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7/29/2019 Frame Intensity Effects on Television News Story About a Hight Visibiity Protest Issue
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Frame Intensity Effects of TelevisionNews Stories About a High-Visibility
Protest Issue
Benjamin H. DetenberSchool of Communication and Information
Nanyang Technological University
Melissa R. Gotlieb and Douglas M. McLeodSchool of Journalism and Mass Communication
University of WisconsinMadison
Olga Malinkina
TNS Gallup Media
This study investigated the effects of the intensity of the protest paradigm frame in
news stories about social protests. In contrast to previous research, this experiment
examined framing effects in the context of a highly visible and familiar issue. The in-
tensity of the application of the protest paradigm frame and its attendant signifying
elements and framing devices were manipulated in television news stories about
pro-choice and pro-life protests. Specifically, the high-intensity protest paradigm
frame conditions were more critical of the protesters. We tested six hypotheses re-garding whether this greater frame intensity would lead viewers to be more negative
toward the protesters. Results showed significant main effects of frame intensity for
some dependent measures but not others. The findings offer more evidence of framing
effects but also suggest limitations on their influence.
Research on the influence of news frames on audience perceptions reveals that
framing effects can and do occur across a range of domains (Reese, 2001;
Scheufele, 1999). In the specific context of media coverage of social protests, past
MASS COMMUNICATION & SOCIETY, 2007, 10(4), 439460
Correspondence should be addressed to Douglas M. McLeod, School of Journalism and Mass
7/29/2019 Frame Intensity Effects on Television News Story About a Hight Visibiity Protest Issue
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studies have demonstrated that differences in the way news stories are constructed
can lead to particular audience effects. These studies indicate that, under certain
conditions, variations in frames and the intensity with which they are presented innews stories can influence audience perceptions of the nature of the protest, the
groups involved, and the degree of public support they receive (McLeod, 1995;
McLeod & Detenber, 1999; Shoemaker, 1982).
This study builds on research examining the effects of protest news frames by
first classifying the characteristics of Chan and Lees (1984) protest paradigm ac-
cording to the framework offered by Pan and Kosicki (1993). Thus, in addition to
examining effects of social protest frames on audiences, this study also focuses on
the way in which various signifying elements are manipulated in a news story,
through the use of framing devices, and combined to communicate an overallframe (Pan & Kosicki, 1993; see also DAngelo, 2002; Entman, 1993). Spe-
cifically, we examine how the use of particular elements of the protest paradigm
identified by McLeod and Hertog (1999), including the conflict narrative, the use
of official sources, invocation of pubic opinion, the use of stance adverbs, and the
use of images in the construction of protest stories, affects audience responses. We
further demonstrate the way in which these framing devices can be modified to al-
ter the intensity with which a frame is presented in a news story and the effects this
has on viewers. That is, we examine frame intensity, whichwe conceptualize as the
degree to which the elements of a particular frame (e.g., the protest paradigm) areincorporated into news stories.
In the process of examining the effects of frame intensity, this study also ad-
dresses two specific limitations of past research. First, past studies of the effects of
protest paradigm coverage used issues that were unfamiliar to participants. In other
words, the news stories covered issues for which participants had likely given little
previous thought and involved protest groups with which they may have had little
if any direct experience or preexisting knowledge. Ball-Rokeach and DeFleurs
(1976) Dependency Model of Media Effects suggests that such conditions would
enhance framing effects. Drawing on this theory and Zallers (1992) discussion ofissue intensity and familiarity, we contend that it is possible, and even likely, that
this lack of familiarity and salience may have magnified the observed effects of the
news stories on viewers perceptions. In light of this interpretation of the findings
from previous research, an important question arises: Will similar news effects of
frame intensity occur when audience members are shown news stories about pro-
tests involving familiar issues? To answer this question, this study uses the more
familiar issue of abortion rights, a highly contentious social issue in America and
one that concerns a great many people.
Second, this study addresses the desire for more precise control over the mes-sage stimuli. Past research examining the framing effects of protest news stories
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possible confounds, this study creates news stories that hold as much of the content
as possible constant, manipulating only those factors that vary the intensity of the
frame (i.e., adherence to the protest paradigm).
