1

FAULTLESS PROPHETS? PROTEST, POLITICS AND THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATIONS OF THE BLACK ELITE

A thesis presented

by

Matthew K. Clair

Presented to the

Department of Government

in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree with honors

of Bachelor of Arts

Harvard College

March 2009

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ABSTRACT

Several scholars have studied the role of voluntary organizations in

shaping the political and civic participation of citizens. Absent from this

literature, however, is a critical examination of the organizations of upper-class

black Americans. This project employs original data and a national data set

(NBES, 1996) in order to investigate how (and if) elite black social organizations

affect the political participation of their members. The study focuses on two

organizational case studies: Sigma Pi Phi (Boulé) and Links, Inc. After an

investigation that includes both quantitative and qualitative methods, this thesis

finds that elite black social organizations have differing and significant effects on

the participation of their members in electoral and non-electoral modes of

political participation; further, these effects are often greater than those of the

church, mainstream organizations and black advancement organizations. The

results have implications for the study of black politics, the black middle class,

social capital theory, and the mechanisms involved in the formation of

participatory political behavior.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 4

The Continued Significance of Black Social Organizations 8

CHAPTER 2: BOULÉ AND LINKS: OVERLOOKED IN THE POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

DIALOGUE Preeminent Organizations: Boulé and Links 16

What is Middle Class?: Defining the High-SES Black Community 23

Voluntary Organizations, Black Politics and Political Participation 27

CHAPTER 3: A NEW APPROACH TO PARTICIPATION AND ELITE BLACK SOCIAL

ORGANIZATIONS Hypotheses and Revisions to the Civic Voluntarism Model 35

Summary of Data Sources 39

Summary of Methodology 45

A Note on Causality 51

CHAPTER 4: MEMBERSHIP AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION Members are Active Participators 53

OLS Regression Analysis of NBISS Data 58

OLS Regression Analysis of NBES Data 62

Conclusion 72

CHAPTER 5: DIFFERENT ORGANIZATIONS, DIFFERENT TYPES OF PARTICIPATION

Boulé and Links: Separate Institutions with Separate Effects 74

The Varieties of Political Participation 79

Conclusion 88

CHAPTER 6: IN THEIR OWN WORDS: THE PARTICIPATION OF ARCHONS AND LINKS

Archons and Links: Beliefs and Thoughts on Race, Status and

Membership 91

Protest and Politics: The Non-Electoral and Electoral Political

Participation of Archons and Links 97

Causal Inference: Qualitative Evidence of the CVM’s Participatory

Factors 103

Evidence of Other Causal Directions? 110

Conclusion 120

CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION 123

APPENDIX A 128

APPENDIX B 132

REFERENCES 138

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I have not written about being a Negro at such length because I expect that to be

my only subject, but only because it was the gate I had to unlock before I could

hope to write about anything else. I don’t think the Negro problem in America

can even be discussed coherently without bearing in mind its context; its context

being the history, traditions, customs, and the moral assumptions and

preoccupations of the country; in short, the general social fabric.

- James Baldwin, Notes of a Native Son (1955, 5).

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

The history of blacks in the United States has been one of exclusion. From

America’s founding, blacks were excluded from full and equal participation in

government, society and the economy. This exclusion helped to create a system of

economic and social exploitation that hindered black socio-economic progress,

black inclusion in the political process and black dignity – effects that many have

argued still linger to this day (Bell 1993; Edley 1996; Feagin 2001; Frederickson

2002). Despite this history, a considerable group of black Americans, often aided

by policies like affirmative action, has been able to overcome the hurdles of the

American socio-political system to become members of the middle and upper-

middle classes. These black Americans of high-socioeconomic status (SES) often

work alongside, socialize among and go to school with white Americans. At first

glance, the narrative of social isolation that pervades much of the black American

experience does not appear to apply as readily to these blacks or to this century,

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especially in an era when the most powerful leaders of the two political parties are

a black president and a black chairman of the RNC.

In his commentary “From Protest to Politics” (1965), Bayard Rustin, the

activist and co-founder of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), argued that

the route to full black inclusion and economic equality would be through an

electoral engagement with the political process. Acknowledging the gains of the

Civil Rights movement in breaking down explicit racial barriers, he suggested that

the rest of the struggle (for better jobs, an end to ghetto poverty, etc.) could not be

brought about through “protest politics” (what I term “non-electoral” political

participation). As he stated, “these interrelated problems, by their very nature, are

not soluble by private, voluntary efforts but require government action or politics”

(Rustin 1965). Within Rustin’s conception of politics and of the new direction

required to bring about black equality, there was little room for non-electoral

action through rallies, service, and institution-building through black

organizations. In the post-Civil Rights era, most scholars and political leaders

have hailed Rustin’s then-visionary form of black politics. Yet, despite the fact

that a black man has now succeeded to the nation’s highest office, the problems of

the inner-city, the wealth gap between blacks and whites, and continued

workplace discrimination haunt both the black community and American

democracy.

Even the black middle class is not shielded from this inequality. Despite

engaging with whites on an equal footing in the workplace, schools and spaces of

social interaction, the present black middle class still faces exclusion in a number

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of ways. Whether it is psychological feelings of inferiority1 and group-based

competition or real experiences of individual and institutional racism (e.g. job

discrimination, workplace racism, and the racial insensitivity of neighbors and

friends), the black middle class is often more keenly aware of the continuing ways

in which full inclusion of blacks into the American social fabric may still be but a

dream (Dawson 1994; Lacy 2007; Young 2004, 114-6;).

In order to combat this exclusion, high-SES blacks have joined and

continue to join black political, voluntary and civic organizations. During the

early 1900s, social associations, mutual-aid clubs and freemason societies had

become a major part of America’s social spaces, most notably among those in the

black community (Putnam 2001; Skocpol, Liazos and Ganz 2006). These

organizations served not only as black public spaces for coping with the exclusion

of the dominant socio-economic system (Frazier 1957; Wesley 1954, 16), but also

they served as sites for resisting the system of oppression that made them

necessary in the first place. Although these organizations often took political

stands and organized rallies or campaigns to resist political exclusion, they should

be distinguished from the expressly political organizations, like the NAACP and

the National Urban League. Unlike black political organizations, these black

1 A good number of scholars have documented the mentality of the black middle class. One of the

most notable works is E. Franklin Frazier’s book Black Bourgeoisie: The Rise of a New Middle

Class in the United States (1957). This book critiques middle class blacks as individuals who

aspire to whiteness and regret their full incorporation as equals into the American socio-political

system. Of their strivings, he states: “As a consequence of their isolation, the majority of the black

bourgeoisie live in a cultural vacuum and their lives are devoted largely to fatuities” (Frazier 1957,

p. 98). In his book The Black Experience in Middle-Class America: Social Hierarchy and

Behavioral Biology (2001), Melvin D. Williams similarly notes that no amount of socio-economic

progress can remove the lack of human dignity black Americans feel in American society (3).

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social organizations were/are primarily focused on fraternalism and social

bonding. They do not make direct demands on the political process through

congressional lobbying or trying judicial test cases (Frazier 1957; Welsey 1954).

Further, these organizations are not simply fraternities. Unlike fraternities, these

organizations were/are made up of black professionals (not students) who tend to

be middle to upper-middle class (Harris 2005; Jackson 2008; Wesley 1954).

In this thesis, I distinguish between two major types of black social

organizations: those that are (more or less) black versions of white fraternal orders

and Masonic societies and those that are indigenously-imagined elite social

organizations. This study focuses on the latter. A majority of the former

organizations have become defunct (e.g. the Grand Fountain of the United Order

of True Reformers), have been enveloped by their white counterparts, or include a

significant number of members who would not be characterized as part of the

black elite (e.g. the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows) (Grimshaw 1997;

Skocpol et al. 2006; Trotter 2004). In general, these organizations are not nearly

as influential – neither in society nor amongst elite blacks – as they once were

(Jackson 2008; Putnam 2001). The latter social organizations, however, maintain.

Established by pioneering black men and women, these organizations have no ties

to white fraternal orders, societies or other organizations. These organizations –

such as Sigma Pi Phi (Boulé), the Links, Jack and Jill of America, the Chums, the

Girl Friends and the Guardsmen – consist of individuals from the black middle

and upper classes and have chapters located in major cities throughout the United

States.

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The Continued Significance of Black Social Organizations

Most of the literature on black social organizations is historical and

focused on fraternal orders (Skocpol et al. 2006; Skocpol 2003, 35-6; Trotter

2004). In this literature, these black fraternal organizations and associations are

analyzed for their past contributions to the black experience, not for their modern-

day contributions and continued existence. These social organizations are

noticeably absent from most contemporary debates and studies of black political

behavior and ideology (Trotter 2004). Current literature on the intersection

between the political process and black institutions tends to focus, instead, on the

black church (or, sometimes, black advancement organizations) as the site of

black political growth, ideological formation and resource/skill transfer.2 While

scholars like Michael Dawson and Melissa Harris-Lacewell mention the

importance of many types of organizations and institutions in the creation of a

“black counterpublic3” that shapes and creates black political activism, they make

little critical mention or analysis of any other institution but the church (Dawson

2 The black church has increasingly become viewed as the most important institution among black

Americans. Several scholars have studied its impact and offer it as one of the most fundamental

institutions in black social and political identity/ behavior (just to name a few: Dawson 1994;

Harris 1999; Harris-Lacewell 2004; Owens 2007) One of the few studies not relating to the black

church is Brian D. McKenzie’s (2007) article “Reconsidering the Effects of Bonding Social

Capital: A Closer Look at Black Civil Society Institutions in America.” This study, however, is

also insufficient for this analysis. McKenzie looks at the effect of participation on members in

black advancement organizations (like the NAACP) – organizations on which I do not intend to

focus. Also, this study does not look at different types of political acts and it still reverts to using

the black church as the main organization of analysis. The only other works that come close to

studying contemporary black social organizations approach the topic from a philosophical or

theoretical perspective. (e.g. Arneil 2006).

3 This term, mainly attributed to Michael Dawson, can be used to describe the black spaces of

interaction, exchange, bonding and agitation that exist in the black community as a result of

exclusion from white, dominant society (Dawson 2001).

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1994; Harris-Lacewell 2004). Further, Dawson goes so far as to state that this

black counterpublic space no longer exists among contemporary black Americans

(Dawson 1995), suggesting that institutions like black social organizations either

no longer exist or are irrelevant to discussions of black politics.

Despite the silence of most scholars regarding the topic, elite black social

organizations still occupy a major role in the black (particularly middle and upper

class) community and (as a byproduct) presumably black politics and civic

engagement. The study of these organizations could shed light on many important

influences within the black (and mainstream) political process. First, elite black

social organizations may exert a greater influence on the lives of well-off black

Americans than does the black church. Middle class black Americans are less

religious, and when they do go to church, the church is often inter-racial.4 Second,

black social organizations, though sharply lower in number than during the 1900s,

still exist and serve as mechanisms for coping against racial social isolation in the

workplace, schools and neighborhoods (Lacy 2007). While these organizations

may be fewer, the ones that remain are increasing in membership and influence

(Gordon 2002; Harris 2005; Jarrett 1995) at a time when the black political/

advancement organizations (e.g. the NAACP) are becoming increasingly

irrelevant to the black community’s needs (Assensoh and Alex-Assensoh 2002).

4 From my own analysis of the National Black Election Study of 1996, I find that high-SES blacks

(whose definition I explain in chapters 2 and 3) appear to be more involved in black organizations

than in church. Only 31% of these blacks attend church every week, while 70% are members of

black organizations.

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The relevance of these social organizations is real, particularly in an elite-

centered understanding of politics. Several theorists and political scientists portray

the middle and upper class black community as a bridge between less well-off

blacks and white society (Bowser 2007; Patillo 2007). Philosophically and

theoretically, black social organizations are seen as means by which the black

middle class maintains its affinity toward, understanding of and commitment to

the underprivileged black majority (Shelby 2005). This “black solidarity”

(perhaps not the best term) is arguably necessary for the agitation for equality and

justice in the American socio-political system. Further, this ethos of political

group consciousness has implications for theoretical discussions of

multiculturalism in American society. Putnam (2001) has commented on the

potentially negative impact of organizations that bond around race and class.

Although this thesis is unconcerned with testing his predictions, the results of this

analysis may help to inform the debate between those who believe the United

States should be a nation of several multicultural social entities vying for political

influence or a nation of one culture and one liberal-democratic impulse.5

More practically, black social organizations most likely operate as

networks of friendship, where upper-class blacks interact, debate and collect

political resources. While no scholarly attention has been paid to black social

5 Bhikhu Parekh is another contributor to this debate – but on the side of multiculturalism. In his

book Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory (2002), Parekh argues

that as the United States becomes more diverse, many cultural practices of immigrants and other

minority groups will come into conflict with our Anglo-Saxon legal and political system. Parekh

argues in favor of multicultural education and the maintenance of minority cultural practices

instead of the classic American ideal of assimilation.

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organizations in particular, it is likely that these organizations operate similarly to

mainstream voluntary organizations, which have been shown to serve as political

networks of resources and civic skills (Putnam 2001; Schlozman, Verba and

Brady 1999; Verba, Schlozman and Brady 1995). The effect of these

organizations on the black elite, then, would presumably help them to serve as

“middle-men” (Patillo 2007) – individuals who advocate for “black” issues to the

white, political power structure.

These claims, however, have not been empirically tested. The impact of

elite black social organizations on their members’ political participation and

involvement is speculative and based upon studies of white (or mainstream)

membership in voluntary organizations. The assumptions involved in this

academic speculation ignore the differences between these organizations and

mainstream voluntary organizations, the disparity in political power and socio-

economic resources between blacks and whites, and the ideological differences/

political goals of the black community as opposed to those of mainstream

American society. As will be further developed in chapters 2 and 3, ordinary

models of organizational influence on political participation may not be readily

applicable to elite blacks and their social organizations.

Given the lack of literature and the evident implications, this thesis adds to

the research on black political participation and organizational membership by

exploring the impact of black social organizations on the political behavior of

their middle class black members. I approach the analysis from an individual, not

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an organizational, perspective. In other words, my goal is to understand how

membership in these organizations affects the individual’s participation in modes

of political or civic acts; my goal is not to understand how these organizations

may or may not advocate for political causes or influence governmental action

through lobbying or petitioning. I care about the individual, as the individual is

the foundation of political action. At the end of the day, it is up to the individual

to affect change in socio-economic and socio-political structures that negatively

impact the black community, particularly those blacks who are most socially

isolated and marginalized.

From this perspective, I ask three main questions in this analysis and use

both quantitative and qualitative data to find answers. First, I ask: does

membership in elite black social organizations affect one’s level of political

participation? While most civic organizations provide civic skills, networks of

recruitment and the like (Verba et al. 1995), do organizations that are mainly

focused on social bonding and the protection of blacks from the everyday stresses

of living and working in integrated environments provide these same benefits?

The answer is unclear. Second, I ask: do Links and Boulé differ with regard to the

level and type of participation in which their members engage? The focus of these

organizations, together and separately, is different from that of mainstream

voluntary organizations. Yet, the literature on civic participation aggregates

memberships in wildly different organizations and assumes that the aggregate

effect applies for all different types of organizational associations. Further, the

literature often, though not always, aggregates several political acts into over-

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encompassing indices that do not show how membership affects varied forms of

participation. Instead, I focus on two main types of participation: electoral (such

as working on a political campaign or voter registration drive) and non-electoral

(such as private, voluntary acts of protesting and community service). I want to

know how these black social organizations differ and, if they have an effect, what

type of participators these organizations make. Finally, I ask: what are the

institutional mechanisms that may contribute to these effects? Because my

analysis (based upon survey data) can never prove the directional flow of

causality between organizational membership and participation with certainty, it

is important to find out what kinds of mechanisms these organizations provide

that may contribute to the effects that I find. This third question is proposed with

that intent in mind. Further, this third question intends to test whether or not the

mechanisms offered by conventional models of participation apply to these elite

black social organizations.

This thesis unfolds in six major chapters. Chapter 2 describes two specific

black social organizations: Sigma Pi Phi (Boulé) and the Links, Inc. These two

organizations (with data from their respective chapters in the Nashville,

Tennessee area) serve as the case studies of this analysis. Chapter 2 will also

discuss the literature surrounding organizational influence on political

participation and civic engagement. Chapter 3 serves to frame my specific project,

explaining the theory, hypotheses and methodology employed. In chapter 4, I look

to answer the first question of this paper. Is there a relationship between political

participation and membership in these elite social organizations? Chapter 5 looks

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at the separate effects of each organization and examines the degree to which

Boulé and Links differ in the effect they have on their members. I also explore the

specific types of participation in which members of these organizations tend to

engage, paying close attention to non-electoral forms of engagement – a crucial,

but often overlooked, element of black politics. Chapter 6, through the use of in-

depth qualitative data, serves to fill in the gaps, provide a clearer picture of the

members of these organizations, and uncover the possible directions of causality

between membership and participation. This chapter, in essence, focuses on the

third, and final, question of my analysis. I conclude with chapter 7, which will

also provide suggestions for future directions of research.

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CHAPTER 2

BOULÉ AND LINKS: OVERLOOKED IN THE POLITICAL PARTICIPATION DIALOGUE

In this study, I focus on two of the most prominent and lasting elite black

social organizations in the United States: Sigma Pi Phi (Boulé) and the Links, Inc.

(Links). Both organizations were established in the early 20th

century in order to

serve as spaces of social interaction, engagement and (to an extent) service for

middle and upper-middle class black Americans excluded from larger American

society. Of the many organizations founded during this time period, Boulé and

Links remain, growing in size and influence among the upper-class black

community.

In this chapter, I intend to paint a picture of the two organizations, their

formation, their present situation and their potential effect on the political

behavior of their members. I also intend to describe the upper-middle class black

community, which I will refer to as the “high-SES” (socio-economic status) black

community. I briefly define my measurement of “class” or “high-SES” in order to

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clarify the exact community I intend to study. Finally, in this chapter, I will also

provide a review of the literature relating to such voluntary organizations in

political science, grounding my scholarship in a field that (despite its breadth) has

failed to undertake a rigorous analysis of elite black social organizations, their

members and their effect on political participation and engagement.

Preeminent Organizations: Boulé and Links

Boulé and Links are arguably the two most prominent elite black social

organizations. These two organizations are gendered; Boulé is for men, while

Links is for women. Both organizations are referenced often in elite black circles,

and distinguished members of the black community belong to each (Frazier 1957;

Harris 2005; Jackson 2008; Jarrett 1995). Notable individuals in Boulé have

included W.E.B. Du Bois, Martin Luther King, Jr., A. Leon Higginbotham, Julian

Bond, David Dinkins, and Arthur Ashe. In Links, distinguished women have

included Regina Jollivette Frazier, Betty Shabazz, and Gladys Gary Vaughn.

Often the husbands of women in Links are in Boulé and vice-versa.

The preeminence of these organizations is largely attributable to their

history and aura. Sigma Pi Phi (Boulé) was founded in 1904 in Philadelphia by

Henry M. Minton, a black American physician and author, and three other men.

Boulé was the first professional Greek-letter organization for blacks. Because

upper-middle class blacks like Minton were isolated from one another in

Philadelphia and excluded from the area’s white fraternal orders and associations

(as in many other cities during that period), Minton found that there was a need

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for such an organization to “bind men together so that they know one another

better and that they may so aid one another and that they may accomplish for the

common good that which each could not achieve by his individual endeavors”

(Wesley 1954, 40). As the organization slowly incorporated new members and

established new chapters (known as boulés) in other cities, the organization’s

reputation grew as a distinguished – and even elitist – organization of extremely

high-achieving black men. While the organization has become more focused on

social action6 (through its foundation, social action program and monetary support

of black advancement organizations), its main purpose in the past (and still to this

day, most would argue) was to serve as a social and intellectual space for these

middle class men through regular meetings, upscale garden parties, Christmas

socials and Grand Boulés (bi-annual meetings of all the chapters).

The Links, Inc. was founded later than Boulé in 1946 by Margaret

Hawkins, an artist and activist, and Sarah Scott, a teacher. Both women were

married to physicians, solidifying their status as part of the black middle class of

6 While Boulé was always meant to make sure its members were exemplars of their community, as

an organization it was founded with the understanding that its primary objective would be social

cohesion among upper-class black men. In other words, service and community involvement was

supposed to be done by members individually, but not as part of the organizational context.

During the 50s, however, many archons questioned the lack of attention the organization gave to

black advancement, even though individual members led the way in desegregation of facilities and

winning legal battles (Wesley 1954, 345). It was not until the 27th

Grand Boulé in 1964 at the New

York City Waldorf-Astoria that the organization decided to become more active in the non-

electoral, as well as electoral, political processes. Percy Julian argued in his noteworthy speech

“Faultless Prophets” that the organization should be part of the Civil Rights movement and the

general struggle for black advancement. He lambasted his fellow men for sitting on the sidelines

of the struggle. From his speech and the general atmosphere of the 1960s, Boulé has emerged

more conscious of its role in black advancement, initiating a foundation and a social action

program that remain to this day. In fact, as of fiscal year 2007, the foundation had assets of $10.6

million (Boulé Foundation 2007).

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the time (Parker 1992). Like Minton and the men of Boulé, these women were

pioneering, innovative, and excluded from many white voluntary organizations –

because of their race as well as their gender. The purpose of this new organization

for these women was reflected in its current mission statement, which states:

The Links, Incorporated is an organization primarily comprised of women of African

heritage who are committed to enriching, sustaining and ensuring the identities, culture

and economic survival of all people of African origin through cultural, educational and

civic programs. Through our partnerships we promote activism to help bring about

positive change that transcends time, race and socio-economic differences (Links 2009a).

Unlike Boulé, service and commitment to black advancement is an important

feature of Links. The women engage in service through institutional programs like

their International Trends and Services, which has the purpose of finding ways to

improve the living conditions of individuals throughout the world. Although

service is integral to the philosophy of the organization, as further evidenced by

the Links Foundation, the requirement of members to complete service hours and

the millions of dollars the organization has donated to the NAACP (Ebony 1996),

the organization is not a black advancement organization. The organization does

not take political stands, does not lobby, is exclusive in its membership and values

the social interaction and sororal relationship among its members. In fact, 100%

of Links respondents interviewed for this study7 described the main purpose of

Links to be partially, if not fully, social and sororal.

