From Trade Cards to the Internet: Depiction of Germans and

Germany in American Advertising

Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen

Fakultät IV (Sprach- und Literaturwissenschaften) der Universität Regensburg

vorgelegt von

Felix A. Kronenberg

aus Hannover

2007

Erstgutachter: Prof. Dr. Udo Hebel

Zweitgutachter: Prof. Dr. Albrecht Greule

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Contents

Acknowledgments .....................................................................................................................4

Preface.......................................................................................................................................5

1. Underlying Concepts: Culture, Stereotypes, and Advertising ............................................7

1.1 History of Advertising in the United States ........................................................................8

1.2 Advertising and Culture ..................................................................................................18

1.3 The Appeal of Advertising ...............................................................................................24

1.4 Stereotypes: An Approach ...............................................................................................31

1.5 How We Are Seen: Images, Stereotypes and Nationality..................................................41

1.6 Images and Stereotypes of Foreigners in Advertising ......................................................49

1.7 Images and Stereotypes of Germans and Germany in America ........................................55

2. Germans and Germany as Object of Admiration..............................................................61

2.1 The Efficient, Precise, Perfect and Diligent German .......................................................61

2.2 German Engineering and the Automobile ........................................................................66

2.3 “High Culture”: Music, Art and Crafts ...........................................................................75

2.4 Endorsements and Celebrities .........................................................................................83

2.5 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................86

3. Escaping Daily Life: Germany and Nostalgia....................................................................88

3.1 Vacation- and Fantasyland Germany: Spatial Escapism .................................................89

3.2 Historic Germany: Temporal Escapism.........................................................................107

3.3 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................123

4. The Typical German in American Advertising ...............................................................126

4.1 German Lifestyle: Food, Beer and Gemütlichkeit ..........................................................126

4.2 Beyond Clothes: The Germans’ Physical Appearance and Gender ................................139

4.3 The German Language..................................................................................................145

4.4 The New Germans .........................................................................................................155

4.5 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................159

5. Germans and Germany as Friend and Foe......................................................................163

5.1 The Business Partner.....................................................................................................165

5.2 German Products and American Culture.......................................................................168

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5.3 The Evil German ...........................................................................................................174

5.4 The German Business Rival...........................................................................................194

5.5 Germans as Objects of Ridicule....................................................................................198

5.6 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................203

Conclusion.............................................................................................................................206

References .............................................................................................................................212

Primary Sources .................................................................................................................212

Secondary Sources ..............................................................................................................226

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Acknowledgments

Writing this dissertation has been a wonderful experience, which would have been much

harder without the support and help of so many people. I thank my wife Elesha Newberry not

only for listening to my thoughts and the advertising jingles and slogans I could not get out of

my head, but also for keeping up my motivation during times of procrastination.

Of course I would like to thank my family in Hannover, Germany, who supported me

along the way and were always there for me. I thank my friends for putting up with my rants on

this advertisement or that commercial and helping me stay in touch with life beyond the

dissertation.

I would also like to express my gratitude to Professor Dr. Udo Hebel, Head of the

American Studies Department at the University of Regensburg, who helped me not only shape

my topic and guide me into the right direction, but always gave me excellent advice when I

needed help. Furthermore I would like to thank Professor Dr. Albrecht Greule of the German

Studies/Germanistik Department, who agreed to be the second reader of this dissertation.

Finding and getting the resources I needed for this dissertation would have been so much

harder, if not impossible, without the possibility of conducting my research at Penn State

University. My thanks goes to Prof. Dr. Wanner and the German Department, who welcomed me

at Penn State as a visiting scholar for one and a half years. The administration and the library

staff there have done a wonderful job helping me get situated and find relevant materials within

the amazing library.

There is not enough room here to thank the many other people that helped me with this

dissertation, but I am very grateful for their help and contributions, even though they are not

specifically named here.

