Free Press and Good Governance Southern Africa - Feustel

8/14/2019 Free Press and Good Governance Southern Africa - Feustel

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C ONSULTANCY R EPORT

Free Press and Good Governance in Southern Africa

Media assistance and free press advocacy in member states of theSouthern African Development Community: mapping roles and relationships.

Authors

Marc FeustelOlivier Germain

Lauren MatusPhilip ReuchlinBelinda Ridley

Client


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ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS

BIDOC Openbare Bibliotheek

CBF Central Bureau Fonsdwerving

CBU Commonwealth Broadcasting Union

CCJPZ Catholic Committee for Justice and Peace

CJA Commonwealth Journalists Association

CPA Commonwealth Parliamentary Association

CPU Commonwealth Press UnionGDLN Global Development Learning Network

H-EMM Hoeuf-Eijk Mann Media

IFEX International Freedom of Expression Exchange

IGD Institute for Global Dialogue

MISA Media Institute of Southern Africa

MMPZ Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe

NCDO Nationale Commissie voor Duurzame Ontwikkeling

NIZA Nederlands Instituut Zuid Afrika

NOVIB Oxfam Nederland

SABA South African Broadcasting Association

SADC Southern African Development Community

SADCC SADC Conference

SADCPF SADC Parliamentary Forum

SAMTRAN Southern Africa Media Trainers Network

UNIFEM United Nations Development Fund for Women

WBI World Bank Institute

WDR World Development Report

ZAMCOM Zambia's Institute of Mass Communication

ZANU-PF Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front

ZMMT Zimbabwe Mass Media Trust


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T ABLE OF C ONTENTS

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY......................................................... ........................................................... 5

A. R ATIONALE FOR CONSULTANCY ..................................................................................................5B. O BJECTIVES OF CONSULTANCY ...................................................................................................5C. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK .........................................................................................................5D. O RGANISATIONS CONSIDERED ....................................................................................................6E. R ESPECTIVE APPROACHES TO PROMOTING PRESS FREEDOM ........................................................6F. C ONCLUSIONS .............................................................................................................................9

I/ INTRODUCTION.......................................................................................................................10

II/ PRESS FREEDOM IN ZIMBABWE........................................................................................10

III/ CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK.............................................................................................11

A. THE CONCEPT OF PRESS FREEDOM .............................................................................................11B. D EFINING GOOD GOVERNANCE .................................................................................................12C. A N IDEAL LINK BETWEEN PRESS FREEDOM AND GOOD GOVERNANCE ?......................................14

1. How does press freedom promote good governance? .........................................................142. Relevance to the African context .........................................................................................15

D. R EASSESSING THE LINK .............................................................................................................151. Bias of assumptions.............................................................................................................152. Problems of development communication ...........................................................................15

IV/ ANALYSIS OF DIFFERENT ORGANISATIONAL APPROACHES ................................16

A. M EDIA I NSTITUTE OF SOUTHERN AFRICA (MISA)....................................................................17B. A RTICLE 19...............................................................................................................................18

1. Organisational overview ..................................................................................................... 182. Strategy, activities, and funding of Article 19 .....................................................................183. Contributions to the promotion of press freedom................................................................204. Relationship with MISA.......................................................................................................215. Evaluation of Article 19 approach to press freedom...........................................................22

C. COMMONWEALTH PARLIAMENTARY ASSOCIATION (CPA).......................................................231. Organisational overview ..................................................................................................... 232. Strategy, activities, and funding of CPA..............................................................................243. Contributions to the promotion of press freedom................................................................26 4. Relationship with MISA.......................................................................................................27 5. Evaluation of CPA approach to press freedom ................................................................... 27

D. N ETHERLANDS I NSTITUTE FOR SOUTHERN AFRICA (NIZA)......................................................281. Organisational overview ..................................................................................................... 282. Strategy, activities, and funding of NIZA.............................................................................283. Contributions to the promotion of press freedom................................................................304. Relationship with MISA.......................................................................................................315. Evaluation of NIZA approach to press freedom..................................................................31

E. SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY (SADC).....................................................331. Organisational overview ..................................................................................................... 332. Strategy, activities , and funding of SADC .............................. Error! Bookmark not defined.3. Contributions to the promotion of press freedom................... Error! Bookmark not defined.4. Relationship with MI SA.......................................................... Error! Bookmark not defined.5. Evaluation of SADC a pproach to press freedom.................... Error! Bookmark not defined.

F. W ORLD BANK I NSTITUTE (WBI) ...................................................... ........................................ 411. Organisational overview ..................................................................................................... 412. Strategy, activities, and funding of WBI..............................................................................423. Contributions to the promotion of press freedom................................................................444. Relationship with MISA.......................................................................................................46


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5. Evaluation of WBI approach to press freedom....................................................................46

V/ CONCLUSION ...........................................................................................................................47

BIBLIOGRAPHY.................................................................................................................................49

INTERNET REFERENCES ............................................................... ................................................ 49

APPENDIX I: W INDHOEK DECLARATION ON PROMOTING AN I NDEPENDENT AND PLURALISTICAFRICAN PRESS ..................................................................................................................................50APPENDIX II: FREEDOM HOUSE MAP 2002.........................................................................................53APPENDIX III: FREEDOM HOUSE GLOBAL SURVEY OF MEDIA I NDEPENDENCE , 2003 ........................54APPENDIX IV: A RTICLE 19 DRAFT ACCOUNTS FOR FISCAL YEAR 2000...............................................64APPENDIX V : SADC ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE .........................................................................65APPENDIX VI: WBI B UDGET FOR FISCAL YEAR 2001 AND 2002 (US$ MILLIONS ) ............................ 67


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E XECUTIVE SUMMARY

A. Rationale for consultancy

The current political crisis in Zimbabwe, in particular the ruling partys (ZANU PF)

aggressive treatment of journalists, has raised particular concern amongst pressfreedom advocacy organisations. In the eyes of the international community, bymanipulating the constitution to its own ends in elections, the regime has violatedfundamental human rights, including that to freedom of expression. In doing so, it haschallenged the international consensus on developmental conditions conducive togood governance.

In response to this, MISA is lobbying the Southern African Development Community(SADC) to exert pressure on the Zimbabwean government to comply more fully withthe directives outlined in the SADC protocols signed in 2001 by all member states,including Zimbabwe. MISA have consulted Stanhope Centre on improving theeffectiveness of their approach to lobbying SADC and promoting press freedom in theregion. Stanhope then approached LSE students to assist them with research on

potential for inter-organisational co-operation in the field of press advocacy, tofacilitate MISAs task.

B. Objectives of consultancy

1. To provide a conceptual framework from which to consider the link between press freedom and good governance

2. Examine 5 organisations in order to illustrate a broad spectrum of approaches tomedia assistance

3. Consider the different organisations roles and relationships with MISA andoutline further potential avenues of co-operation

C. Conceptual framework

Here the relationships between the key concepts of press freedom and goodgovernance are explored. Having considered some accepted definitions of theseconcepts, the link between them is then problematised. We explore first thenormative association which views press freedom as a prerequisite for democracy,and as such a significant causal factor in achieving good governance. An alternative

perspective is then provided, which points to the potentially destabilising influence of a free press on the state. Both discussions focus specifically on the African context.


