.

Justice for the victims’ families

Omnia must run some errands, and visit her father‟s lawyer. This lawyer, Medhat Senagawy has alsotaken on the case of several families whose children were killed on 28 th January.

28 th January was the day of the counter-revolution. After the uprising on 25 th January, Mubarak‟spolice and secret services went to Tahrir Square and murdered peaceful demonstrators. Snipers shotinto the square. We heard several different estimates of how many people died on 28th January – up

to 1,000 people. Medhat say, it was “only” 300.

Memorial to Mubarak’s victims in Tahrir Square. Photo: Philip Bethge

Struggles are still necessary

According to Egyptian law, Medhat is pushing for the death penalty for everyone responsible for thedeaths. And who is responsible? There are 3 levels of responsibility – first Mubarak, second the old

home minister Habib Al-Adly, who ordered the attacks, and third the individual policemen who fired theshots. This was illegal, and the families of the victims don‟t need revenge, but justice.



Medhat is convinced that the families will win their case. And if they don‟t? “We will win, but if we don‟t,the protests must go on.“ Medhat believes in the new Egypt, but he also knows that further strugglesfor justice are still necessary.

Mother of one of Mubarak’s victims fights for her son. Photo: Philip Bethge

Shot in the heart

Kemal Anwar comes into the office. Kemal tells the story of his son, Ahmed Kemal. Ahmed was 19and took his final exam on 27 th January. The day after, he told his father that he was going out withfriends. Ahmed didn‟t say that he was going to demonstrate, but perhaps that was to be expected thi sJanuary in Egypt.

Ahmed never came back. Snipers shot him in the heart. Kemal shows us the national flag that Ahmedhad taken to the demo. It is flecked everywhere wit h Ahmed‟s blood. His friends had used the flag tocarry his body but it was too late.

Kemal wants justice. Those responsible must pay. And Kemal names the same 3 responsible groupsas his lawyer – Mubarak, Al-Adly, and the individual policemen. Only when they have been tried canhe take leave of his son.

Mubarak is still hated and Egyptians want justice. Photo: Philip Bethge



Peace in the Middle East

We spend the rest of the day with a little tourism – enjoying the sunset, visiting the mosque(apparently the largest in Egypt) and visiting Omnia‟s gran. We chat the whole time. Omnia tries toexplain what has happened in her country. She has great trust that Allah will protect Egypt. At thesame time, she believes in the power of people. She also slept in Tahrir square for days to finally getrid of Mubarak.

We talk about Palestine and Zionism – whether it is truly possible for Jews and Muslims to livetogether in peace in the Middle East. I explain how I think that the revolution in Egypt has done thePalestinians a big favour. Before this, the Israeli leaders could always claim that a country led byArabs would inevitably be a dictatorship. Now we have experienced the revolutions and Tunisia. Soon,perhaps, Bahrain, Libya and Algeria. Who wouldn‟t want that ?

Israel/Palestine is also an important issue for the Egyptians. Photo: Philip Bethge

Day 6: Wednesday, 22 February: Everyday Life has Changed

Jokes about the dictator – what would be high treason 4 weeks ago is now part of everydaylife. Philip Bethge provides an insight into life in the Nile Delta after Mubarak’s departure

A relatively peaceful day in Tanta, which provides the opportunity to find out how the revolution hasdeveloped outside the capital city. Omnia has explained to me that the resistance against Mubarakfirst broke out in Tanta. The people in Mahalla had told me exactly the same about their city. What isclear is that the people in the poor Northern cities had taken to the streets before the revolution arrivedin Cairo.

And Tanta is poor. Its inhabitants are proud and dignified, but there is no greenery, the streets arehighly in need of repair, and today a string dust storm is blowing through the narrow alleys. Nosurprise that Tanta‟s youth is moving to Cairo. Nonetheless the population is growing as an increasingnumber of people is moving from the surrounding villages into Tanta.

