From Immigrant to Trans Migrant

8/7/2019 From Immigrant to Trans Migrant

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/from-immigrant-to-trans-migrant 1/17

From Immigrant to Transmigrant: Theorizing Transnational MigrationAuthor(s): Nina Glick Schiller, Linda Basch, Cristina Szanton BlancSource: Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 68, No. 1 (Jan., 1995), pp. 48-63Published by: The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic ResearchStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3317464 .

Accessed: 14/04/2011 08:41

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless

you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and youmay use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at .http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ifer. .

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed

page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms

of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic Research is collaborating with JSTOR to

digitize, preserve and extend access to Anthropological Quarterly.

http://www.jstor.org

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ifer

http://www.jstor.org/stable/3317464?origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp



http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

http://www.jstor.org/stable/3317464?origin=JSTOR-pdf




FROMIMMIGRANTTO TRANSMIGRANT: HEORIZINGTRANSNATIONALMIGRATION

NINA GLICKSCHILLER

Universityof New Hampshire

LINDA BASCHWagnerCollege

CRISTINA SZANTON BLANCColumbiaUniversity

Contemporarymmigrants an not be characterized s the "uprooted."Manyare trans-

migrants,becomingirmly rooted in their newcountrybut maintainingmultiple inkagesto theirhomeland. n the UnitedStatesanthropologistsreengaged n buildinga transna-tionalanthropology nd rethinkingheir data on immigration.Migrationprovesto be an

importantransnational

rocessthat

reflectsand contributeso the current

politicalcon-

figurationsof theemerging lobaleconomy. n this article we use our studiesof migrationfrom St. Vincent,Grenada,hePhilippines,and Haiti to the U.S. to delineate omeof the

parameters f an ethnography f transnationalmigrationandexplorethereasonsor andthe implicationsof transnationalmigrations.We conclude hat the transnational onnec-tionsof immigrants rovidea subtextof thepublicdebates n the U.S. aboutthe meritsofimmigration.transnationalism,mmigration, ation-state,nationalism,dentity]

In the United States severalgenerationsof re-searchershaveviewedimmigrants s personswho

uproot hemselves,eavebehindhomeandcountry,

andface the painfulprocessof incorporationntoadifferent ocietyand culture(Handlin 1973[1951];Takaki1993).A newconceptof transnationalmi-

grationis emerging,however, hat questions his

long-held conceptualization f immigrants,sug-gestingthat in both the U.S. and Europe, ncreas-

ing numbersof immigrants re best understood s

"transmigrants."Transmigrantsare immigrantswhosedailylivesdependon multipleand constantinterconnectionscross internationalbordersandwhosepublicidentitiesare configuredn relation-

ship to more than one nation-state GlickSchilleret al. 1992a;Basch et al. 1994).They are not so-

journersbecausethey settle and becomeincorpo-ratedin the economyand political nstitutions,o-

calities,andpatternsof dailylife of the country nwhichtheyreside.However, t theverysametime,

they are engagedelsewheren the sense that theymaintainconnections,build institutions,conduct

transactions,and influence local and nationalevents n the countries romwhichtheyemigrated.

Transnationalmigration is the process bywhich immigrants orge and sustainsimultaneousmulti-strandedocial relationsthat link togethertheirsocietiesof originand settlement. n identify-

inga newprocessof migration,cholars f transna-tionalmigrationmphasizeheongoingand contin-

uing ways in which current-day immigrants

constructand reconstituteheir simultaneous m-beddednessn more thanone society.The purposeof this article is to delineate he parameters f an

ethnographyof transnationalmigrationand usethis anthropologyo explore he waysin whichthecurrentdebate on immigrationn the U.S. can bereadas a nation-state uildingprojecthatdelimitsand constrainsthe allegiancesand loyalties of

transmigrants. nce we reframe he conceptof im-

migrantand examinethe politicalfactorswhichhave shapedthe imageof immigrants s the up-

rooted,a wholenewapproacho understandingm-migrants nd thecurrentdebateabout mmigrationbecomespossible.

Threevignettesof discontinuities e haveob-servedbetween he transnationalractices f immi-

grantsandcommonassumptionsbout mmigrantsmadeby scholars,members f the public, he me-diaandpublicofficials xperts llustratehe myopicview of immigrantsdemonstratedn muchpublicdebate.The vignettespointto the needto redefineourterminologyndreformulateome of ourbasic

conceptualizationsof the current immigrantexperience.

48



FROMIMMIGRANTTO TRANSMIGRANT 49

A large numberof Filipinohouseholdsare transnationalwith individuals,resources,goods, and servicesmovingbackand forthbetween the U.S., the Philippines, nd other coun-tries.Decisions hat affect thedailylives of householdmembers

are made across nationalborders.Yet SzantonBlancnoted,while participatingwith censusorganizersand Filipino mmi-

grants ivingin New York in discussions hatprecededhe ad-ministrationof the 1990 U.S. Census,that censusquestionsabout householdsdid not reflect the transnationalism f these

populations.1 he questionsassumed hat all Filipinosresidedin the U.S. permanently, avingcut theirties with their coun-tries of origin.The partialcharacterof many of the Filipinohouseholds ocatedin the U.S. that participatedn the censusinterviewwas not recognized.The frequency f travel between

the twocountries,he ongoingrelationshipsetweenhouseholdmembers iving in both locations markedby a constantex-

changeof funds and resources,andthe organization f activi-ties across borderswere not examined.Hence,officialsof

gov-ernmentaland civic institutionsoften formulatepoliciesand

programsbasedon census data that inadequately apture hestructureand mode of operationof manycontemporarymmi-granthouseholds.

At a dinnerrecentlyGlick Schiller istenedwhile interna-tionaldevelopment xpertsdebated he degreeto which and inthe Haitiancountrysidewascultivatedby squatters.Thesespe-cialistsdidnot consultwith the onlyHaitianat the table.Theydid not

expecthimto be familiarwith

questionsof land tenure

in Haiti because he was an authorityon Haitian cosmologywho had beenliving n the U.S. since he was a teenager.Whatthey did not consider was that the Haitian scholar and hisbrotherowned and in Haitiand that the twobrothershad ne-

gotiateda working elationshipwith the squatterswho lived onthat land. Like so many Haitians in the U.S., the Haitianscholarrelatesto Haiti throughdiverseandongoing ocial andclass relationshipshat influencehis stance towardsdevelop-ment in Haiti. Expertson Haiti routinely gnore he impactoftransnationalmigrationon all aspectsof Haitiansociety, in-

cludingHaiti'srelationshipo the U.S.

At Expo1993,a trade andcultural air in Brooklynpon-soredby the CaribbeanAmericanChamber f Commerce hatBaschattended,one of the panelsexploredhe extent to whichthe curriculumn New YorkCity schoolsgivesvoice to Afri-can-Caribbeannd African-Americanxperiences. t soon be-came clear thatmany mmigrantamiliesoptto sendtheir chil-dren to privateWest Indian schools in New York wherethecurriculum eflectsboth Caribbeanand U.S. experiences,pre-paringchildren o livea transnationalxistence.Indeed,manyWest Indianyoungsters re sent home to the West Indies forpart of their educations.However,publicofficialsengagedin

curriculum evelopmentften do notrecognizehat the sociali-zation of manytransmigranthildren akesplace in an inter-connectedsocial space encompassingboth the immigrants'West Indianhome societies and the U.S.

Towardsa Transnational nthropology

In the 1960s the word "transnational"as widelyusedby studentsof economicprocesseso referto

the establishment f corporate tructureswith es-tablishedorganizational ases in more than onestate (Martinelli1982). In a separate ntellectualtradition everalgenerations f scholarshad been

using the adjective"transnational"o signal anabatement f nationalboundariesndthe develop-ment of ideas or political nstitutions hat spannednationalborders;t is this usagethatcan be foundin standarddictionaries.For example,Webster'sThirdNew InternationalDictionary,defining heterm as "extendingor going beyond national

boundaries"1976: 2430), provideswo examples.The first from the New Republicmagazine peaksof the "abatement f nationalism ndthe creationof transnational nstitutions which will renderboundaries f minor mportance."n the secondci-tationEdwardSapir reports hat "bythe diffusionof culturallymportantwords ransnationalocabu-laries havegrownup."

Therecentuse of the adjective transnational"in the social sciencesandcultural tudiesdraws o-

gether hevariousmeanings f theword o that the

restructuringf capitalgloballys seen as linked othe diminished ignificance f nationalboundariesin the productionnddistribution f objects, deas,and people.Transnational rocessesare increas-

ingly seen as part of a broaderphenomenon f

globalization,markedby the demiseof the nation-state and the growthof worldcities that serveas

keynodesof flexible apitalaccumulation,ommu-nication,and control Knox1994;KnightandGap-pert 1989). In anthropology2herehas beena re-newed interest in the flows of culture and

populationacrossnational

borders,reviving, n anewglobalandtheoreticalontext,pastinterests nculturaldiffusion.3Manycontributorso this schol-

arlytrendsee it as partof an effortto reconfigureanthropologicalhinking o that it will reflectcur-renttransformationsn the way in which ime andspace is experienced nd representedAppadurai1990, 1991;Guptaand Ferguson1992;Kearney1991a, 1991b;Hannerz1989, 1990). Appaduraihas stated that ethnography ow has the task of

determining "the nature of locality, as lived experi-ence, in a globalized, deterritorialized world"

(1991: 196). He has further argued that there is aneed to reconceptualize the "landscapes of groupidentity," a need that flows from the current world



50 ANTHROPOLOGICALUARTERLY

conjuncturen which"groups re no longer ightlyterritorialized,patiallybounded,historicallyun-selfconscious, or culturally homogeneous"(p.191).'