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D. Organisations considered

Article 19 International freedom of expressionadvocacy NGO

CommonwealthParliamentary andMedia Organisations

Associations of Commonwealth parliamentarians and mediarepresentatives

Netherlands Instituteof Southern Africa

Bi-lateral development aid agency

Southern AfricanDevelopmentCommunity

Regional integration anddevelopment organisation

World Bank Institute Multi-lateral policy research body

E. Respective approaches to promoting press freedom

1) Article 19Article 19 combines a variety of strategies to promote freedom of expression: Acting worldwide to raise awareness about the right for expression Combating censorship to encourage good governance practices Attempting to ensure the access to official information for all individuals Strengthening local capacity to monitor and protest institutional and informal

censorship

Article 19 is one MISAs main partners. They have common strategies, but adifferent scope and scale (international versus pan-regional). The two organisationscollaborate in many ways including: A monitoring project providing a check on both public and private media Putting together a regular bulletin designed to inform on developments in

Southern Africa on media law and freedom of expression Organising a series of conferences dealing with media law and practice in SADC

member states

Article 19 is now a well established international NGO, with a renowned reputation inthe field of freedom of expression. It has successfully used its power in interactingwith and influencing governments, international bodies and in strengthening local

capacity. The success of the two organisations collaboration, suggests that it may be


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worth setting up similar monitoring programmes in other countries of the region,encouraging local partners to contribute in the process.

2) CPA

The CPA and the Commonwealth Media Organisations (CMOs) first came together formally in 2000 to devote attention to improving the link between parliaments andthe media throughout the Commonwealth. These organisations identify three mainconcerns pertaining to the media and its relationship with parliament: Problem of ownership vs. control Importance of codes of conduct both among journalists and parliamentarians Need for balanced reporting

The CPA has repeatedly brought together parliamentarians and the media to foster better understandings about how they can mutually benefit from their activities. Theyhave organised several conferences and produced working papers in this regard.

MISA and the CPA are not, at present, collaborating on any projects. As they sharemany of the same priorities concerning media freedom, especially in countries such asZimbabwe and Mozambique, combining their efforts could only result in a better understanding of the issues at hand and enhance both organisations results. TheCommonwealth approach could also be useful for Southern Africa in building afunctional and productive relationship between parliament and the media.

3) NIZA

NIZAs press freedom strategy is conducted through the programme Access toinformation: Media and Freedom of Expression. They aim to enhance freedom of expression by improving media quality and strengthen the sustainability of the mediasector. This is done through two means that take the form of technical or legalassistance: Enhancing co-operation with local partners in setting goals and unifying efforts Linking Northern and Southern media, to deepen respective knowledge of world

affairs

NIZAs activities include: Advocacy and lobbying Setting up local radio networks Training and exchange with journalists from Southern Africa Publications

MISAs objectives are similar, although not as diverse as NIZAs. The twoorganisations share information and collaborate on setting key priorities for developing a free and pluralistic media environment and cover similar ground withregard to Zimbabwe. NIZAs strengths lie in their secure funding sources, their multi-tiered approach (media, economy and justice) and their participatory philosophy andemphasis on education. MISA can make good use of NIZAs involvement in creatingmore detailed and concrete proposals about the training of journalists and NIZA can

benefit from MISAs experience and knowledge of the regional problems and


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MISA and the World Bank Institute are not permanent partners but have collaboratedon several workshops and conferences. It appears that the WBI has been successful incoordinating with a wide variety of organisations, from governmental organisations to

NGOs, to develop civil society under the good governance paradigm. It has clearly

proved to be very effective in disseminating both internally and externally generatedinformation. MISA could benefit from collaborating more closely with WBI boththrough increased information exchange and in forming links with other WBI partnersand collaborators.

F. Conclusions

The success of press freedom is a function of the domestic political will. Aside fromthe primary concern of an enabling political environment, the success of pressfreedom hinges on a number of other considerations: Simultaneous transformation of different sectors of society, not just political but

infrastructural and social e.g. levels of literacy Sufficient technology and infrastructure to disseminate information are necessary

for mass distribution.

Once the political and economic conditions have been satisfied, the way that news is presented to the public needs to be taken into account. This requires several elements:

Pluralism in the media Assessing the quality of reportage and journalism Training of journalists Regional standards

These goals can best be met through increasing cooperation between the differentorganisations.


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I/ INTRODUCTION

This report was commissioned by Stanhope in relation to its consultancy work for thefree press advocacy organisation, MISA, which focuses on Southern Africa. MISAapproached Stanhope in the context of the Windhoek charter and the protocols for the

promotion of free press in Southern Africa states, more specifically in relation to theissue of the Zimbabwean government interpreting one of these protocols 2 in such away as to undermine press freedom in MISAs eyes.

On this basis this report will consider the relationship between press freedom andgood governance. Section II will provide a brief introduction to the current andhistorical context of press freedom in Zimbabwe. Section III will then provide aconceptual framework exploring the theoretical background and debates surroundingthese concepts and their interaction. Finally Section IV will provide a cross-section of different organisational approaches to the issue of press freedom and how theseorganisations coordinate their activity.

II/ P RESS FREEDOM IN Z IMBABWE

The history of press freedom in Zimbabwe has seen a number of different phasesassociated with its political circumstances. Prior to independence, the media cateredto white settlers and ignored news of interest to the African majority. This situationhad changed little by the time the country achieved independence. In 1964, when theSouthern Rhodesias white Prime Minister declared his own independence, takingcontrol of the country with the assistance of the South African military, a pro-apartheid media regime was implemented. Gag orders were issued and smear campaigns against presidential candidates were conducted.

Since Rhodesia became independent Zimbabwe in 1980, there has been no directcensorship but the government runs the countrys television stations, radio stationsand one of the two major daily newspapers. The 1980 Constitution guaranteesfreedom of expression, the right to receive, impart and hold ideas and informationwithout interference with peoples correspondence 3. But this right has been subjectto restrictive conditions. When Robert Mugabes government inherited a state of emergency imposed in 1965 by the rebel Smith regime, it was given potentiallyunlimited power to control the media and its citizens. Although, it preserved thecapacity to use similar tactics to the colonial regime, Mugabes government tended to

employ more covert forms of media manipulation according to the political climate.Editors not under direct control of the government have engaged in self-censorship asa modus operandi for survival. Initially, the governing body of Zimbabwean media,the Zimbabwe Mass Media Trust (ZMMT), was composed of a cross-section of Zimbabweans but, as the government has seen fit, the board has been increasinglycomposed of members of the ruling party, the ZANU-PF.

Control over the media increased over the course of the 1980s, while the 1990s saw ahuge increase in freedom of the press. For instance, during the 1995 electionindependent newspapers were permitted to disseminate opposition candidates

2 Protocol on Culture, Information, and Sport3 Zimbabwe Constitution, Chapter 111, p. 24


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messages for the first time. Although newspapers were independently owned and ableto criticise government, presenting a number of different viewpoints, they remainedsubject to a certain degree of government influence.

Since 1998, however, the regime has become increasingly repressive. Despite

ratifying the 2001 SADC protocols4, including that on Culture, Information, and

Sport, Mugabe was forced to relinquish control of the organ on politics, defence andsecurity. This reflected the concern of other leaders that the crisis situation inZimbabwe was threatening regional stability. Mugabe has also been accused by theinternational community of subverting the electoral process, in an attempt to ensurehis own victory. Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the opposition party, is on trial for alleged treason for an alleged and almost certainly fabricated plot to assassinateMugabe.

The media have become increasingly constrained, with abuses against the pressindustry and against journalists more prevalent than ever 5. The President is, at

present, using any means necessary to prevent opposition viewpoints from reachingthe public. He is forcing journalists to register with the government and to disclose

personal information in order to keep track of their activity. The CPU News hasreported that Mugabe has used September 11 th as an excuse to brand journalists whoare unsympathetic to his regime as terrorists. It is clear that Zimbabwe now findsitself in the midst of a breakdown in the relationship between the government, themedia and the public.

III/ C ONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

A. The concept of press freedom

Press freedom and freedom of expression are regarded as unique among liberties, and part of universally normative rights of individuals. This is best represented in Article19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights:

Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes the freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receiveand impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of

frontiers. 6

This declaration has its roots in the Libertarian principle of freedom. Between the17 th and 19 th centuries in England and America, philosophers and intellectualslooked upon man as a rational animal with inherent natural rights, which includedthe rights to protection against the power of the state and support for the right to voteand the right to expression (Haule in Dennis et al, 1989, p. 22).