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Preface

“Though advertising is widely acknowledged as having an impact on 'society,' most people claim

to have acquired personal immunity from its 'effects.'”1

This dissertation sets out to discover how the world of American advertising depicts

Germans (and German-Americans for that matter) and Germany. As this topic has not received

any notable previous attention, the following analysis is bound to enter new territory. As the

research progressed I noticed that an abundance of these particular advertisements existed

beyond my initial expectations or hopes.

The following dissertation works on two levels: while some parts are descriptive-

cumulative overviews that reflect and portray the rich materials I found, others contain analyses

of certain exemplary aspects and highlights that are indicative of reocurring themes. Thus the

following thesis should not be regarded as a complete overview but rather as an introductory

work that sparks further discussion and analysis. Further research might deal with a closer look

at certain time periods or particular images and stereotypes.

The dissertation is divided into two parts: the first chapter gives an overview of

background information and theoretical concepts pertaining to the analysis. The second part

deals with the analysis of a wide variety of advertisements that are related to Germans and

Germany. The material is drawn from several sources, ranging from academic publications,

videotapes, newspapers and magazines, online databases and websites to privately collected print

and video advertisements.2

The search criteria include at least one of the following two conditions: Firstly, images of

Germany or Germans are displayed in pictorial, musical, or textual form. This includes any kind

1 Robert Goldman, Reading Ads Socially (London: Routledge, 1992) 1. 2 Some ads in private collection may lack complete quotation information, such as exact date and publication information. Please also note that many academic texts do not quote analyzed advertisements. In many cases the only way to include certain advertisements is to rely on those texts’ analyses and descriptions without using the primary sources. Please also note that the source of TV commercials without specific reference to day, month, and station (e.g.: Mercedes “Toaster,” advertisement, 2004.) is the online database found under <http://ad-rag.com/>, the date of reference being April 5, 2005. Advertisements in the New York Times from before the year 2001 were retrieved from the digital archive “New York Times Historical (1851-2001)”. This database under the web address <http://proquest.umi.com/> has restricted access. Some page numbers or newspaper sections of cited advertisements retrieved from this digital source may not appear fully, indicated by “XX” used in the electronic document and in the citation.

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Several technological advances during the second half of the nineteenth century led to a

growth and modernization of advertising. Between 1880 and 1910, photographic technology and

color lithography became available and the resulting changes in the graphic arts and photography

made it possible to create visually appealing ads. Reproduction of images became cheap and

abundant.18

The emergence of the national market increasingly put pressure on local and regional

ones. Selling products beyond the region required companies to expand their markets and create

new ones. Norris sums up the pre-conditions for the rise of modern advertising:

Between the end of the Civil War and the turn of the century, conditions in the American

economy and in society merged to satisfy the necessary pre-conditions for advertising to

play a very powerful role in creating national markets for consumer goods. Among these

pre-conditions were a breakdown of localism, a collected audience and a concentrated

market, an educated citizenry, an industrial structure characterized by oligopoly, the

potential for mass production, a growth in per capita income, and a culture that valued

consumption.19

In post-Civil War years a number of innovations allowed entrepreneurs to make their

products known throughout the nation. In the 1860s the first advertisements were distributed

nationally via monthly magazines. E.C. Allan started the People's Literary Companion in 1869,

marking the beginning of the "mail-order" periodical, and three years later Montgomery Ward

began a mail order business with the issue of its first catalogue. Sears, Roebuck & Company

followed in 1886. The growth of periodical and magazine marketing was facilitated by the new

postal regulations of 1885, which reduced the cost of second class mailing to one cent per pound,

allowing an almost immediate increase in the number of new subscription-based periodicals. The

number of ads in newspapers also increased significantly in the last decades of the 19th century.

“Until the late 1800s,” Croteau and Hoynes remark, “U.S. newspapers had been largely funded

and controlled by political parties, politicians, and partisan organizations. Then the news shifted

Nineteenth Century Showcases,” Advertising and Popular Culture: Studies in Variety and Versatility, ed. Sammy R. Danna (Bowling Green: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1992) 66.) 18 Leach 50. 19 Norris xv-xvi.