Migrationis one of the importantmeans

throughwhich bordersand boundariesare beingcontestedandtransgressedKearney1991a;Rouse

1991, 1992). Anthropologistswho work with mi-

grantshavemuchto contributeo our understand-

ingof a newparadox:hat thegrowthandintensifi-cation of global interconnectionof economic

processes,people,and ideas is accompanied y a

resurgencen the politicsof differentiation.Whenwe study migrationratherthan abstract culturalflows or representations, e see that transnational

processesare locatedwithin the life experienceof

individuals nd families,makingup the warpandwoof of daily activities, concerns, fears, andachievements.

Reasons for Transnational Migration

Threeconjoining otent orces n the currentglobaleconomy ead presentday immigrantso settle incountries hat are centersof global capitalismbutto live transnationalives:(1) a globalrestructur-

ing of capitalbasedon changing orms of capitalaccumulationhas lead to deterioratingocial andeconomicconditionsn bothlaborsendingand la-bor receivingcountrieswith no location a secureterrainof settlement; 2) racismin both the U.S.andEurope ontributeso the economicandpoliti-cal insecurity f the newcomers ndtheir descend-

ants;and (3) the nationbuildingprojectsof bothhome and host society build political loyaltiesamong immigrants o each nation-staten which

they maintain ocialties.

Capitalismrom ts beginnings as been a sys-temof production ependent n global nterconnec-tions betweenthe peopleof the world.Todayweare facinga reconstitutionf the structureof ac-cumulationo thatnotonlyareprofits ccumulated

globally,but all partsof the worldhave beenincor-

porated nto a single systemof production,nvest-

ment, communication, oordination, taffing,pro-duction,and distribution Sassen 1994). In this

globalcontext here s less incentive o invest n en-

tire national conomies. t has becomemoreprofit-able to baseglobaloperationsn certaincities andregions hat are emergingas centersof communi-cationand organizationSassen 1991). Capitalisbeingchanneledntokey sectorsandregionswhile

the infrastructureof transportation, ducation,healthservicesarestrippedawayfromthosecoun-

tries,andsectionsof countries ndcities,defined s

superfluouso the newlydefined ircuitsof wealthand power.Attackson the infrastructureake the

form of structural djustmentprogramsn debtorcountriesand calls for reducedtaxes and publicspendingn capitalexporting ountries uchas theU.S.

The conditions or migrationn a myriadof

economically eripheraltates have been set by theintensivepenetrationof foreigncapital into the

economyand politicalprocessesof "post-colonial"countries n the 1960s and 1970s,and the subse-

quent massivegrowthof indebtednessand eco-nomic retrenchment. acedwithwide-spreadete-riorationn their standards f living,professionals,skilledworkers,unskilledworkers,merchants, nd

agricultural roducers ll have fled to globalcitiesor to countries uch as the U.S. that still playcen-tral roles ncapitalaccumulation.However, nce nthese countries, mmigrants onfronta deepeningeconomic risis that oftenlimits the economicpos-sibilities and securitymany are able to obtain.

Moreover, hose sectorsof the current mmigrantpopulationwhofind themselves acializedas "His-

panic,""Asian,"or "Black" ind that evenif

theyobtaina secureposition, heyfacedailydiscrimina-tion in the pursuitof their life activities.

Observingthe permeabilityof bordersandboundariessignaled by this form of migration,some observers avebegunto speakof the demiseof the nation-state'sbilityto formanddisciplineits subjects Kearney1991a).However,he taskof

creatingcapitalistsubjects,and the task of gov-erningpopulationswhowill work n andaccepttheworldof vastly ncreasednequalities f wealthand

power,continuesto reside

primarilyn different

andunequal tates. Financial nterests ndtransna-tionalconglomeratesontinue o relyon the legiti-macy and legal, fiscal,and policingstructuresofthe nation-state.'Thereare,however, hangespre-cipitatedby this emerging orm of migration.Weare enteringan era in whichstates that can claim

dispersed populationsconstruct themselves as"deterritorializednation-states" (Basch et al.

1994);states that continue o be basesof capitalratherthan the homelandof migrantsrespond nwaysthat tightenrather hantransgresserritorialboundaries.The hegemonicpoliticalethic of theU.S. continues o demand hatcitizens,both nativeborn and naturalized,wearallegianceonly to the




U.S. and define their political identitywithin itsborders.Meanwhile, ominantorces n laborsend-

ing states imaginetheir states to exist wherevertheiremigrantshave beenincorporated.

Memoriesof ThingsPast: The Issue of Historyand Memory n Immigration tudies

It is useful to recall the sociallyand historicallyconstructed atureof the conceptof nation-stateounderstandhis aspectof transnationalmigration.Recentscholarship as madeit clearthat nation-states are relativelynew inventions hat can belinkedto the developmentf capitalismand to the

type of politicaland economic oyaltiesthat serve

the needs of dominantclasses and strata withinmodern centralized states (Hobsbawm 1990;Gellner 1983). Nation-stateswere constructedasclassesand elite strata,striving o maintain rcon-tend for state power,popularizedmemoriesof asharedpastandusedthishistoricalnarrative o au-thenticateand validate a commonality f purposeand national nterests Anderson 991 1983]).This

process of constructingand shaping collectivememories an be callednation-statebuilding.Keyto nation-statebuildingas a politicalprocesshas

beenthe constructionf a myththat each nation-statecontainedwithin t a singlepeopledefinedbytheirresidence n a common erritory, heirundi-videdloyaltyto a commongovernment, nd theirsharedculturalheritage.In the past immigrantswereforced o abandon,orget,ordenytheirties tohome and in subsequent enerationsmemoriesoftransnationalonnectionswereerased.

There is evidence hat in variouswaysand todifferentdegrees, dispersedpopulationswhether

theywerediasporas f Jews(Clifford1994),Pales-

tinians (Gonzalez 1992), or "old world" immi-grants to the U.S. (Portesand Rumbaut1990),maintained etworks f interconnection.Manyim-

migrantsromEuropewho settled n the late nine-teenth and early twentieth century maintained

familyties, sendingbothlettersandmoney Metz-ker 1971;Thomasand Znaniecki1927). Italiansreturnedhome to land purchased hroughlaborabroad (di Leonardi 1984). The Czechs andSlovacks (Witke 1940), Hungarians (Vassady1982),and Irish(Highamand Brooks1978)were

among the many immigratingpopulationswhobuiltstrongnationalistmovementsn Europe roma base in the U.S.

These ties were discountedand obscuredby

the narratives f nation that wereprevalentuntilthe currentperiodof globalization.Assumptionsabout the uprootednessf immigrantsiltered he

way in whichimmigranthistorywas recorded,n-

terpreted,and remembered.6 t the heartof the

metaphorof "Americathe melting pot" was amodel of immigrantsettlement in which immi-

grantseschewedhe nationaldentityas well as thecustomsandlanguageof their birth.However, he

ruptureof home ties or their transformationntosentimentratherthan connection s also a central

aspectof pluralistandmulticulturalmaginings fAmerica in which immigrantgroups are en-

couragedto preservetheir culture,custom,and

identityyet be fullyembeddedn an Americanmo-saic

(Glazerand

Moynihan 1970[1963];Takaki

1989,1993).Whether he imageryhas been one ofassimilation nto a newlyemergentAmericancul-

ture, or incorporationnto a culturallydiverse

America, n the U.S. the forgingof an American

nationality as beenand continues o be theunder-

lyingconcern hatunitedall discourse bout mmi-

gration.7Whathasbeenuniformly efinedas unac-

ceptable was a migration n which immigrantssettled permanentlyn their new countrywhile

maintaining ies to countriesthey still saw as

homelands.And yet this is an emergingpatternamong manyimmigrantpopulations urrently et-

tlingin the U.S.'

A brief recountingof the Americanizationstudiescommissionedy the CarnegieCorporationin 1918 can serve to illustrateboth the types oftransnationaloliticalconnectionshat weremain-tainedby previousgenerations f immigrantset-

tled in the U.S. and the processesby whichtheseconnectionswerediscounted nd historically blit-erated. The studies were commissionedduring

WorldWar I becausethe home ties and politicalengagement f largenumbersof immigrantsrom

Europeraisedquestionsabout the allegianceand

loyalty of immigrants.'Researcherswere sur-roundedby andreported videnceof transnational

engagement f immigrantswith theirhomesocie-ties.Forexample,RobertPark,whosename s usu-

ally linkedto the Carnegiestudies,only becameheadof the entireprojectwhenHerbertAdolphusMiller,whohad beenleading he studies,andwhowas Chairof the SociologyDepartmentt Oberlin

Collegein Ohio,resigned n orderto devotemoretime to organizinghe Leagueof CentralEuropeanNations(Rausenbush 979).Yet transnationalieswereonlynoted n passingandnegatively alued n




thepublishedtudies.The studiesdescribed nd as-sessed he progressmadetowardsncorporatingm-

migrants nto U.S. society.These studiescontrib-uted to the publicperceptionhat suchpopulationswere in fact immigrants;meanwhile, he publiccampaigns o insure that these immigrantswereloyalto the U.S. alsosought o diminish he contin-uation of home ties. In subsequentgenerationsthese connections enerallywere not rememberedor reportedby social scienceresearchers.t is onlynow,andin the contextof the successfulncorpora-tion of pastgenerations f immigrants,hat a revi-sionisthistory n the U.S. is remembering ersist-ing transnationalonnections f pastgenerations f

immigrants. (See, for example, Portes andRumbaut1990.)