Different to Cairo

Although Tanta was a source of the revolution, some of the mood of Cairo is missing here. Cairo isbedecked with flags everywhere – here the trees and lamp posts are still painted black-white-red, butthere are few flags. As in Cairo, I am regularly greeted because I am a foreigner, but here theimpression is more one of curiosity than solidarity. The people of Cairo welcome me as a supporter oftheir revolution – those in Tanta wonder what I am doing here. They are friendly, but it is a different

feeling.



Nearly all trees in Egypt have been painted in support of the revolution. Photo: Philip Bethge I ask Omnia why this is. She says that the revolution has moved to the capital. The people of Tantaare still vigilant – if the counter-revolutionaries try to come back, there will be demos in Tanta again.Will there be a demo on Friday? “I don‟t know. The Muslim Brothers are strong in Tanta. Maybe they‟llorganize something. If so, we‟ll be there.“

In the hands of the Professionals

This idea, that resistance and demonstrations can be suddenly turned on and off is one that I haveoften heard this week. And with good reason – if you have overthrown one of the world‟s greatestdictators, everything is possible. There is still the danger of counter-revolution, but the people have

already shown that they will fight for democracy and justice.This is a plausible view, but it separates the revolution from its main actors and leaves it in the handsof the so-called professionals, who decide when and how resistance should take place. This is nobasis for a new society, controlled by the people. It is also not an effective method of organizingdefence, as the dynamic of the movement will gradually peter out.

Counter-revolution through the back door

There is a second problem. The counter- revolution doesn‟t just fight with policemen and bloodbaths – it can also come through democratic elections. And if a new president tries to gradually roll back thegains of the revolution, for example using the justification of economic problems or appeasing US

foreign policy, how string will the movement on the streets be in defending the revolution?This question is still open, and must be discussed by the Egyptian movement. I am convinced thatEgypt will never return to how things are. The pride of the people who I meet and the knowledge thatthey have already made history is there and will stay. It is barely believable that Mubarak willsomehow come back. This fact alone justifies the revolution. But if a new society is to be built in Egypt,the resistance must stay visible – not just in Cairo, but everywhere.

Focussing on people’s needs

Notwithstanding this, much has changed, also in Tanta. Today I‟m meeting Omnia‟s friends, who havebeen carrying out charity work since 2005. They collect clothes from relatives and friends, sell them

cheaply to poor people and use the profits to organize operations for sick people, who wouldotherwise be unable to afford it. An example of how people can work together, when they concentrateon needs and not profit.



Omnia and friends collect clothes for the poor. Photo: Philip Bethge

I ask the young people, mainly students in their mid-20s, how Tanta has changed in the last fewmonths. All are certain that there have been changes – even if it‟s not always concrete. The peopleare happier, their relationships with each other are better, more people look after each other.

The Arab Revolution goes on

But the most important change is the possibility of talking openly and discussing politics. This weekI‟ve heard several jokes about Mubarak. Most of them aren‟t that funny – after 30 silent years perhapspeople need a little time to learn how to be funny. But a month ago, such jokes were high treason,Now they‟re part of everyday conversation.

Today we also hear jokes about Gadaffi, who everybody believes is mad. The idea that all dictatorswill automatically survive has gone. Some people worry that Gadaffi is using foreign troops, in order toavoid a repeat of the Egyptian situation where soldiers might refuse to shoot. But everyone believesthat Gadaffi‟s days are numbered. The Arabic revolution goes on.

Egyptians are no longer just fighting against Mubarak, but against Gadaffi as well. Photo: Philip Bethge

We talk about God and the world. Omnia says, it‟s quite simple: “ there are the rulers, and there are thenormal people. And the rulers always want to ignore and abuse the normal people. In Egypt that was



clear, but this is also the case in Europe and the USA. That means that the revolution is just a start.You must be prepared to question all governments. ”

Omnia and friend in Pizza hut. Photo: Philip Bethge

Day 7: Thursday, 23 February: Illusions in Europe

Two weeks after the fall of Mubarak, the situation is still tense. Philip Bethge reports ofnervous soldiers at the television studios and misunderstandings about Angela Merkel

Omnia had to go to Upper Egypt. Apparently people have died there, and the radio station for whichshe sometimes works needs a report. So, I return to Cairo earlier than planned and use the time totake more photographs.