Presently, these organizations have maintained their prominence, unlike

other fraternal black organizations founded in the early 1900s (Grimshaw 1997;

7 As described in chapter 3, I interviewed several members of both Boulé and Links in addition to

the survey I distributed. All the links who took part in the in-depth interviews expressed that Links

is about sisterhood, social bonding and service.

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FIGURE 2.1

Figure 2.1: This photograph was taken during the establishment ceremony of the Epsilon Boulé in

1911. This chapter of Sigma Pi Phi was the “fifth fraternal unit.” The first members of this boulé

included Carter G. Woodson and Roscoe Conkling Bruce – both of whom are pictured above.

FIGURE 2.2

Figure 2.2: This photograph, taken on February 12, 1950, captures the first executive council

meeting of the Links, Inc. The meeting took place in the Hotel Theresa in New York City and

included women from the nearly two dozen chapters established by that time.

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Trotter 2004; Wesley 1954). As of 2002, Boulé had around 100 chapters located

in large cities in 25 states throughout the US – from Tucson, Arizona to

Shreveport, Louisiana (Jarrett 1995; Olechowski 2002). The organization’s

members (who are referred to as “archons”) are well-off black men who have

attained some level of professional success, whether in academia, medicine, law,

business or government. No undergraduate or graduate students are members of

the organization. Links is similar to Boulé in its requirement that its members

(referred to as “links”) should be adults who are no longer undergraduate or

graduate students. Although a not insignificant number of women in Links are

homemakers, most women (especially now) are professionals in their own right.

As of 2009, Links “ha[d] a membership of 12,000 professional women of color in

270 chapters located in 42 states” (Links 2009).

Both organizations are exclusive, which provides this thesis with two ideal

organizations with which to study the effects of social bonding in an exclusively

elite, black social network. In both organizations, individuals become eligible for

membership by invitation to join; one cannot request membership. Further, the

organizations tend to be timid in expanding their membership, though in recent

years each has become more open and willing to take younger members (Jarrett

1995; Parker 1992). The exclusivity of these organizations creates black social

spaces sealed off both from white opinion/ influence and also the opinion/

influence of the majority of blacks. The position of these organizations allows an

effective study of the influence of elite black social networks on forms of political

participation; and, this exclusion brings a couple questions to the fore. When elite

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blacks are separated from other blacks and whites, are they attentive to the larger

black community’s needs or are they more focused on their own social position

and status? And more pertinent to this study, what type of participation and civic

engagement, if any, could such exclusive, social organizations foster in their

membership?

The literature provides few answers to these questions; moreover, the

answers that are provided are based upon theory and assumption, not empirical

research. Political scientists like Robert Putnam (2001) argue that by reifying

social inequalities and flaming intolerance, such organizations could be harmful

both to their members’ engagement and also to the nation’s democracy. He also

argues that only bridging networks (those that are less exclusive) link individuals

to “external assets” and “information diffusion.” Putnam, though, does note the

potential benefits of bonding groups like Boulé and Links, stating: “bonding

social capital is good for undergirding specific reciprocity and mobilizing

solidarity. Dense networks in ethnic enclaves, for example, provide crucial social

and psychological support for less fortunate members of the community” (Putnam

2001, 22).8 In the sociological literature, scholars have exacted more direct

8 Brian McKenzie (2007) finds that, in fact, Putnam was wrong with regard to bonding groups not

being able to provide their members with “external assets” and “information diffusion.” He finds

that those who are members of black advancement organizations are more likely to be members of

mainstream civic and voluntary organizations. In other words, those who are in bonding

organizations have even better access to external resources than those who are not. This study

expands McKenzie’s findings by looking to other forms of participation, particularly non-electoral

forms like community service, participation in rallies and campaigns, and the influencing of

politicians from the fringes of the electoral process. Further, this study’s findings would serve to

add to or reject McKenzie’s findings as these two elite social organizations (Boulé and Links) are

even more bonding than general black advancement organizations (which only bond along racial,

not class, lines).

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criticisms of these elite black organizations. E. Franklin Frazier in Black

Bourgeoisie (1957) argues that instead of aiding in black advancement and

incorporation into the political process, these organizations only serve to uphold

the system of white supremacy through “snobbishness” and maintenance of a

bourgeoisie economic system (Frazier 1957, 81-6). Even members of these

organizations critique these groups for their supposed frivolity and lack of civic

engagement. Percy Julian, in a speech entitled “Faultless Prophets” (1964), lashed

out at fellow archons for “sitting on our inherited stools of intellectual eminence

and merely watching the streams [protest of the Civil Rights movement] go by”

(Harris 2005, 120). A majority of respondents to this study (particularly the

archons) also noted their belief that their fellow links/ archons were rather

inactive. Are these assumptions regarding organizational membership and

participation true? Are these members truly “faultless prophets” (a term used

satirically by Julian) basking in their eminence, unconcerned with black political

engagement? As part of this thesis, I will parse these theoretical assumptions and

help to resolve several debates over the impact of elite social organizations on the

black middle class and the larger black community.

In this investigation, I focus on two specific chapters of Boulé and Links.

Both chapters are located in the Nashville, Tennessee area and were selected

because of accessibility9 and representativeness.

10 The Sigma Pi Phi chapter is

9 Being from Nashville, I was able to gain access to the membership lists and contact information

of the members of Chi Boulé and the Hendersonville-area (located in Nashville) chapter of Links.

I do not have this access with both a Boulé and a Links chapter from any other city.

23

called Chi Boulé, and the Nashville chapter of Links that I focused on is called the

Hendersonville-area Chapter of Links, Inc. Chi Boulé has 38 members, its yearly

dues are nearly $1000, archons have meetings 9 times a year, and the chapter

holds several annual social engagements. The Hendersonville-area chapter of

Links has 59 members (including a few “alumnae”), its yearly dues are roughly

equivalent to Boulé’s, it has 9 general meetings each year, and members meet

regularly in smaller meetings called “facets” to discuss issues relating to the

foundation and other initiatives. As mentioned earlier, these two chapters are

quite representative of the national ethos of each organization. Each chapter’s

demographic make-up and ideological aim mirrors the national trends of the

respective organizations. Given this consistency, I proceed under the assumption

that any influence felt by members of these chapters is an influence that should be

taken to be indicative of membership in all chapters of these organizations.

What is Middle Class?: Defining the High-SES Black Community

10

The membership of Chi Boulé consists of a variety of men of different professions and a small

number of men who are younger than the average age of an archon. This trend is mirrored

throughout the U.S. with regard to membership in Boulé (Jarrett 1995). This chapter also adheres

to the national guidelines, is active, and has members who attend the Grand Boulé each year.

Finally, studies of the Sigma Pi Phi in the 1960s found that “there are more graduates of Fisk and

Meharry [two black universities in Nashville] who are members of Sigma Pi Phi than there are of

any other single college or university” (Jarrett 1995). (In general, Nashville has a large

concentration of HBCUs, including Fisk, TSU, American Baptist College and Meharry.) From

these facts, it is reasonable to say that this chapter is representative. For Links, the Hendersonville-

area chapter also consists of women of a variety of professions, including homemakers. This

mirrors the national membership (Parker 1992). Further, the Hendersonville-area is very active in

the national foundation and other service projects. In fact, the Hendersonville-area chapter

initiated a micro-loan program that could be adopted by other Links chapters. Therefore, this

chapter is not only representative, but it is also one of the chapters to look at to see where the

future of the organization may be headed.

24

Up to this point, I have referred to the demographic group on which I

focus as “middle class,” “upper-class” and “high-SES.” These terms are

admittedly imprecise and serve mainly to enable the reader to have a general

understanding of which demographic group makes up these elite social

organizations. While there are several ways to classify who is and who is not part

of the black middle class,11

I choose to focus on education and household income

as two variables that are definitive of what I mean to be the black middle class or

the high-SES black community. In this study, the theoretical underpinnings of

“class” and “status” are unimportant. What matters most is the access that these

individual members have on account of their income and education. The income

and education of these individuals, regardless of their actual control over the

“means of production” or the value of their net worth, defines them by others as

well-off individuals, grants them access to other elites and professional co-

11

There are several debates over what constitutes the middle class, what constitutes the black

middle class, and the concept of “class” in general. The major, traditional division in thinking

about class status is between Marx and Weber. Marx’s conception of class revolves around control

over the “means of production.” The middle and upper-classes consist of those who control the

means of production and thus the commodification of labor. Several scholars have noted that

under this conception of class, few if any blacks are part of the middle class because of the

American socio-economic system, which includes embedded institutions of racial stratification.

Although blacks have attained middle class income and education, they do not own, these scholars

argue, the major economic institutions that are the bases of our economy (Bowser 2007; Oliver

and Shapiro 2006; Williams 2000). A Weberian conception of class, on the other hand, is much

looser and involves more descriptive ideas of class, such as wealth, status and cultural mores

(Bowser 2007; Lacy 2007). Such a conception of class is based more upon how individuals

perceive themselves and behave in relation to others. The important take-away is that there is no

general consensus on what exactly defines class or middle class or black middle class; often, it is

historically contingent and based upon evolving standards and relative measures. What is most

important to this study is not if my definition fits within either a Marxian or Weberian framework;

rather what is important is what the individuals I define as middle class/ well-off have or are able

to accrue as compared to those who are part of the lower-class.

25

workers and, presumably, gives them a baseline level of substantial political

knowledge (Schlozman, Page, Verba and Fiorina 2005; Skocpol 2004).

For household income, I look to the top two quintiles of income,

considered by many to contain the upper-middle class and the truly wealthy.

Because the main data set12

I use in this study was collected in the summer of

2008, the questions regarding household income refer to income from the year

2007. As such, I base my quintiles upon 2007 data from the Tax Policy Center. In

2007, individuals with household incomes of $62,000-$100,000 USD 2007 are in

the 4th

quintile. Those with household incomes above $100,000 USD 2007 are in

the 5th

quintile. The top 5% of Americans made above $177,000 USD 2007. All

of the individuals in Links and Boulé are well within the upper-middle class from

a purely income-based perspective. 97% of archons had a household income

greater than $100,000 USD 2007, while over 70% of links did.

Regarding education, I measure education as having attained at least an

associates or bachelors degree in order to be considered a part of the high-SES

black community. This criterion is based upon a general academic consensus that

this is the appropriate cut-off as a determinant of high socioeconomic status. The

knowledge, skills and networks accrued in an institution of higher learning are

drastically different than those accumulated in high school. The majority of

members of Links and Boulé have attained a level of education higher than a

college degree. 74% of links and 82% of archons have an advanced degree.

12

The data set, which I title the Nashville Black Ideology and Social Survey (NBISS) is an

original data set that I collected in the summer of 2008. I will discuss this data set further in

chapter 3.

26

The members of these elite social organizations are part of a larger black

middle/upper-class that has grown markedly in the United States from the 1970s

as a result of affirmative action, decreased overt racism, and increased educational

opportunities. In the early 20th

century, when Boulé and Links were founded, the

black elite was extremely small and consisted mainly of domestic help and a few

individuals in the trades and professions. By the middle of the 20th

century, the

class grew, aided by the demand for black doctors, lawyers and insurance agents

to fill the void left by white refusal to service blacks in these professions (Landry

1987). By the late 20th

century, the black middle class grew even more as whites

began to allow blacks to enter the mainstream economic system. From 1969 to

1986, the percentage of black families considered “upper-class” (defined in terms

of income and status) tripled from 3% to 9%. The absolute number increased from

143,000 families to 624,000 families (Billingsley 1990). Data from the U.S.

Census Bureau shows that in 2006 9.1% of blacks made more than $100,000 USD

2006. After accounting for inflation, only 1.7% of blacks made above $100,000

USD 2006 in 1975. While this group of blacks is increasing and has made

significant gains, the disparity between whites and blacks is stark. More than 20%

of whites had a household income over $100,000 in 2006, but the numbers are

much lower for blacks. Since the 70s, the wealthiest group of blacks has

consistently made a household income that is on average just 70% of that of the

wealthiest group of whites (Bowser 2007, 118). In other words, while blacks have

27

made significant gains, what it means to be in the black upper-class is still

different than what it means to be in the white upper-class.13

Voluntary Organizations, Black Politics and Political Participation

Civic associations and their influence on participation have been studied in

American politics at least since Alexis de Tocqueville’s oft-referenced analyses of

American culture and politics in the middle of the 19th

century. de Tocqueville

saw the American use of civic associations and voluntary collectivity as unique

features of the American political process. These groups, he observed, decreased

dependency on the government for certain services, served to energize citizens for

collective action, and functioned as the basis for robust civic participation by

ordinary citizens (de Tocqueville 2004; Ostrom and Ahn 2003; Putnam 2001;

Verba et al. 1995).

Despite the uniqueness of these associations to American culture and

politics, most voluntary associations were not open to blacks until the post-Civil

Rights era. Before then, black participation in the political process tended to be

one strictly of non-electoral influence (like marches and protests for black

advancement) instead of electoral influence (like campaign volunteering and

voting) (Harris, McKenzie and Sinclair-Chapman 2008; Tate 1994; Walton 1994).

This external influence was aided not only by political and black advancement

organizations, but also by fraternal societies and social organizations similar to

Boulé and Links (Skocpol et al. 2006). As a result of the Civil Rights movement,

13

When disparities in wealth (net worth and net financial assets) are taken into account, the

contrast between blacks and whites is even greater. See Oliver and Shapiro (2006) for a discussion

of this gap.

28

many scholars have argued that black organizations – and black political

influence more generally – have shifted toward electoral political influence

(Harris et al. 2008; Tate 1994; Verba et al. 1995). But, the analysis of these

authors has mainly been based upon assumptions, has not looked to specific black

social organizations, has not analyzed the black middle class and has not looked

to different forms of political participation to conduct a rigorous analysis of this

notion.

Most analyses of black political participation do not take into account

middle class blacks’ behavior or their involvement in black civic/social

organizations. The most influential institution in studies of black behavior (and

black political attitudes) is the black church. Numerous researchers have looked to

the black church as the basic unit for analyzing black politics (Dawson 1994;

Harris 1999; Harris 1994; Harris-Lacewell 2004; Owens 2007; Tate 1994).

Arguably, the black church may be the most influential actor in affording political

resources, skills and knowledge to its members. However, when studying the

politics of high-SES blacks, this reliance on the church may be insufficient as

these blacks are increasingly attending mixed-race churches in their suburban

neighborhoods, joining other forms of religion or not attending church altogether

(Harris 1999; Washington 1974). Further, the black community may be

witnessing the decreasing influence of the church in the post-Civil Rights era as

compared to other organizations among elite blacks. In my own analysis through

the NBISS, only one of eleven respondents mentioned the role of the church

without prompting. Most often, these respondents instead spoke freely of the

29

black organizations and mainstream civic organizations in which they were

involved.

Further, these studies of black participation are rare in and of themselves;

most black political studies center on the political ideology of blacks, rather than

the extent to which blacks participate. These ideological studies of black politics

tend to analyze the attitudes of blacks, especially as compared to similarly-

situated whites. Michael Dawson (1994) looks at the “black utility heuristic14

”

and argues that blacks maintain ideas of linked fate and racial solidarity, even as

they become more well-off and better-educated. He attributes this heuristic to

several mechanisms, including black organizational affiliations. Other scholars

(Bledsoe, Welch, Sigleman and Combs 1995; Gay 2004) have looked to the

impact of residential context on beliefs and attitudes within the black community.

And with regard to the black church, the ideology of blacks, as a result of

membership and active participation, tends to be analyzed to a much greater

extent than their resultant political behavior. While this research is important and

could even serve as a basis for understanding the mechanisms involved in the

behaviors of blacks in the political process, it does not show how blacks

participate. The study of why blacks vote or do not vote, rally or participate in

political campaigns, etc. is much harder to come across in the study of black

politics.

14

The “black utility heuristic” is a term that Dawson (1994) uses in his book Behind the Mule:

Race and Class in African-American Politics. Dawson argues that the heuristic explains the

finding that perceptions of racial group interests often supersede conceptions of class interests

among high-SES blacks. In other words, he finds that many of these blacks maintain ideological

(and perhaps, emotional) connections to other blacks who are not of their same class.

30

Recently, this trend has been changing as it has become clearer that

research involving mainstream participation may not capture the differences in

black engagement. Harris et al. (2008) study changing trends in black

participation since the 1970s. They find that black participation is highly

dependent upon institutions and economic downturns. Owens (2007), in his book

God and Government in the Ghetto, finds that black participation can be

influenced by the black clergy’s connections to and relationships with government

agencies. However, both of these studies are structural in their methodology –

focusing on the institutions instead of the individual, as he/ she relates to the

institution. As noted in the introduction, this study aims to look at the individual

(embedded within the organizational context) as the main unit of analysis. I am

more interested in the influence of these organizations on their members’

behavior and political engagement.

Brian D. McKenzie (2007), whose work is commented upon earlier, takes

an individual-level approach to participation and analyzes the impact of black

advancement organizations and the church on the electoral political participation

(voting, participation in non-racial civic organizations, etc.) of members. He finds

that membership does in fact correlate with higher levels of participation;

however, his study does not look at elite black social organizations or the

relationship between membership and non-electoral forms of participation (rallies,

community development, etc.). Arguably one of the most rigorous studies of

black participation and organizational membership is Katherine Tate’s book From

Protest to Politics: The New Black Voters in American Elections (1994). Tate

31

uses data from the National Black Election Study of 1984 and finds that being a

member of any of several black advancement organizations has a significant

impact on campaign activity, but not voting. While Tate’s work sheds light on

organizational effects, it lacks a discussion of elite black social organizations.

Tate’s work, like McKenzie’s, also does not look at the relationship between

membership and non-electoral forms of participation. In fact, her work only

studies the correlation between membership and the two acts of voting and

campaign activity (Tate 1994, 82).

The literature on mainstream voluntary organizations, authored mainly by

scholars like Kay Lehman Schlozman, Theda Skocpol and Sidney Verba, is also

relevant to this investigation. Compared to the work of McKenzie and Tate, this

literature provides more depth in some areas, but less depth in others. Sidney

Verba, Kay Schlozman, and Henry Brady’s work Voice and Equality: Civic

Voluntarism in American Politics (1995) studies the effects of voluntary

organizations on individual political behavior. Through their research, Verba et al.

uncover that an individual’s organizational membership, after controlling for

several demographic and associational factors, has the effect of increasing

involvement in several political activities, such as voting, campaign contribution

and contacting an elected official. They find that “non-political voluntary

associations play an even larger role than job or religious institutions. The effect

of such associations is almost equal to the combined effect of job and religion –

underlining their central role in American democracy” (Verba et al. 1995, 452).

32

From their research, Verba et al. develop the Civic Voluntarism Model

(CVM).15

This model is based upon the work of many scholars, as wide-ranging

as Pierre Bourdieu (Field 2003) and James S. Coleman (Coleman 1994). The

CVM is also related to the work of Robert Putnam (1995; 2001), who argues that

social capital and networks are garnered through participation in organizations.

For Putnam, social capital increases the trust and reciprocity among individuals in

these organizations, increasing their engagement in their communities and

participation in their democracy, among other benefits. Putnam’s work, though,

focuses mainly on the organization, not the individual, as the main unit of

analysis. For Verba et al., a quantitative approach that focuses on individuals

within institutions (rather than institutions composed of individuals) enables an

understanding of the direct effect and magnitude of organizations on citizens.

The thesis is informed by and, to an extent, seeks to build on the

theoretical and substantive results of Verba et al.’s CVM. This Civic Voluntarism

Model of political participation reveals that an individual’s amount (number of

political acts in which he/she partakes) of political participation is a result of

15

The Civic Voluntarism Model focuses on three main variables that Verba et al. suggest

determine the amount of political participation in which a person engages. These variables are:

initial characteristics (social class, race/ethnicity, gender and parents’ education), pre-adult

experiences (education, politics at home, and high school activity), institutional involvement (job

level, non-political organizations, and religious attendance), and “participatory factors” (family

income, civic skills, civic vocabulary, political recruitment, political interest and political

information). Using OLS regressions, the authors find that the participatory factors of political

involvement are directly affected by membership in voluntary organizations. Voluntary

organizations enable individuals to network, allowing them to develop close friendships through

which political interaction comes about. The direct effect of these organizations on political

participatory factors suggests that there is a strong, indirect effect from these organizations on

political behavior.

33

several life processes and institutional factors that accumulate over one’s lifespan.

Verba et al.’s research and use of the Civic Voluntarism Model suggest that

institutional involvement does in fact have an effect on political participation,

even after controlling for other independent variables that accrue over one’s life-

span. The authors argue that the accrual of civic skills, resources and recruitment

mechanisms explain the means by which organizational membership increases

political participation.

While Verba et al.’s research, along with that of others, is a thorough

analysis of the influence of non-political associations on political participation,

the examination is unable to fully account for the political behavior of elite

blacks. First, the effect of non-political organizations on high-SES blacks is

probably different than the effect of these organizations on the general American

population (or the general black population, for that matter). High-SES black

political interests, methods of participation and networks of recruitment/resources,

shaped by exclusion and heightened racial awareness, are different from those of

similarly-situated whites and other minorities (Bowser 2007, 144; Dawson 1994;

Lacy 2007; Tate 1994; Walton 1994). Further, high-SES blacks have different

incentives (from their higher income and education) and organizational

affiliations (like elite black social organizations) than blacks as a whole (Dawson

1994; Frazier 1957; Tate 1994). Second, and perhaps most importantly, the

definition that Verba et al. use to define non-political organizations (or social

34

organizations) is far too broad16

for what this study attempts to analyze. Similarly,

the measurement used by Katherine Tate is also too broad, as it includes all types

of organizations that are “working to improve the status of black Americans”

(Tate 1994, 92). Third, as will be touched on in chapter 4, non-electoral forms of

political participation are not included in the aggregate analysis of participation.