4 These protocols were ratified at the March 2001 Extraordinary Heads of State Summit.5 Accordingly, during a four day mission to Harare, Zimbabwe, the World Press Freedom Committeefound further evidence of the governments attempts to restrict reporting and control the news

reaching Zimbabwes citizens (www.wpfc.org)6 www.article19.org.uk


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reached on a definition. To illustrate the different interpretations that are possible, letus consider some of the following definitions:

World Bank . Governance is defined as the manner in which power is exercisedin the management of a countrys economic and social resources. The WorldBank has identified three distinct aspects of governance: (i) the form of

political regime; (ii) the process by which authority is exercised in themanagement of a countrys economic and social resources for development;and (iii) the capacity of governments to design, formulate, and implement

policies and discharge functions. UNDP . Governance is viewed as the exercise of economic, political and

administrative authority to manage a countrys affairs (Rondinelli, 1997). Commission on Global Governance . Governance is the sum of the many ways

individuals and institutions, public and private, manage their common affairs.

One can see from these few definitions that governance encompasses a large range of concepts. While reaching a single definition of governance seems unrealistic, thereare certain key elements associated with the term as it is commonly used. Firstly, itshould be noted that governance should not be equated with government: it includesgovernment but goes further to include other actors in the public realm. Nonetheless,the main focus of governance remains on the state.

Secondly, governance is mainly used in reference to the good governance paradigm.In a historical analysis of the evolution of the term, Weiss argues that it emerged as areaction to two negative characteristics of national systems in past decades: theunrepresentative character of governments and the inefficiency of non-marketsystems (Weiss, 2000, p. 801). Rita Abrahamsen (2000) has argued that the World

Banks model of good governance is based on the rejection of what it considers to be bad development.

Once again, it is far from clear what specific attributes are designated by the conceptof good governance. The Commonwealth Secretariat appears to define it negatively

by describing corruption as an outcome and a symptom of poor governance (2000, p. 5). The UNs Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific(UNESCAP) has attempted to sum up the good governance paradigm through 8 major characteristics: participatory, consensus oriented, accountable, transparent,responsive, effective and efficient, equitable and inclusive and follows the rule of law 7.

However, a significant debate remains about what needs to be included within theconcept of good governance. The UN is one of the most progressive organisations inthis area and it has been particularly concerned with clarifying the good governanceidea in three areas. Firstly, there is a need to perceive good governance not simply asa move towards multiparty democracy, and the creation of a judiciary and parliament,

but as a wide range of other policies. Secondly, it should be noted that the goodgovernance paradigm is no longer about the minimisation of the role of the state. TheUNs efforts have led to a more widespread recognition of the need to strike a balance

between the public and private sectors. Finally, the UN is attempting to put an end tothe use of democratisation as a surrogate for good governance. While democracy is a

7 www.unescap.org/huset/gg/governance.htm


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key contributing factor to this goal, it has now been placed in the context of a wider package of economic and social rights.

The advent of the concept of good governance has been a key stage in a move awayfrom a focus on economic efficiency towards the promotion of greater freedom,

genuine participation and sustainable human development. Again these shifts suggestthat causal relationships between press freedom and good governance must bequestioned in order to avoid oversimplification.

C. An ideal link between press freedom and good governance?

In much of development discourse a positive causal link from free press to goodgovernance is assumed. The existence of a free press is seen to be the only guaranteefor both the advent and maintenance of genuine freedom and democratic governance.This view sees free press as able to fulfil the ideal of promoting and spreading the freeexchange of ideas and opinions and is therefore a prerequisite for democracy.(Kasoma, 1995, p. 538). It has been argued that the advent of democracy has beenslower in countries where the press has been quiescent. In relation to Africa, Kasomamentions the examples of Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia. Free press istherefore thought to be a fundamental factor in promoting good governance, becauseof its crucial role in fostering democracy.

1. How does press freedom promote good governance?

A free press provides people with the information they require to make informeddemocratic decisions. Ideally good governance requires that a heterogeneous anddispersed citizenry be kept informed by the media about news and opinions in the

body politic. This perspective sees an informed population as necessary for democratic participation.

In relation to the provision of information, new forms of media, such as internet andsatellite TV, will contribute to the pluralism of the press. People will have a wider selection of information sources to choose and helps to overcome problems of accessto information related to traditional media. These new forms will both allow massmedia to become more decentralised and are more difficult for government to control.

It is medias independence from government control that enables the press to fulfil itsdemocratic duty of acting as a watchdog against government thereby making ittransparent and accountable to the people (Kasoma, 1995, p. 359). Ultimately, withcredible information provided by a free press, the citizen is enabled to increaseoversight of government activities and therefore enhance his/her participation indecentralized decision-making (Ningo, 2000, p. 14). A primary instance of this can

be seen during elections: the system of popular government could not effectivelyoperate unless the press discharged its obligations to the electorate by judgingofficeholders and candidates for office (Levy, 1985, p. xii). The press is seen as theonly actor that is able to exercise regular scrutiny on the activities of the governmentin between elections to see how performance matches promises or how programmes

are being implemented (Ansah in Kasoma, 1995, p. 540).


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2. Relevance to the African context

In relation to Africa, it is argued that press freedom has a role in bringing about thefall of one-party or military-ruled states and the establishment of democraticgovernance (Ronning, 1994, p. 2). In many cases, following independence from

colonial rule leaders hoped that a national press would promote national integration,development, and ideological mobilization and contribute to education regarding

basic economic needs. Kasoma (1995) claims that multiparty democracy would nothave come to Africa in the 1990s and certainly could not last without the enabling roleof the independent media. It enables the people to choose between alternatives, andmakes governments publicly accountable for their actions or the lack of them.

D. Reassessing the link

1. Bias of assumptions

The argument that free press can, and should contribute to good governance rests ontwo major assumptions:(i) That good governance, leads to modernisation, seen in the Bretton Woods

Institutions rhetoric on getting institutions right. There are several studies 8

showing that democracy and good governance may not lead to modernisation but, rather that authoritarian regimes have often been the ones to modernise thefastest.

(ii) Modernisation is the goal of development for all countries. As Beltran hasargued, development discourses are still based on alien Western conceptualmodels. There is a need to recognise the potential for alternative conceptions.

Even if we do assume that modernisation is a viable goal for development, problemsstill exist as to how to mobilise people and resources to reverse the general decline inmany sub-Saharan African countries. The media may be a solution, but it may domore harm than good.

2. Problems of development communication

Media undermining democracy in unstable, late-developing countriesStriving to meet standards defined by the western concept of press freedom - unbiasednews and a marketplace of ideas- may not necessarily serve the needs of Southern

African society. A study by Paul Siu-Nam Lee of four former British colonies(Nigeria, Guyana, Singapore and Hong Kong) found that at the present stage, the press is playing a contributory role to the goal of nation building through a de-emphasis of the socially disruptive issues of class and ethnicity. However, this

process could be inverted i.e. socially disruptive issues may be emphasised, for commercial or other reasons, in a way that is harmful to the goal of nation building.

As Asante points out, many leaders and spokespersons in the developing world believe strongly that the Western concept of freedom of the press is a luxury that they 8 See for instance Wade, R. (1990) Governing the market: economic theory and the role of government

in East Asian industrialization , Princeton: Princeton University Press; Khan, M. (2000) Rents, rent- seeking and economic development: theory and evidence in Asia , New York: Cambridge UniversityPress.


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cannot afford while they go through the difficult task of nation-building after years of colonial exploitation (1997, p. 29). In the face of political instability and corruption,the free media often becomes overtly critical and cynical towards politicians andconsistently questions their motivation, credibility and sincerity (Ette, 2000). GrahamMytton highlights the way in which investigative journalism can be used as tool of

factional politics by those hungry for power (Asante, 1997). This may result in aweakening of public support for the existing democracy in place and undermines thegeneral democratization process.