Andyet we argue hat the current onnectionsof immigrantsreof a different rder hanpastim-

migrant linkagesto home societies. The current

processes f restructuringnd reconfiguringlobalcapitalhave affected both internationalmigrationand nation-statebuilding n significantways. Thenew circuitsof capitalprovidehe context n which

migrantsand the descendantsof migrants,often

fully incorporatedn the countries of settlementsuch as theU.S., maintain r construct newtrans-

national nterconnectionshat differ n theirinten-sityandsignificancerom he hometies maintained

by past migrations Baschet al. 1994).They also

providethe context in which these linkagesare

again becomingvisible.Muchresearch emains obe done,but it wouldseem that the current ormsof capital accumulationand concomitantaltera-tionsin the formation f all classes and stratain-

terpenetratehe politicaland economicprocesses fnation-stateshroughouthe world.The increase n

density, multiplicity,and importance f the trans-

national nterconnectionsf immigrantss certainlymadepossibleandsustainedby transformationsnthe technologies f transportationndcommunica-tion. Jet planes, elephones,axes,andinternet er-

tainly facilitatemaintaining lose and immediateties to home. However,the tendencyof today'stransmigrantso maintain, build, and reinforce

multiple linkages with their countriesof originseems to be facilitated ather hanproduced y the

possibilityof technologicallyabridgingtime and

space.Rather,immigrant ransnationalisms bestunderstoodas a

responseto the fact that in a

global economy ontemporarymigrantshavefoundfull incorporationn the countries within whichtheyresettleeithernotpossibleor notdesirable.At

the same time parties, actions,andleaderswithin

manycountrieswhichcan claimdispersedpopula-tionshavelooked o theirdiasporas s a globalre-sourceand constituency.Although hey seeminglyrupture boundaries and borders, contemporarytransnationalulturalprocesses nd movements fpeople,ideas,and capitalhave been accompaniedby an increase n an identitypolitics hat is a cele-brationof a nation.We arewitnessinghe simulta-neousgrowthof globalizingprocesses nd the pre-eminence of exclusive, bounded, essentializednationalisms Appadurai1993; Anderson1992).This is a moment n whichlargenumbers f peo-ple, no longerrooted n a single place,go to greatlengths to revitalize,reconstruct, r reinventnot

only their traditionsbut theirpolitical

claims to

territoryand histories romwhichthey havebeen

displaced.Moreover hese "longdistancenational-ists" (Anderson1992: 12) insist that theircollec-tive claimsto ancestral and bearwitnessto their

identityas ancient,homogenous, eoples.Transna-tional processesseem to be accompaniedby the

"re-inscription"f identityonto the territory f thehomeland Gupta 1992). The Portuguesegovern-ment, for example,has declaredPortugal o be a

global nation (Feldman-Bianco 992, 1994). Its

emigrantsnd

thedescendantsf theemigrants repart of Portugaleven as they live within othercountries. Similarly, Haitians, Vincentians,Grenedians, nd Filipinosmay residepermanentlyabroadbut be seen as constituents f their home

country.The difference etween he relationshipf past

sendingsocieties towards heir diasporasand thecurrenteffortsof bothimmigrants nd stateswith

dispersedpopulationso constructa deterritorial-ized nation-statehatencompasses diasporic op-

ulation within its domain can be understoodthroughexamining he trajectory f Greekmigra-tion. Greece s one of the manycasesin whichdis-

persed populationshave been engagedin nation-state buildingover severalcenturies.Merchantsandintellectuals f Greekoriginsettled n Western

Europewereimportant ctors in the politicalandculturalprocesses f the late eighteenthand earlynineteenthcenturiesthat resulted n the modernGreek state (Jusdanis1991).1 Crucial ntegrativeinstitutions uchas localschools,andlibraries,he

university, cademy,polytechnic,nd

stadiumwere

built,in large part,by contributionsromthe dias-pora.There s evidence hatimpoverished,lliteratepeasants,as well as wealthyfamilies,contributed




to building national educational institutions(p.213). However,and the pointis critical,althoughthesenation-buildersngaged n multiple,overlap-pingtransnationalctivities n waysthat are simi-lar to present-daytransmigrants,hey did not

claim that their settlementsabroadwere part ofGreece.Theyweredeeplycommitted o the strug-gle to constituteGreeceas a statewith its ownau-tonomous erritory.This separation f nation-statefrom emigrant populationcan still be found instatementsof Greek-Americans ritingon Greek-Americandentity:orexample,"among hosebornin this country . . . one's identity is not that of a

transplantedGreek,but rather he sensibility f anAmerican thnic" Moskos1989:146,citedin Jus-danis 1991:216).

At present,a significant hangeis underway.Both the Greekgovernment nd personsof Greek

origins settled in various countries around theworld are redefining heir relationshipo Greece.The directionof the change is signaled by the

adoptionby the Greek governmentof the term

"spodemoi" r "Greeksabroad" or all personsofGreekancestry.For a sectorof thesepeople,"the

unifying orceof the Hellenicdiasporas no longera place, the nation-state of Greece, but the

imagined transcendental erritoryof Greekness

whichgroupsof individualsmayappropriateo suittheir own needs and interests"(Jusdanis 1991:

217). It is in this newtransnationalpacethat theGreek governments mobilizingpopular opinionfor its currentoppositiono the newly ndependentstate of Macedonia.As they participaten the po-liticalprocessof reimagininghe historyof North-ern Greece (Karakasidou1994; Danforthn.d.),membersof these populations,many long settled,are participatingn and definingthemselvesas a

partof the Greekpolitywhilethey simultaneously

remain embedded n the nation-states n whichthey are settled.

Evidenceof Transnational rocesses

Intheremainingectionsof this articlewe examinesome of the similarities hat emerge from such

comparativetudy, llustratehemwith someof ourown fieldstudies,and examine he implications fthisanthropologyf transnationalmigrationorthe

debateon the meritsof immigration.A large bodyof ethnographic ata on transnationalmmigrantnetworkshas beenproducedby researcherswork-ing in the Caribbean nd Latin America.Therich-

est descriptions f transnational rocessesare ofhouseholdand family economiesrooted in both

sendingand receiving ocieties; ewerdescriptionsare availableof transnationalrganizationsndpo-litical processes.Rubenstein 1982) and Thomas-

Hope (1985) in the 1980s and more recentlyGmelch (1992), in describingreturn migrationfromEngland,Canada,and the U.S. to the islandnation-states n the West Indies," have docu-mented he interweave f transnationalamilyrela-

tionships nd economic ransactionshat reserved

placefor returnmigrantsat home,offsetting heir

global vulnerability.These connectionshave ena-bledimmigrants uring heiryearsabroad o havechildrencared for by kin at home,to continueasactorsin key familydecisions, o visit at regularintervals, and to purchase propertyand buildhomes and businessesn their countriesof origin,evenas theyhaveboughthomesandcreatedbusi-nesses n their countries f settlement.

Georges (1990) and Grasmuckand Pessar

(1991) have noted that individuals nd households

struggled o maintain heirclasspositions r to se-cure class mobility n the DominicanRepublicbyworkingor setting up businesses n New York.While suchsojourns re sometimesemporary,e-turnhome s often

"fragile"Grasmucknd

Pessar1991:86), so thatmany mmigrantsnduplivingasettledexistence n the U.S. but investingn prop-erty,businesses nd socialstatus n the Dominican

Republic.Laguerre1978)and Brown 1991) havedescribedHaitian ransnationalamilynetworks furbanworking-classouseholds.Eventhough heyhad not fully developed conceptof transnational-

ism, a few scholarsof migrationrecognized hatthe transnationalinkages hat theywereobservinghad implicationsfor the immigrantsand their

homeandhost societies Chaney1979).For exam-ple,Gonzalez 1988: 10)noted hatmanyGarifunahave "become United States citizens, yet theythink of themselvesas membersof two (or more)societies."'12

Scholars such as Takaki (1989) and Pido

(1986),writingaboutAsian mmigrant opulationsin the U.S., have been even more focusedon the

problemsof immigrant ntegration,assimilation,and belonging,than those writing about LatinAmericanandCaribbeanmmigrants.Nonetheless,

recentethnographicccounts ontain omedescrip-tions of immigrantsrom the Philippines,China,and Koreacontinuingo maintain ies backhome(Pido 1986;Wong1982;Kim 1987).



54 ANTHROPOLOGICALQUARTERLY

Evidence f transnationalatternsof intercon-nectioncan be found in descriptions f migrationsto the U.S. and WesternEurope rommostregionsof the world.Someethnographers orkingwithre-cent immigrants n Italy, France, Holland,and

Spainhaveoccasionally bserved videnceof trans-national linkages (Eintziger 1985; Carter 1994;Neveu 1994; Jimenez Romero 1994). "Dollar"housesrecentlyhave been noted to transformhe

landscape nd inflate ocal landvaluesin the Phil-

ippinesand India as well as in the Caribbean,LatinAmerica,the Pacific,and Africa. However,evenwhentheyhave documentedhe circulation f

peopleand remittancesBallard1987)or identifiedthe growthof transnationalulturaldiasporasCo-hen 1994;Hall 1990),a numberof scholarswork-

ing in Europehaveyet to recognizehesignificanceof these interconnectionsor studiesin migrationand culturalpolitics.A conceptof "transnational-ism"wouldallow researcherso take into accountthe fact that immigrantsive their lives acrossna-tional bordersand respond o the constraints nddemandsof two or more states.

A ComparativeEthnographyof Caribbeanand

FilipinoTransnationalism

Amongthe Caribbeanand Filipinotransmigrantswithwhomwe worked, he processes f settlementfostered the development f transnationalism. s

theysettledin their new homes,membersof these

populationsdevelopedmultiple social, economic,andpolitical ies that extendedacrossborders. n-

corporationn the U.S. accompanied nd contrib-uted to incorporationn the homesociety.Funda-mental to these multiple networks ofinterconnectionre networks f kin who are based

in one or more households.Amongall classes ittakes some resourceso migrateand, often,migra-tion and the establishmentof transnationalnet-works are strategies o insure that a household sable to retainwhat it has in termsof resources ndsocial position.Flexibleextended amilynetworkshave long been used in all these countries o pro-vide access to resources.By stretching, econfigur-ing, and activating hese networksacross nationalboundaries,amiliesareable to maximize he utili-zation of labor and resourcesn multiplesettings

and survive within situationsof economicuncer-tainty and subordination. hese family networks,acrosspoliticaland economicborders,provide hepossibility or individual urvivaland at times so-

cial mobilityn contextsof vulnerabilitynd subor-dinationto world capitalismboth at home andabroad.