NEWS FRAMES, FRAME CONSTRUCTION,
AND FRAMING EFFECTS
Communication researchers have defined a frame as a central theme or organiz-
ing idea or story line that provides meaning to an unfolding strip of events, weav-
ing a connection among them (Gamson & Modigliani, 1987, p. 143). As such,news frames provide journalists with recognizable patterns for packaging the
events and issues of a news story (Gamson, 1992; Pan & Kosicki, 1993, 2005; Tan-
kard, 2001). In other words, they provide journalists with guidelines for the selec-
tion, emphasis, and presentation of news stories based on journalists tacit theories
of newsworthiness and the social function of their profession.
The selection of elements, emphasis, and presentation of a news story are all
important factors to consider in constructing and communicating a particular news
frame. Thus, in addition to examining a particular frame, or underlying theme of a
news story, it is equally important to examine the contributing roles of the individ-ual framing devices used to construct, or operationalize, the frame (Pan & Kosicki,
1993; see also Gamson & Modiglianis, 1987, discussion of symbolic devices). In
addition to providing journalists the means to communicate the central frame of a
news story, these framing devices, which may be categorized according to their
contribution to a news storys thematic, script, syntactical, and rhetorical structure,
also provide the audience with concrete elements to process (see Pan & Kosicki,
1993). Thus, in addition to enabling journalists to package and present large
amounts of information quickly and routinely, frames (and framing devices) allow
for efficient processing and recall by audiences. That is, frames not only guidenews production, they also affect audience perceptions (Iyengar, 1991; Price &
Tewksbury, 1997; Shah, Domke, & Wackman, 2001).
Framing effects have been demonstrated in a variety of contexts. For example,
Iyengar (1990b, 1991) has shown that particular frames in news coverage of social
problems like unemployment and poverty influence audience perceptions of the
causes of problems and the responsibility for fixing them. Various dimensions of
news frames have been shown to be influential in the context of political cam-
paigns: strategic versus issue frames (Rhee, 1997), issue versus character
frames (Shen, 2004), ethical versus material frames (Shah, Domke, &Wackman, 1996, 2001), and individual versus group frames (Keum et al.,
FRAME INTENSITY EFFECTS 441
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thought about the issue. Shoemaker (1982) found that the nature of newspaper sto-
ries influences readers perceptions of the political groups legitimacy.
In considering the framing process and resulting effects, researchers have fo-cused on two mechanisms: accessibility and salience. With respect to the former,
many researchers believe that framing effects are a function of construct accessi-
bility (Iyengar & Kinder, 1987; Price & Tewksbury, 1997; Shen, 2004; Zaller,
1992). That is, they believe people are cognitive misers who rely on heuristic pro-
cessing or mental shortcuts to help reduce the load of information processing.
Rather than consciously evaluating all the relevant information, associations, and
feelings one has stored in memory, people make judgments and interpretations and
form opinions based on which constructs are most accessible. In a connectionist or
associative model of cognition, accessibility refers to the readiness with whichconstructs (i.e., knowledge or attitudes) can be activated (Fazio, 1995; Higgins,
1996). The likelihood of accessible constructs influencing perceptions or opinions
has been called both the availability heuristic (Shrum & OGuinn, 1993;
Tversky & Kahneman, 1973) and the accessibility bias (Iyengar, 1990a). In
other words, exposure to news stories and the frames embedded within them make
certain considerations more readily accessible when individuals are called upon to
make evaluations of groups and issues mentioned in the story. In this way, news
frames enhance the accessibility of particular interpretations of characters, events,
and issues in news stories.However, frames may also influence peoples perceptions and judgments by
making specific features of a message or news story salient, thereby increasing the
likelihood that attention will be paid to those features (see Higgins, 1989, 1996;
Taylor & Thompson,1982). These salient features are important to peoples under-
standing and interpretation of news stories and are therefore influential in shaping
their processing and subsequent perceptions and evaluations. Although Nelson,
Clawson, and Oxley (1997) found evidence supporting the roles of both accessibil-
ity and salience in framing effects, the authors conclude, the accessibility of dif-
ferent considerations is not nearly as important as the weightattached to these con-siderations (p. 578). As such, a goal of this study is to show how amplifying the
intensity of a particular frame by manipulating the individual framing devices used
to construct a news story can make the frame and corresponding devices more sa-
lient, thereby rendering certain interpretations more accessible for making subse-
quent judgments related to the story.