Causality versus correlationThere is also a problem of confusing correlation and causality. Press freedomadvocates generally assume causality between press freedom and democracy.However, the direction of this causal link has yet to be firmly established and requiresfurther analysis.

Effects on the publicThe so-called hypodermic needle view of the media assumes that peoples behaviour is easily changed through exposure to new ways and ideas through mass media. InAfrica, mass campaigns using radio and printed material have been markedlysuccessful in mobilizing a large number of people to take concerted action in, for example, areas of health (e.g. large scale vaccination programs). However thisargument has been challenged by limited effect theory. Lazarsfeld, Berelson, andGaudet have argued that the media generally has a minimal direct effect on their audiences. In a sense media serves to reinforce existing attitudes and behaviours of asociety since people selectively expose themselves to information in a selectivefashion. These theories serve to show the divergence of opinion concerning the

power and importance of the press in conveying information to the public.

New forms of mediaDespite contributing to the pluralism and independence of the media, new forms of media (satellite, fibre optics and the internet) are open to abuse. There is the potential,through these new forms for the facilitation of the dissemination of anti-state

propaganda or defamation acts that can no longer be traced back to their author. Involatile and impoverished political and economic contexts this may pose a moresignificant threat than in stable, wealthy nations. This can be exacerbated by what has

been described as media imperialism, whereby the ownership, structure, distributionor content of media in any country is subject to substantial external pressure by

another country. Both the invasion of capitalistic world views infringing upon theindigenous ways of life (Lee in Asante, REFERENCE), and unfair economic andadministrative control of major international media channels by the industrializedWest are potential dangers arising from this tendency towards media imperialism.

IV/ ANALYSIS OF DIFFERENT ORGANISATIONAL APPROACHES

We will examine the following organisations and their roles in enabling the conditionsfor establishing a link between a free press and good governance. We consider theseorganisations specifically in terms of their relationship to the Media Institute of Southern Africa; MISA, and their contributions to its work in advocating Press

Freedom and Democracy. We chose a cross section of organisations to illustrate adiverse range of approaches to promoting press freedom. They differ across functions


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(economic, political, social), scope (national, regional, international) and controlsystem (competitive, hierarchical, solidary).

A. Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA)

Fig. 1: Inter-organisational diagram

MISA is a non-governmental organisation with members in 11 of the SouthernAfrican Development Community (SADC) countries. It was launched in 1992 and

bases its activities around promoting the aims of the 1991 Windhoek Charter (seeAppendix I).

MISA sees its aims as promoting free, independent and pluralistic media, the freeflow of information and co-operation between media workers as a principle means of nurturing democracy and human rights in southern Africa (MISA Charter).

This organisation sees its role as that of a co-ordinator, facilitator and communicator,and for this reason MISA aims to work together with all like-minded organisationsand individuals to achieve a genuinely free and pluralistic media in southern Africa.

MISA

CPA

SADC NIZA

WBI

FundingKnowledge / Information ExchangeEvaluation / MonitoringProject CollaborationLobbying


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In practical terms, MISA is an advocacy organisation working toward theimplementation of the Windhoek Declaration and the SADC protocols by the member states who signed them, in the spirit in which they were meant.

Fig. 1 provides an overview of the relationships and the organisations that are

analysed in the following section.

B. Article 19

1. Organisational overview

Type of organisationArticle 19 is an international human rights NGO registered as a charity in the UK (No. 327421). It is named after Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of HumanRights:

Everyone has the right to the freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers .

History and objectivesArticle 19, also known as the International Centre Against Censorship, was foundedin 1986 to campaign for the promotion and protection of freedom of expression. The

NGO exists as an actor within the wider movement of the Global Campaign for Freedom of Expression. Broadly speaking they work to combat censorship by

promoting freedom of expression and access to official information. Article 19 hasalways argued that freedom of expression is not a luxury, but a fundamental humanright which underpins all other rights, including the right to life. For this reason,Article 19 strongly believes freedom of expression is central to development bothhuman and democratic, and there work should therefore be understood in the broader aim of achieving development, democracy and good governance.

Geographical coverageArticle 19 is an organisation which operates worldwide, with partners in over 30countries. They are now firmly established as an international NGO with regional

programmes in Africa, Asia, Europe and the Middle East. We shall here specificallyfocus on the organisations work in Africa. Article 19 is currently working on

projects in the following African countries: Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Tanzania and Zanzibar, and Zimbabwe. Article 19sheadquarters are in London, but they also have a regional office in Johannesburg,South Africa.

2. Strategy, activities, and funding of Article 19

StrategyIn aiming to promote freedom of expression, Article 19 has a multi-approach strategy.It actively acts worldwide to raise awareness about the human right for expression byexposing violations of Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

throughout the world. In addition it sets out to combat censorship in the fight towardsachieving democracy and ultimately encourage good governance practices. The


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a 'Links' area for non-governmental and inter-governmental sites which may be of interest, as well as publications with a specific Africa focus.

FundingBox 1 provides a list of the bodies which have supported Article 19's work during

2000. These are the organisations and individuals who provide the financial meansfor the organisation to undertake its core activities and projects.

Box 1: Article 19 funding partners

Governmental agenciesBritish Council, DANIDA, Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade,Canada (DFAIT), Development UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office, Embassy of

Norway (Sierra Leone), Embassy of the Republic of Ireland (Maputo), NetherlandsMinistry of Foreign Affairs, Norwegian Ministry for Foreign Affairs, SIDA, UK

Department for International (DfID), USAID OTI, US Development FoundationNGOs, funds and charitiesFord Foundation, Comic Relief, Carnegie Foundation of New York, Joseph RowntreeCharitable Foundation, Open Society Foundation for South Africa, The Scott Trust,Open Society Institute, Joyce Mertz-Gilmore Foundation, Institut Fritt Ord,Westminster Foundation for Democracy, Community Fund, HIVOS, Press Now,Interfund, Friedrich Ebert Stichtung, OSISA, NOVIB, Trocaire Stichting Het ParoolMulti-lateral agenciesCommonwealth Press Union, Council of Europe, European Human RightsFoundation, European Union, UNESCO, Inter-Ministerial Committee on HumanRights and Democracy Malawi

See Appendix IV for Article 19s latest draft accounts.

3. Contributions to the promotion of press freedom

Article 19 has been most successful when working in countries in transition and,naturally, have shown the greatest success in states where governments are keen toimplement the highest international standards and are sincerely interested in

promoting good governance practices. They have also found that they can have animpact in countries where change is being resisted, but where there is a vested interestin improving international appearances.

Networking, training and building NGO capacityArticle 19 has been particularly successful in its efforts of networking, training and

building NGO capacity. Their strong belief in strengthening civil society as a major factor in promoting press freedom, has convinced them to undertake most projects inconjunction with local partners. Making materials available in local languages and

providing both training and expertise in international human rights law has allowedgrassroots organisations to challenge, bypass and overturn restrictions on freedom of expression and of the press. Moreover, Article 19 is one of the founding members of the International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX), an electronic alerts andaction network which facilitates speedy information transfer between local andinternational campaigning organisations.


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Achieving justice for individualsSecondly they have made some ground-breaking work in their efforts to achieve

justice for individuals. Notable examples include their successful 10-year campaign

to free writer Salman Rushdie from the Iranian governments support for the fatwaimposing a death sentence on him; the organisations representation to the UN HumanRights Committee on behalf of Albert Mukong, who received compensation of $140,000 from the Cameroonian Government in May 2001; and their litigation in theEuropean Court of Human Rights, which judged in favour of Ibrahim Incal in his suitagainst the Republic of Turkey.