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from a partisan, politically based press to a commercially based press.”20 It also is during this

time period that advertising became a profession and the very meaning of the word “advertising”

itself changed, acquiring its now common commercial connotation,21 reflecting the growing

importance of this trade.

The first form of advertising I found during my research that uses images of Germans are

trade cards, which were promotional tools featuring two distinct sides. One side usually featured

an appealing image generally not directly connected to the advertised product or business.

Customers often collected trade cards because of these images, much like stamps or coins. The

aspect of collecting these cards was very powerful, as people frequently and carefully examined

their collections and actively sought to accumulate more trade cards.22 On the other side of the

trade card, the advertiser could place an individual message, which generally included prices and

short descriptions of sales items, a store location, special offers, etc. This versatile advertising

form was used by both larger and smaller businesses. Even though American trade cards have

been in use from the 1730s, this advertising trend did not reach its height until the 1880s and

1890s.23 Several factors led to the emergence of trade cards, their success, and their widespread

use at the end of the 19th century.24 The technology of lithography, which has arrived in America

in the 1820s and allowed the use of several colors25 and a more consumption-oriented society,

led to the rise of the trade card. In addition, advertisers did not have editorial constraints in

contrast to advertising in newspapers and magazines, which led to a wider variety of possible

themes and subjects.

The important aspect for our purposes are the graphic, collectible sides, which were often

connected by and grouped into popular themes, such as flags, images of children, vehicles of any

sort, factories and company buildings, animals, short narratives, and people of different

20 David Croteau and William Hoynes, Media Society: Industries, Images, and Audiences (Thousand Oakes: Pine Forge Press, 2003) 69. See also: Baldasty. 21 Boorstin, Advertising and American Civilization 13-14. 22 The trade card coincided with the hobby of collecting, which emerged in the nineteenth century. Stewart remarks that collecting shows the wish to control the social and natural world around us and a growing relationship to objects and things. (Cf.: Stewart.) 23 John J. Appel, “Trade Cards,” Exhibition Catalogue: Ethnic Images in Advertising (Philadelphia: Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies, 1984) 3-6.; also: Greene 64. Despite their huge popularity in the United States during the last decades of the nineteenth century, trade cards went out of fashion rapidly in the beginning of the new century. 24 “At the height of its popularity in the 1880s,” Robert Jay remarks, “the trade card was truly the most ubiquitous form of advertising in America.” (Jay 3.) 25 Jay 1.

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ethnicities. African Americans, Chinese, and Native Americans26 were the groups predominantly

displayed, more stigmatized, exoticized, and prejudiced against. European immigrant groups

were also shown, but usually the caricatures were less harsh and comparatively mild as well as

“generally good-natured parodies, usually lampooning language more than physical

appearances…”27 Jay also asserts that references to specific groups of European immigrants were

not very many: “This is undoubtedly due in large part to the fact that such immigrants made up a

considerable part of the consumers that advertisers were trying to attract.” However,

caricaturized images of “the occasional rotund German” were used in trade card imagery.28

Appel reports of trade cards depicting “fat, beer-swilling Germans with absurd accents.”29

Another reason that not very many of those images were found, beside the fact that these

depictions would have deterred potential German consumers, is that by the turn of the century,

more and more trade cards and other lithographic products, such as posters, labels and post cards,

actually came from Germany.30

This early example of modern advertising is exemplary in that it shows that majority

groups in a culture are not depicted stereotypically as often as minorities are. As Germans

constitute a large part of the American population, they have not been depicted in a negative way

as often as other groups have. Furthermore, the example shows that images of economically

important groups, such as exporting nations, are generally depicted in a more favorable light.

The First Half of the Twentieth Century

New inventions of the late 1800s such as the automobile and discoveries such as aspirin

did not reach their full impact on advertising until the twentieth century, but would become

major players in the ad world.31 Products, such as telephones, cameras, electric phonographs, and

26 “Having only briefly interfered in the great western expansion, the Indian had duly disappeared, and in doing so had once again become exotic. This exotic appeal in turn made the Indian a natural vehicle for advertising.” (Jay 71.) 27 Jay 75. 28 Jay 75. 29 Appel 6. 30 Jay 102. 31 The automobile industry first needed to create a market for its revolutionary product; and while aspirin was competing with the previously heavily advertising patent medicine producers, this successful drug forced a drastic decrease in patent medicine advertising. (Goodrum and Dalrymple 35. See also on patent medicine advertising: 24-29.)