Thesecollective ransnationalamilystrategiesalso have

importantmplicationsor class

produc-tion andreproductiont bothendsof themigrationstream.They are helpful n maintaining, ndalsoat times in enhancing,he socialandeconomicpo-sitionsof transmigrants'amilies n classstructuresat home whereopportunitiesre often deteriorat-

ing. The Vincentianpeasantfamily of the Car-

ringtons s an apt exampleof the need to deployfamilymembersn severalocationsn order o sur-viveas a unit and retaina land base in St Vincent,and the relativeadvantagehat comesfromsuch a

strategy.This familyowned wo acresof land,theproduceof whichthe mothervended n the localmarket.Householdmembersived n a simpleclap-boardhouseof tworooms,withnoindoorplumbingor electricity.Two daughters,who could not find

employmentn St. Vincent's tagnant conomy, e-

spite the country'srecent political independence,migrated o the U.S. as domesticworkers o gainincome hatcouldhelp support amilymembersnSaint Vincentandcontributeo buildinga cementblockfamilyhome. Two brothers,who also could

not find worklocally,migrated o Trinidadas askilled automobile mechanic and constructionworker.The wife of oneof thebrothersater oinedher husband's istersin New York,whereshe toobecamea live-indomesticworker.The motherre-mainedbehind n St. Vincent o care forher son'stwo smallchildrenandoversee he construction fthe familyhome.At variousmomentsone of thebrothersn Trinidad,when he was laid off fromhiswork n Trinidad, eturned o the familyhomeinSt. Vincent; t was loans from his sistersin New

York that enabledhim to return o Trinidadwhenemployment pportunitieshere increased.

A middle-classFilipinocouple,severedfromthe supportof their extended amilybecauseof abusinessmisunderstanding,xperienced ifficulties

findingadequate mployment nd supportingheirchildren in schoolduringthe 1980s. Facing the

possibilityof a reducedclass positionand socialstatus, they took a calculatedrisk and migrated(firstthe wife andthenthe husbandandchildren)to theU.S., eventhough heyhadto leavetwo chil-

drenbehind o finish chool.Followingheirmigra-tion, child rearingdecisionshave been made byphoneand childrenhavemovedback and forthbe-tweenschooland business pportunitiesn different




parts of the U.S. and the Philippines.After thesuccessfulweddingof theirdaughter o a Manila

dentist,which was financedby with dollarsearnedin the U.S., the family s nowbuying andto builda house in the

Philippines;t also is investingU.S.

savingsin a small businessstartedby one of thesons in Manila.The parentscontinue o live in asmall rentedapartmentn Queens.

Not everyonewithina familynetwork r evenwithina householdmaybenefit o the samedegreeand tensionsaboundas men and women, hoseathome and thoseabroad,definetheir interestsandneedsdifferently.'sFor example,a Haitiandoctor

livingin Queens nvitedhis niecesfromHaiti intothehousehold.His wife,who foundher doublebur-

den of work and housework ompounded ythe

presenceof her husband's in,was bitteraboutthe

arrangement.Her anger was fueled by the factthat she wantedroom for her own siblings'chil-dren.In poorerHaitianfamilies ransmigrantseelcrushedby "billshere and there,"while those leftat home feel thattheyarenotbeing adequately e-imbursed or the family resources hey have in-vestedin sending he migrantabroad.Haitiansof

peasantbackgrounds,lliterate and with little ac-cess to phones n Haiti, havedeveloped rhetoric

in the form of songssent throughaudiocassetteswithinwhich tensionsand fissureswithin transna-tional households nd kin networksare communi-cated(Richman1992a).Women,who often shoul-der the responsibility for their children's

upbringing,aceparticular ressureso sendmoneyback home.A studyof Haitian remittancesromNew YorkCityto Haiti indicated hat women ent

larger amounts of money than men did, withwomen who "headed households"sending the

greatestamount(DeWind1987).

Migrantshave also createdbusinessactivitiesthat buildupon,and also foster,transnationalo-cial relationships. tudents of immigrationn theU.S. have devoteda greatdeal of energy o the in-

vestigationof enclaveeconomies,postulating hat

densely settled immigrantsare able to generatetheir own internal market for culturally specificcuisines, products, and objects (Sassen-Koob1985). However, t is possibleto view such com-mercial transactions s locatedwithin a transna-tional space that spans nationalborders,rather

than as confined o territorially asedenclaves.Sometimes the commercial interconnectionsare surreptitiousr so small scale they are barelyvisible. This is certainlytrue of the transnational

economicnetworksmaintainedby many Haitianswho usefamilyvisitsbetweenHaitiandthe U.S. to

restocksmall stores and businesses n Haiti withitems brought into Haiti in personal luggage.Whenshe comesforperiodic isitsto obtainmedi-cal treatmenthroughU.S. Medicare o whichsheis entitledafterlong yearsof work n the U.S., aswell as throughvisitsto relativesn Montreal,Yo-landeandher husband estock heir smallgift shopin Port-au-Prince.mmacula,visiting her sister,bringsbleachand othersupplies or her sister's u-neralparlor.Manymambosand houngon priestsand priestesseswho lead Haitian voodoogather-ings)import itualobjects rom Haiti for their cer-emonies n the U.S.

Often the most successfulmigrant

businessesarisein the veryinterstices reatedby transnation-alism-for example, hipping nd aircargocompa-nies, import-exportirms, labor contractors,and

moneytransferhouses.At the sametime the busi-nesses facilitatethe deepeningof transnationalo-cial relations.A shipping ompany tartedby twobrothers rom St. Vincent s suchan undertaking.CarlHilaire,usingthe savingshe accrued romhis

jobas a bankclerk n NewYork,starteda business

shippingbarrelsof goodsbetweenmigrantsn New

York and theirkin in St. Vincent.His brother nSt. Vincent received and delivered he goods as

they arrived n St. Vincent. The success of thebrothers' hipping ompanywas in partrelatedtotheiractive nvolvementsn social serviceactivitiesbothin St. Vincentand the immigrant ommunityin New York,whereeach was well known.

Despite he wide use madeof thiscompanybytransmigrantamiliesandbusinessesn New Yorkand St. Vincent, he limitedcapitalavailablen theeastern Caribbean immigrant community has

servedas a brakeon the growthof this company.Employedprimarily s clerks andjunior evelad-ministrators n servicesectorcompanies,Vincen-tianimmigrants,ncludingCarl,have imited undsavailable or investment urposes, nd limitedcon-nections o peoplewithcapital, o enable hisbusi-ness to expand nto relatedactivitiesor to be ex-tendedto other West Indian slands.

However,t is possible or businesseshat fa-cilitate transnationalonnections o generate argeamountsof capital.Whenby 1987 annualremit-

tances to Haiti grew to an estimated to beU.S.$99.5milliona yearfrom the New Yorkmet-ropolitan rea,Citibanknvestigatedhe possibilityof competingwith the profitableHaitianmoney




transferbusinesseshat had developedn the U.S.

(DeWind1987).Becauseof theirlargerpopulationsize and resourcebase,Filipinoshave beenable to

developlarge scale transmigrantbusinesseswith

multiplebranchesacrossnationalbordersby usingthe interstices reatedby the ongoing ransnationallivesof the newimmigrants.Forexample, tartingwith the sale of rice and vegetablesto Filipinonursesfrom a small deliverytruck as a second

sourceof income,a Filipinoaccountantprogres-sively graduatedo the bulkair shipmentof trans-

migrants'balikbayan "homecomers")oxes. Ten

years later he had officesin New York, Manila,and six otherPhilippine ities,a fleetof some 100courierspickingup and deliveringthe packagesdoorto door,anda specialagreementwithcertainairlines.The oncepart-timebusinesshas becomea

large nvestment nda full timeoccupationor him

and other membersof his family.The growthofthesebusinessess a testimony o multiple ies thatextendbetweenhome and host countries.

Transnational racticesextendbeyondhouse-hold and familynetworks o includeorganizationsthat linkthe homecountrywith oneor moresocie-ties in whichits population as settled.Immigrant"voluntaryssociations"aveoftenbeenstudiedas

institutions hatassist in the

adaptationof new-

comersto a new location(Mangin1965). On theotherhand,researcherswho havelooked orexpla-nationsfor culturalpersistencen the midst of as-similativepressureshave arguedthat immigrantsbuildorganizationso preserve heirpracticesand

values,evenas theyassistin adaptationJenkins tal. 1985).Socialprograms riented owards he in-

corporation f immigrantsnto their new societyoften use these organizations s culturalbrokers.Mostrecently n the U.S. immigrant rganizations

have beenseenas representativesf ethniccommu-

nities that contribute o a nation'sculturaldiver-

sity. None of these approacheshas examined hecontributionthese organizationsmake to the

growthof socialand politicalspacesand cultural

practices hat go beyond he boundaries f the na-tion-state.Also not exploredby scholarsor policymakersare the implications f transnationalrga-nizationalconnectionsor programmaticffortstouse immigrant rganizationss agentsof the social

and political ncorporationf immigrantsnto thereceiving ociety.

Each of the four immigrantpopulationswithwhichwe workedhaddeveloped rganizationshatbuilda densenetwork f transnationalnterconnec-

tions.They organizednotjust nostalgic maginingsof the homecountrybut activerelationshipswithit. Theseorganizationalctivitiesprovided base

uponwhichleaderswere able to validateor buildsocial and political capital in both societies.