Influencing governments, intergovernmental bodies and national courtsArticle 19s considerable contribution to the promotion to press freedom is wellillustrated in their power to influence governments and national courts, by advisinggovernments across the world, including those of Indonesia, Jordan, Macedonia andMongolia. One of their most praise-worthy endeavours in this area was their instrumental role in the adoption of the Harare Declaration by the CommonwealthHeads of Government and in the creation of the Commonwealth Ministerial ActionGroup, as well as the adoption of freedom of information principles by theCommonwealth Law Ministers. Article 19 is also consulted regularly by theEuropean Commission, the Council of Europe and UNESCO.

PublicationsInfluential Article 19 publications include the Freedom of Expression Handbook andThe Johannesburg Principles, with recommendations on national security, freedom of expression and access to information.

4. Relationship with MISA

Article 19s work in Southern Africa, is carried out within the framework of its Africa programme, conducted from its regional office in Johannesburg, South Africa. As part of its strategy, it works in close cooperation with a number of local organisationsto promote press freedom in the area. One of its major links in Africa is MISA, whoconsiders Article 19 as its main partner. The two organisations are in close contactand regularly exchange, compile and publish information relating to Africa and pressfreedom abuses.

Southern Africa media law briefingsSince 1996, Article 19 and MISA, have collaborated in putting together a regular

bulletin designed to inform lawyers and interested parties in Southern Africa ondevelopments on media law and freedom of expression, both within and outside theregion. The newsletter is jointly published by the two NGOs, together with theFreedom of Expression Institute (FXI). Part of the initiative is the joint organisationof conferences by MISA and Article 19 reviewing the state of media law in SouthernAfrica. The outcome is then published in the form of this newsletter, which appearsquarterly as a means of exchanging examples of "good law" throughout the region and

beyond. It is designed to report cases which provide positive precedents for the

defence of freedom of expression and the independence of the media, as well aslooking at important developments in constitutional and statute law.


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Media Monitoring Project ZimbabweArticle 19s main recent partnership with MISA has been their work in Zimbabwe.As a joint initiative, together with the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in

Zimbabwe (CCJPZ), the Zimbabwe chapter of MISA and Article 19 set up the MediaMonitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ). The project focuses specifically on thosesections of the media that are financed out of public funds, since these have anobligation to serve the needs of the entire community. However, the privately ownedmedia are now also subject to scrutiny.

The MMPZ began operations in January 1999, monitoring all news and current affairscoverage in the publicly owned media - the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation andZimbabwe Newspapers (1980) Ltd. From June 1999 it extended full monitoring to the

private media. From the beginning of January 2000 until after the referendum theMMPZ's work focused almost exclusively on coverage of the constitutional debateand referendum. The project had a similar focus on the June 2000 parliamentaryelection.

The MMPZ publishes weekly reports of its findings, which are available free of charge by e-mail or in hard copy. During the parliamentary elections, MMPZ

produced daily reports on the coverage of the electoral process. When necessary,MMPZ produces alerts to complement its findings on media performance on relevantissues.

Freedom in Southern AfricaAs part of a series dealing with media law and practice in countries belonging to theSouthern Africa Development Community (SADC), MISA and Article 19 held aconference addressing this theme in Zanzibar in October 1995. It is hoped that theseries will contribute to greater awareness of issues affecting media freedom in thisfast-changing region and will provide an invaluable resource for individuals andorganizations working in this field. More recently the two organisations, published areport entitled Freedom in Southern Africa, reviewing media law and press freedomissues, with case studies on Botswana, Malawi and Zimbabwe.

Windhoek Declaration in NamibiaThe tenth anniversary of the Windhoek Declaration on the Development of an

Independent and Pluralistic African Press was celebrated in Namibia on 3 May 2001,World Press Freedom Day. ARTICLE 19 was an active participant in the conference,organised by MISA and UNESCO to review progress on the Declaration and look tothe future. The result was an updated set of recommendations on media freedomissues, including a Charter on Broadcasting in Africa (see Appendix I).

5. Evaluation of Article 19 approach to press freedom

Article 19 is now a well established international NGO, with a renowned reputation inthe field of freedom of expression. As an experienced NGO, it has successfully usedits power in interacting with and influencing both governments and international

bodies. However the organisation has also importantly realised that to achievefreedom of expression and of the press, change also needs to come from below. For


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this reason article 19 has chosen to work with local partner organisations, to buildtheir capacity as well as focus on specific goals thus producing a multiplier effect.This has proved to be a significant contribution towards strengthening civil society.

As we have previously seen, Article 19 has been most successful when working in

countries in transition and in states where governments were willing to cooperate inimplementing the highest international standards in terms of freedom of expression.However, in other instances, the NGO has not always generated as much influence.Indeed, as expressed in one of their reports: What to do with countries that arestanding still or, indeed, moving backwards is a more difficult question.

In these situations, Article 19 has sought to monitor, report and lobby on freedom of expression abuses, by helping build the capacity of local civil society organisations tocampaign for change and by supporting them in that work. In certain contexts, tryingto build internal pressure to bear upon authoritarian governments, may prove to bemore fruitful and effective in the long-run, than external demands for change.

As Article 19 believe freedom of expression and subsequently press freedom to benecessary to the implementation of democracy, it may be useful for the organisationto collaborate with the World Bank Institute in integrating their own work in the goodgovernance paradigm.

Relating to Article 19s work with MISA, both organisations have so far combinedtheir efforts to produce some comprehensive publications on media law and practicein Southern Africa, organised and held some thought-provoking conferences together,and successfully shared and exchanged information. However, their most significant

partnership contribution to date has been the Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe(MMPZ).

In view of this projects current impact and potential, it may be worth setting upsimilar monitoring programmes in other countries of the region, encouraging local

partners such as the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe tocontribute in the process. Furthermore, considering Article 19s experienceworldwide and its international panel of lawyers, journalists and civil rights activists,MISA could potentially gain from interacting with and learning from article 19sresearchers in programmes outside Africa. Inviting press freedom activists fromaround the world to their conferences and travelling to meetings outside Africa might

open up new perspectives.

C. Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA)


This section considers organisations operating within a trans-national community. In particular, they are an association of three Commonwealth Media Organisations(CMOs), operating under the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA).

Commonwealth Press Union (CPU)

The CPUs mission statement claims that through quiet diplomacy and a network of members and friends including publishers, managers, senior editors, and human rights


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organised a Media Monitoring Mission to Zimbabwe in 2002 to assess coverage of theelection campaigns.StrategyThe CMOs, in various conference papers and reports, stress the importance of threemain concerns pertaining to the media and its relationship with parliament: the

problem of ownership vs. control; the importance of codes of conduct both among journalists and parliamentarians; and the need for balanced reporting.

Ownership vs. control The CPU highlights the issues of conflict arising from the distinction betweenownership and control of the media. While an independently owned media is

preferable, in many developing countries the only body with enough resources to funda functioning and reliable media is the government. The CPU emphasises that it iscrucial that the media, however funded, operates under regulatory bodies that aretotally independent of the government. Members, and especially the director should

be appointed transparently and should be politically unaffiliated. Not only should thegovernment stay out of editorial decisions but out of the Governing Board as well.

Codes of conduct The CPU says that media should be self-regulating with regard to editorial policy,showing sensitivity to privacy, and the cultural and human aspects of news. The CPU

presents the position that the media need to set and adhere to rigorous ethicalstandards to negate the need for government to have to pass legislation toward a codeof conduct. The CMOs identify a need for the internal regulation by the domesticmedia of foreign content, concentrating only on the content of the news media, asopposed to entertainment.

The CMOs believe that codes of conduct in relation to media should not apply simplyto journalists they should also convey some responsibility to the sources of news.The CPU places great emphasis on parliament as the starting point for media coverageand states that the increasing practice of Ministers and party leaders making major

policy statements outside parliament has contributed to the declining importance of parliament as a source of news for the mediaIn order that parliament is givenadequate coverage, the media should necessarily be provided with news 13.Parliament must allow itself to be criticised by the media and should only take actionagainst media in instances of gross misconduct. This responsibility of politicians to

provide journalists with the news extends to leaked documents which are the

responsibility (as far as culpability is concerned) of the leaker, not the journalist whoreports on the basis of the information received in this manner.