But first I need to find some accommodation, The hotel that I‟d seen on Tahrir square has closed, andI can‟t find any alternatives nearby. Shame. It would have been a great experience to view the Fridaydemo from a balcony on the square.

Tahrir Square 1

But then I have a spot of luck. One of the few tourists who is in Egypt at the moment passes and asksme if I‟m looking for a hotel. His hotel has the address Tahrir Square 1 and is 5 0 metres from wherewe are standing, on the eight floor – even though there are no signs informing you of its existence.Perhaps it‟s going to be interesting after all.

I set off with my camera. My first stop is Mubarak‟s old party headquarters, between the Egypti anmuseum and the Nile. The building has been burned to the ground. In the car park you can see carswhich have been set alight by demonstrators. The gates are locked, but an Egyptian family is standingthere and looking, as if they want to be sure that Mubarak has really gone.



Headquarters of Mubarak’s National Democratic Party. Photo: Philip Bethge

Nervous Soldiers

From Mubarak‟s headquarters, I go back to the television station, to see whether the military protectionis the same as it was in the late evening. The tanks are still there, and the soldiers are still in a strangestand-off with hundreds of passers-by. Children with national flags climb onto tanks and are embracedby soldiers. However, as soon as I ask whether I can take their photograph, a soldier clearly tells meto put my camera away.

Children on tanks – a common sight in new Egypt. Photo: Philip Bethge

Someone, who is apparently a television journalist, is allowed to pass through the barbed wire, butentry is strictly controlled and the general public must stay outside. At places like this we can test mostclearly the apparent neutrality of the army. If the régime hits back, it will probably start here.

Expensive Flags

From the television centre, it‟s only a short walk into the main workers„ quarter – if that„s the correctterm in a city with such a high level of unemployment, particularly among young people. There arefewer flags here, and at first I‟m not sure whether workers are as supportive of the revolution as thepeople in other areas. After a couple of chats, I‟m reassured. Everyone is happy and excited, amongother things that Europeans are in solidarity with them. The relative absence of flags is probably more



because of pragmatic reasons – in areas like this, flags are a luxury that most people really can‟tafford. However, revolutionary graffiti is everywhere.

Graffiti in Cairo. Photo: Stefanie Fischbach

In the few interviews that I can carry out with my limited language skills, I often receive thanks fromEgyptians for support from Angela Merkel. I‟m not sure whether this comes from false information, or from the fact that for many Egyptians, any European government is preferable to Mubarak‟sdictatorship. Whatever, everyone is surprised when I tell them that Merkel supported Mubarak till thebitter end.

Thanks for Solidarity

Someone tells me that I should thank Merkel for her support. When I explain that the support didn‟tcome from Merkel, but from the German public, he tells me that I should then thank the Germanpublic.

Egypt welcomes international support. Photo: Stefanie Fischbach

Today‟s report will be short, as much is waiting in tomorrow. Is the revolution going to go forward, or

are the demonstrations going to be increasingly small until the government–

whichever group itrepresents - takes the initiative again? The demonstration last week was amazing – Nivin told us that4,000,000 people were celebrating, but at the same time it had little political direction. Tomorrow couldbe an important turning point for the revolution. But in which direction? I wait curiously.



Day 8: Friday, 23 February: They all must go

A big contrast to last Friday. Instead of a big party, today there is another politicaldemonstration on Tahrir Square. In the penultimate part of his Internet diary, Philp Bethgereports increasing criticism of the Egyptian government

When I wake at 8.30, I can already see many people on Tahrir Square. There are the flag sellers, butalso there are many people who obviously can‟t come too early to a demonstration. I get up slowly,shower, have breakfast, and by the time that I arrive on the square at 10am, there are already tens ofthousands there.

Tahrir Square from my balcony. Photo: Philip Bethge

As the day develops, an increasing number of people come, even if we don‟t quite re ach the4,000,000 from last week. Nevertheless, 750,000 people is not bad, and today‟s rally has much moreof a feel of a demonstration than last week‟s celebrations. This time, severa l organizations are givingout leaflets, and the Left are selling newspapers – apparently with great success. I buy 10 papers fromArabic comrades in German, and the seller tells me – rightly – that I should pay a solidarity price. TheEgyptian activists can use every cent.