PROTEST PARADIGM AS A FRAMING DEVICE
AND ITS INFLUENCE ON AUDIENCE PERCEPTIONS
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promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation,
and/or treatment recommendation for the item described (p. 52). News coverage
of social protests illustrates this particular function of news frames. Specifically, indefining, interpreting, and morally evaluating social protests, news coverage tends
to adopt a loosely defined set of characteristics that has been referred to as the
protest paradigm (Chan & Lee, 1984). As a whole, the protest paradigm pro-
vides the central organizing idea (see Gamson & Modigliani, 1989, p. 3) as well
as a template that guides the construction of news stories for print and broadcast
journalists.
Regarding frame construction, Entman (1993) explained that frames are mani-
fested by the presence or absence of certain key words, stock phrases, stereotyped
images, sources of information, and sentences that provide thematically reinforc-ing clusters of facts or judgments (p. 52). With respect to the protest paradigm,
McLeod and Hertog (1999) identified several of these elements, or framing de-
vices, including narrative structure and story themes, reliance on official sources
and definitions, and the invocation of public opinion. The presence of these fram-
ing devices serves, though perhaps unintentionally, to delegitimize, marginalize,
and demonize the protest and protesters (McLeod & Hertog, 1999). As a result, the
protest paradigm contributes to the maintenance of the status quoa characteristic
of the mass media resulting from the biases of individual journalists, professional
conventions and practices, organizational goals, ideologies, economic consider-ations, and sociocultural world views (Dimmick & Coit, 1983; Herman &
Chomsky, 1988; Hertog & McLeod, 1995; Shoemaker & Reese, 1996; Tichenor,
Donohue, & Olien, 1973). In terms of thematic structure (Pan & Kosicki, 1993),
protest stories may adopt several subthemes including crime, where the emphasis
is on arrests and legal violations, and the depiction of a riot scene, where the em-
phasis is on the resulting chaos. However, most prevalent is the depiction of con-
frontation. That is, the narrative theme of news stories adhering to the protest para-
digm inherently depicts a confrontation between the protesters and police
(McLeod & Hertog, 1999). Specifically, news stories tend to cast participants asadversaries and emphasize any violent acts associated with the protest (Gitlin,
1980; McLeod & Hertog,1992). Negative portrayals of social protests focus on the
violent actions of a few while ignoring the peaceful actions of the majority of pro-
testers (Hertog & McLeod, 1995). Protesters often engage in violence to get media
attention, which in turn shifts the focus of the news stories from the issues of the
protest to the clash between the protesters and police (McLeod & Hertog, 1992).
Another important feature of the protest paradigm is journalists reliance on of-
ficial sources and definitions of the protest situation. By using official sources,
journalists add importance to the news stories, increase efficiency of news produc-tion, and ultimately support the status quo (Fishman, 1980; Sigal, 1973; Soley,
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The protest paradigms third characteristic is the invocation of public opinion.
News stories communicate cues to public opinion in different ways: through opin-
ion polls, by making generalizations about public opinion, by referring to socialnorms and laws, and by including comments from bystanders. These representa-
tions of public opinion help to locate the event in the broader landscape of the pub-
lic sphere and serve as cues for audience interpretations of the protest (McLeod &
Detenber, 1999). Frequently, public opinion is used to comment on the deviance of
the protesters. For example, it is common for protest coverage to focus on viola-
tions of norms and laws (embodiments of the social consensus), accentuating the
protesters deviance (McLeod & Hertog, 1992).