Balanced reporting The CMOs particularly stress the importance of balance in reporting. The media havean obligation of present a multiplicity of views. There is a great deal of emphasis

placed on making sure that the media take into account more positions than just thedominant one. The CMOs take the view that the media should not just cover

parliament , but also parliamentary committees which should be often open to themedia. It should be publicly decided which meetings are to be held in private. South

13 ND, 7


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lists formulated at the New Delhi conference detailing What Parliaments andParliamentarians Can Do and What the Media and Journalists Can Do to ensure thatthe public receives the most comprehensive and informative coverage possible.The main events for the CPA/CMOs are as follows:

New Delhi Conference, 2000 (ND) CPU Report on Press Freedom in Zimbabwe in the run-up to the election,

Feb/March 2002 (ZR) CPU working paper: Imperfect Freedom the Case for Self Regulation in the

Media . 2002 Cape Town Paper, April 2002 Perth Conference, 2003


Katira Kanjii, MISA Regional Programme Manager, in a telephone interview, notedthat that MISA are aware of the CPAs efforts in overlapping countries but that thetwo organisations are not, at present, working on any projects together. As, I believeis evident MISA and the Commonwealth Parliament Association share many of thesame priorities concerning media freedom and, especially in countries such asZimbabwe and Mozambique, the combined efforts of MISA and the CPA could onlyresult in a better understanding of the issues at hand, and a combined front could onlyachieve better results.

5. Evaluation of CPA approach to press freedom

The partnership between the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and theCommonwealth Media Organisations has been a groundbreaking exercise in bringinggovernments and the press into direct contact. A mutual, yet flexible agreement

between them, as well as continued contact has facilitated the creation of a useful setof guidelines under which to operate. Building a working and respectful relationship

between government and the media has allowed for the creation of a forum for working out and disagreements that may arise concerning practice, instead of misunderstandings causing relations between the tow to break down, as is often thecase. The Commonwealth approach could be useful for other areas of the world(Southern Africa, for example) in building a functional and productive relationship

between parliament and the media.

Even though the joint effort between the CPA/CMOs has yielded mostly positiveresults, there are a number of issues arising from their reports which warrant attention.For example, their work includes no discussion of the media as an industry, analyzingit simply as a public service. Perhaps the fact that newspapers, for example, are

judged both on the quality of their reporting and the number of papers they sell should be taken into account, noting that the former is often not the reason for the latter.

The Zimbabwe Report recommends that, in order to run a free and fair election, dailytabulated statistics on violence and government activity should be published. Thisassumes that such statistics will be available and that the media will be able todiscover, for example, levels of violence perpetrated by the government, or the fatesof those taken into police custody (ZR, 14). This is symptomatic of the unrealistic


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position the report takes concerning the possibility for action in Zimbabwe. Thereport specifically requests that journalists perform duties and report in such a waythat is obviously dangerous in the current political climate. The members of theMedia Monitoring Mission team identify problematic practices by the media in therun-up to the last election in 2002 but their solutions are not tenable in the context of

the reasons these problems have arisen in the first place. The report brieflyacknowledges the danger in following journalistic practices that may evoke thegovernments disapproval, but does not address this danger when giving itsrecommendations. More useful would have been to formulate guidelines on theextent to which journalists could report honestly without endangering their ownsafety.

D. Netherlands Institute for Southern Africa (NIZA)


Historical background and geographical coverage NIZA is the product of the dissolution and merger of three separate Dutch anti-apartheid organisations dating back to the 1960s: the Holland Committee for Southern Africa, the Dutch Anti-Apartheid Movement and the Eduardo MondlaneFoundation. It was set up in 1997 as a politically independent organisation to assistin strengthening southern Africas democratic social foundations and enable goodgovernance.

Its areas of activity are: Angola, Botswana, DRC, Lesotho, Namibia, Malawi,Mozambique, Swaziland, South Africa, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Theheadquarters are in Amsterdam and members frequently travel to Southern Africa.

ObjectivesIt assumes democracy to be a pre-condition for poverty reduction. Thus, its goal is todeepen democracy in Southern Africa and strengthen civil society. Towards this endthey aim to provide technical and personnel assistance, disseminate relevantknowledge, host networking functions and give positive interest support, i.e. lobby.Within these means an important facet of their co-operation with southern Africanorganisations is their intention to grant ownership over the various agendas. Withregard to press freedom their target is to create a free, pluralistic and objective mediaenvironment that is of a high quality and of local relevance.

2. Strategy, activities, and funding of NIZA

StrategyTo achieve a deepening of democracy NIZA has three programs: Access to information: Media and Freedom of Expression Access to justice: Human Rights and Peace Building Economic Development

As this consultancy is based around press freedom, only the first program will beconsidered here. Nevertheless, this diversified approach to democracy and good


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governance clearly constitutes an awareness of the complexities around the issue andthus forms part of the strengths, as mentioned below. 18

NIZAs focus with regard to the media is to improve the media diversity and theaccess for citizens to make their voice heard and receive information. They aim to

enhance freedom of expression by improving media quality and strengthen thesustainability of the media sector. This is done through two means: 1. enhancing co-operation with local partners in setting goals and unifying efforts and 2. linking

Northern and Southern media, to deepen knowledge of world affairs for southernAfrica and vice versa, enabling southern Africa to share its views with the world.These two usually takes the form of technical or legal assistance on the basis of locally identified necessities. They also try to raise awareness and create publicsupport within the Netherlands for the needs of southern Africa.

Activities Advocacy and lobbying Government decision making processes in southern Africa are still dubious in their granting of broadcast licences and the freedom of expression of non-governmentalmedia is poor, even perilous to critical journalists. Thus, NIZA lobbies for theliberalisation of (colonial) press laws and the improvement of legislation on the

protection for journalists.

Broadcasting Since radio is the most important source of information, but often focuses on theurban elite, NIZA supports efforts to increase the relevance and interest of radio

broadcasting for those in rural and underdeveloped communities. Together with NCRF in South Africa and Radio Ecclesia they are attempting to set up localnetworks of radios.

Training Most media in southern Africa is of tabloid nature, lacking in quality and ethicalstandards. Young and independent media face high start up costs, falling advertisingrevenues and a chronic lack of committed staff. Thus NIZA trains journalists fromSouthern Africa by funding their masters programs in Holland, Denmark or Walesand works together with Dutch universities to provide Dutch students with internshipsat NIZAs local partners.

Although training programs do exist in southern Africa, they are fragmented and withlimited specialisation possibilities, due to a lack of regional standards. In light of this,the NSJ Trust, with the funding of NIZA and PSO and in collaboration with MISA,ZAMCOM and the Institute for the Advancement of Journalism, compiled a report The Media Training Needs Assessment Report for Southern Africa (C. Lowe Mornaand Z. Khan). It is aimed at giving a homogenous picture of what media trainers canoffer journalists and where the gaps are.