Socialist newspaper sellers on Tahrir Square. Photo: Philip Bethge



Gaddafi Must Go

Politics is not just coming from organizations. The demonstrators have also become convinced thatthey can‟t just celebrate, but must also fight on. Libyan flags are everywhere – as are home-madeplacards against Gadaffi. While last Friday evening was just a party, this time the slogans and flagsremain through the night. We can celebrate after our demands have been met.

Egyptuan demonstrators show solidarity with Libyans fighting Gadaffi. Photo: Philip Bethge

Everywhere people are wearing home-made stickers in English and Arabic “Shafik = old r égime”. Thisis an interesting and desirable development. The majority of people with whom we have spoken have,until now, believed that the army council has earned their trust and that they should wait 6 months untilthe election. Now there are clear demands that prime minister Shafik is Mubarak‟s man, and that allthe old compromised politicians must go immediately.

Shafik = Old Régime. Demonstrator demands immediate change. Photo: Philip Bethge



The world should see everything

Fairly early in the morning, I‟m greeted by Mona. She is sitting in a group of mainly young activists,and has pretty much lost her voice – she‟s obviously had much to scream about since we last met Forthis reason it‟s not easy to talk to her, but we wish each other the best and she asks again t hat Ipublicize my photos and reports.

YES WE CAN – Change Egypt. Reunion with Mona. Photo: Philip Bethge

In the following hours, I spend most of my time taking photographs. I notice again how diverse thedifferent demonstrators are. All possible age groups, many families, women with and withoutheadscarf. There is a group of young men who physically try to prevent me from taking photos ofyoung women, even when these women have said that they want to be photographed. Others arguewith these macho lads and say that the world must see everything.

Women play a central role in the revolution. Photo: Philip Bethge



Revolution or Military Coup?

I am often stopped by groups of young people asking me to take their photographs. While I‟m chattingwith one of these groups I hear my name being called. That can‟t be right. In Cairo? I hear my nameagain. I turn round and in front of me is Suzanne, who I last saw 6 or so years ago at the Cairoconference.

Suzanne. Photo: Philip Bethge

Suzanne works as a tour guide, and the first time that I saw her, she looked more like a model than an

activist. Now she‟s wearing revolutionary chic army fatigues with badges from different countries – against war, for Palestine, against the use of German air space for US planes (I think I sold her thatone). Unlike the liberals who I‟ve met this week, Suzanne doesn‟t trust the army one inch, andbelieves that they have carried out a military coup . She has fought Mubarak and she‟ll carry on fightingagainst the military.

Protestors and Military: allies or enemies? Photo: Philip Bethge



Rumours of Torture

Like Mona and Omnia and millions of others, Suzanne lived and fought on Tahrir Square untilMubarak was gone. Unlike many, she stayed on. On the evening of the 11 th February, after Mubarakhad left, Suzanne and a couple of thousand others stayed to protest until all their demands had beenmet.

They lacked a critical mass. The military can quite easily disperse a couple of thousand people. As themajority of the movement still has hope in the military council, the people who occupied Tahrir Squarewere isolated from the masses. Suzanne and at least 21 others were imprisoned in the neighbouringEgyptian museum. They heard stories about torture, including against a foreign journalist. She stilldoesn‟t know what really happened.

Victim of Mubarak’s torture shows his scars. Is torture still taking place? Photo: Stefanie Fischbach

Freeze Foreign Assets

Despite her dreadful experiences, Suzanne is unbowed. It‟s clearer than ever to her that she can‟ttrust the state on any level, and that Egypt needs a complete change of government. She worries thatthe promised elections won‟t happen at all. Even if they do, the struggle must go on. Tonight , she‟sstaying with others at Tahrir Square, to try to put pressure on the interim government. All Mubarak

supporters must go, all political prisoners should be released, and Mubarak‟s foreign assets must befrozen. This is a demand that German supporters of the Egyptian revolution can take up.