Beyond the reinforcement of social norms, a variety of presentational tech-
niques effectively delegitimizes, marginalizes, and even demonizes protesters(McLeod & Hertog, 1999). For instance, print journalists engage in the strategic
use of quotation marks to draw certain ideas into question without compromising
journalistic objectivity (Tuchman, 1978). Gitlin (1980) provided an example from
the coverage of antiwar protests in which journalists used quotation marks when
using the protesters self-designated label of peace march. The reliance on offi-
cial sources, invocation of public opinion, and strategic use of quotation marks
correspond to the framing devices that Pan and Kosicki (1993) classified as con-
tributing to the syntactical structure of a news story. They explained that practices
such as citing empirical data, linking certain points of view to authority by quot-ing official sources, and marginalizing certain points of view by relating a quote or
point of view to a social deviant are indicative of attempts to provide balance or
impartiality to the story (p. 60).
Also inherent to the protest paradigm are framing devices that provide rhetori-
cal structure (Pan & Kosicki, 1993). In the protest paradigm these include the use
of stance adverbs and visuals. Stance adverbs (e.g., allegedly, presumably,
or supposedly) undermine credibility or convey a preferred interpretation of
events (Lipari, 1996). In broadcast news, voice inflections, facial expressions, and
body language can convey a reporters feelings or position on an issue (McLeod &Detenber, 1999). Engaging in these activities provides the opportunity for a kind of
editorial commentary within the bounds of hard-news reporting. Similarly, the se-
lection and juxtaposition of visual content can reflect a particular stance or ideo-
logical orientation. Indeed, the very nature of images (i.e., their analogic quality,
their indexicality, etc.) makes them less obtrusive as framing devices than linguis-
tic constructions, and the use of images, especially those dealing with race, to com-
municate a particular frame has been well documented (Messaris & Abraham,
2001).
Although ample research demonstrates media support for the status quo and il-lustrates the characteristics of the protest paradigm, very few studies have specifi-
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are likely to respond to the framing devices within the story when formulating
thoughts about the groups and issues involved in the protest. Although they did not
examine the protest paradigm per se, Nelson et al. (1997) found that news coverageof a Ku Klux Klan rally presented with a free speech frame led to greater tolerance
for the group than when a public order frame was imposed. This suggests that news
stories adhering to the protest paradigm (in this case, we consider the public order
frame as indicative of the protest paradigm) are more likely to demonize protesters
in the minds of viewers.
Along this line, experiments by McLeod (1995) and McLeod and Detenber
(1999) found that participants exposed to a news story that was slanted against a
group of protesters were more critical of the group than participants who saw a
more balanced story. These studies revealed that relatively subtle differences in theframing of a protest story (i.e., the extent to which story content marginalizes the
protesters) can affect the audiences perceptions of the protesters legitimacy. In
this study, we refer to differences in the degree to which a news story adheres to the
protest paradigm as differences in frame intensity.
INDIVIDUAL AND MESSAGE-LEVEL MODERATORS
OF FRAMING EFFECTS
Research on the influence of news on public opinion reveals that effects on audi-
ence perceptions depend on both individual- and message-level factors. With re-
spect to individual-level factors, Zaller (1992) explained that political awareness
and political predispositions are key variables to consider when predicting whether
an individual will receive and accept a particular message. However, he also ac-
knowledged the equally important role of message attributes in message reception
and acceptance. In particular, Zaller highlighted the importance of the intensity, or
penetrating power of a message, as well as individuals familiarity with the issue:The greater the concern and initial knowledge, the more likely they are to notice
and comprehend additional information that comes their way (p. 152). However,
he further explained that in the case of familiar issues large stores of preexisting
considerations act to dilute the effects of any news message (p. 152). Thus, news
coverage of familiar issues is more likely to be received but not necessarily likely
to have an effect.
As mentionedpreviously, one limitation of past studies examining the influence
of the protest paradigm applied in varying degrees was the use of an issue (the an-
archy movement) that was relatively low profile (i.e., few study participants hadprevious knowledge of the issue or the groups involved). From Zallers discussion
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ment with the issue may have been responsible for the strong observed effects of
the news stories on viewers perceptions.