This is especially true in Tate’s work. Verba et al.’s work includes some non-

electoral measures, but not others. They do not look at rallies/marches and

community social action – two very important “protest” activities for this study.

16

In their appendix, Verba et al. state that they define a non-political organization as one that

“does not take stands on public issues.” Further, they state that they “asked, in fact, about a wider

range of activities specifying many types of organizations and probing more specifically for

religious based participation” (Verba et al. 1995, 549).

35

CHAPTER 3

A NEW APPROACH TO PARTICIPATION AND ELITE BLACK SOCIAL ORGANIZATIONS

This chapter frames my empirical analysis. In this chapter, I explain my

exact criticisms of models of mainstream political participation as they relate to

organizations, outline the exact hypotheses I attempt to answer, describe my

methodology and data sources and, finally, conclude with a note on the limits of

causal inference.

Hypotheses and Revisions to the Civic Voluntarism Model

This study intends to understand the participatory political behavior (both

electoral and non-electoral) of high-SES blacks, with a specific focus on the role

of social organizations in forming these political behaviors. As noted above, much

evidence and research has been devoted to the study of political participation and

the role of organizations in this process. However, this analysis has been limited

in several respects.

36

In this section, I suggest a different approach to looking at participation

that focuses on specific organizations, rather than broad affiliations, and specific

political acts, rather than just an analysis of an index of several political acts.

Further, I argue that the historical and contemporary goals of the social

organizations of the black upper-class (based upon a response to exclusion in the

workplace, social circles and the larger political process) suggest that these

organizations have a different effect on the types of political participation of their

members than other types of voluntary organizations.

While several models of political participation exist, this study focuses on

the Civic Voluntarism Model (CVM) posited by Verba, Schlozman and Brady in

their work Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics (1995). I

have chosen to focus on this model of participation because it is one of the most

comprehensive, providing a thorough analysis of the specific mechanisms and

factors that contribute to participation on an individual-level. The CVM accounts

for political participation through three mechanisms: (1) resources (time, money

and civic skills), (2) engagement (or an individual’s eagerness to be part of the

political process, which is derived from one’s sense of political efficacy and sense

of duty, among other like factors), and (3) recruitment (through social networks

and institutions). Through their analysis, Verba et al. uncover that membership in

non-political organizations has a statistically significant effect on all three of the

factors of political participation.17

The authors conclude that through these factors

17

See page 434 of Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics (1995).

Involvement in non-political organizations has a significant (at the .01 level) effect on civic skills,

vocabulary, recruitment, political interest and political information. These participatory factors are

37

being a member of a non-political, voluntary organization has a positive effect on

the participatory behavior of an individual.

Despite the CVM’s methodological and conceptual advantages, it – like

other models and studies of organizational effects on political participation – fails

to look to the effect of specific types of voluntary organizations on their

members’ political participation. In order to test the effect that membership in

voluntary, non-political organizations has on political participation of individuals,

the CVM uses survey data that asks respondents to answer whether or not they

belong to any type of voluntary association. This question results in an

exceedingly broad measurement of what it means to be a member of a voluntary

association. A respondent who answers “yes” to such a question could be a

member of any type of organization from a religious group or fraternity to a

neighborhood club or environmental group. While their model finds that an

expression of membership in these many different types of organizations has a

positive effect on political participation, their model says little about the specific

organizations, the influence of multiple memberships, etc. From their analysis,

one cannot determine exactly which of these voluntary, non-political

organizations has a greater effect on participation. And more interestingly, this

lack of specificity hampers an effective understanding of whether or not different

embedded within one or more the three main factors of the CVM. From this analysis, it is evident

that being a member of a mainstream non-political organization (measured quite broadly)

increases one’s civic skills, civic vocabulary, chance of being recruited through social networks to

participate, interest in the political process and information about politics (including political

efficacy).

38

organizations have different types of effects on participation through different

mechanisms.

In this study, I proceed to test the general applicability of the main

findings of the CVM to elite black social organizations, their members and their

members’ politics. Ever aware of the differences between black politics and

mainstream politics and between the black middle class and the white middle

class, I also proceed to expand the CVM by analyzing non-electoral forms of

political engagement.

Given the CVM and the social capital literature on the connection between

institutional/organizational membership and political participation, I first

hypothesize that membership in an elite black social organization will increase an

individual’s political participation18

(H1).

Second, because of the slightly differing aims, goals and network

opportunities of Boulé and Links, I hypothesize that membership in Boulé will

differ from membership in Links with regard to each organization’s effect on its

members’ political participation (as defined in H1). Specifically, I hypothesize

that members of Links will be more politically active than archons (H2). The

more active, service-oriented nature of Links leads me to this hypothesis. If there

is any significant difference between these organizations (even if not in the way I

hypothesize), this hypothesis would question the aggregate way in which most

studies of civic engagement measure membership. Membership in one

18

Participation, here, is defined as an aggregated index of several traditionally researched political

acts. The index is explained in further detain the methodology section of this chapter.

39

organization could be exceedingly different than membership in the other, even if

the organizations are quite similar.

The final hypothesis derives from the literature on black political studies,

the black utility heuristic and the historical purposes of black institutions. The

uniqueness of these organizations, as described in the preceding chapters, leads

me to hypothesize that membership in an elite black social organization will have

a greater, positive effect on an individual’s non-electoral forms of participation

(like rallies/marches, community service and membership in black advancement

organizations) than on his/her electoral forms of participation (like donating to a

campaign, working on a campaign and organizing a voter registration drive)

(H3).

Summary of Data Sources

In order to test my hypotheses, I employ the use of two survey data sets

and 11 in-depth qualitative interviews. One data set is an original data set I

collected over the period of two months (July-August 2008). The data set, which I

term the Nashville Black Ideology and Social Survey (NBISS), is derived from a

standardized survey of members of Boulé and Links. As part of this survey, I also

contacted several members of the two organizations in order to conduct in-depth

qualitative interviews. In addition to the NBISS, I also use the National Black

Election Study (NBES) (1996). I will use the NBES both to validate my own data

set’s findings and also as an independent means of testing one of my hypotheses.

40

The relevant questions and variables for the NBISS is included within Appendix

B.

The NBISS was collected over a two month period in the summer of 2008

in the Nashville, Tennessee area and included two phases. The first phase was

targeted only to residents of the Nashville area who are archons in Chi Boulé and

residents of the Nashville area who are members of the Hendersonville-area

chapter of Links. As mentioned in chapter 2, Chi Boulé has 38 members, and the

Hendersonville-area chapter of Links has 59. For Boulé, Chi Boulé is the only

chapter in the Nashville area. For Links, however, there are four chapters of the

organization in Nashville. I chose the Hendersonville-area chapter, as noted in

chapter 2, because of accessibility and representativeness. Although the chapter

was formed in the area of Hendersonville (which is just east of the Nashville city

limits), the great majority of its members live in Nashville or other suburbs;

chapter involvement is based upon general locality, not specific residence.

Further, several of the archons of Chi Boulé have spouses (called archousai) in the

Hendersonville chapter of Links.

In the first phase of the collection of NBISS data, I mailed the survey to

every member of these two organizations. The survey included demographic

questions, questions about electoral and non-electoral acts of political

participation, questions about political attitudes, and questions about race and

identity. Some of these questions were derived from previous surveys and studies;

however, most were new questions. To increase the likelihood that the individuals

surveyed would respond to the survey, I included a stamped envelope with my

41

address as both the mailing and return addresses. This method also ensured my

respondents of the anonymity of their responses, encouraging them to answer the

questions more faithfully. In total, 29/38 members of Chi Boulé and 38/59

members of Links responded. This resulted in a response rate of 76% for Boulé

and 64% for Links.

In the second phase, I altered the survey questions slightly, removing

questions specific to involvement in either Boulé or Links. I mailed this survey to

my control group, which I snowball sampled from Boulé and Links members. At

the end of the survey for archons and links, I asked them to provide the name and

address of a “black (man or woman) in Nashville who is not in any (Boulé or

Links) chapter who may agree to be surveyed for my thesis.” From this method, I

received 22 names and addresses. In response to my mailings, 9 individuals (4

men and 5 women) responded, resulting in a response rate of 41%. This group of

9 people serves as my control group. Although snowball sampling has its

methodological problems and introduces elements of bias, it also enables me to

control for several variables. Because my control group is quite similar in

demographics to my group of members in Boulé and Links, I am more readily

able to tease out the effects of membership in these social organizations (Johnson,

Joslyn and Reynolds 2001).

In order to further assure the reader of the representativeness of my control

group, I have compared my group to individuals of similar levels of income and

education found in the NBES (1996). The NBES is a full-coverage random-digit-

dial telephone survey that was conducted before and after the 1996 presidential

42

election. I focus on the sample of 1,216 respondents interviewed immediately

before the 1996 election. Thus, the responses regarding presidential vote and

other forms of electoral activity are in relation to the 1992 presidential election

and the 1994 midterm election. Focusing on the pre-election NBES sample

provides its advantages, including the hampering of a possible “Obama effect”19

that may have occurred in the NBISS data.

Upon comparison of the NBISS control group to the NBES control group,

Table 3.1, located in Appendix A, reveals that my NBISS control group is very

similar to the NBES high-SES group. To create the NBES high-SES group, I

dropped the individuals who made less than $50,000 USD 1996, who had less

than an associates degree and who were not between the ages of 40-70. Through

this method, I was able to create a group of individuals who appear

demographically similar to my NBISS control group. The NBISS control group,

19

The first advantage of the pre-election group is that it is larger than the post-election group

(which includes 854 respondents). Second, a focus on the pre-election group enables a greater

replication of my NBISS sample, as it was conducted immediately before another election – the

2008 presidential election. Third, and finally, focusing on the pre-election sample helps to control

the “Obama effect.” This effect is the theory that the viability of electing Barack Obama, the first

black president, would have energized the individuals sampled in the NBISS to participate in the

electoral political process to a greater extent than they normally do. It should be noted that this

theory would have no effect, even if true, on the regression analysis provided in later chapters –

for the effect would have applied for members and non-members alike. Even if the effect interacts

with members in a different way than it does with non-members (perhaps because of mechanisms

involved in the elite organizational context), this interaction would be attributable to the main

variable of concern: membership in an elite organization. The “Obama effect” is only problematic

in the comparison of the NBES high-SES group with the NBISS high-SES control group. The

effect could cause the NBISS group to be more active than the NBES group. Focusing on two pre-

election cycles, though, helps to eliminate some of the effect, because any presidential election

increases participation. Further, this theoretical effect would have been slow to actualize and may

not have reached its full potential by the time I conducted the NBISS survey. Finally, when using

the NBES as a comparison for my NBISS control group, I mainly focus on characteristics

(demographics and affiliations, not electoral participation) that would remain unchanged

regardless of an “Obama effect.”

43

however, is disproportionately heavy in high-income and high-education.

Although one individual in this group had a household income between $80,000-

$100,000 USD 2007, the majority (87.5%) of the individuals in the group have

household incomes above $100,000 USD 2007. The NBES high-SES group is

skewed in the opposite direction. Only about 27% make above $90,000 USD

1996, which is roughly comparable to the NBISS individuals who make over

$100,000 USD 2007, after accounting for inflation.

Because the NBISS high-SES group is much more skewed toward the

upper-end of income and education as compared to the NBES high-SES group, I

was uncertain about the validity of comparing the two groups. Nevertheless, these

two groups are strikingly similar on all of the non-demographic measures on

which I was able to compare the groups. The non-demographic measures I used to

compare the groups were: membership in a black advancement organization,

linked fate perceptions and voting behavior (Table 3.1). I chose these measures

for two reasons. First, they were worded similarly between the NBISS data set

and the NBES data set. The wording is important in order to ensure that the

questions between the data sets are measuring the same phenomenon. Second,

these questions were the most relevant to the questions this study attempts to

answer.

As Table 3.1 reveals, my NBISS control group is similar to the NBES

high-SES group, suggesting that the NBISS control group is fairly representative

despite its small size. The proportion of individuals in black advancement

organizations is nearly the same – only a minor 2% difference. Also, levels of

44

linked fate perceptions are strikingly similar. Finally, voting participation rates are

identical – both at 100%. It appears the NBISS control group is in fact

representative of higher-income black Americans. Given this finding, it is

appropriate to use this as my control group when running OLS regression analysis

to measure the relationship between membership in these two elite social

organizations and engagement in the political process.

In addition to the two survey data sets, I also draw on in-depth interviews

with a sample of 11 respondents. Because the gathering of a diverse group of

interview subjects is important for qualitative research (McCracken 1998, 34-8), I

identified potential subjects from the membership directory of each organization

by choosing individuals who would collectively represent an array of professions,

ages and levels of commitment to the organization. Of the individuals who agreed

to partake, 5 were links and 6 were archons. I conducted face-to-face interviews,

usually in their home or office. The interviews were collected using standardized

questions in order to provide each respondent with the same stimuli. If a question

was insufficiently answered, I would probe further by emphasizing a key part of

the standardized question or by asking the respondent to elaborate further. Aware

of the difficulties regarding interview processes, I dressed professionally and

remained neutral in my reactions to responses. I also provided the respondents

with appropriate forms to safeguard their personal information and ensure them of

the confidentiality of the interview.20

In that vein, I have changed the names and

20

I took several steps to ensure the validity of the respondents’ answers. While I cannot list all of

the steps, I more or less followed the recommendations provided by Fowler and Mangione (1990)

in their book Standardized Survey Interviewing: Minimizing Interviewer-Related Behavior.

45

other identifiable information that is unimportant to the qualitative study. The

questions asked of the respondents are provided in Appendix B.

Summary of Methodology

As stated, this work employs a mixed-methods approach that combines

statistical analyses of survey data (chapters 4 and 5) with qualitative evidence

from in-depth interviews (chapter 6). To interpret the qualitative evidence, I used

a simple coding methodology. I developed a system to code specific types of

responses I was looking to see. Particularly, I paid close attention to references to

(1) the institutional mechanisms theorized to be affiliated with participation from

Verba et al. (1995) and (2) any responses that suggest that participation either has

no relationship with membership or flows in the opposite causal direction that I

hypothesize. The names and other identifiable information of those interviewed

were changed or removed in order to safeguard their confidentiality. For the

quantitative data, statistical analysis involved first defining my dependent

variables of interest (traditional political participation, electoral political

participation and non-electoral political participation) and then determining my

control variables.

For the NBISS quantitative data, I define three separate dependent

variables. The first variable, traditional political participation, is an index of five

political acts. These five acts are: (1) engagement in a rally or march in the past 5

Among their recommendations, they provide that standardization is important (18-21), it is

important to be non-judgmental and employ non-directive probing (37-8), it is necessary to

maintain interpersonal neutrality (48) and it is beneficial to insist that the respondent’s answers

and ideas are both legitimate and highly important to the study (73, 79).

46

years, (2) writing a letter to a politician in the past 5 years, (3) taking part in the

organization of a voter-registration or other political drive in the past 5 years, (4)

volunteering in a political campaign in the past 5 years, and (5) donating to a

political campaign in the past 5 years. I define this index as “traditional” because

most models of participation include these elements as their basic aggregate

measure of political participation. Missing from this index is the act of voting. I

exclude voting because it would be misleading to include it. All of the 75

respondents, except for one, checked that they did vote in the 2004 presidential

election. The one respondent who did not vote was anomalous to the overall

trend, affecting the data set disproportionately because the N is so small.

The second and third dependent variables I use are measures of electoral

and non-electoral participation. The second dependent variable is an index of

electoral political participation. This index includes the political activities

measured in the NBISS that are linked to the electoral process: (1) taking part in

the organization of a voter-registration or other political drive in the past 5 years,

(2) volunteering in a political campaign in the past 5 years, and (3) donating to a

political campaign in the past 5 years. The final dependent variable is an index of

non-electoral political participation. This index21

includes the activities that are

external to the electoral process, but still influence government and civic society:

(1) engagement in a rally or march in the past 5 years, (2) writing a letter to a

politician in the past 5 years, (3) some level of engagement in community service

21

I intend this type of participation to mirror the “protest” activities to which Bayard Rustin refers.

For Rustin, protest is defined by private, non-electoral political acts, often undertaken to bring

about black advancement.

47

in the past year, and (4) membership in a black advancement organization, such as

the NAACP or the National Urban League – organizations that are political yet

outside of the electoral political process.

The main independent variable of analysis is membership in an elite black

social organization, defined as being a member of either Boulé or Links. In

chapter 5, I split up the independent variable in order to test H2 and H3, which

requires a look at the independent effects of being a member of each organization

separately. In the first analysis, in which membership is defined as membership in

both organizations, men and women are pooled and analyzed together. When I

split up the membership variable, I also separate the data by gender.

In addition to this main independent variable, I employ up to 8 control

variables, depending on the regression being run. These 8 control variables are:

gender (male), education, household income, working status (working or not),

American parents (parents born in the United States or not), black advancement

organization (member or not), non-racial organization (member or not), and

church (extent of membership). The first four control variables are the most oft-

included variables in any model of political participation. Several empirical

studies (McKenzie 2007; Verba et al. 1995; Tate 1994) have shown the

importance of including these variables in the analysis, as they often correlate

highly with both the dependent and main independent variable of analysis.

However, the other four control variables, included in the analysis in order to

control for potentially confounding (lurking or explanatory) factors, are not

employed as often in other models.

48

The other four control variables require a little more explanation than the

first four. American parents is a necessary control variable as it is a pre-adult

influence that could have a great effect on the political behavior of individuals

and on the likelihood of an individual to join a black social organization (Rogers

2001; Waters 2000). While my data only contains 3 individuals who marked that

either they or their parents were immigrants, it is important to note that such

status could have a great impact on one’s understanding of politics, willingness to

engage in the political process and interest in black organizations like Boulé and

Links. Black advancement organization is another control variable. This variable,

though not as related to membership in Boulé and Links as one may expect (see

Table 4.1), is important to include because of the highly political nature of such

organizations. Further, like other institutions, these organizations could serve to

provide the civic and political skills/interest that increase one’s likelihood of

political participation. Similar to the black advancement organization variable is

the non-racial organization variable. This variable includes any civic or social

organizations that are not focused on black issues particularly. In other words,

these are the voluntary organizations that Verba et al. (1995) and Putnam (2001)

study. Because of their noted effect on political participation from these authors

and because of their relationship with general black organizations (McKenzie

2007), this variable is quite pertinent to this analysis. The last variable, church,

measures the extent of involvement that an individual has in his/her church. For

many scholars, the church is the heart of black politics (Dawson 1994; Harris

1999; Harris 1994; Harris-Lacewell 2004; McAdam 1982; Owens 2007; Tate

49

1994). Most likely this centrality is changing for high-SES and present-day

blacks. Nevertheless, no black participatory model would be complete without

this control variable.

One obvious variable that is missing from these control variables is age.

The age of the survey respondent has also been found to be an important variable

in explaining participation (Schlozman, Page, Verba and Fiorina 2005); yet, I was

unable to include it in my analysis because of data limitations.22

The lack of this

variable may present some limitations for my data, but the lack of it is not as

detrimental as it could be for two reasons. First, the individuals who make up the

organizations of Links and Boulé are, with near-certainty, between the ages of 40-

70. While there may be a few outliers, the requirements of membership provide a

very reliable basis for this assumption. This age range, according to Schlozman et

al. (2005), is the least variable age range with regard to difference in the mean

number of political acts in which individuals engage. While from the age of 18 to

the age of 40 the mean number increases by 1.28, the difference in the mean

number from the age of 40 to the age of 70 is a mere .19 (Schlozman et al. 2005,

39). Second, I was able to include a question about age in the second phase of the

NBISS research (as stated above, this phase collected data from the control

group). The respondents in the control group are all within the 40-70 age range, so

age is held relatively constant.

22

In my creation of the NBISS, I failed to include a question regarding age in the surveys that

were sent to those who are members of Boulé and Links. For those who were of the control group,

I added in a question that asked for the age of the respondent; however, this variable cannot be

used in my analysis because there is no way of determining the age of each member respondent. I

can only determine the range of ages in which the overwhelming majority of members fall.

50

While most studies on participation include some variation of the variables

described above, the CVM takes the analysis a step further by looking at the

micro-level mechanisms that derive from these variables. Verba et al. term these

the “participatory factors.” These factors include such variables as civic skills,

political interest, political information, and political recruitment. Verba et al. find

that these factors are found in mainstream civic organizations. Because the NBISS

does not ask questions that would be able to measure these factors, it is sufficient

to use the main control variables listed earlier (as the factors theoretically derive

from these variables). If any of the variables have a positive effect on

participation, the participatory factors are, theoretically, one of the avenues

through which this relationship occurs. Still, in chapter 6, I look to qualitative

results to see if these participatory factors are in fact the mechanisms used by elite

black social organizations to bring about whatever effect that is observed.

For the NBES data, I employ similar techniques with regard to control

variables. When using the NBES data to test H1, I use the same major control

variables, such as household income and church involvement. The methodology

used for the NBES data analysis is described in further detail in chapter 4.

Finally, I should quickly state that the limitations involved in statistical

analysis have been taken into account in this study. There are several possible

threats to external validity (omitted variable bias, the use of linearity even if the

function is not linear, errors-in-variables from misunderstandings or poorly-

worded questions and, as stated above, sample selection bias). I have attempted to

51

mitigate these threats in a variety of ways, including the use of several control

variables and the comparison of my data to a national data set. Further, I

understand that the Nashville-based focus of my study also provides threats to

external validity. Nevertheless, I have also tried to show how this threat is

mitigated. Moreover, I incorporate qualitative data in chapter 6 in order to add yet

another element of defense against the possible misinterpretations from faulty

data. As a rule, I approach the findings from this study cautiously and with

cautious conclusions, ever aware of the limitations involved in statistical analysis.

A Note on Causality

The data used is cross-sectional, observational data garnered from surveys;

as a result, even after running regressions to estimate the relationship between my

main independent variable of concern (membership) and my main dependent

variables (indexical measures of traditional, electoral, and non-electoral forms of

participation), I cannot infer a causal relationship. All that will be relatively

certain is the magnitude and direction of the correlation. The technical and

statistical considerations involved in hypothesizing a causal relationship will be

dealt with in detail in chapter 6. The theoretical considerations have already been

presented in the beginning of this chapter. Theoretically, past studies and theories

regarding organizational influence on political participation have suggested that if

there is a significant relationship, it runs from membership to participation, not

the reverse.