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radios, became available for private people and their home use.32 The spreading of self-service

stores also fostered an increase of the importance of brand-name products and hence advertising;

customers faced more and more choices where they previously had had none. In the twentieth

century also a growing number of grocery stores started to offer this self-service.33

The invention of the radio had a considerable impact on the development of advertising.

The first radio ad in the U.S. aired in 1922, and by the 1930s this technology and the use of it as

an advertising medium had become common. According to Croteau and Hoynes, it was during

the 1920s that advertising emerged as a mass phenomenon, “when leaders of the business

community began to see the need for a coordinated ideological effort to complement their control

of the workplace.” They view the changes during this decade as more than merely economical:

“Advertising would become the centerpiece of a program to sell not only products but also a

new, American way of life in which consumption erased differences, integrated immigrants into

the mainstream of American life, and made buying the equivalent of voting as a form of

commitment to the democratic process.”34 Women, who had entered the workforce during World

War I, were the main target audience of advertising as they made up the majority of consumers.

The Depression brought about a decline in advertising due to bankruptcy and more

cautious spending. During times of financial depression, companies had to reduce costs as much

as possible. If companies were to invest money in advertising, it would have to have a positive

enough effect on sales. Thus many advertisers started to research sales and purchases, and it was

during these years that George Gallup started to offer polling services.

The political world as well started to notice the power of advertising, also referred to as

public relations in this context, in the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1914, World War I

broke out in Europe, but the United States did not enter the war until 1917. The American public

was sceptical about sending troops to faraway Europe and many Americans did not see the need

for drastic action against Germany. To overcome this reluctance, the Committee on Public

32 Goodrum and Dalrymple 39. 33 The first larger grocery stores emerged in the late 1800s in the United States, which began to experiment with self-service. The origin of self-service supermarkets (although not called so until the 1930s) can be traced back to the opening of the first Piggly Wiggly store in 1916. It was so successful that 3 years later its founder Clarence Suanders had opened 125 stores. (Richard Pillsbury, No Foreign Food: The American Diet in Time and Place (Boulder: Westview Press, 1998) 103.) 34 Croteau and Hoynes 187; see also Ruth Mayer, “’Taste It!’: American Advertising, Ethnicity, and the Rhetoric of Nationhood in the 1920s,” Amerikastudien 43 (1998): 131-141.

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Information, or CPI, headed by George Creel, was initiated by President Woodrow Wilson.35

The so-called “four-minute men” traveled around the United States to increase public support for

the war. “Their talks often contained inflammatory and false information about rumored

atrocities committed by the Germans,” Lester remarks. “The efforts were successful as American

citizens learned to hate the Germans and enlisted in the military in great numbers. Because of the

massive outpouring of public opinion, journalists of the day simply were not permitted to write

anything critical about the nation's propaganda campaign."36 The use of public persuasion and

propaganda was, of course, nothing new, but it was the first time that it was employed in this

concentrated and coordinated manner in conjunction with the new technical possibilities and it

showed the effectiveness of such actions. Such depictions of the Germans as the enemy,

analyzed in chapter 5 below, are likely to have made an important impression on the American

public and not only helped build up pro-war, but also anti-German sentiment.

Advertising was used both in mass persuasion concerning the war as well as in elections.

“To be sure, political candidates had been advertising since at least the 1890s,” Lears points out,

“and political parties had been hiring advertising agencies since Theodore Roosevelt's

administration. But the world war [I] was the first time that government policy itself had been

systematically promoted through commercial techniques of mass persuasion."37

By the Second World War, advertising had become more professional and widespread.