To better explain the persuasive effect of news coverage that features lessprominent issues on peoples perceptions, we draw on research from the
cognitive-processing literature, which explains that peoples perceptions are
based on information from the environment (external stimuli) and knowledge
stored in memory or schemas (Berkowitz & Rogers, 1986; Higgins & King,
1981; Neisser, 1976; Sanbonmatsu & Fazio, 1991). In situations in which no rel-
evant or available schemas exist or the pertinent knowledge structures are under-
developed due to a lack of direct experience or involvement with the subject
matter, information from the environment (e.g., news stories) is likely to be more
influential in shaping perceptions.To examine whether news coverage presenting viewers with familiar issues will
still produce effects, we apply the protest frame to the more familiar issue of abor-
tion.Few social issues in recent history have polarized public opinion in the United
States like the abortion issue. Abortion has been a central issue in presidential elec-
tion campaigns for many years. It has become a key criterion in official, media, and
public discourse surrounding the nomination and confirmation processes for Su-
preme Court justices. Ferree, Gamson, Gerhards, and Rucht (2002) provided a
comparative analysis of how various actors shaped the evolution of abortion dis-
course in the United States and Germany. In tracing the historical evolution of me-dia frames, the authors clearly demonstrated the salience of the abortion issue to
contemporary political discourse.
HYPOTHESES
This study builds on past research and examines the effects of the protest para-
digm, when applied in varying degrees, in covering a social protest involving an is-sue that is familiar to participants. Specifically, it examines the effects of news cov-
erage of social protests relating to the abortion issue on audience perceptions and
attitudes toward the protesters and their message.
In addition to framing effects on audience expression of criticism toward pro-
testers (McLeod, 1995; McLeod & Detenber, 1999; Shoemaker, 1982), the mass
communication research literature suggests some other important areas in which
to examine potential framing effects including support for expressive rights
(Andsager & Miller, 1994), perceptions of public opinion (Mutz, 1994), and the
newsworthiness of a news story (Galtung & Ruge, 1981). This study examines theframing effects of protest stories, and more specifically the intensity with which
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H1: Viewers presented with a high-frame-intensity version of a protest para-
digm news story covering social protests will express greater criticism of
protesters than will those who are presented with a low-frame-intensityversion.
H2: Viewers presented with a high-frame-intensity version of a protest para-
digm news story covering social protests will exhibit lower levels of identi-
fication with the protesters than will those who are presented with a
low-frame-intensity version.
H3: Viewers presented with a high-frame-intensity version of a protest para-
digm news story covering social protests will be less likely to see the pro-
test as being effective than will those who are presented with a low-
frame-intensity version.H4: Viewers presented with a high-frame-intensity version of a protest para-
digm news story covering social protests will be less likely to support the
protesters expressive rights than will those who are presented with a
low-frame-intensity version.
H5: Viewers presented with a high-frame-intensity version of a protest para-
digm news story covering social protests will estimate public support for
the protest group as being lower than will those who are presented with a
low-frame-intensity version.
H6: Viewers presented with a high-frame-intensity version of a protest para-digm news story covering social protests will be less likely to see the pro-
test as being newsworthy than will those who are presented with a
low-frame-intensity version.
METHOD
Participants
Two hundred fifty-six undergraduate students at the University of Delaware partic-
ipated in this study. They received partial credit toward the research participation
component of their introductory communication research methods course or extra
credit in another introductory communication class. Consistent with the student
demographics of the department, nearly three fourths of the participants were
women (n = 186). The number and gender of participants were balanced across
conditions.
Stimuli
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lected from a similar group of respondents to those who were the focus of this
study. These data showed that respondents perceived themselves to be signifi-
cantly more knowledgeable about the abortion issue than about environmental is-sues or issues of government oppression, the issue used in two past studies of the
framing effects of protest news stories (McLeod, 1995; McLeod & Detenber,
1999). In addition, respondents were significantly more likely to talk and think
about the issue of abortion rights than about the other two issues. These respon-
dents also indicated that they felt significantly stronger on the abortion rights issue
than the other two issues.