52

Still, there are theoretical reasons to believe that at least two other causal

flows may be present. First, an individual may be chosen to be a part of these

organizations because they are already active participators. The elite

organizations may choose individuals who are prominent, active and vocal to

become members. In this sense, political participation (through networks where

individuals are visible) causes people to be invited to join. Second,

complementing this causal direction is self-selection. It could be that individuals

who choose to be part of these organizations choose to do so because they are

politically active individuals. In slightly different terms, their reasons for

accepting an invitation to join could be that some external factor makes them

active in both the political process and the process of joining organizations.

It is likely that causality does not flow in one direction; instead, there may

be simultaneous directions that interact with and reinforce one another. Because

this issue of causality is quite important to this investigation, I return to these

theories again in the second half of chapter 6. Much of that chapter is devoted to

looking at the in-depth interviews of archons and links to determine what causal

directions and mechanisms appear to be the strongest.

53

CHAPTER 4

MEMBERSHIP AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

Through analyses of both NBISS and NBES data, I look to see the effect

that elite black social organizations have on the traditional political participation

of high-SES blacks in order to test H1. The NBISS data is the main data set of my

analysis; however, I use the NBES data set in order to confirm the validity of my

results and see if my results are applicable nationally, as it is a national data set

with a larger sample size. This chapter is concerned with the more traditional

forms of political participation in order to see if these elite black social

organizations even have an impact on what is ordinarily considered to encapsulate

the political process. Later in chapters 5 and 6, I turn to a discussion of the

differences between electoral and non-electoral participation, among other

analyses.

Members are Active Participators

54

The NBISS data reveals that members of Sigma Pi Phi and the Links, Inc.

are quite similar demographically to high-SES non-members. Because the NBISS

data was collected in order to survey only blacks considered to be high-SES

(annual household income levels at or above the $60,000-$80,000 USD 2007

range and attainment of at least an associate’s degree), the summary statistics

presented in Table 4.1 compare individuals who are more or less similar on all

demographic factors. The main difference is whether or not they are members of

Boulé or Links. This method of data collection strengthens any significant results

that I find from my analysis of the difference between those who are members and

those who are not, for many common independent variables (like income and

education) are held constant.

Table 4.1 shows an interesting trend with regard to those who are

members of either Boulé or Links and those who are not. It appears that those

who are members tend to be more involved in other institutions like the church

and non-racial organizations. This finding may suggest either that membership in

these organizations encourages membership in other organizations or simply that

these outside factors may contribute to why certain high-SES blacks tend to be

members of institutions and others do not. For these reasons and because of

previous theoretical and empirical research on these affiliations, I include these

threats to causality in my models as control variables.23

23

Noticeably, I do not include other control variables in my analysis that appear to vary between

members and non-members. These variables include the racial composition of one’s workplace

and the racial make-up of one’s closest friends. These variables are not included because (1) there

is little theoretical or empirical literature that would suggest their inclusion, (2) they do not vary as

many of the other variables that are included in the controls and (3) even when they are included

55

TABLE 4.1

Politically, members are also more active than non-members, which would

appear to confirm the main thesis of the CVM. Table 4.2 reveals summary

statistical findings that would suggest that the CVM would hold. There is

suggestive evidence that there is something about being a member of these two

black social organizations that correlates with political participation. These

in all of the regression analyses run, they prove insignificant and do not affect the significance

level of the membership variable.

NBISS Descriptive Data: Demographics and Affiliations (in percentages).

Member

of either

Boulé or

Links

N=66

Non-

Memb.

N=9

Boulé

Memb.

N= 28

Links

Memb.

N= 38

Demographics

Gender ( male) 42.42 44.44 100 0

Annual Household Income ($100,000+ in USD 2007) 81.54 87.5 96.43 70.27

Education (with graduate degree or higher) 77.27 77.78 82.14 73.68

Organizational Affiliations

Jack and Jill (members as children) 13.64 11.11 3.57 21.06

Black Advancement Organizations (members) 66.67 66.67 75 60.53

Non-racial Organizations (members) 83.33 66.67 75 89.47

Church (those who attend once a week or more) 65.15 44.44 50 76.31

Black Fraternity (members) 69.7 55.56 64.29 73.68

Social Networks

Work in a majority white workplace 51.85 44.44 42.86 61.54

Work in a majority black workplace 24.07 33.33 28.57 19.23

Have majority black friends 84.85 77.78 75 92.11

Extent of Involvement in Boule/Links

Participate in at least 3 distinct activities 46.97 N/A 39.29 52.63

Member for > 25 years 23.44 N/A 11.11 32.43

56

members are active with regard to voting. Although a slightly larger percentage of

non-members voted in the 2004 presidential election, the results are basically the

same. The reason why members who voted is 98% instead of 100% is because

one survey respondent did not vote. Despite this one individual, the trend is clear:

high-SES blacks (both members and non-members) report extremely high voter

participation rates.24

The participation rates in the other 5 traditional political

activities that the NBISS measured reveal that members are just as or more active

than non-members in 4 out of 5 of the political acts. None of the non-members

have engaged in a political rally or march within the past 5 years, while 62% of

members have. About 10% more of the members have written a letter to their

politician within the past 5 years. With regard to organizing a voter registration or

other political drive within the timeframe of 5 years, members and non-members

are roughly the same. Like engagement in political rallies/marches, no non-

members volunteered in a political campaign within the past 5 years, but a good

number of members (29%) had.

The final act of political participation, donating to a political campaign,

does not follow the expectations of social organizational membership and its

24

When reporting self-described voter participation rates, much political science literature has

shown that people tend to over-report their voting habits because there is a social expectation that

voting is a civic duty. The over-reporting of voting, however, should not be a problem for this

project for two reasons. First, the proportion of over-reporting should be the same for those who

are members and those who are non-members. Because my comparison of their political

participation rates is relative and not absolute, there should be no statistical problem. Second, the

NBISS was an anonymous, mail-in survey. Because the respondents were not answering the

questions of an interviewer, there is no social expectation or judgment implicit in the respondents’

answering of each survey question. Thus, there’s no rational reason to lie about one’s extent of

voter (or other form of) participation.

57

TABLE 4.2

NBISS Political Participation of Members and Non-Members.

Type of Political Participation within past 5

years

Member

(% yes)

Non-

Member

(% yes)

Presidential Vote (2004 Election) 98% 100%

Rally/March 62% 0%

Letter to Politician 43% 33%

Voter Registration or other Political Drive 11% 11%

Volunteer in a Political Campaign 29% 0%

Donate to a Political Campaign 91% 100%

effect on political participation. Unlike with the other descriptive findings, a

significant number of non-members were more active on this measure than

members were. While 100% of non-members donated to a political campaign

within the past 5 years, just 91% of members donated to a political campaign.

Unlike voting, the difference between members and non-members is more

substantial. Six of the 66 members surveyed responded that they did not donate to

a political campaign, suggesting that this result may not be a simple anomaly.

While it may be that membership in these black social organizations provides

negative incentives for donating, it may also be that income is a large explanatory

variable of donating to political campaigns. Because the annual household income

of members is slightly lower than that of non-members, this variable may be able

to explain why it appears that membership in a social organization is negatively

correlated with political donations.

While these descriptive findings, overall, appear to confirm an

organizational effect on participation, such an effect cannot be determined

58

without controlling for other, potentially confounding variables. In the next

section, I use OLS regression analysis to determine the independent relationship

between membership and participation. I use the traditional index of political

participation described in chapter 3. This index’s correlation with membership is

0.18. While the correlation is of a small magnitude, it is large enough to be certain

that the relationship is positive. Regression analysis will help to find out just

exactly what membership means regarding one’s level of traditional political

participation.

OLS Regression Analysis of NBISS Data

In order to test H1, which states that membership in an elite black social

organization should have a positive effect on the political participation (as

traditionally defined) of a member, I employ OLS regression analysis of the

NBISS data set. First, I run an analysis on the dependent variable (index of

traditional political participation) and use the four standard control variables.

Through this analysis, I develop my baseline model of traditional political

participation. In this baseline model, the four standard control variables are:

gender (male), household income, education, and working status.

Table 4.3 reveals the results of OLS regression analysis of the baseline

model of traditional political participation. Being a member increases an

individual’s political participation by nearly one full political act. From this

baseline model, it appears that the relationship predicted in H1 is correct. Of the

independent variables in the model, membership is the only variable that is

59

TABLE 4.3

Predicting Traditional Political Participation:

NBISS Baseline Model.

Independent Variables

Regression Coefficient

(Robust Standard Errors)

Member .71 **(.31)

Gender (Male) .44 (.28)

Education - .19 (.31)

Household Income - .29 (.20)

Working Status .29 (.40)

Constant 2.13** (.86)

R2 =0.09

N = 73

* Significant at .1 level

** Significant at .05 level

*** Significant at .01 level

Note: “Traditional Political Participation” is an index of the

political acts of (1) rally/march, (2) writing a letter, (3) voter-

registration/other drive, (4) political campaign volunteer, and

(5) donating to a campaign. Each act is given equal weight.

statistically significant at the .05 level. While this model predicts that membership

in an elite black social organization increases the political participation of the

individual, this model only explains 9% of the variability in the dependent

variable of political participation. It appears that there may be other factors that go

into determining the extent of an individual’s activity in the political process.

From a look at the several factors included in the CVM, it appears that other

variables, like religious affiliations, community affiliations, and other types of

networks should be included in the model. Thus, I employ an expanded model of

political participation that includes the four other independent control variables

described in chapter 3.

60

Table 4.4 shows the results of the OLS regression of the expanded model

for political participation. In this expanded model, I include the four other control

variables: American parents, black advancement organization, non-racial

organization, and church. Immediately, it appears that the model is better than the

baseline model. The explanatory power of the model with regard to traditional

participation is nearly 50% greater than the baseline model. In other words, the

control variables are able to help explain why the respondents participate.

Nevertheless, the membership variable remains statistically significant at the .05

level, suggesting that whatever confounding effect these variables have is low.

Among these respondents, the greatest determinant of one’s level of participation

is membership in an elite black social organization, specifically Sigma Pi Phi or

the Links, Inc.

In fact, no other variable is significant in the expanded model. At first

glance, this result is surprising; however, the lack of variability in the main

control variables (education, income and working status) could help to explain

this finding. The NBISS data was collected among high-SES black Americans

who are quite similar with regard to demographic features. The general directions

of these non-significant variables, though, are largely in their expected direction

of effect on the dependent variable. Past studies have shown that men are more

active than women (Verba et al. 1995; Schlozman et al. 2005) and that

membership in black advancement organizations, non-racial organizations and the

church should be positively related with participation. The three variables that

were surprising, however, were: education, household income, and working

61

status. Higher levels of education and household income correlate

(insignificantly) with lower levels of participation, whereas individuals who work

participate more often. Again, these results are insignificant and are most likely

explained due to a lack of variability in the data.

TABLE 4.4

Predicting Traditional Political Participation:

NBISS Expanded Model.

Independent Variables

Regression

Coefficient

(Robust

Standard Error)

Member .69**(.31)

Gender (Male) .50 (.32)

Education - .10 (.36)

Household Income -.29 (.21)

Working Status .38 (.43)

American Parents .26 (.41)

Black Advancement Organization .18 (.25)

Non-racial Organization .34 (.23)

Church .10 (.13)

R2 = .13

N = 62

* Significant at .1 level

** Significant at .05 level

*** Significant at .01 level

Note: “Traditional Political Participation” is an index of the political acts of

(1) rally/march, (2) writing a letter, (3) voter-registration/other drive, (4)

political campaign volunteer, and (5) donating to a campaign. Each act is

given equal weight.

A more important result of the expanded model is that membership in elite

black social organizations has a greater effect on traditional political participation

for these high-SES blacks than membership in a black advancement organization

or a mainstream civic or social organization does. This finding contradicts the

62

theoretical narratives provided by literature on the black elite and on black

political participatory behavior. Contrary to the assumptions of literature based

upon the black church and black advancement organizations, these black public

spaces may not be the most relevant in defining the participation of high-SES

blacks. Further, these findings suggest that the criticisms of black elites provided

by sociologists like E. Franklin Frazier and Williams (2001) may be misguided.

These elites, aided by their social organizations, participate quite actively.

But from this expanded model, alone, the hypotheses of Frazier and

Williams cannot be completely disproven. While these blacks participate, it must

be determined whether or not the relationship identified in this model is causal,

what type of participation they engage in (electoral or non-electoral or both), and

whether or not the participation is partly based upon a commitment to black

advancement. In chapters 5 and 6, through an analysis of H2 and H3, I begin to

answer these questions. Before moving to chapter 5, I turn first to the NBES data

set to see if these results are in any way external to the specific elite black social

organizations I studied and specific respondents I surveyed.

OLS Regression Analysis of NBES Data

While the NBISS data provides a picture of the difference between

members and non-members of specific elite black social organizations in

Nashville, Tennessee, the NBES provides a picture of members and non-members

– but in a much broader way. Because the NBES is a national data set, OLS

63

regression analysis will help to confirm whether or not the trends found in the

NBISS data are also visible nationally.

The NBES replication is not without its limitations, however. The

dependent variable of analysis that I employ through this data set is not the same

as the dependent variable used in the NBISS. In the NBES, the only question

about membership in a black organization asks if one is a member of “any

organization working to improve the status of black Americans.” Thus, the

independent variable could include several types of black organizations – not just

elite black social organizations.

While the over-breadth that I highlight as problematic for the NBES’s

membership variable is similar to the same over-breadth I criticize in the CVM,

the NBES variable is still particular to and appropriate for the aims of this thesis

for a couple reasons. First, narrowing down the type of organization from any

voluntary, civic or religious organization (which is used in the CVM) to an

exclusively black organization (to be used in the NBES analysis) is important.

While many of the claims I make in this thesis have to do with the “elite” and

“social” elements of elite black social organizations, other claims that I make

have to do only with the “black” element of these organizations. In chapter 2, I

provided several reasons why it is necessary to study black organizations in

general, not just elite black social organizations. Second, it must be taken into

account that I am also interested in high-SES blacks more generally. While I

cannot narrow down the NBES data to look only at black social organizations, I

can (and do) limit the NBES data to look only at high-SES blacks.

64

As with the NBISS data set, I use OLS regression analysis to determine

the effect of membership in a black organization on political participation. The

measure of political participation I use in this analysis is similar to the index of

traditional political participation employed in the NBISS data analysis. The

NBES’s index of traditional political participation includes: (1) the act of

donating or raising money for a campaign, (2) the act of protesting/demonstrating,

(3) voting in the 1992 presidential election, (4) the act of working for a party or

political campaign, and (5) the act of writing a public official. These 5 acts are the

same acts included in the NBISS index, except for the act of organizing a voter-

registration or other political drive, which was not asked in the NBES. Also, the

NBES index includes voting. I include voting because it is a crucial feature of any

index of political participation, and unlike the NBISS data set, the NBES data set

has a greater amount of variation on this measure of political participation.

I begin with an analysis of the baseline model of traditional political

participation. Table 4.5 shows that the membership variable has a large,

statistically significant (at the .01 level) effect on the political participation of

individuals. Those who are members of these organizations participate in over one

more political act than those who are not members. Table 4.6 reveals that even

after including the control variables of membership in a community organization

and membership in a church (two variables that, as noted above, have been

hypothesized and shown to have a great influence on political participation), the

65

TABLE 4.5

Predicting Traditional Political Participation:

NBES Baseline Model.

Independent Variables

Regression

Coefficient (Robust

Standard Error)

Member of Black Organization 1.10***(.36)

Age .39*(.20)

Gender (Male) .54*(.32)

Education .34 (.36)

Income .14 (.14)

Working Status - .31 (.54)

Adjusted R2 = .24

N = 42

* Significant at .1 level

** Significant at .05 level

*** Significant at .01 level

Note: “Traditional Political Participation” is slightly different

for the NBES model. This variable is an index of the political

acts of (1) donating to a political campaign, (2) protesting/

demonstrating, (3) voting, (4) working on a political campaign,

and (5) writing a letter.

effect of membership in a black organization remains.25

Those who are members

engage in nearly one more act than those who are non-members. This relationship

holds after controlling for several control variables that are correlated with both

participation and membership in a black organization.

While this finding does not, and cannot, confirm H1, it does provide

suggestive evidence that H1 not only holds for individuals in the Links and Boulé

of Nashville, TN, but also for individuals in elite black social organizations

25

These two control variables are roughly equivalent to the control variables of church and non-

racial organization added in the NBISS analysis. I could not include the other control variables

included in the NBISS (American parents and black advancement organization) because parent’s

country of origin was not asked and the black advancement organization variable is being used in

the NBES analysis as the main independent variable.

66

TABLE 4.6

Predicting Traditional Political Participation:

NBES Expanded Model.

Independent Variables

Regression

Coefficient

(Robust Standard

Error)

Member of Black Organization .91**(.35)

Age .33*(.18)

Gender (Male) .66**(.29)

Education .22 (.35)

Income .22 (.14)

Currently Working - .36 (.44)

Community Organization .79***(.28)

Church .15*(.08)

Adjusted R2 = .32

N = 42

* Significant at .1 level

** Significant at .05 level

*** Significant at .01 level

Note: “Traditional Political Participation” is slightly different

for the NBES model. This variable is an index of the political

acts of (1) donating to a political campaign, (2) protesting/

demonstrating, (3) voting, (4) working on a political campaign,

and (5) writing a letter.

throughout the United States. To add greater legitimacy to this conclusion, it

should be noted that the magnitude of the coefficient is greater than the magnitude

of the membership coefficient in the NBISS model. Because the membership

variable in the NBES most likely includes affiliation with elite black social

organizations (as someone who is just a member of an elite social organization

would respond “yes” to whether or not they are a member of “an organization

working to improve the status of black Americans”), the effect of Boulé and Links

is included in this variable. This inclusion suggests that the NBES membership

67

variable should have a greater effect than the NBISS membership variable –

which it does.

The data appear to confirm the trends that I have found in the NBISS data

regarding organizations and the black upper-class; yet, to ensure that this finding

accurately portrays middle class blacks, I alter my definition of what it means to

be a member of the high-SES black community. As noted in the data sources

section of chapter 3, the NBES high-SES group is scaled down from the larger

NBES respondent group in three ways – by income (must have a household

income of $50,000 USD 1996), by education (must have attained an associates

degree or higher) and by age (must be between the ages of 40-70). This high-SES

group, which I will now refer to as “High-SES(Income and Education),” was used

in my data analysis above. In order to test whether or not different definitions of

middle class result in the same findings, I run OLS regression analysis of High-

SES(Income), which is limited only with regard to income and age, and High-

SES(Education), which is limited only with regard to education and age. In other

words, High-SES(Income) includes all respondents who made above $50,000

USD 1996 and are between the ages of 40-70, while High-SES(Education)

includes all respondents who attained above an associates degree and are between

the ages of 40-70.

A descriptive look at the levels of household income and education of the

3 different sample groups from the NBES (provided in Table 4.7, located in

Appendix A) reveals two noteworthy observations. First, each of these three

groups contains considerable concentrations of individuals in the bottom levels of

68

income and education. This finding is especially true for High-SES(Income) and

High-SES(Education) and not as true for High-SES(Income and Education),

which is the original group I used. Nationally, a small proportion of black

Americans (and non-black Americans, alike) are in the highest levels of education

and household income. From this descriptive look, it also becomes evident that

for black Americans, the combined role that income and education play in the

likelihood of an individual being part of a black advancement organization is

considerable. 69% of those in the most exclusive group – High-SES(Income and

Education) – are members of such organizations, whereas the less exclusive

groups (Income) and (Education) contain 57% and 61%, respectively, of

individuals who are members.

In order to be sure the results from the NBES are not biased by my

definition of what it means to be a high-SES black American, I run OLS

multivariate regressions on High-SES(Income) and High-SES(Education) using

the same expanded model used in the analysis of the original High-SES group.

Table 4.8 shows all three groups’ results side by side for ease of comparison. It is

evident from the results that the strong correlation between membership in a black

organization and political participation is not anomalous. Each group’s regression

coefficient is positive and at least marginally significant.26

Another note of interest has to do with the magnitude differences between

the three groups. While High-SES(Income and Education) has the highest

26

High-SES(Income)’s coefficient is significant at the .11 level, just barely outside of the p-value

necessary for significance. It should be noted that in the baseline model (which is not shown in

Table 4.8) the p-value for this coefficient is at the .05 level.

69

TABLE 4.8

Predicting Traditional Political Participation:

NBES Expanded Models for Each High-SES Group.

Income and

Education

group

Income group

Education

group

Independent

Variables

Regression

Coefficient

(Robust

Standard

Error)

Regression

Coefficient

(Robust

Standard

Error)

Regression

Coefficient

(Robust

Standard

Error)

Member of Black

Organization

.91**(.35) .44 (.27) .85***(.24)

Age

.33*(.18) .42***(.16) .34**(.15)

Gender (Male)

.66**(.29) - .11 (.24) - .22 (.25)

Education

.22 (.35) .22 (.16) .11 (.26)

Household Income

.22 (.14) .17*(.10) .06 (.04)

Currently Working - .36 (.44) - .84**(.41) .30 (.38)

Member of

Community

Organization

.79***(.28) .87***(.25) .48*(.25)

Church .15*(.08) .12 (.08) .14*(.07)

Adj R2 = .32 Adj R

2 = .33 Adj R

2 = .18

N = 42 N = 74 N = 98

* Significant at .1 level

** Significant at .05 level

*** Significant at .01 level

Note: “Traditional Political Participation” is slightly different for the NBES model. This

variable is an index of the political acts of (1) donating to a political campaign, (2) protesting/

demonstrating, (3) voting, (4) working on a political campaign, and (5) writing a letter.

magnitude and significance level (followed closely by High-SES[Education]),

High-SES(Income) has a relatively moderate magnitude and only fair significance

level. It appears that the better educated and well-off a black American is, the

greater the correlation between his/her membership in black organizations and

70

his/her level of political participation. Further, High-SES(Income) respondents

have a greater correlation between membership in community organizations

(those that are non-racial and similar to the voluntary organizations described in

the CVM) and political participation. This appears to suggest that education has

some sort of influence on the way in which blacks engage in black organizations.