Vincentians ndGrenadians,ivena migration is-toryto the U.S. that spansthe twentiethcentury,andconfrontingacialbarriers oth n thepastand

present hat preventedheirfull incorporationntothe social and political ife of the nation,have a

long history of using organizationso maintaintransnationalnterconnectionsBasch 1992;Baschet al. 1994;Toney1986)."Theincreasingransna-tionalactivitiesof Vincentian nd Grenadian rga-nizationsollowing1970 demonstrateheimportantimpactself-ruleand political ndependencen theWest Indies.combinedwithgreatlyexpanded mi-

gration o the U.S., havehad on the organizing fa multi-strandedransnationalocialfield."1

Filipino ransmigrantsave builta densenet-work of linkageswith hundredsof organizationsthat stage religious,cultural,and social eventsinthe Philippines s well as in the U.S. Fiestas,for

example,n towns n the Philippines ave takenona grandscalewith the participationf Filipinoor-

ganizationsn the U.S. Someof the organizationshave

developedewformsof

Filipinonationalden-

tity and politicalactionand have mediatedrela-

tionshipsbetween he U.S. andPhilippines overn-ments(Baschet al. 1994).

A surveyof the leadersof Haitianorganiza-tionsin New YorkCitybegunduring he Duvalier

dictatorshipndicated he rangeof organizationallinkagesthat can grow up, even in a situationwheretransnationalrganizationsre viewedwith

suspicionor activelyoppressedn the homecoun-

try.16Not all Haitianorganizationsn New York

were transnationalbut more than forty percentwereengaged n activitiesorientedat least in partto Haitiandsixty percent awsomeof theiractivi-ties in someway contributingo Haiti.The rangeof organizationshat operated n a transnationalsocial field included Protestant and Catholic

churches, lumnaeorganizationsromvarioushighschools, hometownassociations,Masoniclodges,culturalassociations,17and organizationshat sawthemselves s a voiceof the "Haitian ommunityn

New York."Theseorganizationsaw theirmem-bersas neither olelypartof the U.S. nor Haitibutrather as connected imultaneouslyo both socie-ties. To educate Haitianyouthin the U.S. wouldboth contributeo theirsuccessas Americansand




assistin the transformationf Haiti. After the fallof the Duvalier egimemanyof theseorganizationsworked o developorganizationalasesin Haiti.

Transmigrants ave been partisansand par-ticipantsn strugglesagainstdictatorshipsn Haiti,the Philippines,and Grenadaand have chargedtheirrespectivegovernmentso be responsibleor

makingdemocracywork.Throughorganizations,as wellas on the basisof personalransnationale-

lationships,ransmigrantsavebeenableto playarole in politicalarenas n both the U.S. and theirhomecountries.Key members f the anti-Duvaliermovement n the U.S. returnedto Haiti in the1980sand builtsupport or politicaland social re-form from a base bothin Haiti andin the U.S. Inthe

yearsbetween he fall of the Duvalier egime n

1986 and the electionof Aristidein 1990, candi-dates for the Haitian legislatureand Presidencycampaignedn the U.S., Canada,and Haiti. Sev-eral were long-timeresidentsof the U.S. Takingthe stance that they share a single destiny,Hai-tians demonstrated n New York, Washington,Miami, Boston, Montreal,and Port-au-Princeodemandpoliticalchange n Haiti,to protest he la-

belingof Haitiansas carriers f AIDS, and for thereinstatementf Aristideas President f Haiti.

Vincentianand Grenadianmmigrants,

haveworkedcloselywith,and sometimesas representa-tivesof, their homegovernmentso obtainU.S. ec-onomicsupport.Grenadian ransmigrants,or ex-

ample,lobbiedthe U.S. governmentor economicassistancepromisedbut never deliveredafter theU.S. invasion of their country and expectedthrough he CaribbeanBasin Initiative.Active ineffortsto develop agriculturaland industrialex-

ports from their home countries,GrenadianandVincentianmigrantshave built organizationshathave worked

loselywith their homecountries' on-

sulates in New York to obtain more favorabletermsof tradeforCaribbean griculturalnd man-

ufacturedproductsbeing imported nto the U.S.

Theyalso have beenpartof efforts o obtainmorelenientimmigration uotas.

Filipinotransmigrantswere a majorforce in

developing ppositiono the Marcosgovernmentnthe wake of deteriorating conomicconditionsathome and in ensuringU.S. supportin topplingMarcos.Through ransmigrant rganizing,discus-

sion groups,speeches,and mediaexposure,a newform of nationalism was created and fostered

amongtransmigrantsn the U.S. under he leader-shipof opponentso the Marcosgovernment. his

movement ookoff after the Aquinoassassination.It lobbied or a newgovernmentnd a renewalof

democracyn the Philippines nd obtained he col-laborationof key U.S. Senatorsand Representa-tives. Popularoutragein both the U.S. and the

Philippines t Marcos'manipulationf the Philip-pine nationalelections,confirmed y the personalobservationsf top U.S. politicians, ndaccompa-niedby the intense obbying f transmigrants,lti-

mately orced he Reagangovernmento change ts

policies owardsMarcosandto helpoverthrowheMarcosregime.The personnel f the Filipinore-

gimes that have followed,beginningwith that of

CoryAquino,havebeen filledwithpoliticalplayerswhosepersonal ndpoliticalnetworksinkthem toboth the U.S. and thePhilippines.n the 1980sand1990s increasedFilipinoeffortsto lobbythe U.S.

Congressorassistanceor the Philippineseflecta

political terrain of dense transnationalinterconnection.

These activitieshave all beenspearheaded yimmigrant eadersin the U.S., acting in concertwith politicalactors in their home nation-states.LamuelStanislaus, n informal eader n the WestIndian mmigrant ommunityn Brooklyn,s anex-

ample of how immigrants re able to participatein-and have an

impacton-political strugglesn

bothGrenadaand the U.S. A dentistto the WestIndian and African American populationsin

Brooklyn, tanislaus migratedromGrenada ver

forty-five earsagoto studyat HowardUniversity.In the mid-1980she becamea key organizer f a

support group comprisedof West Indian immi-

grants n New York to re-electMayorKoch.Themembersof this organizationelt that the then-

mayorwascognizant f and wouldbe responsiveoWest Indian nterestsn New York.Stanislaushadtaken

partn several

meetingswith

Koch,at which

he lobbied or West Indian nterests.At the sametime Stanislaus,who during the last years of

Bishop'sgovernment ad been vocal in his opposi-tionto what he consideredo be thatgovernment'santidemocratic ractices,headed a supportgroupof Grenadians,ocatedboth n New YorkandGre-nada,to electa successor o MauriceBishop,after

Bishopwas murdered nd the U.S. invadedGre-nada. When Stanislaus' candidate was elected

primeministerof Grenada,Stanislaushimselfwas

appointedGrenada'sambassador o the United

Nations,althoughhe had not visitedGrenada noverforty years.

As we see fromtheseexamples, he abilityof




these transmigrantso wield political nfluence nboth the U.S. andtheirhomenation-states erivesfromtheirpolitical ncorporationn both settings.Grassroots rganizing inked to new social move-ments as well as electoralpolitics akeplacein the

emerging ransnational oliticalarenas.Whilethedominantpoliticalethic of the U.S. continues odemand hatcitizens,both nativebornandnatural-

ized, swearallegianceonly to the U.S. and definetheirpolitical dentitywithin ts borders,he trans-nationalismof increasingnumbersof its citizens

promotesnewpoliticalconstructionsn labor-send-

ing states. Facingsituationsof extreme economic

impoverishmentnd dependency,Caribbeanead-ers are developingconstructions f their nation-states that

encompasshose

residingabroadas

partof theirbodypolitic.Theseconstructions, hichwehave labeled "deterritorialized nation-states"

(Baschet al. 1994) define state boundariesn so-cial rather than geographic erms. Accordingtothis readingof the nation-state,he bordersof thestatespreadglobally o encompass ll migrants ndtheir descendantswherever hey may settle andwhateveregal citizenship hey mayhaveattained.

Bishop, he primeministerof Grenadaduringtheearly1980s,reflectingheperspectivef several

West Indianpolitical eaders,underscoredhe im-portanceof the immigrants o Grenada'snation

building by referring o Brooklynas "Grenada's

largest constituency."To assure that the immi-

grantsremainconnected ndcommittedo projectsat homeboth deologicallyndfinancially,coresofWest Indianpolitical eadersvisit their"constitu-encies"in the diaspora o describetheir develop-ment initiatives. n so doing heyenmesh he trans-

migrants n the nation-statebuildingprocessesofWest Indiannation-states.

As early as 1973 Philippines PresidentMarcos,andsubsequently is successors, evelopeda programorbalikbayan"homecomers")ndbe-

ganto use the termto referto Filipino itizensandnon-citizensresiding overseas.They encouragedmigrants o visit homethroughvisa and travel fa-cilitation and allowed for large shipmentsof per-sonaleffects that ultimately ed transnationalm-

port-exportbusinesses and they levied taxes onincomes arnedabroad.Government fficials alled

upon Filipinotransmigrantso fund development

projectsin the Philippinesand to lobby for in-creasedU.S. aid. Filipinosenatorsand congress-men came to the U.S. to campaign or electedof-fice in the Philippines.

This extensionof the bordersof the nation-state to includetransmigrantopulationsong set-tled and often legally citizensof other countrieswas highlightedby the politicaldiscourse f Presi-dent Aristideof Haiti. In 1991 he designated heHaitian diasporaDizyem-na,the Tenth Depart-ment of Haiti. Haiti has nine territorialdivisionscalled departments.By including Haitians inwhatever ountry hey havesettled as partof theHaitiannation-stateAristidecontributed o a newconstruction f thepostcolonialation-state. n thisconstruction f Haiti as a borderlesstate,Haitian

territorybecomes a social space that may existwithin helegalboundaries f manynation-states.8"Haiti now exists wherever n the worldHaitianshad settled.