I stay and take photographs until 11.30pm., accompanied by a group of young people who tell mewhich pictures I should take. Then the young machos come back and try again to stop me takingpictures of young women. I reluctantly accept the advice that I should go back to my hotel and takephotos of the demonstration from my balcony. I listen to the slogans into the night, and gradually fallasleep with revolution in my head.



Young girl celebrates on Tahrir Square. Photo: Philip Bethge

Yesterday, I had real worries that the movement in Egyptian was stagnating or would be beaten back,but now I‟m convinced, that it won‟t be over for a long time.

Day 9: Saturday, 24 February: New Left in Egypt

The mass movement against Mubarak’s régime is spawning new political organizations.Activists from various backgrounds prepare the formation of a new workers’ party. In the lastpart of his Internet diary, Philip Bethge reports the plans of the Egyptian Left.

At 10am, there are already about 1,000 people on Tahrir Square. Half of them were there all night,and some are still sleeping in improvised tents. Everywhere, there are groups of people discussinghow things should go forward. I look for Suzanne, but she‟s nowhere to be found.

Home-made placards on Tahrir Square calling for Muslim-Christian unity. Photo: Philip Bethge

After I‟ve taken some photos, I go to the Internet café. In my e-mails, I see a report from an activist inBerlin saying that last night special forces had attacked demonstrators in Tahrir Square. I hurry back.

Electric shocks in the Egyptian Museum

I still can‟t find Suzanne – I hear later that several people were arrested, and I could well believe thatSuzanne was one of them [Post Script: I talked to Suzanne a couple of weeks later, and she hadn‟t



been arrested. There is just too much to do in revolutionary Egypt than to just stay at Tahrir Square].Instead, I meet Mona. Mona had also slept on Tahrir Square, and was there when the soldiers came.They were masked and tried to use violence to clear the square. As on 28 th January, they had takenprisoners to the Egyptian museum, and there were further rumours that these prisoners had beentortured. Later I met a doctor, who wasn‟t there himself, but had heard that soldiers has used electricshocks against their prisoners.

The stories are dreadful, but they have two consequences. Firstly, the protests have become moremilitant. The demonstrators – still including many families – occupy the Square all day, and I can stillhear their loud slogans when I must go to the airport late in the evening.

New demands are being met on Tahrir Square. Photo: Philip Bethge

Secondly, it is more obvious to more people that the army‟s role is contradictory. The normal soldiers

are still mixing with the people – this is the reason that special troops were used the clear TahrirSquare - but it‟s also increasingly clear that the army council is prepared to use violence againstdemonstrators. And the army council still holds power in new Egypt.

Protestors unit with soldiers controlling the traffic. Will this unity last?



Socialist Activists

I spend the day switching between the demonstration, getting larger as the day goes on, and theInternet café. Then my mobile phone rings. All week I‟ve been hoping that I could meet with socialistactivists, but they were – with good reason – too busy. But now, Mohamed has a little time. In the halfhour in which we can talk I hear much important explanation about my experiences of the previousweek.

Egyptian Socialist Mohamed. Photo: Philip Betge

Apparently, Mona‟s demonstration on Tuesday did take place. The problem was that only 6,000people were there – tiny compared to the mass demonstrations on Tahrir Square. Mohamedunderstands the frustration of the people who demonstrated, but he thinks that these demos werepremature – if we want to change Egypt significantly, we must be able to mobilize masses. Similarly,he thinks that yesterday‟s occupation of Tahrir Square isolated itself from the masses. We will see howmuch these actions can be converted into something more permanent.

Minority and Majority

Mohamed confirms my impression that there is a significant gap between the minority of activists whowant to immediately take the revolution forward, and the millions who are more prepared to wait a littleand see what comes. The minority mistrusts the army councils, sees that very few concrete reformshave been delivered and tries to fight on, at best together with the workers„ movement. The masses,however, will carry on demonstrating on Friday, but activities like the demo last Tuesday and theoccupation of Tahrir Square will currently attract fewer people.

What is important is, winning more people for militant action. Mohamed has good news here. In 2weeks„ time, a new workers„ party will be formed. This party will try to bring together 3 tendencies – firstly, socialists and trade unionists, secondly radical youth, who are active in the councils to defendthe revolution of the 25 th January, and thirdly the left wing of the liberals.