Perhaps better-educated black Americans (the “faultless prophets” to which

Archon Julian referred) gain their civic skills and political interest through black

groups, while those who are either less educated or simply high-SES because of

higher income levels, gain their civic skills and political interest through

mainstream civic/voluntary organizations.

From these results, there is suggestive evidence that the NBISS results are

applicable to and representative of the effect of membership in elite black social

organizations around the country, not just in the Nashville, Tennessee area. Those

who are members of Boulé and Links in New York are probably just as active

compared to non-member high-SES blacks as those who are members in

California. Of course, it cannot be overstated that extrapolating the NBES results

to elite black social organizations must be done cautiously. While the NBES

evidence is very credible for general black organizations and high-SES black

Americans in general, this evidence is only suggestive with regard to links and

archons. Still, after re-defining “high-SES” three different ways and comparing

the NBES results to the NBISS results, the evidence is consistent and flows in one

direction.

71

What can be taken away with far greater certainty from this analysis of the

NBES data is the relationship between black middle class status, general black

organizational membership and political participation. The middle class blacks

who have high levels of income and education derive more from organizational

membership in black advancement organizations. They derive slightly more than

those who only have high levels of education and lower levels of income; and,

they derive a great amount more than those who have high levels of household

income and lower levels of education. Even more noteworthy is that being

involved in mainstream community organizations provides a greater amount of

political participation than being involved in a black advancement organization

for the High-SES(Income) group. For blacks who are solidly part of the

middle/upper class through both high levels of education and high levels of

income (High-SES[Income and Education]), however, being a member of a black

advancement organization provides a much greater influence upon their political

participation than does being a member of a mainstream community organization.

And still, these individuals’ involvement through community organizations also

results in even greater political participation than that of the High-SES(Education)

group. The members of the High-SES(Income and Education) group are solidly

active in both the black community and also the white community – where they,

ostensibly, serve as middle-men for black interests. These findings not only add

complexity to the CVM, but also they show that the most elite of black Americans

derive more participatory behavior and engagement from black organizational

membership than do moderately well-off black Americans. The criticisms of the

72

black elite provided by Frazier and Williams appear to be based upon faulty

assumptions.

Conclusion

From the NBISS data, it appears that membership in elite black social

organizations has a statistically significant, positive effect on political

participation. After controlling for several variables, members of these

organizations are more likely to participate than non-members. While the effect of

membership on political participation may not be a direct effect because of the

exclusion of variables that would measure participatory factors such as civic skills

and interest in politics, it is evident that these participatory factors would have

their effect through membership in Boulé and Links, if the causal mechanisms

theorized by Verba et al. are correct and if the direction of causality flows from

membership to participation. Further, as evidenced both by the NBISS analysis

and also the NBES analysis, there is evidence that despite these participatory

factors, there is something about black organizations that make high-SES blacks

more active than do either mainstream civic/social organizations or black

advancement organizations like the NAACP and the National Urban League.

These organizations have a greater effect on high-SES blacks than do mainstream

voluntary organizations (especially) and black advancement organizations

(secondarily, when looking at the NBISS data). Finally, the last take away from

the NBES analysis is that the black elite are far more active and involved in black

advancement than several theorists have assumed.

73

CHAPTER 5

DIFFERENT ORGANIZATIONS, DIFFERENT TYPES OF PARTICIPATION

Organizational models of political participation tend to make two major

assumptions. First, and most commonly, these models measure organizational

membership in broad terms. As noted in chapter 3, the CVM’s measurement of

membership includes several types of voluntary organizations that could not be

expected to have the same type, magnitude, or even direction of effect on political

participation that the results in the model assume they do. Second, several of these

organizational models assume that a summary measure of political participation is

sufficient to study the effect that organizations have on members’ participation. A

not insignificant number of models do not make this assumption; yet, they also do

not account for the electoral and non-electoral dichotomy on which I focus here.27

27

While Verba et al. (1995) mainly focus on an index of broad measures of participation, they do

divide up the political acts to understand the effect of organizational membership on each act

independently (358, 397, 404, 446). However, these models do not look at the differences between

electoral and non-electoral activities. Further, a few acts that I include in my indices are not a part

of any of the indices in the Verba et al. models. Frederick C. Harris’s Something Within: Religion

74

Below, I proceed to rethink models of organizational influence on political

participation by parsing these two major assumptions. First, I take apart the

NBISS membership dependent variable into its constituent parts (membership in

the Links, Inc. on the one hand and membership in Sigma Pi Phi on the other).

Second, I divide up and add to the traditional index of political participation,

developing two new indices – one for electoral political participation and the

other for non-electoral political participation. From the first process, I will be able

to test H2, in which I hypothesize that Links brings about more active

participators (participation here will still be defined using the traditional index of

political participation) than Boulé. From the second process, I will be able to test

H3, in which I hypothesize that membership in elite black social organizations

will have a greater effect on a member’s non-electoral participation than on

his/her electoral participation.

Boulé and Links: Separate Institutions with Separate Effects

To test H2, I separate the NBISS data by membership in Boulé and

membership in Links. Because Boulé and Links are gendered organizations, this

process simply involved dividing the sample by gender. All respondents who

were female (which included 38 Links respondents and 5 control group

in African-American Political Activism is probably the piece of scholarship that most closely looks

at non-electoral participation as its own mode of activity. However, his definition of “protest” (or

non-electoral) action is more anti-authoritarian than mine. He defines protest-demand modes of

activism as “direct action, organized around specific political goals, either protesting measures that

produce harm or demanding measures that produce good” (Harris 1994, 52). Further, his index of

protest-demand measures the activity of blacks in 1966. I do not intend to engage in such a

historical analysis. Contemporary protest, I argue, is based upon rallies/protesting, community

service/engagement and other indirect ways of influencing government.

75

respondents) were part of the Links analysis. All respondents who were male

(which included 28 Boulé respondents and 4 control group respondents) were part

of the Boulé analysis.28

Prior to looking to the data analysis, it must be noted that the findings

could reflect gender differences just as much as they could reflect differences in

the organizations of Boulé and Links. Because there are no men in Links and

there are no women in Boulé, there is seemingly no way to be sure how much of

the difference between members of these organizations should be attributed to the

institutional mechanisms of the organization or the participatory differences

between men and women. As noted in some previous literature (Verba et al.

1995) and through my own data analysis of the NBES (Table 4.6), being a female

(after controlling for several variables) has a significantly negative relationship

with participation. However, other literature (Harris 1994) and my NBISS

analysis have found gender to be insignificantly related to participation.

Ultimately, the results that come from dividing up the two organizations

can be viewed as mainly reflective of organizational differences, but will be

viewed as organizational differences informed by gender. While gender is

perfectly related to membership in each organization, gender most likely does not

have a relationship with whatever participatory mechanisms (if they exist) are a

part of the organizational context. Verba et al. (1995) find that gender is unrelated

28

Again, the control groups are small and non-random. However, as provided above, I employ

several techniques to make sure the control group is reasonably representative. Also, the potential

for omitted variable bias (due to there being unobserved characteristics as to why some individuals

choose to accept an invitation to be in Boulé or Links and some do not) is real; however, I mitigate

the likelihood of this assumption in the latter half of chapter 6.

76

to the participatory factors they study; men and women are affected in generally

the same ways. However, this same result cannot be proven from the data

presented here; in fact, some of the mechanisms that I hypothesize to be part of

elite black social organizations (such as the mechanism of group consciousness)

could certainly be related to gender. As a result, I proceed to interpret my findings

in gendered terms. Thus, if I find that Links membership significantly relates to

participation, I only conclude that Links membership has a positive relationship

for women, not for any person.29

Having explained this caveat, I turn to the results. The results presented in

Table 5.1 confirm the underlying premise of H2, but negate the hypothesis

overall. The premise that different organizations – even if they are very similar –

have different influences on their members’ political participation holds. The

results reveal that Links and Boulé (two elite black social organizations) have

different relationships to participation (again, perhaps partly due to differences in

the way in which each gender interacts with organizational mechanisms).

Membership in Boulé correlates with men being more politically active than

Links membership does with women. While both the baseline and expanded

models of participation for Boulé reveal that membership in the organization

29

The regression analysis of each organization compares members of each organization to non-

members of their same gender. Thus, the comparison, for example, is not between women in Links

and all non-Links members; rather, it is between women in Links and all female non-members.

Therefore, the conclusion described here can be drawn. Any relationship found with regard to

Links is explanatory for women, but not necessarily for men. The larger point is that gender

cannot be chosen; thus, the goal is to find out whether or not being a member of Links or Boulé

can influence participation in addition to any negative or positive effect that gender has on

participatory behavior.

77

TABLE 5.1

Predicting Traditional Political Participation for Each Organization:

NBISS Baseline and Expanded Models for Boulé and Links.

Boulé (Men) Links (Women)

Baseline

Model

Expanded

Model

Baseline

Model

Expanded

Model

Independent

Variables

Regression

Coefficient

(Robust

Standard

Error)

Regression

Coefficient

(Robust

Standard

Error)

Regression

Coefficient

(Robust

Standard

Error)

Regression

Coefficient

(Robust

Standard

Error)

Member 1.08***(.46)

.90*(.48) .35 (.44) .22 (.44)

Education - .02 (.61)

.30 (.75) - .30 (.36) - .42 (.41)

Household Income

.17 (.15)

- .17 (.30) - .37*(.22) - .43*(.22)

Working Status₁ (dropped) (dropped) .28 (.41) .25 (.41)

American Parents -- .76*(.37) -- - .65*(.34)

Black Advancement

Organization

-- - .09 (.53) -- .35 (.34)

Non-racial

Organization

-- .57 (.48) -- - .00 (.28)

Church -- .23 (.24) -- - .11 (.16)

Constant .60 (.89)

.23 (1.16)

2.83***(.96)

4.02***(1.47)

R2 = .08 R

2 = .17 R

2 = .11 R

2 = .15

N = 32 N = 32 N=41 N=41

* Significant at .10 level

** Significant at .05 level

*** Significant at .01 level

1: The independent variable working status is dropped in the Boulé models because all

member respondents and control group respondents answered “yes” to whether or not he

currently works.

Note: “Traditional Political Participation” is an index of the political acts of (1)

rally/march, (2) writing a letter, (3) voter-registration/other drive, (4) political campaign

volunteer, and (5) donating to a campaign. Each act is given equal weight.

correlates significantly with greater levels of traditional political participation,

neither the baseline nor expanded models of participation for Links reveal that

78

membership has any relation to this form of participation. The coefficient for

Boulé suggests that membership encourages nearly one more political act. For

Links, the coefficient is far smaller (.35 in the baseline model and .22 when

additional control variables are included).

The results not only serve to disprove H2 as a whole, but also the results

serve to question H1’s applicability to all types of elite black social organizations.

However, because of the overwhelming evidence (past literature/theoretical

evidence presented in chapters 2 and 3, empirical evidence from NBISS data in

chapter 4, and empirical evidence from NBES data in chapter 4), this result does

not doom H1. Instead, these results imply that in the case of the Links, Inc.

membership does not have a relationship with a traditional index of political

participation. That said, the coefficients are in the positive direction, which was

hypothesized. The lack of statistical significance could simply be a result of the

small sample size. Even if this attribution to the sample size is inconsequential,

the findings are certain in their comparative nature. Comparatively, being a

member of Boulé increases one’s traditional modes of political participation to a

greater extent for men than being a member of Links does for women.

While H2 has been proven incorrect, the evidence from this analysis

serves to confirm another premise of my study – the CVM is incomplete. This

evidence that links and archons have different relationships to the measure of

traditional political participation provides empirical data to show that looking at

an aggregate measure of membership to predict the dependent variable (traditional

participation) is not particularly useful. Like the CVM, I originally measured a

79

broader notion of membership, including membership in both Boulé and Links.

From this broader analysis, it originally appeared that membership in all types of

elite black social organizations had a significant influence on traditional

participation. However, when I divided up the membership variable, I found that

only membership in one organization has a significant effect, while membership

in another does not.

The Varieties of Political Participation (Electoral and Non-Electoral)

In H3, I predict that membership in an elite black social organization will

have a greater effect on activities that involve non-electoral politics than on those

that involve electoral politics. This hypothesis derives from two theoretical

assumptions. First, different types of political acts require different types of

resources and political skills. Donating to a political campaign involves political

interest and economic resources, while participating in a march requires social

networks and recruitment mechanisms. The CVM finds that organizational

membership significantly influences all the participatory factors – civic skills,

civic vocabulary, recruitment, political interest and political information (Verba et

al. 1995, 434); however, these resources are affected to varying degrees. I

hypothesize that membership in elite black social organizations affects the

participatory factors of civic skills, political interest and political recruitment the

most and results in members being more likely to influence non-electoral activity

to a further extent than electoral activity.

80

My second theoretical assumption has to do with the racial bonding that

most likely takes place in these all-black organizations. I suspect that participation

in black social organizations will foster greater political group consciousness –

such as black solidarity and a desire to bring about black advancement. Dawson

(1994) theorized that black organizations encourage in their members a sense of

group consciousness, as evidenced by the black utility heuristic (defined earlier in

chapters 2 and 3). Other scholars have empirically documented such effects of

group consciousness through theoretical as well as empirical methods relating

mostly to the black church (Harris 1994; Harris-Lacewell 2004). This black

political group consciousness (if it exists), characterized by a desire to give back

to the black community and a belief that blacks can affect government through

political action, would have the effect of making members more focused upon

non-electoral forms of participation than electoral forms of participation, such as

the protest politics referenced by Bayard Rustin.30

To test H3, I begin with Table 5.2. This table provides correlational

coefficients between being a member (all three types of membership) and each

30

While the idea of political group consciousness has much theoretical and empirical support, the

NBISS data is ambiguous regarding the theory. Shown in Table 5.4 (located in Appendix A), the

few variables that are close measurements of group consciousness had no statistically significant

relationship with membership. (It should be noted that my measures, such as “blacks should work

together” and “importance of giving back to the black community,” were questions that are new to

the NBISS. As such, they have not been verified to measure the outcomes I intended for them to

measure.) While this finding is surprising, it does not mean that the members of these

organizations are not racially conscious in their politics; rather, it simply suggests that

membership in these elite organizations neither amplifies nor dampens group consciousness. At

best, the data has too little variability on these measures to produce any significant results. Either

way, the first theoretical assumption regarding participatory factors would best be able to explain

any relationship between membership and non-electoral participation in the data provided here.

81

TABLE 5.2

Member Correlations with Measures of Political Participation:

NBISS Data.

Type of Political Participation

Aggregate

Membership₁ Correlation

Coefficient

Boulé

Membership

Correlation

Coefficient

Links

Membership

Correlation

Coefficient

Index of Traditional Political

Participation

0.18 0.28 0.10

Index of Electoral Political

Participation

0.10 0.20 0.02

Index of Non-Electoral Political

Participation

0.24 0.19 0.30

Presidential Vote (2004) ₂ -0.04 * *

Rally/March (past 5 years) 0.27 0.22 0.22

Letter to Politician (past 5 years) 0.06 0.12 0.02

Voter Registration or other

Political Drive (past 5 years)

-0.00 0.14 -0.13

Volunteer in a Political Campaign

(past 5 years)

0.22 0.20 0.23

Donate to a Political Campaign

(past 5 years)

-0.11 * -0.15

Member of Black Advancement

Organization

0.00 0.00 0.00

Community Service (extent per

year)

0.19 0.00 0.36

1: These correlations represent the correlations between the members of Links and Boulé combined

and each type of political participation.

2: The correlation coefficients of this variable are skewed because only one individual in the entire

study responded in the negative with regard to voting in the2004 presidential election. The

individual was a member, so the correlation coefficient between membership and voting is likely

skewed.

political act. These political acts not only include the political acts that were part

of the index of traditional political participation, but also they include two other

acts: extent of involvement in community service and membership in a black

advancement organization. Again, these two acts are included as part of non-

82

electoral participation because I define non-electoral participation as that black

“protest” activity that is characterized by activities that are private and voluntary,

yet still have an effect on the political process/government. Service/ community

building can affect government either by working through governmental

mechanisms or by removing the need for it altogether; black advancement

organizations can affect the political process through legal means or through the

advocacy of policies and programs. Finally, the table also includes the

correlational coefficients between membership and the three indices of

participation: traditional political participation, electoral political participation and

non-electoral political participation. As explained and thoroughly defined in

chapter 3, these indices each include 3-5 of the different political acts that relate

to the form of participation they intend to measure.

Looking at the correlations between different types of membership and the

indices of political participation reveals a trend that provides preliminary evidence

in favor of H3. There is a higher correlation between being an archon and

electoral participation (0.20) than between being a link and electoral participation

(0.02). In fact, this preliminary evidence appears to reveal that there is pretty

much no correlation between membership in Links and electoral participation. In

addition, there is a higher correlation between being a link and non-electoral

participation (0.30) than between being an archon and non-electoral participation

(0.19). These results can be explained by the individual political acts. Members of

Links are more active in the non-electoral process mainly due to their high level

of community service involvement (0.36); however, this positive relationship

83

holds even after removing the community service variable.31

Further, this act is

not the only one in which links are active. They are also very likely to engage in

rallies or marches (0.22) – another non-electoral act. For the archons of Boulé,

their electoral and non-electoral activities appear equally strong. Archons have the

same correlation with marching/rallying (0.22) as links and they have a larger,

positive relationship with letter writing than do links (0.12). Being a member of

Boulé, though, has no relationship with community service activity or black

advancement organization membership. Electorally, archons are slightly more

active. They are active in political drives (0.14) and volunteering in political

campaigns (0.20). This preliminary evidence suggests that H3 is correct; however,

to find the direct effect of membership, I proceed to control for several variables

using OLS regression analysis.

The OLS regression methodology here is similar to that used in chapter 4.

I use the same control variables and linear regression techniques. However, in this

analysis, I do not look at the baseline model because the expanded model allows

for a more thorough analysis. The expanded model more nearly predicts the direct

effect of membership because four other pertinent variables are included as

controls. In addition to this change, I also do not run a regression on an aggregate

measure of membership, for chapter 4 has suggested the relative futility of such

an approach. Instead, I look immediately at the membership of Links and Boulé

separately.

31

After removing the community service variable from the index of non-electoral participation,

the correlation between links membership and the new index is 0.22, which is still positive and

relatively strong when compared to other correlations.

84

Table 5.3 shows the results of OLS regression analysis on the two

different types of participation (electoral and non-electoral) for Boulé and Links.

The results show that H3 holds for Links, but does not hold for Boulé. Links are

more active in the non-electoral process as a result of their membership. While

membership in Links has a relationship with non-electoral political participation,

there is absolutely no relationship between membership and electoral

participation amongst women. For archons, membership in Boulé is significantly

related to electoral political participation, but not to non-electoral political

participation.32

The finding for Boulé contradicts H3, in which I hypothesized that

individuals in elite black social organizations would participate more in non-

electoral forms of participation than in electoral forms.

Before discussing the implications of these findings, I should state that I

could not undertake a full-scale investigation into each individual non-electoral

and electoral political act. Because of data limitations (see Table 5.5 in Appendix

A),33

I was unable to disaggregate the indices of electoral and non-electoral

participation and run meaningful logit regressions on the binary variables. I was

32

It should be noted that while the membership variable is insignificant in the Boulé model for

non-electoral participation, the membership variable’s coefficient is of a larger magnitude than it

is in the model for electoral participation. 33

If I had analyzed each political act, I would have had to use logit regression analysis because

each individual act is coded in a binary system of 1, 0. OLS regression analysis could not have

been used because its resulting estimated line to represent the probability of the dependent variable

could go below 0, which is impossible for a binary variable (Stock and Watson 200, 301-310).

Using logit regression with the NBISS data set was impossible for nearly every act because

several of the variables would drop due to their success or failure at perfectly predicting the

dependent variable. In other words, the lack of variability in many of the political acts (as

evidenced by Table 5.5, located in Appendix A) disables the effective use of logit analysis.

85

TABLE 5.3

NBISS OLS Regressions on Electoral and Non-Electoral Political Participation for

Boulé and Links.

Boulé (Men) Links (Women)

Electoral

Non-Electoral

Electoral

Non-Electoral

Independent

Variables

Regression

Coefficient

(Robust

Standard

Error)

Regression

Coefficient

(Robust

Standard

Error)

Regression

Coefficient

(Robust

Standard

Error)

Regression

Coefficient

(Robust

Standard

Error)

Membership

.32**(.15) .43 (.53) -.04 (.28) .77**(.32)

Education

.16 (.33) .42 (.46) -.18 (.30) .14 (.35)

Household Income

.03 (.16) -.10 (.21) -.16 (.12) -.01 (.22)

Working Status₁ (dropped) (dropped) .16 (.23) -.18 (.44)

American Parents .15 (.20) .79*(.41) .18 (.27) .36 (.25)

Black Advancement

Organization₂

-.08 (.28) N/A -.01 (.25) N/A

Non-racial

Organization

.30 (.31) .84*(.46) .20 (.17) .24 (.42)

Church .10 (.12) .24*(.14) .04 (.17) .02 (.17)

Constant .29 (.62)

.33 (1.02)

1.36 (1.01)

1.03 (1.46)

R2 = .11 R

2 = .28 R

2 = .07 R

2 = .12

N = 32 N = 32 N= 40 N= 40

* Significant at .10 level

** Significant at .05 level

*** Significant at .01 level

1: The independent variable working status is dropped in the Boulé models because every member

respondent and male control group respondent answered “yes” to whether or not he currently works.

2: This variable, black advancement organization membership, was not included as a control in the

regressions on non-electoral political participation because it is a part of that index.