FundingUnder Dutch fundraising law, within this type of organisation there is an upper ceilingof 25 % of total income set to limit the amount of cash flow arising from fundraising

18 See section E


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for the past three years. In 2001 alone this amounted to roughly 1 million guilders.Thus NIZA, to account for the remaining 75%, is forced to rely on governmentsubsidies and other contracts. The government has provided 4.5 million guilders in2001. The city of Amsterdam has given a subsidy of hfl. 500.000 in relation to one of their twin-partner city programs. Also in relation to other campaigns, where NIZA has

co-operated with other organisations, they have received subsidies to cover the costsof their operations as initiators and organisers. Thus, in 2001 NOVIB (Oxfam NL)gave NIZA a subsidy of hfl. 500.000 in their collaboration on Fatal Transactions. TheDutch Sustainability Research Institute (NCDO) has granted them hfl.200.000 to aidin their information dissemination programs, as has the EU granted them hfl.300.000to assist in consciousness raising activities. Thus in total they have around 7 millionguilders to fund their activities of which nearly 70% goes to media related activities.Of these 7 million guilders, a minimum limit for reserve funds has been put in place toguarantee the future operations of NIZA. Control of expenditures has been tightenedand the financial administration has been improved so that signs of deficit can besignalled early enough, following speculative losses in 2001. 19


BIDOCLocated in Amsterdam, BIDOC is an information and documentation centre thatcollects all kind of information relevant to southern Africa. Its relevance is thedissemination of knowledge through books and reports and the maintenance of awebsite called Zimbabwe Watch. Zimbabwe Watch is a collective lobby effort of various Dutch NGOs aimed at establishing free and fair elections in Zimbabwethrough monitoring of government activities and co-ordination of lobby efforts. It hasrecently pressured the UN to again condemn the government of Mugabesinfringement upon human rights, such as freedom of expression. It also supports thesetting up semi-legal short wave broadcast stations within Zimbabwe to facilitate theailing correspondents there.

Publications NIZA is involved in the production and distribution of numerous publications:

NIZA information booklets on recent NIZA activities Southern Africa Magazine [in Dutch] presenting information and opinions

pertaining to southern Africa BIDOC dossiers with selected articles and indexes of source materials on topical

issues Media News, an email quarterly on the state of media in southern Africa and

NIZAs involvement.

In the area of information dissemination and lobbying, they also organise publicmeetings both in southern Africa and the Netherlands on topical issues. Their website,www.niza.nl, is also a good source for further networking possibilities with manyorganisations and links to advocacy campaigns.

19 See section E, weaknesses


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Prizes NIZA gives out two prizes: Thesis Prize and Manyarara Prize. The first is designed toencourage students to undertake research about subjects related to the southern Africaregion, upon which they could win 6000 euros. The second is a prize in investigative

journalism (2000 euro prize and 10000 to complete a scholarship in NL), awarded to

those journalists for choosing an especially risky genre of investigative journalism.

Alliances NIZA has fostered relationships with national and international organisations. Theyhave been instrumental in both financial as well as managerial terms in setting up thefollowing alliances: Fatal Transactions - a campaign against the illegal raw materials trade that

perpetuates conflicts Amsterdam-Beira City Twinning Project - aimed at facilitating co-operation

between organisations in Amsterdam, NL and Beira, Mozambique SANPAD - a collaboration between Southern African and Dutch universities to

enable exchanges and internships Zimbabwe Watch

Encouraging hip-hop as a new form of media where political correctness is absent, NIZA has supported the creation of a campaign by Bush Radio called Headwarmers.It considers music a better way to reach young people, where rapping on the dangersof AIDS drives the message home more effectively than the official safe sexcampaigns.

As mentioned above, NIZA also has been instrumental in realising the Media Training

Needs Assessment Report. Arising from concrete proposals based on this report, NIZA has declared itself willing to fund projects from training facilities aimed atimproving the quality of training. Equally, NIZA supports the creation of SAMTRAN, an informal network for media trainers, and will in the future contributeto its work. Both the Report and SAMTRAN will be the key guidelines in the futurefor determining indicators of how media education can be improved.


Being the advocacy organisation it is, MISAs objectives are similar, although not asdiverse, to NIZAs. MISA shares information for NIZAs publications, they give

feedback on what key priorities are for developing a free and pluralistic mediaenvironment and cover similar ground with regard to Zimbabwe. They workedtogether on the Media Training Needs assessment Report. They co-operate and co-ordinate on regional conferences where their areas of activity overlap. However,they have not been explicit as to what exactly their relationship is, whether they fundMISAs activities or simply provide an advocacy platform in the Netherlands for their cause.

5. Evaluation of NIZA approach to press freedom

Strengths NIZAs strengths lie in their secure funding sources, their multi-tiered approach(media, economy and justice) to strengthening democratisation and their participatory


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philosophy and emphasis on education. NIZAs subsidies have increased over theyears as a response to increased project proposals and the government is glad todelegate their development activities to successful external organisations in the waveof de-centralisation and streamlining of the aid bureaucracy. Their diversifiedapproach shows an awareness of the inter-connected problems facing southern Africa

and the need for a simultaneous transformation of various sectors of society- rather than blindly emphasizing i.e. the mediain order to achieve a functioning democracyand good governance. Even within their media program, their desire for pluralism,rather than a strengthening of already established media, shows their commitment to

progressive policies.

Letting local agencies define the priorities as well as handing over control over theorganisational process enables NIZA to fully capture the perceived needs of southernAfrica and promotes true demand-driven growth as opposed to imperialist supply-driven growth. This is especially reflected in their emphasis on radio and hip-hop asculturally integrated means of communication that can effectively target the majorityof the people. In the same vein, they aim to strengthen capacities rather than handover resources by training local journalists; gifts of material make man dependentwhereas gifts of knowledge make man free 20. The incentives are such that make

people want to learn and be critical about the conditions they live in (ManyararaPrize). MISA can make good use of NIZAs involvement in creating more detailedand concrete proposals about the training of journalists and NIZA can benefit fromMISAs experience and knowledge of the regional problems and perceived needs.

Finally, NIZAs approach to strengthening support for issues in southern Africa,outside of southern Africa, is a significant contribution in the creation of trans-national advocacy network that strengthens the global social movement for theuniversalisation of respect for human rights. MISA can rally much external supportand pressure through NIZAs international lobby links to the Netherlands and Europe.Since only unified efforts manage to sustain effects, the possibility of organisinglarger events with increasing returns to scale through cost-sharing should be explored

by MISA. Equally, this deepening of co-operation could benefit all three areas of NIZAa activities as well as its finished and future contributions to press freedom.

WeaknessesClarity/AccountabilityAlthough supporting participation, there are no clear indicators as to how NIZA,

internally, measures its own success of spending on organisations and justifies further spending on some projects and not others. As such new rents under an un-transparentfunding structure may be created that increase the competition for resources,destabilising an effective social development. Equally, NIZA has failed to provideevidence in any of their information bulletins as to what accountability indicators they

place upon recipients of their aid to determine whether or not the money is beingspent purposefully and efficiently.

NIZA has not been co-operative in this report; this hence raises questions as to theefficacy of their external relations department and their willingness to deal with publicscrutiny.

20 Thomas


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ConceptsOn a conceptual level, despite their awareness for the interconnected problems of southern Africa, their underpinnings and assumptions are weak. They do not clarifywhy democracy is a pre-condition for poverty reduction; in fact, much of the literaturein development points the other way: poverty reduction as the pre-condition for

democracy. Leaving this causal link unexplored and thus promoting democracy blindly may indeed have many unintended negative consequences.

Finances and impartialityAs can be read from their financial statements, in 2001 NIZA lost some of their reserve money through high risk speculation on the stock market. This policy has

been revised for the better and now only low-risk, low-yield [5%] state bonds will be bought.

Besides having to revise their financial future, the magazine Zuidelijk Afrika has also been posting losses and has needed revision. Given that it is unlikely to receive largenumbers of subscribers in the short term, NIZA has decided to enable externalcontracting, in the form of specials, with donors who want to see a publication about aspecific topic. This raises concern about the impartiality with which this magazine can

be appreciated in the future and to what extent multi-nationals might make it use it asan advertising tool for their operations.

Given that NIZA may only receive 25% of their revenue for the past three years fromfundraising, which they almost have already fulfilled; this raises the question of why

NIZA, in its year plan for the coming years has planned more fundraising events if itsill wants to stay under the favourable tax laws currently applicable under CBF(Dutch National Fundraising Office) rules?