Speakingof the "bank of the dias-

pora,"he offered he model of Jewish Zionismasevidenceof the productivityof this strategy in

which,in the Haitianreading,the diaspora taysabroadbut providesmoneyandpoliticalassistanceto the "home" ountry Richman1992b).1'

Aristide'sconstruction f the Tenth Depart-ment recognized,accepted,and made use of the

multiple embeddednessof the Haitian trans-

migrants nd theirparticipationn the political ifeof the U.S. Haitian transnationalism as more

than egitimized:t wasnationalized. ynationaliz-ing transmigrants, ristidemadeHaitiantransna-tionalisma political orce that mustbe figuredntothe relationship etween Haiti and the other na-tion-statesn whichHaitianshave settled.By theo-

rizing a deterritorializedation, leaderssuch asAristideare definingvoting, lobbying, unning or

office,demonstrating,uildingpublicopinion, end-

ing remittances,and maintainingother transna-tionalactivitiescarriedout in the U.S. as acts of

citizenshipand expressionsof loyalty to another

country.U.S. hegemonicforces, on the other hand,havereacted o the growing ommitment f trans-

migrantso participaten the politicalprocesses fboththe U.S. and the "homesociety"by renewed

incorporativefforts.They have insisted that thebottom line loyalties of Caribbeanimmigrantsmustbe to the U.S. Interviews onductedn 1986with representatives f fifty-one philanthropies,churches, nd stateagencieswhoworkedwith Hai-tianimmigrant rganizationsmadethisclear.Rep-

resentatives f U.S. organizationswereexplicit ntheir insistence that Haitian immigrantsbecomeU.S. citizensandgiveup theirallegiance o Haiti.Bothimplicitlyhrough he money, echnicalassis-



FROM IMMIGRANT TO TRANSMIGRANT 59

tance, and political connections they providedto or-

ganizations, and explicitly in the course of meet-

ings and conversations with Haitian leaders, these

representative sent a consistent message. It was

summarized by a representativeof the CommunityService Society, a large philanthropicorganization:"I have problemswith dual citizenship; I believe in

allegiance to one country."

Implications of Transnationalism for the Debate

on Immigration

The paradox of our times, and one that must be

central to our understanding of the identities and

dilemmas of current day immigrants is that the

"ageof transnationalism" is a time of

continuingand even heightening nation-state building

processes. In the current heightening of nationalist

sentiment in a globalized economy, transnational

migration is playing a complex, significant, yet lit-

tle noted role (Miles 1993). It lies as a silent sub-

text that contributes to the actions, motivations,and sensibilities of key players within the political

processes and debates of both states that have his-

tories of population dispersal and states that have

primarily been and continue to be recipients of

populationflows. In the U.S. the debates on both

immigration and multiculturalism need to be ana-

lyzed in relationship to the efforts by dominant

forces to reconstruct national consensus and legiti-mate state structures at the same time that they

globalize the national economy. The 1994 passageof the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs

and California's Proposition 187 that denies vital

services to undocumented immigrants are a

matched set of policy initiatives. As the national

economy is restructured to facilitate higher levels

of profit for transnational capital, politicians and

the media have projected a bunker mentality, con-

vincing the majority of the population, including

people who are themselves immigrants that the na-

tional borders have to be defended against the un-

documented. Undocumented workers are said to be

the cause of the deterioration of the infrastructureand the lack of public services.

The strategy of U.S. hegemonic forces forminga national consensus by depicting immigrants as an

enemies of the nation is not new. However, the par-

ticular focus on the undocumented is worth exam-

ining for several reasons. Certainly the continuing

ability of the nation-state to punish violations of

law should not be dismissed in debates about the

demise of the nation-state. In the realm of the

withdrawal of rights to health, education, and

peace of mind, the U.S. nation-state is clearly able

to enforce a distinction between categories of be-

longing. However, it should be noted that the polit-ical rhetoric and policies such as Proposition 187

delineate legal residents and the undocumented,rather than native born and foreign or citizen and

non-citizen. Similarly, the special Federal Commis-

sion on Immigration Reform chaired by former

U.S. RepresentativeBarbara Jordan does not advo-

cate halting immigration but does propose restrict-

ing undocumented immigration.

This particular emphasis on categories of le-

gality has a dual thrust. The debate is as much

about confining immigrant loyalties to the U.S. as

it is about reducing the flow of immigration. Of

course, the current national public discussion about

immigration certainly contributes to a broader

anti-immigrant hysteria that has racist underpin-

nings, with all immigrants of color finding their

presence and activities under increased scrutiny.

Concepts of "America, the white" are reinforced.

Yet at the same time, documented immigrants are

being drawn into the debate on the side of enforce-

ment, validating their right to belong but differenti-

ating themselves from other immigrants.There is a

dialectic between inclusion and exclusion that disci-

plines transnationalmigrants by focusing public at-

tention on the degree to which they belong in the

U.S. The current debate on immigrants in U.S. will

lead not to the effective policing of national borders

but to the reinscriptionof boundaries. It serves to

counter transnational identities and loyalties and

creates a terrain in which immigrants are drawn

into defending whatever they have achieved or ob-

tained by defending it against the undocumented.

They are therefore drawn into a discourse of iden-

tity that links them to the U.S. nation state as a

bounded structure of laws and institutions as wellas a defended territory. Yet none of the nation-

building processes encompasses fully the complex-ity and multiple identities which constitute the lives

of transmigrants.

NOTES'The Filipino immigrants also did not raise the issue of

transnationalism. Even while they continue to build their trans-national practices and networks, immigrants, very often influ-

enced by the concept of "the immigrant" as uprooted, believethat they must make a choice between their new country and

their homeland. Interactions such as these with the census or-




ganizersreinforce heirbelief that U.S. societywants them tobe loyal to only the U.S., so that they do not describeother

aspectsof theirexperiences.

2"Transnational" appears n the titles of books,disserta-

tions,conferences, ndjournals AmericanAcademyof Politi-

cal and Social Science 1986;Georges1990;Richman1992a;

Rouse1989;Wakeman1988).Diaspora s "ajournalof trans-national tudies,"Public Culturehas as its subtitle the "Soci-

ety forTransnationaltudies,"and the statementof purpose f

Identitiesspeaksof "transnationalmovements f population."In 1993 transnational onnectionsbecame a theme of the an-

nualmeetingsof the AmericanEthnological ociety,whilethe

Societyfor CulturalAnthropologyalled for workon "transna-

tional culture."The 1994meetingsof the AmericanAnthropo-

logical Society containedseven sessions devotedto transna-

tional studies.

3Sutton and Mackiesky-Barrow1992[1975]: 114) were

amongthe first to speakof a "transnationalociocultural nd

politicalsystem" n which"political ventsat home .. had an

impacton the migrantcommunities broadwhile migrantex-perienceswere relayed n the oppositedirection."Researchers

workingwith immigrantswhoselivesdefy, sometimeson dailyterms, the legal constraintsof the Mexicanand U.S. border,

beganto talk of "transnationalircuits" Rouse1989, 1991)or

"transnationalommunities"Kearney1992;Rousen.d.). Ap-

padurai 1990, 1991)andGupta(1992), notingthe rapidflow

of ideas and objectsas well as people,beganto reimagine he

globeas havingenteredan era of transnationalism, positionalso expressedby Rouseand Kearney.In 1989,respondingo

our call to developa transnationalperspectiveon migration,sevenscholarsexamined he ramificationsf transnationalmi-

grationto the U.S. from Asia, the Caribbean,Mexico,and

Portugal,at a conferenceat the New York Academyof Sci-ences (see Charles, Feldman-Bianco,Lessinger,Ong, Rouse,

Richman,and Wiltshire n Glick Schilleret al. 1992b).

4This tatement eflectsa tendency ound n manyscholars

influencedby postmodernismo imaginea pastof unchangingand tightlybounded ultures.

5Appadurai1993) has made a similarpointbut does not

includemilitaryand policefunctions.

6Gilroy (1987) has examined he responseof blackimmi-

grantyouthin Britain from a similarperspective.7See Chock (forthcoming) or a critiqueof the way in

which texts such as the HarvardEncyclopediaof American

EthnicGroups hapednarratives f immigrant ettlementand

identity.8The intensityof earlierdrivesto assimilateimmigrants

may actuallyhave been a reaction o the fact that immigrantsof earliergenerations lso tendedto maintain heirhome ties.

Certainlythere are glimpses in the historicalrecordof largescalereturnmigrationo Italy(PortesandRumbaut1990)andof political movements n Europe,includingmany national

struggles hatweretransnationaln theircompositionHighamand Brooks1978).

9BolsheviksncludingTrotsky wrote for the immigrant

press n New Yorkand then returned o Russia n thecourseofthe revolution o buildnewspapersn the Soviet Union.

1OThey ontributedto the reconceptualization f the

Greek-speakingopulationroma religiousmilletcomposed fco-religionistswithin the OttomanEmpireto a nation with asharednationalcultureand its own state.

"The term "WestIndies" s used to describe hosecoun-

tries formed rom he Caribbeanerritories nder he controlofthe Britishduringthe colonialperiod.The term "Caribbean"hasa broader onnotation,eferringo all islandstateslyinginthe CaribbeanSea as well as statesalongthe northern imofSouth America(See Basch 1987, 1992).

12Further work on Garifuna networks hat interconnect

populationsn multiplenationstateshas been doneby Macklin

(1992). Macklin dentifieda pattern n whichimmigrantnet-

works panso manycountrieshatmigrantsdevelopan identitywhichin someways is independent f any particularnational

territoryor history.