Note: “Electoral Participation” is an index of several political acts: (1) organization a voter-

registration or other drive, (2) volunteering in a campaign and (3) donating to a campaign. “Non-

Electoral Participation” is an index of the act of (1) rallying/marching, (2) writing a letter, (3) some

level of engagement in community service, and (4) black advancement organization membership.

86

unable to run regressions on each individual political act to see if, for example,

membership in Boulé had a statistically significant relationship with taking part in

a rally/march. If I had been able to conduct this hypothetical analysis, the

implications of membership in these organizations (with regard to only the act of

rally/march) would be more thoroughly understood. It may have turned out that

membership in Boulé was in fact related to some forms of non-electoral

participation, but not others. This possibility could have occurred because some

unrelated forms of non-electoral participation could have outweighed the related

forms when indexed. This possibility reveals one limitation of using indices.

Nevertheless, I am interested in the general trend of non-electoral participation vs.

electoral participation. Indexical measurement allows conclusions to be drawn

about general trends of participation and about potential mechanisms for a certain

type of participation. Further, the correlations presented in Table 5.2 provide a

rough estimate of the effect of membership on each individual act (albeit absent

the inclusion of controls). Thus, a cursory analysis of the effect of each

organization on each political act can be undertaken.

Returning to Table 5.3, a couple of interesting conclusions can be drawn

from the results. First, these findings reveal that even the most similar voluntary

organizations differ in the type of political participation in which they encourage

their members to engage. The CVM and other theories of political behavior do not

analyze specific organizations; instead, they assume that these organizations all

affect participation in the same way. It is evident that this assumption in the

87

literature is false. Participation of members varies even within elite black social

organizations.

Second, the significance of church involvement and of membership in

non-racial organizations is important to note. Table 5.3 reveals that in the Boulé

model one’s non-electoral participation is significantly related to being a member

of a non-racial civic organization and being active in one’s church. These results

reveal not only that membership in Boulé has no relationship with the index of

non-electoral political participation, but also that the relationship is comparably

less significant than is the relationship with non-racial organization membership

and church involvement is for these high-SES black men. In chapter 4, elite black

social organizations were found to be more important in predicting traditional

political participation than the church, non-racial organizations, and black

advancement organizations. This finding does not remain in the case of the non-

electoral participation of men. This result suggests that Boulé’s status as an elite

black social organization – often viewed as aloof from the rest of the black

community (and even white society) – may be warranted. Still, Boulé

membership is significantly related to electoral participation, which one could

argue is just as important to black advancement and civic engagement in society

as is non-electoral participation. While Archon Percy Julian may have disagreed

with this statement, activist Bayard Rustin may not have (especially if the

electoral participation is geared toward black betterment through the election of

black politicians or other officials who would promote black interests).

88

Conclusion

Models of participation are overbroad and long on assumptions. The data

above reveals that two similar organizations can have different effects on their

members’ traditional forms of participation. Most participatory studies do not take

this into account, using membership variables in their analyses that include all

sorts of voluntary involvements. These findings regarding organizational

differences reveal the potential inapplicability of participatory models to many

different organizations that would be considered voluntary or non-political.

Specifically, this chapter has found that members of Links participate

more actively in non-electoral political activities than other women, while

members of Boulé are more engaged in the electoral political process than other

men. Nonetheless, it is also clear that membership in Boulé also positively

correlates with certain non-electoral behaviors like letter writing and rallying to

the same (and at times greater) extent that membership in Links does. Likewise,

membership in Links is positively correlated with the electoral activity of

volunteering in a political campaign to a greater extent than Boulé membership is.

Thus, while the trends regarding non-electoral and electoral participatory behavior

for these organizations’ members are clear, there is some important overlap.

89

CHAPTER 6 IN THEIR OWN WORDS: THE PARTICIPATION OF ARCHONS AND LINKS

This chapter has three main objectives, all stemming from the limits of

quantitative data with regard to telling a complete story. First, I provide a detailed

description of the 11 respondents who agreed to sit for in-depth interviews. In

their own words, I relay their beliefs and thoughts regarding their membership in

elite black social organizations, their socio-economic status and their views on

blackness and black advancement. This descriptive investigation helps to

understand exactly who makes up these organizations (an extension of the

discussion begun in chapter 2) and whether or not these high-SES blacks are as

aloof as critical studies of the black elite portray them to be. Second, this chapter

aims see if the qualitative data confirms the modes of political participation that

the quantitative data finds. Are links more engaged in the non-electoral political

process? Do archons report taking part more in the internal process of electoral

politics? Finally, this chapter revisits the issue of causality. Taking the

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institutional mechanisms of the participatory factors (civic skills, political interest

and political recruitment) that Verba et al. (1995) find to be significant

explanatory variables in the CVM, I analyze whether or not these three factors are

gained through membership in either of these two organizations.

Prior to looking at these three motivations for this chapter, the importance

of causal inference must be illuminated. As revealed in chapters 4 and 5, there is a

relationship between membership in each organization and at least one form of

political participation.34

Despite these relationships, causality cannot be inferred

because this data is observational survey data, not data taken from a controlled

experiment. Despite the inability to resolutely prove a causal relationship between

membership and participation, strong evidence can be found to suggest that a

causal relationship exists. In chapter 3, I provided several theoretical reasons for

believing the causal flow runs from membership to participation, not the reverse

and not in a simultaneous manner. Some of these reasons were: (1) the history and

institutional structures of each organization, (2) the empirical evidence on

voluntary associations and political participation, and (3) the non-political nature

of these organizations (especially Boulé). In the final section of this chapter, I add

34

This relationship is important because the first step in theorizing causality is to remove the

possibility of lurking variables and confounding variables that may influence the relationship

between the main independent variable of analysis (membership) and the dependent variable

(participation). Through the quantitative analysis in chapters 4 and 5, I was able to remove the

most obvious potential lurking and confounding variables by controlling for them in my regression

analyses. Although it is impossible to know for certain that all lurking or confounding variables

have been controlled for, it is rational to operate under that assumption because of my use of other

empirical evidence and the reliance on defensible theories in determining my control variables.

91

to this case by providing qualitative evidence regarding the participatory factors

outlined in the CVM.

Archons and Links: Beliefs and Thoughts on Race, Status and Membership

Table 6.1 provides a short-hand look at some of the demographics and

affiliations of the 11 respondents.35

Five are women and six are men. Because the

organizations are gender-specific, the five women are members of Links, while

the six men are archons in Boulé. In order to safeguard the identities of the

individuals, I did not include their ages, professions or years of membership in

Table 6.1 These factors, though, are wide-ranging. All of the respondents are

somewhere between the ages of 40-70; they are professors, corporate executives,

physicians, attorneys, and publishers; and, their years of membership in the

organizations range from 2 years to more than 25. All of the individuals, except

one, stated that the majority of their friends were black Americans. In addition, all

of them characterized their friends as middle class to wealthy/ upper-class.

Among the respondents, all expressed the belief in a “cultural” difference between

blacks and whites – though most believed that this difference is a function of

class, socio-economic standing or a tendency to self-segregate. No one expressed

a racialist belief in a fundamental difference between blacks and whites.

35

Two important notes about this table. First, as stated in chapter 3, I changed the names and other

identifying information of the respondents. Second, the inconsistency in this table is intentional. In

order to capture an accurate picture of these respondents, it was my intention to be as faithful to

their wording/ view of the world as possible. As such, I used their terms in describing their

demographics. For example, if the respondent referred to his/her friends as “African-American”

instead of “black,” I used the term “African-American” – not “black”, which I have been using

throughout this thesis in order to refer to African-Americans. Also, I use direct quotations for

some of the responses, which can be denoted by the use of quotation marks.

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TABLE 6.1

Archon and Link Demographics/Affiliations:

NBISS Descriptive Statistics from In-Depth Interviews.

Black

Adv.

Org.

Non-

racial

Org.

Race and SES of

Majority of

Close Friends

Political

Activity

Activity in

Boulé/Links

John Yes Yes African-

American,

middle to upper

Not very

active

Very active

Michael Yes Yes African-

American,

middle to upper

Very active Very active

William Yes Yes African-

American,

professional

Very active Very active

David Yes Yes Black, higher-

income

Very active Active

Richard Yes Yes African-

American,

upper-middle

Very active Very active

Mark Yes Yes Black, upper-

middle class

Very active Active

Patricia Yes Very

few

Black, very

well-off

Very active *

Kimberly Yes Yes Mixed, upper-

middle or upper

Active Very active

Karen Yes Yes African-

American,

middle to upper

Active Very Active

Lisa Yes (not

active)

"No

longer”

Black, affluent Active, but

"more

active in

the past"

Very Active

Mary No Yes White, wealthy "Very, very

and very"

"Fairly

Active"

Along with these individuals’ high socioeconomic status comes a

noticeable amount of elitism and status amplification amongst some, but not all,

of the respondents. For example, Michael, who was one of the more politically

conservative of the respondents, stated at the end of his interview that he was glad

93

I was undertaking this investigation for little is known about middle class blacks.

He remarked:

This is very important for you to do this [research], because most people think that

African-Americans are lower income, but since 1954, the mix of African-Americans with

lower income has decreased. And there have been more middle and upper-income people

whose political thoughts are much different […] And I, I think it’s time somebody did

some studies on both, because I think we tend to do the average. Well, there’s a lot of

people in here [Boulé] who are not average.

While Michael’s comments do not hint at a disregard for or belief in the

inferiority of lower-class blacks, his comments do reveal that he views himself to

be distinct from this group. At the end of my interview with Patricia, she

suggested that most of the women in Links were elitist. She said: “I would say the

Links are the most elitist female organization in Nashville and, really, in the

country.” She gave an example of this elitism by recounting an incident during

which a dark-skinned woman was being put up for membership. In a frank tone,

Patricia commented:

And the person was dark, a professional woman. They were challenging, they didn’t want

her. Boy, I went off on them. I mean, it really made me mad. And so, I went around the

room and I pointed at one person. I said, “you’re a link because you’re light-skinned, you

have long hair and your husband’s a doctor.” And I just went around the room. And I was

saying, “who are you? You don’t even have a job!” […] I didn’t like that because all my

life I’ve been fighting. [In the past], it wasn’t about the light-skinned or the dark-skinned.

We were just Negroes. [Now], we are like white people, really. We do the same thing.

But, it’s gotten a little better now because we have more dark skinned and brown skinned

people [in Links].

Although Patricia decried the elitism of some of her fellow links, she had

admitted earlier in the interview that she too had joined the organization in order

to be exclusive and gain a feeling of social status. About joining the organization,

she stated: “at one point in your life, you want to be elitist.”

The other 9 respondents do not appear to hold views as strong as Michael

or Patricia. They acknowledge their status in the black middle and upper classes,

94

but attribute it to their parents or grandparents, not to themselves. Further, they

are more hesitant about drawing lines between the classes. David noted that

“Many [well-off blacks] were born on third and never hit a triple. Many have

been blessed and don’t realize that they have stood on the shoulders of many

others who are no longer here.” Similarly, Mark said:

Your upper-class blacks typically are there because they’ve set their priorities differently.

They made a decision somewhere down the line – it may not have been my generation

[…] but somewhere down the line, they made a decision that there are certain things that

are important in their family and they want to leave that legacy.

Like Mark, all the respondents noted that the differences between the black elite

and the black lower class were about values and structural problems, whether it be

jobs, poverty or the lack of contact with beneficial social networks. Reflecting on

the differences between her and other blacks, Lisa noted: “Affluent blacks see the

positive in America – what I can be. How you can be a part of it. I think that those

who are poor, are oppressed – they feel they’re going to be there for the rest of

their lives, so why even try to be different? They don’t have the exposure to all of

the wonderful blessings of the United States.”

Lisa’s comment hits at the heart of what it means for these respondents to

be black and middle class. They are both privileged, but also aware of how frail

that privilege is. Because of this understanding and other reasons, all 11 of these

respondents feel a connection to the black community and an obligation to help

other blacks – in spite of the elitism of some. Even Michael expressed a belief in

giving back to other blacks, even though it may not be in line with his economic

philosophy. He stated: “Yes, I do feel an obligation, but I really want to work

with those who really want to succeed. I’m not interested in becoming a person

95

who contributes to their welfare.” Despite Michael’s lack of interest in

contributing to those he may perceive as lazy or unmotivated, he still expressed an

interest in helping other blacks and expressed an understanding of his connection

to them. The other respondents, even Mary who felt that blacks “self-segregate”

themselves too much, were much more expressive in their commitment to other

blacks and general black welfare. Members of Boulé and Links are aware of their

blackness and concerned about the well-being of others – a finding that is

consistent with the predictions of Michael Dawson’s “black utility heuristic36

” – a

concept mentioned previously in chapter 2.

The possible reasons for this connection to, affiliation with and

understanding of other blacks of different class positions relates to why these

members may be a part of these organizations in the first place. These are

individuals who, by and large, work in majority-white work environments and/or

live in majority-white neighborhoods. The same motivation that led to the

creation of these organizations continues to be one of many reasons for their

continued existence, in spite of the removal of overt forms of discrimination and

racism. Only one of the Boulé respondents, David, did not explicitly state that his

reason for joining Boulé was in order to escape from everyday life interactions or

be in a fraternity of “like-minded black men.” Owing to the slightly different

purpose of Links, as has been discussed, two links stated that one of their reasons

36

The “black utility heuristic” is a term that Dawson (1994) uses in his book Behind the Mule:

Race and Class in African-American Politics. Dawson argues that the heuristic explains the

finding that perceptions of racial group interests often supersede conceptions of class interests

among high-SES blacks. In other words, he finds that many of these blacks maintain ideological

(and perhaps, emotional) connections to other blacks who are not of their same class.

96

for joining Links was in order to contribute to service in some sort of way. Still,

all links, except Patricia, expressed some sort of longing for a connection with

other black women as very important. Even Mary, whose friends are mostly

white, stated: “I do think it’s important to have ties with the black community and

people who have things in common with you.”

Most respondents expressed a feeling of unease around whites in certain,

though not all, environmental contexts. Regarding these feelings, Karen said:

I think a lot of times we’re forced to assimilate. I don’t think whites often feel the

necessity to understand minority populations because they are the majority […] whereas

most of my close friends are African-Americans. I mean, I have different friends across

different racial groups. But, they [whites] often feel the need to have to be more diverse

and sometimes, I think I get a little annoyed because we’re always having to enlighten

them […] We shouldn’t always have to be doing that in this day and age.

While these high-SES blacks have a good number of non-black friends and co-

workers with whom they are able to interact in professional and social settings,

these blacks overwhelmingly maintain a certain unease – or perhaps, annoyance.

All respondents who worked in majority-white environments felt completely (or

at the least, moderately) comfortable in their work environments; yet, the unease

and discomfort came about in social settings and interactions, as Karen stated

above. Lisa more expressly mentioned this difference between work and social

space. She stated:

I’m able to bridge both [the white and black communities], because I’ve been all my life

exposed to both. [Yet,] I’m not really interacting on a social basis. Now on a work basis,

I can work with just about anybody. I can have the one-on-one conversations. But in that

big party room, it’s a different story. Even when I go to, like, the upscale fundraisers, I’m

still talking primarily to black people, not white.

All the respondents, except Kimberly and Mary who have a good number of close

friends of different races, saw their relationships with other high-SES blacks as

more intimate and those with whites as either removed or based on a need to

97

network and advance their professional interests. Nevertheless, every respondent

insisted he or she had no animus toward or disregard for any race, ethnicity or

cultural group of people.

From this initial analysis of the respondents, the ambiguous separation and

distance that tends to characterize many of the social and professional interactions

of these high-SES blacks can be seen. Even though these blacks are active

members of their city and community, the majority still seek black counterpublic

spaces of social interaction either as an escape-valve or as a means to tie

themselves back to what they consider to be their community. Contrary to

Dawson’s predictions, the black counterpublic space (though it may not be

flourishing) still has a basis for existence.

Protest and Politics: The Non-Electoral and Electoral Political Participation of

Archons and Links

In chapters 4 and 5, I found that elite black social organizations in general

have an effect on the traditional conception of political participation. Further, I

found that when the organizations are separated, Boulé’s effect remains, while

Links’ no longer exists. With regard to the electoral and non-electoral dichotomy,

Boulé members are more active in electoral politics, while Links members are

more active in non-electoral politics. In this section, I look to see if these trends

are reflected in the in-depth interview data.

First, I look at the archons. It appears that the qualitative evidence mirrors

the quantitative results. All of the men, except for John, consider themselves to be

very active in the traditional political process. John’s lack of activity, though, is

98

relative. John votes in elections, donates to campaigns, and engages in other less-

involved political activities. However, he notes that he does not “become involved

in the day-to-day activities of the political process, such as handing out leaflets.”

The other archons, who describe themselves as very active, mention

electoral political activities more often than they mention non-electoral activities.

Regarding the electoral political process, the five other archons express cognitive

engagement with politics, expressing high levels of interest in and attentiveness

toward politics. Mark commented, as he laughed:

[I do it] all! Donate, go to fundraisers, help host fundraisers, stay abreast of the

candidates, whether it’s you know through the internet – I get these CNN and New York

Times updates that I follow. I probably watch CNN at night quite a bit. My four year old

son watches it right now [laughing …]

The men’s engagement in the electoral political process is so in-depth that at least

half of the men mentioned donating to or supporting Republicans/conservatives. I

argue that this (mostly weak) support of conservatism is evidence that these men

are highly engaged in the electoral political process because voting along one’s

economic, personal or social well-being (which these men define as reasons they

entertain conservative ideologies) goes against the group-based mentality that is

characterized by the black utility heuristic. Of his political ideology, Richard

noted:

I donate always to political campaigns – on the Right and on the Left. I participate. I

volunteer services locally and nationally. There’s never been a time when I haven’t

voted, and, uh, like I said, I vote Republican as well as Democrat.

Like Richard, David expressed conservative viewpoints. He remarked that while

he was intrigued by the possibility of Barack Obama being elected the first black

president, he was wary because “It’s going to hurt me if in fact his thought

99

process is advanced. I’m not a tax and spend guy […] I actually vote on what is

[in] the best interest of myself.” These men are very active in electoral politics,

whether through volunteering in campaigns, voting, hosting fundraisers or paying

attention to the political climate.

The non-electoral participation of these men is mentioned, but not to the

same extent as their electoral involvements. While Michael suggested that he was

active in electoral politics because “I think the government can be used to really

solve many social problems,” he also commented that “I think that the

government tends to mess up. The unintended consequences of government

programs are great.” Michael’s alternative is “community involvement.”

Ironically, however, Michael did not believe that the social action programs in

Boulé should be part of the organization – despite his strong commitment to

community action. He suggested that Boulé was meant to be exclusively fraternal.

He stated: “I didn’t come to Boulé for social action; I do social action outside of

Boulé.” Michael’s participation regarding non-electoral politics reveals that while

these men may vocally support non-electoral engagement, many of them may not

take the requisite action to make such participation a reality, at least not in the

organizational context.

Yet, the organization appears to be changing. As noted in chapter 2, Boulé

has increasingly become an organization that involves itself with community

action through its foundation and other charitable works. John, who served in

several leadership roles in Chi Boulé, was one of the main members pushing the

organization toward a greater level of “social action.” However, John provided

100

few specifics on the types of social action he initiated. Further, even if John had

succeeded in encouraging his fellow archons to engage in some sort of social

action, a few of the men may have resisted. At least two of the men interviewed

expressed the preference they had for maintaining a strong fraternal and social

element to the organization – as if social action and fraternalism were a zero-sum

tradeoff. The evident debate (or as Michael calls it, “battle”) that has occurred

internally among these men regarding social action reveals three things. First,

these men debate and talk about the necessity of organizing outside of the

political process through forms of non-electoral politics. Second, many of them

do engage in it – either as a collective or as individuals. And third, the archons

like Michael, who resist the change, appear to be increasingly outnumbered by

archons like William and John who see the organization as a space for

fraternalism and service.

Now, I turn to the links. The qualitative data of these women also

confirms the quantitative results. These women are more involved in non-

electoral politics than in the electoral political process. First, unlike the men, none

of the women in Links expressed conservative viewpoints. From this initial

characteristic, one can infer that their involvement in electoral politics is not as

entrenched relative to their non-electoral involvement. Their electoral

considerations are at least partially affected by a feeling of commitment to causes

outside of their high household incomes and social statuses. This finding suggests

that the women may be engaged in more outsider processes than insider ones, like

voting and campaign activity.

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The actual comments of these links reveal that they do engage in electoral

politics, but not as actively as archons and not necessarily any more than other

similarly-situated women (which explains why membership in Links is not a

significant predictor of electoral participation). Like the men, all the women

express that they vote regularly and pay attention to some aspect of politics. Many

women recount their political involvement with a sense of racial or historical

obligation/duty. For example, Lisa stated: “I’ve always voted, because I think

that’s a right that we’ve been given and the only way that you can have any voice

is if you put your voice out there.” Lisa also participates in campaigns (though

this involvement is not explicitly racialized). In addition to Lisa, Karen also

racializes her involvement. Asked about how important being involved in the

political process is to her, she declared: “There was a hard fight to get a right to

vote, so why throw away that fight and not do it?” Like Lisa and Karen, Mary

also talked about her “civic duty.”

Turning to non-electoral politics, the women in Links are quite active. The

most obvious difference in non-electoral politics between archons and links is

with regard to community service and social engagement. When asked about their

participatory behavior in these realms, every link, except Kimberly, made a

reference to the Links as an important avenue through which they engage in

community service or learn methods and techniques that help them to be more

service-oriented in their other endeavors. In contrast, none of the archons made

the association between service and Boulé when asked about their participation in

community service. In addition to this association, links are more engaged in

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community-institution building; the majority of the respondents are more

expressive about these engagements than they are about political engagements

(with the exception of Lisa). For example, Mary spoke of her involvements with

charity outside of Links, including her management of enrichment programs for

“the working poor.” Karen spoke of how she uses her medical career to serve

others by “educating the community about cancers like breast cancer […]

educating the public about their health.” One notable thing about these women’s

involvement is that a good amount of it takes place outside of Links. While the

organization commits these women to get involved in Links-related programs, the

organization has a galvanizing effect, making women more involved in non-Links

community engagement.