Manyarara PrizeWhen hosting the Manyarara prize, are NIZA not promoting potentially lifethreatening behaviour while at the same time creating an atmosphere of mistrusttowards politicians? As mentioned in the conceptual framework above, the conditionsfor this prize must not be solely based on the riskiness of investigation that exposesthe mal-functioning of democracy, but also on the simultaneous promotion of democratic values already existing.

E. Southern African Development Community (SADC)


The SADC exists today as a Regional Integration and Development Organisationrepresenting 11 Southern African member states, co-operating in the promotion of integrated and harmonious political, economic and social development.

HistoryThe Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference, or SADCC wasestablished in April 1980 by the Governments of nine Southern African countries of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and

Zimbabwe (and since then Democratic Republic of Congo, Mauritius, Seychelles,South Africa and Namibia). It was the first official engagement by the nations of this


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sub-Saharan African region in a strategy that has been dubbed DevelopmentalRegionalism, promoted by the UN economic commissions for Latin America andAfrica in the 1960s, as a way in which newly independent countries with smalleconomies could industrialise by combining their resources and markets (Lambrechts,2001, p. 32). This inter-regional co-ordination and co-operation involves jointly

funding and developing large capital projects across national borders, sharingresources for researching and developing technology, integrating markets, andharmonising industrial, financial, macro-economic and social policies.

From conference to communityThe conference gave birth in 1992, in Windhoek, Namibia, to what is now known asthe Southern African Development Community, or SADC. This was the result of afelt need to shift the focus of the organisation from co-ordinating development

projects to the more complex task of integrating the economies of the member states,for which purpose the organisation would require a more formal and legal status.Hence the 1992 conference saw the signing by all member states of the Declarationand Treaty: the blueprint for building a community of Southern African states. In itthey undertook to work more closely together in order to mobilise investment capital,create a single-regional market, and remove barriers to the free movement of people.

Principles and objectivesThe member states are expected to act according to the following principles: Sovereign equality of all member States Solidarity, peace and security Human rights, democracy, and the rule of law Peaceful settlement of disputes

The objectives of SADC are to: Achieve development and economic growth, alleviate poverty, enhance the

standard and quality of life of the peoples of Southern Africa and support thesocially disadvantaged through regional integration

Evolve common political values, systems and institutions Promote and defend peace and security Promote self-sustaining development on the basis of collective self-reliance and

the interdependence of members Achieve complementarity between national and regional strategies and

programmes Promote and maximise productive employment and utilisation of resources of the

region Achieve sustainable utilisation of natural resources and effective protection of the

environment Strengthen and consolidate the long - standing historical, social and cultural

affinities and links among the people of the region

StructureSADC is made up of 11 member states and until 2001, was divided up into 21 sectorsassigned to national governments. These were Entertainment and Tourism,

Environment and Land Management, Water, Mining, Employment and Labour,Culture, Information and Sport, Transport and Communications, Finance and


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Investment, Human Resource Development, Agriculture and Natural resources, LegalAffairs and Health.

Restructuring

Throughout the 1990s a plan to restructure institutions and programmes was top of theSADC agenda. Restructuring was intended to give the regional integration process,

particularly economic integration, a stronger institutional foundation to allow for morerapid and effective performance (Naidu and Vhuromu, 2001). The SADCC traditionof decentralised sectoral units proved weak and deficient in capacity, as a result of inadequate staffing and funding by the co-ordinating countries (Peters-Berries, 2000,

p. 73). Sectoral responsibility also led to a narrow sense of ownership of certainissues in some cases.

At the March 2001 Summit in Windhoek, Namibia a decision was hence taken tocollapse the 21 sectors of the SADC into 5 core clusters. The SADC thus currentlyoperates according to a Special Program of Action (SPA) covering:

Trade, industry, finance and investment Infrastructure and services Food, agriculture and natural resources Social and human development Special projects such as small arms, drug trafficking and natural disasters

The motivation for restructuring was to address the presently unworkable managerialstructure by moving responsibility for the sectors from individual countries into anenlarged secretariat, within which directors would be nominated to manage the

clusters (Naidu and Vhromu, 2001).

See Annex V for a breakdown of the principal institutions of SADC following theadoption of the Extra-Ordinary Summit of the Report on Restructuring.

2. Strategy, activities, and funding of SADC

SADC functions as a decision making and policy shaping body. Representatives of its members meet regularly at various different levels from annual Summit toadministrational secretariat, to co-ordinate and integrate regional development

programmes and objectives. It employs the following legal instruments to achieve co-

operation and consensus on various issues: the treaty, protocols, agreements,memorandas of understanding, and declarations. The protocols are not ratified bymember states and SADC has no power of enforcement or sanction for them.

The SADC Parliamentary ForumThis is the most active arm of SADC, which runs educational workshops, electionmonitoring missions and training for Parliamentarians. Its main areas of work are: Election Observation Conflict Resolution Engendering Parliaments Inter-parliamentary Co-operation Regional Integration


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The forum aims to improve the scope for pro-active involvement of Parliamentariansin implementing integrative development policy, by building on their skills andknowledge base; particularly in areas such as conflict resolution and in promoting freeand fair democratic election process. The Engendering Parliaments workshops

programme for example, seeks to ensure the SADC gender and developmentdeclaration is implemented effectively both at national and regional levels (SADCPFwebsite, 2003).

There exists a similar programme The role of parliamentarians in combatingHIV/AIDS in the SADC region, which works with parliamentarians on educationalissues surrounding AIDS and the challenges of implementing effective health policy.


SADCs commitment to freedom of expression and pluralistic media is pledgedaccording to Article 19 of the UN Declaration on Human Rights, and within both the1991 Windhoek Declaration on the promotion of a Free African Press, and in the 2001SADC Treaty protocol on Culture, Information and Sport .

SADC member states have adopted a declaration on the role of informationand communication in community-building. It stresses and encourages the

freedom of the press, and the right to information of citizens. It also opens upthe region to greater private-sector investment (IGD guide to the SADC,2001; 142).

Within the protocols, Article 20 declares that: State parties shall take necessarymeasures to ensure the freedom and independence of the media.

The Community also identifies within these declarations what we have describedabove as the normative links between a free press, a fully informed electorate andfree and fair democratic process.

SADC gives due consideration to the cultural and human dimensions of development and the information needs of a society in a democraticenvironment 21 , since only through an informed constituency can SADC achieve its objective of enhancing participation by the people of the region in

shaping policies and being active participants in the political and development processes 22(2001).

In addition they believe there cannot be development without peace and security.Lasting peace is predicated on the existence of democratic institutions and a culture of democracy; the region has developed a common value system and put in placeinstitutions in that regard 23.

21 www.sadcreview.com/sectoral/cultureinformation&sport.htm22

The Information 21: Communicating in the 21st Century project will support the constituencymobilisation campaign.23 SADC information website (www.rptc.org.zw/sadc.htm).


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In practice however the SADCs activities in the area of information and specifically press freedom are relatively limited:

The Programme on Culture Information and Sport attests that All member States arein the process of reviewing their media policies and legislation in order to promote the

freedom of expression and the development of a pluralistic media (Culture,Information and Sport Website, 2001).

Activities concerning mediaThe legislation review process is ongoing and as yet SADC has not visibly undertakenany specific activities concerning press freedom. Its programmes on culture,information and sport, demonstrate attempts to encourage higher standards in mediaand integrate the efforts of broadcasting media across the region. For example theSouth African Broadcasting Association (SABA) and the SADC secretariat have beenworking together on the SADC calling programme. The SABA provided nationalradio stations with multi-media computer equipment and also commissioned a TalentConsortium to produce a 26-part television series of TV- magazine programmes,Beyond Our Borders. Training activities were also undertaken covering 250

broadcasting personnel.

SADC also runs an annual Media Awards Competition to encourage the improvementof media quality and standards in the region.


In the context of this project and the issue o

Documents

Free Press and Good Governance Southern Africa - Feustel