13SSeePessar 1991 for an explication f this theme.

"Theseinterconnections,hichwereapparentn theearly1980s,led Basch to designa studyto explorethe extent and

ramificationsf theseconnections.This researchwas conductedunder he auspicesof the UnitedNationsInstitute orTrainingand Researchand was fundedby the United NationsFund for

PopulationActivitiesand the InternationalDevelopmentRe-

search Centre(Ottawa, Canada).

RosinaWiltshire,

Winston

Wiltshire,and Joyce Toney were researchcollaboratorswith

Basch;their efforts were greatlyaidedby the researchassis-

tance of ColinRobinson, sa Soto, and MargaretSouza.

"1Themmigration egislationof 1965,and the socialand

economicrelationsbetweenthe UnitedStates and the Carib-

beanthat framed ts enactment,greatly iberalized estrictions

of West Indian mmigration hat had been in forcesince the

1920s.Thishistoricmoment 1965 to 1970)was a watershedn

the expansionof the West Indianpopulation, f West Indian

social,political,and economicactivities,and of increasingas-

sertionsof a publicWest Indian dentity n New York. Trans-

nationalorganizationsplayed an importantrole in fostering

these intertwining evelopments.16The survey,as well as a surveyof U.S. organizations

that provided upport o Haitianethnicorganizingwas funded

by a grant from the National Institutefor Child Healthand

Human Development #281-40-1145) to Josh DeWind and

Nina Glick Schiller.It was developedand administered y a

researchteam that included Marie Lucie Brutus, Carolle

Charles,GeorgeFouron,and AntoineLuis Thomas.Fora re-

port on some of the findings, see Glick Schiller et al.

1992[1987].17"In er researchwith Filipinoorganizationsn New York

CitySzanton-Blancounda similarrangeof organizations ith

transnationalonnections.

1"GeorgeAnglade had previouslyused the term in hiswritingsbut Aristidepopularizedt. Theconceptof the Tenth

Departmenttrucka resonantnoteamonga number f middle-

class Haitianimmigrants nd aspiringpolitical eaders n the

U.S., andtheyproceededo holda seriesof meetings o organ-ize the manner n whichthey wouldassistHaitiand to choose

officialrepresentativesf the TenthDepartment.

'1Aristidealso waged a campaignto insure that when

transmigrantsamehometo visit andspendtheirmoney, heyfelt welcome.In the past persons n the diasporawere often

devaluedas unauthenticopportunistswho had jumped ship.

"Diaspora"becamea somewhatpejorativeerm. In contrast,Aristidecalledon the Haitianpopulationo welcome hetrans-

migrantswho shouldreturn o Haiti not to settle but as "goodhomegrownKreyol ourists" bonjan pitit kay touris Kreyol)and to see them not as a threatbut a sourceof assistance or

the strugglesof the Haitianpeople(Richman1992).



FROM IMMIGRANTTO TRANSMIGRANT 61

REFERENCESCITED

AmericanAcademyof PoliticalandSocial Science.1986. Fromforeignworkers o settlers?Transnationalmigration ndthe emer-

genceof new minority.The Annalsof the AmericanAcademyof Political and Social Science 485 (May): 9-166.Anderson,Benedict.1992.The new worlddisorder.New Left Review 193:2-13.

. 1991 1983]. Imaginedcommunities:Reflectionson the originsandspread of nationalism,rev. ed. London:Verso.

Appadurai,Arjun.1990. Disjuncture nd differencen the globalculturaleconomy.Public Culture2(2): 1-24.. 1991. Global ethnospaces:Notes and queriesfor a transnationalnthropology.Recapturing nthropology, d. R. Fox.

Santa Fe NM: School of AmericanResearchPress.. 1993. Patriotism and its futures. Public Culture 5(3): 411-429.

Ballard,Roger. 1987. The politicaleconomyof migration:Pakistan,Britainand the Middle East. In Migrants,workers,and thesocial order,ed. J. Eades. New York:Tavistock.

Basch,Linda.1987.The Vincentians nd Grenadians: he roleof voluntary ssociationsn immigrant daptationo New YorkCity.In New immigrants n New York,ed. Nancy Foner.New York:ColumbiaUniversityPress.

. 1992. The politicsof Caribbeanization: incentians nd Grenadiansn New York. In Caribbeanife in New YorkCity:Socioculturaldimensions,rev.ed., ed. C.R. Suttonand E.M. Chaney.Staten IslandNY: Center for MigrationStudies.

Basch,Linda,Nina GlickSchiller,and CristinaSzanton-Blanc. 994. Nations unbound:Transnationalrojectsandthe deterritori-

alized nation-state.New York:Gordonand Breach.Brown,KarenMcCarthy.1991.Mama Lola:A Voudoupriestessin Brooklyn.Berkeley:University f CaliforniaPress.Carter,Donald. 1994. States of grace:SenegaleseMourid n Turin.Paperpresented t the symposium,Transnationalism,ation-

State Building,and Culture.WennerGrenSymposium117, Mijas, Spain,June.

Chaney,Elsa. 1979. The worldeconomyand contemporarymigration. nternationalMigrationReview 13:204-212.

Charles,Carolle.1992.Transnationalismn the constructof Haitianmigrants' acialcategoriesof identity n New YorkCity. InTowardsa transnational erspectiveon migration,ed. Nina GlickSchiller,LindaBasch,andCristinaBlanc-Szanton.NewYork:New YorkAcademyof Sciences.

Chock,PhyllisPease. forthcoming.Culturalism:Pluralism,culture,and race in the HarvardEncyclopedia f AmericanEthnic

Groups.Identities:Global Studies in Cultureand Power1(4).Clifford,James. 1994. Diasporas.CulturalAnthropology (3): 302-338.

Cohen,Robin. 1994. Notions of diaspora:Classical,modernandglobal. Paperpresented t the ThirdInternationalConference nGlobalHistory,Robert BlackCollege, Universityof Hong Kong,3-5 January.

Danforth,Loring.

n.d.How cana womangive

birthto one Greekandone Macedonian? heconstructionf nationaldentityamongimmigrants o AustraliafromnorthernGreece.Unpublishedmanuscript.

DeWind,Josh. 1987. The remittances f Haitianimmigrantsn New YorkCity. Unpublishedinalreportpreparedor Citibank.di Leonardi,Micaela. 1984. The varietiesof ethnicexperience:Kinship,class, and gender among CaliforniaItalianAmericans.

IthacaNY: CornellUniversityPress.

Eintziger,Hans. 1985. Returnmigrationn WesternEurope. nternationalMigrationReview23(2): 263-288.Feldman-Bianco, ella. 1992.Multiple ayersof timeandspace:Theconstruction f class, race,ethnicity,and nationalism mong

Portuguesemmigrants. n Towardsa transnationalperspectiveon migration,ed. Nina Glick Schiller,Linda Basch,andCristinaBlanc-Szanton.New York:New YorkAcademyof Sciences.

. 1994. The state, saudadeand the dialecticsof deterritorializationnd reterritorialization.aperdeliveredat the sympo-sium,Transnationalism,ation-StateBuilding,and Culture.WennerGrenSymposium117, Mijas,Spain,June.

Gellner,Ernest. 1983.Nations and nationalism.Ithaca NY: CornellUniversityPress.

Georges,Eugenia.1990. Themakingof a transnationalommunity:Migration,development,ndculturalchange n the Dominican

Republic.New York:ColumbiaUniversityPress.

. 1992. Gender,class, and migrationn the DominicanRepublic:Women'sexperiencesn a transnationalommunity. nTowardsa transnational erspectiveon migration,ed. Nina GlickSchiller,LindaBasch,and CristinaBlanc-Szanton.NewYork: New YorkAcademyof Sciences.

Gilroy,Paul. 1987. Thereain't no black in the UnionJack. London:Hutchinson.. 1992. Culturalstudies and ethnicabsolutism. n Culturalstudies,ed. L. Gossberg,C. Nelson,and P. Treichler.New

York:Routledge.Glazer,NathanandPatrickMoynihan.1970[1963]. Beyond he meltingpot: TheNegroes,PuertoRicans,Jews,Italians,and Irish

of New YorkCity.CambridgeMA: MIT Press.GlickSchiller,Nina. 1992.Postscript:Haitian ransnationalracticeandnationaldiscourse. n Caribbeanmmigrantsn New York,

rev.ed., ed. ConstanceSuttonand Elsa Chaney.Staten IslandNY: Centerfor MigrationStudies.GlickSchiller,Nina, LindaBasch,and CristinaBlanc-Szanton. 992a.Transnationalism: new analyticframework or under-

standingmigration. n Towardsa transnational erspectiveon migration:Race, class, ethnicity,and nationalismreconsid-ered, ed. Nina Glick Schiller, Linda Basch and Cristina Blanc-Szanton. New York: New York Academy of Sciences.

SI992b. Towards a transnational perspective on migration.:Race, class, ethnicity and nationalism reconsidered. New York:

New York Academy of Sciences.Glick Schiller, Nina, Josh DeWind, Marie Lucie Brutus, Carolle Charles, George Fouron, and Antoine Thomas. 1987. Exile, ethnic,

refugee: Changing organizational identities among Haitian immigrants. Migration Today 15: 7-11._. 1992. All in the same boat?: Unity and diversity in Haitian organizing in New York City. In Caribbean life in New York



62 ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

City,rev.ed., ed. ConstanceSutton and Elsa Chaney.Staten IslandNY: Centerfor MigrationStudies.GlickSchiller,Nina andGeorgesFouron.1990."Everywhere e go we are in danger":Ti Mannoandthe emergence f a Haitian

transnationaldentity.AmericanEthnologist17(2): 329-347.

Gmelch, George. 1992. Double passage. The lives of Caribbean migrants abroad and back home. Ann Arbor: University of Michi-

gan Press.