The change from a peacetime to wartime economy caused many problems and resulted in a

paradox for the advertising industry: “the dissonance between the wartime spirit of self-denial

and the advertising spirit of self-indulgence.”38 Many consumers were absent or had worries

other than material gratification. Commercial advertising seemed to be expendable during these

times:

35 On George Creel and his commission see also: Jackall and Hirota 13-35. 36 Paul Martin Lester, Visual Communication: Images with Messages, 2nd ed. (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 2000) 68. Nelson refers to World War I propaganda as “blatant manipulation of news and public opinion during World War I through persuasive campaigns by government and various special interests” (Richard Alan Nelson, “Propaganda,” Handbook of American Popular Culture, 2nd ed. Vol. 3, eds. Thomas M. Inge and Dennis Hall (New York : Greenwood Press, 2002) 1327.) 37 Lears, Fables of Abundance 219. On differences between commercial and political advertising, see: R. J. Harris 180-185. 38 F. Fox 10.

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[A]dvertising costs should be deleted as a deductible business expense, or at least

reduced, because there was no need to advertise. […] As a consequence, the agencies

offered to turn their attention elsewhere. The War Advertising Council encouraged the

purchasing of war bonds, the donation of blood, the thrill of enlistment, and, most

interesting in terms of how they later behave, the encouragement of women to enter the

workforce.39

Many of these advertisements sent out a powerful message, not only in commercial terms, but

also in terms of perception of the evil Germans. With the end of the war and the transformation

back in a peacetime economy, advertising quickly changed back to more positive images of the

Germans and negative connotations were replaced by those of the new enemy, the Soviet Union.

Post-World War II

The most important development of the post-war years that had an impact on advertising

was the invention and spread of television. During the 1950s, TV became more popular and

widely available and thus was used increasingly by advertisers. The combination of pictures and

sound made ads more appealing and more likely to draw the consumer’s attention. The use of

color in television increased these effects, making TV images more realistic and persuasive.

Television – and commercials – became a dominating factor in American culture, influencing

people’s lives, choices, and values.

During the 1960s, many people, especially the younger generation, questioned and turned

against existing conservative values and attitudes. Among these were the consumer culture,

which indulged in an abundance of goods and offerings, and the advertising industry, which

preserved and fueled the underlying forces. In his book The Waste Makers, which was published

in 1960, Vance Packard attacked the industry for not working for the public’s good, for pushing

consumption needlessly due to selfish and personal interests, and for wasting and destroying the

country’s resources. The book sparked further accusations towards the advertising industry,

which was on defense after these attacks and devised new strategies to win back consumer trust

39 Twitchell 82.

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by utilizing a more “humanistic approach, softer sell, and more honesty and humor.”40 Several

legislative efforts have been made since to reduce some of the harmful and despised effects of

advertising, for instance a 1971 ban on cigarette advertising for broadcasting companies and a

1990 rule that television stations have to include a block of children’s programs and limit

commercials during those programs to 12 minutes per hour.

The following decades brought about an increasing specialization and segmentation of

advertising. During the late 60s and early 70s, magazines increasingly targeted different

consumer groups, and cable TV gained popularity in the 70s and 80s. By 1993, 65% of all

households had cable television, which offered a hundred or more channels. This made niche

marketing more effective and allowed for tailoring messages to specific target groups. This

trend, also called “narrowcasting,” has continued until today.41

During the 1980s, advertisers faced new problems from video recording devices and the

rapid changing of channels, commonly known as flipping channels or zapping, enabled by the

advent of cable television and the widespread use of remote controls. Several stations, such as

CNN Headline News and MTV, turned to only showing short, complete segments between

commercial breaks, which seemed to be more appropriate for the changing viewing habits. This

increased the trend of the viewers changing channels at the beginning of the advertising

segments. These problems led advertisers to alter traditional forms of advertising, such as the

increased use of embedded advertising, the hiring of image-building celebrities, new

techniques,42 and media such as internet advertising. The advertising industry continues to

grow43 and it can be estimated that its social implications and importance will do so as well.