Festival of the oppressed on Tahrir Square, People of all backgrounds are there. Photo: Philip Bethge

Council to Defend the Revolution

Mohamed explains more about the councils to defend the revolution, There are roughly 20 suchcouncils, organized on a local basis, and coordinating with each other. Each group has between 20and 200 active members, and their activities are often influenced by anarchist ideas. Nevertheless, thenew activists are, like most Egyptians, relatively unexperienced politically.

It is a similar situation with the liberals. The story that Mohamed tells reinforces many of theimpressions of my various meetings with the El-Baradei supporters in Cairo and Mahalla. Most of themare young, come from the middle classes and have been very recently politically radicalized. They arevery strongly for a secular state, even when they are themselves religious.

The youth are an important partb oft eh new movement. Photo: Philip Bethge

For other political questions, they have a wide range of opinions. Some want a bourgeois democracyand have illusions that the USA can play a progressive role. However, Mohamed say that at least inthis question, the Muslim Brotherhood – despite their other ideas – have a consistent anti-imperialistposition. Others are feeling towards socialist ideas, or something similar, and can be won for leftpolitics if there is a relevant opposition – something like the new workers„ party , perhaps,



.

Thirst for ideas. Egyptians buying left newspapers. Photo: Philip Bethge

German Solidarity

I ask Mohamed, what Germans can do for the Egyptian revolution. I explain that many people areasking whether they should collect money. Mohamed thinks that at the moment collecting money isnot important. Not just because it‟s illegal to send money to Germany (unless you happen to be agovernment), but also because Mubarak and consorts received so much help from the West that anyorganization receiving financial aid from the West would be viewed by most Egyptians with suspicion.

Nonetheless there are many possibilities in which we can offer solidarity. Firstly, Egyptian activists canbe invited to Germany, to share their revolutionary experiences. Secondly, Egyptian activists would

welcome delegations, particularly from trade unionists, which travel to Egypt. If anyone is able toorganize invitations or delegations, and wants to make contact with Mohamed, or other activists whowe have met, they can receive the relevant contact details from me at [email protected] .

Eyptians ask for solidarity from Wester activists. Photo: Philip Bethge

mailto:[email protected]






The Dynamic Remains

After Mohamed has to go, I return to the demonstration, meet Nivin one last time then drive to theairport. It was a great 10 days, but now I want to go back to Germany to relate the experiences frevolutionary Egypt. The first meeting – for the Left Party in Darmstadt – has already been organized.If anyone else wants to hear from me or Steffi, we‟d be pleased to hear from them.

I also think that I‟m going at the right time. A few days ago, it still wasn‟t clear whether the revolutionwould retain its dynamic, but the actions of this week-end and the news about a new party show methat it‟s not over. The Egyptians are also watching what‟s happening in their neighbouring countries – particularly, in Libya where the movement against Gadaffi has their full support.

Egyptians and Libyans united in struggle. Photo: Philip Bethge

Saying that the revolution is not over does not mean that all questions have been answered. Theextent to which the army council can keep power, the question of whether a bourgeois revolutioninvolving just a change of government is sufficient, the possibilities of redistributing the wealth in Egyptand in other countries, all these questions remain open. But the Egyptian movement is fight on, andthroughout the world, we will learn much from their experience.

Philip Bethge

More on the subject

The “Marx is Muss ” conference()http://marx21.de/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1353&Itemid=75) at the beginningof June in erlin will be opening with a podium on the lessons of Egypt with professor Werner Ruf, theDutch socialist (currently living in Ramallah and soon working in Cairo) Mona Dohle, and hopefully thesocialist Egyptian blogger Hossam el-Mahalawy.

Philip Bethge will also be joining Evelyn Hecht-Galinksi (anti-Zionist activist and daughter the formerchair of the central council of German Jews) and Attia Rajab (co-initiator of the Stuttgart Declarationhttp://kupola.de/petition/main_en.html ) in a discussion about perspectives for peace in the MiddleEast.

http://kupola.de/petition/main_en.html



Documents

Eyewitness account from Egypt