Gonzalez, Nancie. 1988. Sojourners of the Caribbean: Ethnogenesis and ethnohistory of the Garifuna. Urbana: University of Illi-

nois Press.. 1992. Dollar, dove and eagle: One hundred years of Palestinian migration to Honduras. Ann Arbor: University of Michi-

gan Press.

Grasmuck, Sherri and Patricia Pessar. 1991. Between two islands: Dominican international migration. Berkeley: University of Cali-

forniaPress.

Gupta,Akhil. 1992. The song of the nonalignedworld:.Transnationaldentitiesand the reinscriptionf spacein late capitalism.Cultural Anthropology 7(1): 63-77.

Gupta,Akhil and JamesFergerson.1992. Beyond"culture": pace, identityand the politicsof difference.CulturalAnthropology7(1): 6-23.

Hall, Stuart. 1990.Cultural dentityand diaspora. n Identity:Community, ulture,difference, d. JonathanRutherford.London:Lawrenceand Wishart.

Handlin,Oscar. 1973[1951].The uprooted,2d ed. Boston MA: Little Brown.Hannerz.Ulf. 1989. Scenarios or peripheral ultures.Paper presentedat the symposium,Culture,Globalization nd the World

Systemheld at the Universityof Stockholm,Sweden.. 1990. Cosmopolitan and locals in world culture. In Global cultures, nationalism, globalization, and modernity, ed.

Michael Featherstone.NewburyParkCA: SageHigham,Johnand Charles Brooks.1978. Ethnicleadership n America. BaltimoreMD: JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress.

Hobsbawm, Eric J. 1990. Nations and nationalism since 1780: Programme, myth, and reality. New York: Cambridge UniversityPress.

Jenkins, Shirley, Mignon Sauber, and Eva Friedlander, 1985. Ethnic associations and services to new immigrants in New York City.New York:CommunityCouncilof GreaterNew York.

Jimenez,Romero,C. 1994.Transnationalmigrationo Spain.Paperpresented t the symposiumn Transnationalism,ation-State

Buildingand Culture.WennerGrenSymposium117, Mijas, Spain,June.

Jusdanis,Gregory.1991. Greek-Americans nd the diaspora.Diaspora1(2): 209-223.

Karakasidou, nastasia.1994. Sacredscholars,profaneadvocates: ntellectualmoldingnationalconsciousnessn Greece. dentities:Global Studies in Culture and Power 1(1): 35-61.

Kearney,Michael.1991a. Borders nd boundaries f stateand self at the end of empire.Journalof HistoricalSociology5(1): 52-

74.. 1991b. Rites of passageand humanrights: Ethnicityand politics n the Greater Mixteca.Paper presentedat the 90th

AnnualMeetingsof the AmericanAnthropological ssociation,Chicago,November.

Kim,Illsoo.1987.The Koreans: mallbusinessn an urban rontier. n Newimmigrantsn New York,ed. NancyFoner.New York:ColumbiaUniversityPress.

Knight,RichardV. and Gary Gappert,eds. 1989.Cities of global society.Vol. 35. UrbanAffairs Annual Reviews:Sage.Knox,Paul. 1994. World cities and organization f global space. Paperdeliveredat the New Hampshire nternational eminar

Series,October7, 1994, Universityof New Hampshire,Durham,NH.

Laguerre,Michel. 1978. Ticoulouteand his kinfolk:The studyof a Haitian extendedfamily. In The extended amily in Black

societies,ed. DemitriShimkin,EdithShimkin,and DennisFrate. Paris:Mouton.

Lessinger,Johanna.1992. Investingor going home?A transnationaltrategyamongIndian mmigrantsn the UnitedStates. InTowards a transnational perspective on migration, ed. Nina Glick Schiller, Linda Basch, and Cristina Blanc-Szanton. New

York:New YorkAcademyof Sciences.

Macklin,Catherine.1992.Indigenous, iaspora, nd Black.Paperpresented t the 91st AnnualMeetingsof the AmericanAnthro-pologicalAssociation,San Francisco,December.

Mangin,William. 1965.The role of regionalassociations n the adaptation f ruralmigrants o cities in Peru.In Contemporarycultures and societies of Latin America, ed. R. Adams and D. Heath. New York: Random House.

Martinelli,Alberto. 1982. The politicaland social impactof transnational orporations.n The new international conomy,ed.

HarryMakler,AlbertoMartinelli,and Neil Smelser. International ociologyAssociation: age.Metzker, Isaac, ed. 1971. A Bintel brief: Sixty years of letters from the Lower East Side of the Jewish Daily Forward. New York:

Doubleday.Miles, Robert. 1993. Racism after "race relations." London: Routledge.Neveu, Catherine.1994.Of a naturalbelonging o a politicalnation-state:he Frenchcase. Paperdeliveredat the symposium n

Transnationalism,ation-StateBuilding,and Culture.WennerGrenSymposium117, Mijas, Spain,June.

Ong, Aihwa. 1992. Limits to culturalaccumulation:Chinesecapitalistson the AmericanPacificrim. In Towardsa transnational

perspective on migration, ed. Nina Glick Schiller, Linda Basch, and Cristina Blanc-Szanton. New York: New York Academyof Sciences.

Pido, Antonio. 1986. The Filipinos in America.:Macro/micro dimensions of immigration and integration. Staten Island NY: Centerfor Migration Studies.

Portes, Alejandro and Rub6n G. Rumbaut. 1990. Immigrant America: A portrait. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Rausenbush, Winifred. 1979. Robert E. Park: Biography of a sociologist. Durham NC: Duke University Press.



FROM IMMIGRANT TO TRANSMIGRANT 63

Richman, Karen. 1992a. They will remember me in the house: The power of Haitian transnational migration. Ph.D. Dissertation,

Universityof Virginia.. 1992b."A lavalas at home/A lavalas for home":Inflections f transnationalismn the discourseof HaitianPresident

Aristide. In Towards a transnational perspective on migration, ed. Nina Glick Schiller, Linda Basch, and Cristina Blanc-

Szanton.New York:New YorkAcademyof Sciences.

Rouse, Roger. 1989a. Mexican migration to the United States: Family relations in the development of a transnational migrant

circuit. Ph.D. dissertation, tanfordUniversity.. 1991. Mexican migration and the social space of postmodernism. Diaspora 1: 8-23.

. 1992.Makingsenseof settlement:Classtransformation,ultural truggle,and transnationalismmongMexicanmigrantsin the United States. In Towards transnational erspective n migration, d. Nina GlickSchiller,LindaBasch,and CristinaBlanc-Szanton.New York:New YorkAcademyof Sciences.

. n.d. Migrationand the politicsof familylife: Divergentprojectsandthe rhetorical trategies n a Mexican ransnational

migrantcommunity.Unpublishedmanuscript.Rubenstein,Hymie. 1982. Returnmigration o the English-speakingaribbean:Reviewandcommentary.n Returnmigration nd

remittances: Developing a Caribbean perspective, ed. William F. Stinner, Klaus de Albuquerque, and Roy S. Bruce-Laporte.

WashingtonDC: RIIES OccasionalPapersNo. 3, Research Instituteon Immigration nd Ethnic Studies,SmithsonianInstitution.

Sassen,Saskia. 1991. Theglobal city:New York,London,Tokyo.PrincetonNJ: PrincetonUniversityPress.. 1994.Rethinking ntegration:A transnationalerspective. aperdelivered t thesymposiumnTransnationalism,ation-

StateBuilding,

and Culture.WennerGrenSymposium117, Mijas, Spain,

June.Sassen-Koob, askia. 1985.Changing ompositionndlabormarket ocationof Hispanic mmigrantsn New YorkCity, 1960-1980.

In Hispanics n the U.S. economy,ed. M. Tiendaand G. Borjas.New York:AcademicPress.Sutton,ConstanceandSusanMakiesky-Barrow.992[1975].Migration nd West Indianracialandethnicconsciousness. n Carib-

bean life in New York City: Sociocultural dimensions, rev. ed., ed. Constance Sutton and Elsa Chaney. Staten Island NY:Centerfor MigrationStudies.

Takaki, Ronald. 1989. Strangers from a different shore: A history of Asian Americans. New York: Penguin Books.. 1993. A different mirror: A history of multicultural America. Boston MA: Little Brown.

Thomas, W.I. and Florian Znaniecki. 1927. The Polish peasant in Europe and America. New York: Knopf.

Thomas-Hope,ElizabethM. 1985.Returnmigration nd its implicationsorCaribbean evelopment:heunexploredonnection.n

Migration and development in the Caribbean: The unexplored connection, ed. Robert Pastor. Boulder CO: Westview.

Toney, Joyce Roberta. 1986. The development of a culture of migration among a Caribbean people: St. Vincent and New York.Ann ArborMI: UMI Dissertation nformation ervices.

Vassady,Bella. 1982."Thehomeland ause"as a stimulant o ethnicunity:The Hungarian-Americanesponseo Karolyi's1914

tour. Journal of American Ethnic History 2(1): 39-64.Wakeman,Frederic,Jr. 1988.Transnationalnd comparativeesearch. tems 42(4): 85-88.Wiltshire,Rosina. 1992. Implications f transnationalmigration or nationalism: he Caribbean xample.In Towardsa transna-

tionalperspectiveon migration,ed. Nina Glick Schiller,LindaBasch,and CristinaBlanc-Szanton.New York:New YorkAcademyof Sciences.

Wittke, Carl. 1940. We who built America: The saga of the immigrant. New York: Prentice Hall.

Wolf, Eric. 1982.Europeand the people withouthistory.Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress.Wong, Bernard P. 1982. Chinatown: Economic adaptation and ethnic identity of the Chinese. New York: Holt, Rinehart and

Winston.

Documents

From Immigrant to Trans Migrant