However, to ensure that any effects would be the result of the intensity of the
protest frame and not the protesters position on the issue, separate news stories
were constructed featuring coverage of either pro-choice or pro-life protests.These were constructed using video footage from actual news stories on pro-
choice and pro-life protests. The scripts for the constructed stories were also
adapted from the voice-overs of actual protest stories. The protest story was em-
bedded in a mock newscast that presented four news stories, a commercial break,
and an opening and closing sequence by professional newscasters, with the target
news story placed in the second story slot. All stories were approximately 2 min-
utes long, and all of them featured a reporters voice-over, assorted footage or
b-roll of the protest, and interviews. The complete newscasts with the embedded
target stories ranged in length from 10 to 11 minutes.These news stories were also constructed to present high or low intensity of the
protest paradigm frame. For the purpose of this study, the high-frame-intensity
stimulus was more critical of the protesters presented in the news story. The high-
and low-intensity stimulus stories were very similar in factual content. Both the
pro-choice and pro-life stories were about protests in response to a Supreme Court
decision that went against the interests of the protesters. The protests included
marches in downtown Washington, speeches outside the White House, and some
arrests. In addition, many of the events and voice-over phrases were shared be-
tween the pro-life and pro-choice stories.The high- and low-intensity stories were operationalized by varying the degree
of adherence to the protest paradigm through the manipulation of the individual
framing devices. Specifically, the high- and low-intensity stories differed in terms
of word choice by the reporter, whether the protesters were allowed to speak on
camera, and the nature of characterizations of public opinion embedded within the
stories. For example, the two versions of the pro-choice stories used different terms
to refer to the protesters: feminist protesters (high intensity) and citizens
groups (low intensity). In the parallel passage of the pro-life stories, the protesters
were called activist protesters (high intensity) and citizens groups (low inten-sity). Another difference between the versions was the motivating factor behind
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whereas the low-intensity story stated, The groups were motivated by the pros-
pect of losing the civil rights that they had fought so hard for. All four stories de-
scribed the purpose of the speeches outside the White House. The high-intensitystories explained that the protesters gathered to shout their objections and ex-
press their demands. The low-intensity stories said that the protesters wanted to
have their say and express their concerns. Such differences in phrasing were
found throughout the stories. Allowing protesters to state their views on camera
accords them a certain status; for the purposes of the news story, showing protest-
ers speaking on camera treats them as legitimate sources of information or com-
mentary. The low-intensity stories had protesters speaking into the camera,
whereas the high-intensity versions of both protests did not. Rather, the
high-intensity story used the voice-over to paraphrase the protesters views. Rep-resentations of public opinion also differed between the high- and low-intensity
versions. All four stories reported the results of call-ins to the White House phone
banks in response to the Supreme Court decision. Phone calls were characterized
as overwhelmingly supporting the position of the protesters in the case of the
low-intensity stories and as opposed to the position of the protesters in the
high-intensity stories. The portrayal of bystander reaction was another key differ-
ence in the representation of public opinion. In the high-intensity stories, it was
noted that many [bystanders] were frustrated by the traffic jams caused by the
protest. In contrast, the low-intensity versions reported that many of the bystand-ers joined in the march.
As part of a manipulation check of these stimuli, a panel of 25 participants rated
each of the four stories (pro-choice, low intensity; pro-choice, high intensity;
pro-life, low intensity; pro-life, high intensity) in terms of the extent to which the
stories were critical, sympathetic, hostile, and supportive of the protesters. For
both the pro-life and pro-choice protest stories, the high-intensity story was signif-
icantly more critical, less sympathetic, more hostile, and less supportive of the pro-
testers than the low-intensity story at the .001 level.
Design and Procedure
This study used a 2 (high vs. low intensity) x 2 (pro-choice vs. pro-life) be-
tween-subjects design with random assignment of participants to treatmentgroups.
Aside from the stimulus materials used, the procedures followed were identical to
those used by McLeod and Detenber (1999). Upon arriving at the research lab, par-
ticipants wereprovided with a briefdescription of the stimuli andquestionnaire and
then signed an informed consent form. In a modified classroom, the participants
were seated in a semicircle positioned approximately 3 meters in frontof the televi-sion (a Sony 27-inch color monitor). They watched one of the four versions of the
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seen. After completing the questionnaire, the students were verbally debriefed and
thanked for their participation. The entire experiment lasted 30 minutes.