While the links mention many forms of non-electoral political

participation, they do fail to mention others. For example, none mentioned taking

part in rallies or marches – and neither did the men. Admittedly, I did not ask an

explicit question about this form of engagement; however, the fact that such

participation never came up in any of the interviews suggests that it is not an

important feature of these women’s civic or political lives. But, the women do

talk about other non-electoral forms of participation without direct prompting. For

most of the links, this commitment to non-electoral participation begins as

something intangible, such as a philosophy toward non-electoral participation.

This intangible support of civic engagement has been noted above, but another

example is Karen’s answer to “how important is being active in the political

process to you?” After recounting a story about one of her friends who refused to

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vote, she moved from talking about electoral politics to talking about non-

electoral politics by stating:

I guess we all have some kind of civic responsibility. And so, even though sometimes we

have problems that seem insurmountable […] everybody should just do their little part to

help the community […] I think a lot of times we get too focused on I, I, I, me, me, me,

you know. I think that if you are blessed enough to have something, you need to give

something back.

Like Karen, Patricia also thinks often about non-electoral influence. Because she

is a publisher, she commented about her ability to “do a little influencing because

I have the ink.” While much of her work through publishing may come from and

affect non-electoral politics, it also has an internal effect on electoral politics.

Remembering a moment during Barack Obama’s campaign for the Democratic

primary, she commented:

I try to write positive things about black politics […] and even when the Tennessee

Republicans attacked Michelle, I did front page on it. I attacked the Republicans and put

the white woman who’s their chair on front page. And if they come back again, then I’ll

probably come back nasty.

In addition to these less tangible non-electoral involvements, individual links also

note their engagement in black advancement organizations and networks to a

greater extent than the archons.

Causal Inference: Qualitative Evidence of the CVM’s Participatory Factors

In order to see whether or not a direction of causality is suggested by the

qualitative data, I analyze three participatory factors that the CVM predicts to be

reasons why mainstream voluntary organizations heighten the levels of

participation of their membership. These three factors are civic skills, political

interest and political recruitment/ networking. While other factors may go into the

reasons why high-SES blacks in elite black social organizations participate in

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different types of political processes, the participatory factors in the CVM would

most likely be included alongside these mechanisms that encourage participation.

If CVM’s factors are not present in the organizational contexts of Links and

Boulé, then there is little basis (other than theoretical evidence) for believing the

flow of causality runs from membership to participation.

I begin with the first factor: civic skills. For archons, the accrual of civic

skills from membership in Boulé appears to be rather strongly suggested by the

qualitative data. The archons have all gained skills from being involved in the

organization. Four of the six men have held at least one leadership position in the

organization. Through their leadership, they have been able perfect their

persuasion skills in healthy debates at monthly meetings, perfect their leadership

skills in comporting Chi Boulé to the new social action mission of the larger

organization (William and John made explicit mention of this), and perfect their

networking skills as they meet and socialize with fellow archons at the bi-annual

Grand Boulé. While these men often come to the organization as successful

individuals in their own right, their membership in the organization keeps them

sharp and informed, as evidenced by the political debates among many of the men

(described later) and the general debate among the archons about the direction of

the organization. The social space enables these men to be active and re-define

their thoughts and actions.

For links, the presence of civic skill accrual is even stronger. Members

gain skills through their many community involvements, which are a direct result

of Links membership. Kimberly noted that she had helped to spearhead a micro-

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loan program through the Links that will provide loans to individuals in

Mozambique, Nigeria and the Caribbean. Although it may appear that Kimberly

brought this skill-set to Links, instead of garnering it from Links, Kimberly

remarked that she would not have been able to do this without being a link.

Kimberly stated that through her work on this and other projects, she gained

skills:

I’ve always shied away from fundraising and, as a result of Links, I jumped right in the

middle of it. So, I’ve developed my skills at financial development. […] It [Links] has

improved my approach to dealing with the money needs.

Like Kimberly, Karen also revealed that because of Links, she was able to gain

the opportunity to engage in other types of civic participation besides medical-

related activities. The skills these links accrue are also directly applicable to the

electoral political process, as evidenced by Lisa’s willingness to help her friend as

the treasurer of a campaign and her comment that “Links has helped give me an

area to show leadership.” Dealing with finances in Links most likely strengthened

her ability to be an effective participant. The more rigorous involvements of the

organization require the links to gain and sharpen a good number of skills.

The second factor, political interest, has an ambiguous relationship to the

organizations. Sigma Pi Phi increases members’ interest in politics to a far greater

extent than Links does. The debate over social action in the Boulé (to which John,

Michael, William and Richard all alluded at least once) appears to be a major part

of the organization’s socialization of political interest. The archons, even those

who disagree, have been told from the national Boulé that social action has to

become a serious part of their fraternity. This socialization, while it may not bring

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about actual participation, certainly encourages interest in non-electoral forms of

participation, community service, institution-building and participation in

marches. With regard to electoral politics, there is no institutional socialization

mechanism that brings about interest; however, the nature of the interactions

among the men has the effect of increasing electoral political interest. Regarding

the reason he enjoys Boulé meetings, Michael recalled:

Politically, I don’t get into many discussions about politics around whites or blacks […

But,] I do it in Boulé sometimes, because there’s one particular member of the Boulé that

I enjoy discussion with. That’s [Harry]. [Harry] is very liberal and I’m conservative. We

have a great time challenging each other, and it causes me to think.

For Michael and Harry, Boulé appears to provide a safe space for discussions of

politics and political ideology. The same goes for the other men. During the 2008

presidential election, at least one of the monthly meeting topics regarded the

democratic primary. In this meeting (as one respondent covertly recounted so as

not to break any fraternal obligations to privacy), archons debated back and forth

regarding the merits of an Obama presidency. Both the electoral and non-electoral

political behaviors of members are affected by the organization.

Within Links political interest does not run as strong. The members appear

to be socialized towards engagement to a certain extent, but not nearly as much as

members of Boulé. Unlike Boulé, Links is not as secretive or exclusive. In that

sense, the affinity that links have toward one another may not be strong enough to

provide as robust a site for socialization. In fact, some divisive elements were

noted, especially by Patricia. Her story, recounted in the beginning of this chapter,

shows that the women may have tension based upon skin color or professional

differences (since some women are homemakers). The other respondents, though,

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do not mention these tensions. Only Kimberly made a slight remark at the end of

her interview that may have suggested tension. She stated that to work “with a

group of African-American women is a real treat and opportunity – most days

[laughing].” Overall, it appears that the relationship among these women is

simply not as close as it is for the men in Boulé who are fewer and engage in a

greater number of social activities. Nevertheless, the women are socialized to

some extent. Mary noted that Links provides “a venue for social interaction,

otherwise known as sisterhood. And through that sisterhood to bond through acts

of good work for others.” Through their regular facet meetings and hours of

service, links interact in a more formal manner that aids to bring about some sense

of political interest, particularly in the non-electoral political arena. Lisa

commented that being a link can have the effect of strengthening one’s belief in

her own power to affect change. Lisa asserted:

And, the power in a Links chapter is amazing. If they use the power. And that’s the key.

We have to use the power that we have. And oftentimes, black women don’t realize that

they have much power. Black men do if they’re at that level. But black women,

particularly if they’re the wife-of, they don’t view that power in themselves. But they

really have the power.

As Lisa noted, the key is recognizing that power. The activities and interactions of

these women most likely produce some sort of recognition of it. While this

mechanism may not be as strong for links, it is hard to believe that political

interest is not at least moderately increased by interacting among a group of

professional, active women who share several demographic characteristics in

common.

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The final factor is political recruitment. For archons, this factor is

ambiguous; for links, it is stronger. At first glance, it appears that Boulé does not

facilitate this role for these men. The archons view themselves as men who have

already achieved. When asked if the organization had opened any doors for them

in their “personal, social or professional” lives, all of the men, except for Mark,

responded with a quick “no” – almost as if that sort of networking were out of the

question in such an elite organization. But Mark, the youngest respondent,

responded with a more complicated answer:

Ummm, that’s a good question. You know, I think that – a lot of guys I have already

known – either through 100 Black Men [a black advancement organization] or other

things that I’m involved in. Um, but I think, you know, it’s a fraternity also, so I think

people tend to look at you differently as far as their relationship with you no matter how

good your relationship was already. You know, when you become part of it, you bond

with people differently when you have that kind of affiliation. So, from a social scenario,

yes. From a professional relationship, that’s not a scenario where it’s benefited my

business. Again, just being able to watch those guys and see how they operate and think

and those types of things I think has been beneficial to me.

Perhaps because of his age, Mark feels he has learned more from these men than

they feel they have learned from one another. But even William, who is much

older, stated that he has learned from the other archons. Commenting on the

intellectual and professional diversity of the men, he said, “You are there with

people who have different expertise, you can learn from them. And so, I learn

from people who are members of Sigma Pi Phi.” Perhaps, then, the other men

interpreted the question to be asking if Boulé had helped provide them an

advantage with regard to status or wealth (the term “open doors” most likely

primed this reaction). Alternatively, Mark and William are simply more attuned to

something that the other men simply take for granted. Then again, it could be that

these men have genuinely received no networking or recruitment benefits from

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being members. Still, it would be rational to assume that a close connection with

other individuals would aid in recruitment (asking one to attend a rally, or help

out on a fundraising campaign, etc.) and in networking (meeting other archons

who are influential on certain boards or in certain civic organizations).37

For links, this final factor appears to be stronger among them than it is

among archons. Links answered in a slightly different manner than the archons

with regard to the question of whether or not Links opened any doors in their

social, personal or professional lives; many fewer women answered in the

negative. Three of the five women answered in the positive. Lisa is one of the

women who answered positively. Her response reveals the way in which Links

enables women to network, build a system of support and gain social resources.

She stated:

If I move anywhere in the country, it [Links] gives you immediate access to the affluent

clique in that community. You know, every community has an affluent black population

and the key is, how do you get in it? And the Links organization […] is one of those that

gives immediate access. It gives you an immediate opportunity to show what you have

and to make a difference. And so for me, if you take advantage of it, it’s wonderful.

Lisa’s comments reveal that being a link enables one to be influential in the

community. This influence makes it easier to be involved in community-building

institutions, take part in protests and rallies, participate in fundraisers and meet

influential politicians and other public servants. Further, and perhaps more

relevantly, being in that “clique” results in recruitment for these different

37

It could be argued that the recruitment and networking of this organization is what pulled these

men into the organization in the first place. However, this is unlikely. First, the type of networking

and recruitment is one of close affiliation, which as Mark noted, comes about from a fraternal

relationship. Second, Boulé is secretive and does not recruit members or network in order to find

members. Rather, future archons are selected through careful choice and debate; not through

ordinary networking or recruiting mechanisms.

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involvements. Kimberly and Mary shared similar comments. The recruitment

mechanism attached to being involved in Links – whether directly through

another link or through the circles of friendship that result from being a link – is

clear.

Evidence of Other Causal Directions?

Although the in-depth interviews provide data largely supporting the

hypothesized causal direction, it also provides some evidence of other causal

flows. Below, I re-state the two alternative causal theories described in chapter 3,

presenting evidence that either suggests or rejects these possible directions of

causality. While some suggestive evidence exists, it is underwhelming. Further,

the evidence pales in comparison to the weight of evidence provided above

(regarding the participatory factors) and the theoretical evidence from both past

empirical studies and the nature of these organizations.

The first alternative causal theory is that people are chosen to join the

organizations because the members who selected them have engaged with them or

met them through political and/or social networks. This causal flow suggests that

it is participation in these political and social networks (which could contain both

electoral and non-electoral forms of participation) that brings about membership,

not the reverse. Under this theory, those who are approached to become members

are already active participants in social and political processes, explaining the

correlation observed.

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This first alternative theory, while unlikely for both, is more likely with

regard to Boulé than it is with regard to Links. The archons of Sigma Pi Phi are all

men who have succeeded to some degree in their professional careers, and the

main selection criterion for this organization is success – whether personal,

professional or social. As William characterized it, Boulé is the “end game” –

archons are in the organization because of their past achievement. This past

achievement would suggest that the men are known for their achievement in

social and/or political networks. The evidence appears to give this alternative

theory some validity, as many of the men, especially Mark, noted having known

archons through other organizations, especially black advancement organizations.

Nevertheless, one of the main criteria for membership is excellence in

professional endeavors, such as business, medicine or law. When the members

select to invite new individuals into the group, they often know them for their

renown as exemplars in their profession, not through political and social

networks. Further, even if these men are selected because of recruitment through

political/social networks, their membership in Boulé has made them even more

engaged than they would have been. The evidence presented in the previous

section has shown that both civic skills and political interest are heightened by

membership in the organization. As Mark noted, even though he knew the men

through other social networks before joining, it was through the bonding

experience of Boulé that he was able to learn from and imitate the other archons.

For Boulé, the first alternative causal theory appears to have a slight reverse

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causal effect; however, the greater effect is the originally hypothesized flow that

membership brings about participation.

For the Links, the first alternative causal theory is even weaker. The

women are just as successful as the men of Boulé; however, the selection process

differs between the two organizations. Links does not require that the women

have attained a bachelors degree (though most have) and it is not as selective as

Boulé (as evidenced by the greater number of members and the existence of four

chapters of Links in the Nashville area). As Patricia noted in her in-depth

interview, the selection of these women may also be susceptible to superficial

arguments about skin color and social status. Given this evidence, the link

between selection as a member and political networks is much weaker in Links.

Personal social networks, such as friendship, are much more likely. Lisa noted

that her mother was the main reason she was selected as a link. Lisa frankly

stated: “Links, I got into very early, because my mother was a link. I’m a

daughter.” Because personal social networks have arguably much less relation to

political participation than do institutionalized social networks through

organizations and associations, the notion that these women are selected for their

involvement is much weaker. Further, as with Boulé, the participatory factors are

much stronger. For Links, the participatory factors of civic skills and political

recruitment explain much more of the relationship between membership and

participation.

The second causal alternative, which is a type of self-selection, is that

there is an external variable that explains the relationship between membership

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and participation. In this theory, this third variable would have a positive, causal

relationship with both membership and participation. For example, it is possible

that a love for active engagement in the political process causes both membership

in these elite black social organizations and also participation in the political

process. While this theory is more difficult to resolve absent a controlled

experiment, the evidence here does not suggest (especially for Boulé) that this

third variable is the causal mechanism behind the relationship between

membership and participation. First, these organizations are social organizations.

People join largely for social bonding, not to become more involved in either the

electoral or non-electoral processes.38

Second, I have controlled for several

potential lurking and confounding variables in my regression analyses in chapters

4 and 5. The possible external variables such as activity in other organizations,

income, education, working status etc. have been removed from the relationship

exhibited between membership and participation.

To more effectively reveal the lack of evidence in support of this final

causal alternative, I first look to Boulé. It is doubtful that these men joined the

organization because of their political activity, or other third factors that relate to

38

In Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics (1995), Verba et al. make the

claim that an analysis of organization affect on political participation is best carried out by

focusing on organizations that do not take political stands. This is necessary in order to legitimize

the claim that any correlation between political participation and organizational membership flows

from the organization to participation and not in the reverse direction. As Verba et al. note, “Even

decisions about adult institutional involvements – the nature, direction, and extent of commitment

to the workplace, religious institutions, or non-political organizations – would seem to be largely

independent of political inclinations. They do not derive from voluntary political activity or, even,

from anticipation of voluntary political activity.” In my analysis, I highlight two social (and

expressly non-political) organizations in order to maintain the legitimacy of a suggestion of

causality.

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political activity. Moreover, it is certain that they did not join in order to become

active in the non-electoral political process of community involvement, for the

outside perception of Sigma Pi Phi is one of an elitist group of men. John and

Richard both noted that they had this perception of Boulé before joining. Richard

commented:

I really didn’t think of becoming a member of the Boulé […] the point is, I thought it was

more elitist than what it actually is. And I mean that in somewhat of a derogatory term.

And when I did get to meet some of the guys who were in, I think it was a wise decision

to do it. […] My thoughts about it at first were that it was a bunch of – well, I’ll just say

elitist.

This viewpoint on the organization suggests that people do not enter in order to

become socialized in electoral political interest, access networks of political

recruitment or even engage in non-electoral activity. The men join because of

excitement in having been selected and because of the social prestige that comes

with such an honor – neither of these reasons has any logical relationship to

participation.

For Links, there is more credibility in the second alternative causal theory.

Because Links encourages its members to engage in service to a more effective

degree than Boulé, the service of the organization is, perhaps, part of its draw.

Because activity in community building and service is part of the index of non-

electoral participation, the observed relationship between non-electoral

participation and membership could be derived from a third variable – interest in

service. While two of the women interviewed did mention service as one of their

greater motivators in accepting the invitation to join Links, most did not. Three

described “sisterhood” and the desire to bond with other similarly-situated women

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as the primary motivator; even the other two described this bonding as a major

motivator (among others). In fact, Lisa commented that this finding is far from

unusual, for many women are in the organization for reasons completely unrelated

to service. She stated, “Our chapter has a lot of, we have some wife-of types

[women who are wives of successful men]. But actually, a lot of them are not […]

For some, they’re just in the organization for the prestige it brings.” Patricia, more

explicitly noted that her own interest in Links had nothing to do with service. She

stated:

[…] I saw no service that they did. You know I thought it was just the title to say you’re a

link. And I mean, they had a few programs, but I guess I just wanted to say that I was a

link. And that’s the truth.

Further complicating this alternative theory of causality is the fact that an interest

in service alone cannot explain the dependent variable either. The dependent

variable (non-electoral participation) includes more than just service. It also

includes writing a letter to a politician, participating in a rally/protest and activity

in a black advancement. Thus, an interest in service is insufficient as a third

variable for explaining membership and non-electoral participation. As in Boulé,

other potential external variables, besides those that have already been controlled,

are unlikely to affect both propensity to join and propensity to participate

politically.

Piecing together much of what this study has revealed, Figures 6.1 and 6.2

show a summary of the correlational relationships found in chapters 4 and 5,

coupled with the causal relationships suggested through the analyses in this

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chapter. These two Figures focus on Links and Boulé.39

They are concerned with

the relationship between these organizations and the three modes of participation

studied (non-electoral, electoral and traditional); they are unconcerned with other

explanatory variables of participation unless they also relate to membership in the

organizations. The central focus of these models is describing the effects of the

organizational context, not necessarily outlining all of the factors that contribute

to participation. As such, I do not include the control variables in these path

models. Even if the variables are confounding, I already controlled for them and

still found a direct relationship between membership and certain forms of

participation.

I begin with Figure 6.1, which shows the path model for Links, for this

model is slightly more complicated than the Boulé model. This model shows the

avenue through which women become links and how that membership affects

their non-electoral participation. Women are invited into Links through personal,

familial and social friendship networks. The reason there is no connection

between these networks and participation in the path model is because these

networks (based upon membership in the church, non-racial organizations, etc.)

have already been controlled for in the regression analysis; any friendship

39

I do not include a path model for elite black social organizations in general. I do not include the

finding from chapter 4 regarding elite black organizations as a whole, because the causal

mechanisms regarding them cannot be fully determined from the in-depth interviews provided in

this chapter. The members talk about their specific organizations, not elite black social

organizations in general. Nevertheless, the interviews, coupled with the theoretical evidence

provided in chapter 3, provide a strong suggestion that causality for most elite black social

organizations runs from membership to participation – perhaps (as is the case of Boulé and Links)

for slightly different reasons.

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FIGURE 6.1

Path Model of the Effects of Links Membership on Participation.

NOTE: The solid arrows represent relationships that are compellingly suggested from an assessment of both

the quantitative evidence presented in chapters 4 and 5 and the qualitative evidence presented here. The

dotted arrows are those that are either inconclusive (or ambiguous). The participatory factors that are

bracketed are similar in this regard; they are the factors that cannot be definitively said to be mechanisms

involved in the relationship between membership and each form of participation.

networks that were not controlled for most likely have little relationship to

participation. As mentioned earlier, women ultimately accept an invitation to join

the Links for several reasons. The main reasons that women join the organization

are: racial exclusion, social bonding and the accrual of social status. These

reasons are supported by literature on the organization and the interviews of the

members. In addition, interest in service has a potential effect (note: it is denoted

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by a dotted line in the figure because its effect is inconclusive) on explaining why

women join. While the effect is inconclusive with regard to reasons for joining, it

is certain that an interest in serving affects non-electoral participation (even if

only to a small degree). As such, it is a potential confounding variable. However,

as mentioned earlier, only some women (to varying extents; some more than

others) expressed that they joined because of an interest in service, so the

evidence is ambiguous and inconclusive. Further, even if the variable is

confounding, the participatory mechanisms (political recruitment, civic skills and

perhaps group consciousness) have been shown to be rather strong within the

organizational context. The strength of these factors suggests that if interest in

service could be controlled, the effect of Links membership would still be

significant. This notion is strengthened by the fact that, theoretically, interest in

service only affects half of the acts within the index of non-electoral participation.

The other half of the index (the acts of rallying and writing a letter) has no

discernible relationship to an interest in service.

For Boulé, Figure 6.2 depicts the path model that the evidence suggests

explains the relationship between membership and political participation. Men

join Boulé for the same reasons as women (racial exclusion, social bonding and

status), absent any desire for or interest in service. The men may be interested in

service individually, as many are; however, that interest is not a motivation for

joining. For Boulé, the invitation is extended to potential archons through slightly

different networks than in Links. Potential members are known (personally and

impersonally) by the archons through social, as well as, professional networks.

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FIGURE 6.2

Path Model of the Effects of Boulé Membership on Participation.

NOTE: The solid arrows represent relationships that are compellingly suggested from an assessment of both

the quantitative evidence presented in chapters 4 and 5 and the qualitative evidence presented here. The

dotted arrows are those that are either inconclusive (or ambiguous). The participatory factors that are

bracketed are similar in this regard; they are the factors that cannot be definitively said to be mechanisms

involved in the relationship between membership and each form of participation.