Measurement
All items used to create the dependent variables were measured on 5-point
Likert-type scale unless otherwise noted. Seven items were used to create the Criti-
cism of the Protesters scale (Cronbachs a = .81, M= 2.54, SD = .68).1 The Identi-
fication With the Protesters scale consisted of six items (a = .73, M= 3.23, SD =
1.11), one of which (How close are your beliefs to those of the protesters) was
measured on a 9-point scale.2 Perceived Protest Effectiveness was measured using
six items (a = .76, M= 3.41, SD = .63).3 Support for the Protesters Expressive
Rights consisted of three items (a = .72, M= 4.30, SD = .63).4 Estimated Public
Support for the Protesters was a single item that asked participants to estimate the
percentage of the population that agree with most of the protesters viewpoints (M
= 50.27, SD = 14.55). Perceived Newsworthiness of the Protest was measured us-
ing seven items (a = .80, M= 3.41, SD = .62).5
Three covariates were included in the analysis. In addition to controlling for
possible gender effects, we also controlled for political awareness and political
ideology, variables that Zaller (1992) considered to be important in predicting
message reception and attitude change. Specifically, in the case of familiar issues,
political awareness has been found to moderate attitude change such that individu-
450 DETENBER, GOTLIEB, McLEOD, MALINKINA
1This index was based on responses to the following statements: The protesters were violent, The
protesters were troublemakers, These protesters were disrespectful, These protesters were annoying,
These protesters are out to cause trouble, Ive heard all that I want to about these protesters, and The
protesters views were very radical.2This index was based on responses to the following statements: I share some of the protesters
viewpoints, I would consider getting involved with a group whosupported causes similar to the protest-
ers, The protesters actions were justified, I felt sorry for the protesters because of the way they were
treatedby this news story, I agree with most of what the protesters stand for, and How close are your be-
liefs to those of the protesters?3This index was based on responses to the following statements: This protest was an effective way
to influence politicians, This protest was an effective way to influence public opinion, This protest was
waste of time (reversed), These protesters offer new insights on the abortion issue, These protesters pro-
vide a useful service to our democracy, and These protesters could bring some issues to my attention.4This index was based on responses to the following statements: These protesters have a right to
protest, These protesters should not be allowed to protest in public places [reversed], and These protest-
ers have the right to be heard.5This index was based on responses to the following statements: The media should not encourage
there protesters by giving them attention [reversed], The media should provide these protesters with themeans to be heard, It is the medias obligation to cover this protest, News stories about this protest
arent of interest to the public [reversed], The news story about this protest is relatively important com-
7/29/2019 Frame Intensity Effects on Television News Story About a Hight Visibiity Protest Issue
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als low in political awareness are more likely to yield to a given message, whereas
those high in awareness may be more resistant. Political interest, a proxy for politi-
cal awareness, was constructed from two items that asked participants about theirinterest in politics and about their interest in the outcome of the next presidential
election. Each was measured on a 9-point scale ranging from not at all interestedto
very interested(interitem correlation = .74, M= 5.23, SD = 2.01). Political ideol-
ogy was constructed from two items that asked participants to rate themselves on
social and economic issues. Each was measured on a 7-point scale ranging from
very liberal to very conservative (interitemcorrelation = .63,M= 3.19, SD = 1.22).
RESULTS
To examine the influence of frame intensity, separate analyses of covariance
(ANCOVAs) were run for each of the six dependent variables. The protest context
(pro-choice vs. pro-life) was included in the analysis to account for possible effects
of the protesters position on the issue. For each 2 2 factorial model, gender, con-
servatism, and political interest were included as covariates. Estimated marginal
means and standard errors for all experimental groups after controlling for the
three covariates are reported in Table 1.
H1, which predicted that participants presented with a high-intensity protestparadigm news story would be more critical of the protesters than those presented
with a low-intensity news story, was supported (see Table 2). The ANCOVA
yielded a significant main effect for level of intensity, F(1, 249) = 6.97, p < .01,
such that participants who saw the high-intensity version (Estimated Marginal
Mean [EMM] = 2.65, SE= .07) expressed more criticism toward the protesters than
those who saw the low-intensity version (EMM= 2.43, SE= .06). The ANCOVA
also produced a significant main effect for protest context, F(1, 249) = 26.16, p