The relationship between these men’s networks and the two forms of participation

with which Boulé is correlated is inconclusive in the context of Boulé

membership. Because social/professional networks, like non-racial organizations

and black advancement organizations, have been controlled, a good number of

these networks are irrelevant to the path model in explaining traditional and

electoral participation. Some networks, like professional associations and the like

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are still relevant – as they may have an effect on political participation. However,

such organizations most likely do not have much of an effect on the invitation to

join, for these men are not co-workers and vary greatly in their professions. In

short, the professional/social networks (like 100 Black Men and other black

advancement organizations) that members mention as potential networks for

recruiting future archons have been taken into account in chapters 4 and 5.

Overall, for both Links and Boulé, it appears that the causal direction from

membership to participation through the participatory factors described in the

previous section explains the relationship between membership and participation

to the greatest extent. The civic skills, political interest and political recruitment

gained through these organizations are quite impactful.

Conclusion

Archons and links are individuals aware of their class status, but deeply

concerned about issues of black advancement; they are professionals

uncomfortable, at times, in their majority-white environmental contexts, but

aware of their ability to affect the political process. Despite the similarities

between the two social organizations’ members, this chapter has confirmed the

findings from chapter 5: Boulé and Links produce quite different involvements in

the political process among their members as compared to other men and women.

In addition, the mechanisms that bring about these modes of participation vary.

For archons, civic skills and political interest garnered from membership are the

main determinants of bringing about their electoral and (minor) non-electoral

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political engagement. For those in Links, political recruitment and civic skills are

the main explanatory mechanisms for their active non-electoral participation. The

major finding from this chapter, though, may not be the specific mechanisms;

reather, the main finding may be that there is sufficient evidence to suggest that

the relationship between membership and participation – for both organizations –

appears to be causal and in the expected direction of causality.

FIGURE 6.3

Figure 6.1: Pictured from left to right are the former Presidential candidate Barack Obama,

Archousa Lisa Grain and Archon David Grain of Sarasota’s Gamma Xi Boulé. This photograph

shows Archon David Grain, the host, speaking with Obama at a private campaign fundraiser

hosted at the Grain’s “Mediterranean-style Sarasota bayfront home on Bird Key.” November 5,

2007 (The Boulé Journal 2008).

122

FIGURE 6.4

Figure 6.4: As part of the Links International Trends and Services program, the

organization has built over 50 schools in South Africa. A group of 112 links

visited 6 of these schools in 2008. A few of the links from this visit are pictured

in the background as they listen to a musical performance by South African

school children. (Links 2009b).

123

CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION

Archon Percy Julian’s 1964 reference to the men of Boulé as “faultless

prophets” – men who are brilliant, learned and successful, yet intent on distancing

themselves from the black masses and mainstream society – was a satirical

criticism of not only Sigma Pi Phi, but also elite black social organizations in

general. Archons, as well as links, were indicted in Julian’s strong condemnation

of those elitist elements of the black community that he believed were sitting on

the sidelines of the struggle for black inclusion and equality in the American

polity. While most studies of such organizations have treated them as if they are

static, suspended in a timeless era of the early to middle twentieth century, this

study has found that these organizations have evolved, altered their missions and

attempted to socialize their members to the importance of both protest and politics

in the struggle for black advancement and political participation. Both Boulé and

Links have succeeded – to an extent.

124

As a result of their membership in Sigma Pi Phi, archons are more likely

than other similarly-situated black men to participate in the electoral political

process and engage in traditional forms of political participation. Links

membership, on the other hand, brings about a greater engagement in the non-

electoral political process. Not only do these findings reveal that these

organizations bring about elite black participation in mainstream politics (a major

worry of Bayard Rustin), but also these findings show that protest politics is not

dead. This form of external engagement still has a place in black politics and,

more surprisingly, among the black upper class.

As a whole, elite organizations provide the civic skills, political interest

and bases for social recruitment for well-off black Americans who still experience

the slights of institutional and interpersonal racism. Through these mechanisms,

their members are able to participate more actively in black community

betterment and in mainstream electoral and non-electoral civic engagement to

varying degrees. While it is unclear whether or not these organizations bring

about greater political group consciousness in their members, the qualitative data

implies that they take already racially-conscious individuals (who believe in the

need for black advancement) and provide them the tools, resources and black

counterpublic space to collectively and individually engage in the political

process more effectively.

These findings have several implications, both theoretical and practical.

This work has served as a revisionist look at several assumptions regarding

general voluntary organizations, black elites, and the organizations of the black

125

elite. The CVM has been shown to be too broad both in its measure of

membership and also in its measure of what constitutes political participation.

Several other models of political behavior are quite similar to the CVM in that

they are also inattentive to black membership in organizations and to the

electoral/non-electoral participatory dichotomy. Despite these limitations, the

CVM has been revealed to be quite accurate in its discussion of participatory

factors. These factors, by and large, are the main mechanisms through which

members of elite black social organization participate. Regarding theories of high-

SES blacks, this thesis has revealed that these blacks not only believe they have

obligations to other blacks, but those who are the most elite (highest education

and income levels) are the most likely to participate in black organizations.

Further, their exclusive organizations are not simply mainstays for the “snobbish”

and “aloof.” These organizations, especially Links, are effective sites of

organization for black community betterment – to an even greater extent than

black advancement organizations, the church and mainstream civic organizations.

Finally, the theory that black elites serve as middle-men toward the white power

structure on behalf of underclass blacks (McClain 2008; Patillo 2007) is

supported by the findings regarding high-SES blacks in the NBES data. While I

did not test the extent to which membership in elite organizations increased an

individual’s likelihood to engage in mainstream institutions, the NBES data

analysis provided evidence that middle class blacks not only affect the political

process through membership in black organizations but also they influence it

126

through membership in mainstream community organizations, where theoretically

they interact amongst and bargain with whites.

As a final thought, it must be re-stated that these findings are limited.

While the evidence is suggestive and compelling (supported by both NBES data

and also responses from in-depth interviews), it is not incontrovertible. Future

research should take several steps to see if the evidence presented here holds.

First, a randomized, national survey of high-SES blacks should be taken and

should include measures of both political participation and also a wide array of

social/civic associations, particularly elite social organizations. A large, nationally

representative sample would permit a more definitive test of my hypotheses about

the participatory effects of organizational membership. Second, a broader

conception of political participation should be part of this survey. More forms of

black “protest,” including community organizing, neighborhood renewal projects

and community programs against inner-city violence, should be considered non-

electoral forms of participation. These engagements can have just as much of an

effect on the political process (whether by supplanting the need for government or

by increasing black efficacy) as electoral forms of participation. Third, this survey

should include items that directly measure the participatory factors (civic skills,

political interest and political recruitment) that contribute to political

participation. And finally, more complicated statistical and econometric analyses

should be undertaken in order to understand the direct effect of organizational

membership and provide a more rigorous quantitative assessment of the potential

directions of causality.

127

In spite of the limitations, this thesis uncovers the story of the two most

prominent elite black social organizations, their members and their participation.

The story of these organizations is complicated and, at times, contradictory. While

they are the reclusive stomping ground of well-off black Americans, these

associations are also spaces where men and women gain the skills, resources and

networks to be bold, effective leaders in the political process. The findings

presented here suggest that the continued growth of these organizations will have

repercussions on the political process and the content of black politics for years to

come.

128

APPENDIX A

TABLE 3.1 Descriptive Characteristics of NBES Group compared to those of NBISS Control Group.

NBES

High-SES

Group

N=55₁

NBISS

High-SES

Control

Group

N=9

Household Income (USD 1996) Household Income (USD 2007)

$50,000-$75,000 50.9% $80,000-$100,000 1 (12.5%)

$75,000-$90,000 21.8%

$90,000-$105,000 10.9%

$105,000 or greater 16.4% $100,000 or greater 7 (87.5%)

Education Education

Associates or Bachelors degree 65.4% Associates or College degree 2 (22.2%)

Graduate school or higher 34.6% Graduate school or higher 7 (77.8%)

Gender Gender

Male 47.3% Male 4 (44.4%)

Female 52.7% Female 5 (55.6%)

Age Age

41-50 63.6% 41-50 2 (22.2%)

51-60 27.3% 51-60 6 (66.7%)

61-70 9.1% 61-70 1 (11.1%)

Black Advancement Organization Black Advancement Organization

Yes, a member 69.1% Yes, a member 6 (66.7%)

Linked Fate Perceptions₂

Linked Fate Perceptions₂

A lot 29.1% A lot 3 (33.4%)

Some 52.7% A good amount 5 (55.6%)

Not very much 14.5% Not very much 1 (11%)

None 3.6% None at all 0 (0%)

Voting Behavior Voting Behavior

Did Vote (1996 Presidential) 92.7% Did Vote (2004 Presidential) 8 (100%)

Did Not Vote (1996 Presidential) 7.3% Did Not Vote (2004 Presidential) 0 (0%)

1: This number is the number of respondents from the NBES who have similar SES to the black respondents of the

NBISS (those in Boulé, those in Links and those who are friends of Boulé and Links members). The respondents had

to have attained at least an associates degree, have a yearly household income of at least $75,000 USD 1996 and be

between the ages of 41 and 70. The number of respondents from the NBES represented in this table are 4% of the

NBES respondents, of which there are 1,216.

2: This question was worded slightly differently within each study. NBES worded the question as: "Do you think

that what happens generally to Black people in this country will have something to do with what happens in your

life? " The NBES gave the respondents the opportunity to say "Yes" or "No." This most likely increased the "No"

answers, as respondents were not given the opportunity to realize that they could gradate their answers in a follow-up

question if they answered "Yes." The NBISS worded the question as exactly as NBES, but provided a gradated scale

immediately in one question.

129

TABLE 4.7

Three Measures of “High-SES”:

NBES Descriptive Data

High-SES

(Income and

Education)

High-SES

(Income)

High-SES

(Education)

Household Income (USD 1996

Up to $10,000 N/A N/A 1.61%

$10,000-$25,000 N/A N/A 14.52%

$25,000-$40,000 N/A N/A 19.35%

$40,000-$50,000 N/A N/A 20.16%

$50,000-$75,000 50.91% 58.16% 22.58%

$75,000-$90,000 21.82% 17.35% 9.68%

$90,000-$105,000 10.91% 13.27% 4.84%

$105,000 or greater 16.36% 11.22% 7.26%

Education

Some high school or less N/A 2.04% N/A

H.S. degree or some college N/A 41.84% N/A

Associates or Bachelors Degree 65.45% 36.73% 67.18%

Some graduate school or higher 34.55% 19.39% 32.82%

Black Advancement Organization

Yes, a member 69.09% 56.70% 60.77%

N = 55

N = 98

N = 131

130

TABLE 5.4

Predicting Group Political Consciousness:

NBISS Expanded Models for Each Dependent Variable

Blacks can

affect gov't

through

political action

Blacks should

work together

Importance of

giving back

to black

community

Blacks should

support black-

owned

businesses

Regression

Coefficient

(RSE)

Regression

Coefficient

(RSE)

Regression

Coefficient

(RSE)

Regression

Coefficient

(RSE)

Membership

(Boulé)

.42 (.26) - .04 (.06) -.04 (.18) .03 (.23)

Membership

(Links)

- .05 (.26) - .12 (.07) .16 (.38) .14 (.32)

* Significant at .1 level

** Significant at .05 level

*** Significant at .01 level

Note: The models control for household income, education, gender, black advancement organization

membership, non-racial organization membership, and church membership.

131

TABLE 5.5

NBISS Cross-Tabulations of Membership with Each Political Act (in numbers of

respondents)

Rally/

March

Letter to

Politician

Voter

Registration

or Other

Drive

Volunteer

in Political

Campaign

Donate to a

Campaign

Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No

Member

(Boulé)

14 14 12 16 4 24 7 21 28 0

Non-Member

0 4 1 3 0 4 0 4 4 0

Member

(Links)

11 26 16 21 3 34 12 25 31 6

Non-Member

0 5 2 3 1 4 0 5 5 0

132

APPENDIX B

NATIONAL BLACK IDEOLOGY AND SOCIAL SURVEY QUESTIONS (PHASE 1 AND

PHASE 2 QUESTIONS INCLUDED)

(NBISS, 2008-2009) * The questions provided below include the majority of the survey questions asked, except those

that were completely inconsequential to this analysis. The coding of these variables is also

included, where appropriate. The variables that were placed into the indices of traditional

political participation, electoral political participation and non-electoral participation are

included below and denoted as such.

** The only difference in the phase 2 questions were (1) the question regarding age – as age was

not asked in Phase 1 (the members survey) and (2) the questions that were specific to Boulé/ Links

(e.g., “Please indicate how many years you have been a member of [Boulé or Links]) were also

not asked.

Question: Membership [this question was never asked explicitly because I mailed phase 1 surveys

to those whom I knew to be members and phase 2 surveys to those whom I knew to be non-

members]

__1__ Member of Boulé or Links

__0__ Not a member

Question: What is your gender?

__1__ Male

__0__ Female

Question: In which country were your parents born?

__1__ The United States

__0__ Other (please write in)

Question: What is the highest level of education you have attained?

__X__ No high school degree

__X__ high school degree or GED

__X__ some college

__0__ college degree or associates degree

__1__ graduate school or higher

Question: What was your household income in 2007?

__0__ Less than $40,000

__1__ $40,000-$60,000

__2__ $60,000-$80,000

__3__ $80,000-$100,000

__4__ $100,000 or greater

For questions X and Y, please think of your network of close friends. Think about the people you

interact with most, the people whose houses you go to often, the people whose children you have

seen grow up, etc.

Question X: How would you describe the racial composition of your network of close friends?

(un-coded)

____ Mostly White

____ Mostly Black

____ Mostly Another race

____ An even mixture of races

Question Y: How many close white friends do you have?

(un-coded)

____ A lot

____ A fair amount

____ Very few

133

Question: Were you a member of Jack and Jill as a child OR a father?

(un-coded)

____ Both

____ As a father

____ As a child

____ Neither

Question: Did you attend a historically black college or university (HBCU)?

(un-coded)

____ Did not attend college

____ YES

____ NO

Question: Are you a member of a national or local black advancement organization, like the

NAACP or National Urban League? [included in non-electoral index]

__1__ YES

__0__ NO

Question: Are you active in any civic or social organizations that are non-racial ?

__1__ YES

__0__ NO

Question : If you are, about how many of these non-racial organizations are you active in?

__0__ 0

__1__ 1-2

__2__ 3-4

__3__ 5-more

Question: How often do you attend church?

__0__ Never

__1__ A few times a year

__2__ Once a month

__3__ Once a week

__4__ More than once a week

Question: How would you describe the racial composition of your workplace?

(un-coded)

____ Do not work

____ Mostly White

____ Mostly Black

____ Mostly Another race

____ An even mixture of races

Question: How would you best describe the racial composition of your current neighborhood?

(un-coded)

____ Mostly White

____ Mostly Black

____ Mostly Another race

____ An even mixture of races

Question: How would you describe the racial composition of your high school?

(un-coded)

____ Mostly White

____ Mostly Black

____ Mostly Another race

____ An even mixture of races

For the next questions, please indicate the extent to which you agree or disagree with the

following statements.

Question: Blacks should support black-owned businesses.

__3__ Agree

__2__ Somewhat Agree

__1__ Somewhat Disagree

__0__ Disagree

134

Question: Blacks need to work together to advance the race.

__3__ Agree

__2__ Somewhat Agree

__1__ Somewhat Disagree

__0__ Disagree

Question: Poor blacks are poor because they are less motivated, not because of racism or other

factors.

__3__ Agree

__2__ Somewhat Agree

__1__ Somewhat Disagree

__0__ Disagree

Question: Black people can affect government through political action.

__3__ Agree

__2__ Somewhat Agree

__1__ Somewhat Disagree

__0__ Disagree

Question: You can affect government through political action.

__3__ Agree

__2__ Somewhat Agree

__1__ Somewhat Disagree

__0__ Disagree

Question: Poor blacks have the same access to government and politics that wealthy blacks have.

__3__ Agree

__2__ Somewhat Agree

__1__ Somewhat Disagree

__0__ Disagree

Question: Do you think that what happens generally to black people in this country will have

something to do with what happens in your life?

__3__ A lot

__2__ A good amount

__1__ Not very much

__0__ Nothing at all

Question: How important do you think it is to give back to the black community?

__3__ Very Important

__2__ Important

__1__ Somewhat Important

__0__ Not Important

Question: Do you perform community service? If so, about how often? [included in non-

electoral index]

__0__ Never

__1__ Once a year

__2__ Once a month

__3__ Once a week or more

Question: Many people do not vote because of time or ability. Did you vote in the 2004

presidential election?

__*__ Ineligible to vote

__1__ YES

__0__ NO

Question: Please place a check or an “X” next to all of the activities in which you have

participated in the past 5 years. If you have done none of these activities, please leave all choices

blank.

____ Participated in a rally [included in traditional and non-electoral indices]

____ Participated in a march [included in traditional and non-electoral indices]

____ Written a letter to your politician [included in traditional and non-electoral indices]

135

____ Organized a voter-registration drive or other political drive [included in traditional and

electoral indices] ____ Volunteered in a campaign [included in traditional and electoral indices]

____ Donated to a campaign or a politician [included in traditional and electoral indices]

Question: Do you consider yourself to be black first, then American or the other way around?

(un-coded)

____ I am American first, then black

____ I am black first, then American

Question: Do you consider yourself to be black first, then a woman, or the other way around?

(un-coded)

____ I am a woman first, then black

____ I am black first, then a woman

Question: Please place a check or an “X” next to all of the positions you have held/ activities you

have participated in as a member of Boulé.

(Boulé only)

____ Attend meetings/dinners regularly

____ Have chaired or currently chair a committee

____ Held or helped to plan a major social gathering

Question: Please place a check or an “X” next to all of the positions you have held/ activities you

have participated in as a member of Links.

(Links only)

____ A member of a facet or committee

____ Have put in volunteer time required

____ An elected officer

Question: Please indicate how many years you have been a member of Boulé/Links.

____ years

Question: What is your age range?

(Phase 2 only)

____ 18-30 years

____ 31-40 years

____ 41-50 years

____ 51-60 years

____ 61-70 years

____ greater than 71 years old

IN-DEPTH INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

(NBISS, 2008-2009) * Below are all of the interview questions in full and in the order asked.

“Thank you for agreeing to participate in this interview . . . In your answers to each question,

please answer as accurately and to the best of your ability as you can. I am going to read to you a

set of questions exactly as they are worded in order to maintain standardization between each

respondent. When you answer each question, try to be as accurate and precise as you possibly can.

Your accurate and complete opinions are very valuable. With that in mind, feel free to take as

much time as you need with each question. If at any point you have a question, please ask me.

Now, let’s begin.

First, I will ask you several short demographic questions.

DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONS:

1. In what year were you born?:

2. How many years have you been a member of the Boulé/Links?:

136

3. What is your current profession?:

4. Have you had any other past professions?:

5. Please choose from the following choices regarding church attendance. How often do you

attend church: never, a few times a year, once a month, once a week, or more than once a week?:

6. Do you have a college degree or an associates degree?

7. Are you or were you a member of a historically black fraternity/sorority during or immediately

after college?:

8. Did you attend an HBCU?:

9. Are you a member of a national or local black advancement organization, such as the NAACP

or the National Urban League?:

10. How would you describe the racial composition of your neighborhood? Mostly white, Mostly

Black, Mostly Another Race or An even mixture of races?

11. How would you describe the racial composition of your workplace? Mostly white, Mostly

Black, Mostly Another Race or An even mixture of races?

12. And finally, do you partake in any activities outside of work that you find personally

meaningful?

Now, for the rest of the interview, I will ask you questions about your own opinions and behavior.

Please remember to be as accurate and thorough as possible. Also remember that your responses

are confidential.

SOCIAL/POLITICAL BEHAVIOR/ BELIEFS QUESTIONS:

1. Think about your network of close friends: the people you interact with most, the people whose

houses you go to often, etc.

What race are the majority of your close friends?

How would you describe the socio-economic background of the majority of your close

friends?

2. Do you find it hard to interact with any group of people, such as people of a different age,

profession, class, etc.? And if so, why?

3. As you stated above, the majority of your workplace is ________________. Has this fact

affected you in any way, negatively or positively?

Do you feel comfortable in your work environment and in interacting with your co-

workers?

Does your workplace have social gatherings? If so, do you partake in them? Why or why

not?

4. Outside of work, are you a part of any organizations or institutions that are not focused on black

issues particularly?

If so, why are you a part of these organizations? Have you learned anything or met any

interesting people through these organizations?

Did you join these organizations before or after you joined Boulé /Links?

5. Do you believe that most people can be trusted?

Why/Why not?

6. Many people don’t have time to participate in community service. What kind of involvement, if

any, do you have in community service?

What made you become active?

7. Many people don’t have time to stay up to date with politics. How active are you in the political

process? By this, I mean, do you pay attention to the candidates, do you vote, have you ever

donated to a political campaign, etc.?

How important is being active in the political process to you?

8. How would you describe the beliefs, values and customs of blacks in the United States as

compared to mainstream society? Are there any differences or similarities?

Why/ Why not?

9. How do you view yourself in relation to these beliefs, values and customs that you identify as

part of black culture?

Do you think that black culture should be preserved?

137

Do you think that mainstream society views black culture in the way you just described

it?

How would you describe the culture of upper-class blacks compared to those not as well-

off?

10. Are you ever uncomfortable expressing any part of your blackness around non-blacks?

11. Do you consider yourself black first, then American OR American first, then black?

12. [If a Link]: Do you consider yourself black first, then a woman OR a woman first, then black?

13. Do you believe that you have an obligation to help other blacks who are not as well-off as

yourself?

If so, is there an event or time period that made you realize this obligation?

14. What do you think about Barack Obama?

15. The last few questions are about Boulé / Links.

16. Why did you decide to become a member of the Boulé / Links?

17. Please describe your level of involvement in the Boulé/Links.

18. In your own opinion, what is the purpose of Boulé/Links?

19. Has the Boulé/ Links opened doors for you in your personal, social or professional life?

20. Finally, since being a part of Boulé/ Links has your outlook on life or your activities in life

changed in any way?

138

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