40 Warlaumont 187. Also changes in the advertising companies’ structure modernized the older system and hierarchy to foster creativity (169-70). 41 Croteau and Hoynes 74-75. 42 "The reduction of viewer attentiveness brought about a frenzy of innovation as advertising agencies sought to break through the barriers of indifference with humor and special effects. The creative execution of ads, particularly of commercials, became more and more directed at grabbing attention rather than communicating a product's advantages." (Leo Bogart, Commercial Culture: The Media and the Public Interest (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995) 77.) 43 The money spent on advertising at the end of the 1990s is estimated to have been 150 or even 200 billion dollars. (Marc Oxoby, The 1990s (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2003) 47.)

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1.2 Advertising and Culture

This chapter sets out to explore the cultural significance of advertising. Huxley already

looked at advertisements as “one of the most interesting and difficult of modern literary

forms.”44 Lears sees advertisements as “fables of abundance,” which have shaped American

culture since their emergence:

During the last two hundred years, in the capitalist West and increasingly elsewhere as

well, advertisements have acquired a powerful iconic significance. Yet they have been

more than static symbols: they have coupled words and pictures in commercial fables -

stories that have been both fabulous and didactic, that have evoked fantasies and pointed

morals, that have reconfigured ancient dreams of abundance to fit the modern world of

goods. By the late twentieth century, these fables of abundance - especially the ones

sponsored by major multinational corporations - had become perhaps the most dynamic

and sensuous representations of cultural values in the world.45

Advertising and its role in culture have been analyzed by scholars of various schools of

thought and cultural theories. The structuralist Barthes read advertisements as modern myths.

Myths, in his view, are systems of communication, which naturalize and purify social

phenomena and thus become eternal and unquestionable. Advertising can, if we follow these

views, give us an insight into at least certain aspects of American culture.

Advertising, as Goldman and Papson argue, “feeds postmodern cultural tendencies:

fragmented meaning, the celebration of surface, the substitution of fascination for meaning,

cynicism, the breakdown of narrative.”46 Such postmodernist views are, in my opinion, reflected

in the fragmented images and seemingly disconnected and random stereotypes used in

advertising. The rapidly changing depictions foster the distorted picture the American audience

receives of its own and other societies.

44 Aldous Huxley, “Advertisement,“ Essays Old and New (Freeport: Books for Libraries Press, 1968) 131. (first published in 1927.) 45 Lears, Fables of Abundance 2. 46 Robert Goldman and Stephen Papson, Sign Wars: The Cluttered Landscape of Advertising (New York: Guilford, 1996) 140.

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Popular Culture

Today, advertising is often seen as an important aspect of popular culture. According to

Muskerji and Schudson, popular culture “refers to the beliefs and practices, and the objects

through which they are organized, that are widely shared among a population.”47 Williams

distinguishes between four possible meanings of the term popular in popular culture. In an

earlier sense it described “inferior kinds of work.” Brown and Brown comment on this largely

abandonded view:

[…] popular culture has nothing to do with so-called quality, with the ‘good and

beautiful’ in life as distinguished from those elements which are considered neither good

nor beautiful. Some aspects of culture are positive, some negative, some beneficial, some

detrimental. Popular culture, especially in a country like the United States, is the total of

all ways and means of life, for better or worse, desired or undesired.48

A more modern view as described by Williams is that of “work deliberately setting out to

win favour” and that it is “well-liked by many people.” A fourth possible meaning of “popular”

concerns work that is “actually made by the people for themselves, with which of course, in

many cases, the earlier senses overlap.”49

Storey adds two other possible definitions of popular culture, one as a “residual category,

there to accommodate cultural texts and practices which fail to meet the required standards to

qualify as high culture,”50 and another as mass culture because it is “a hopelessly commercial

culture.”51 Inge proposes a broad, but very feasible definition for our purposes:

47 Chandra Muskerji and Michael Schudson, “Introduction: Rethinking Popular Culture,” Rethinking Popular Culture: Contemporary Perspectives in Cultural Studies, eds. Chandra Muskerji and Michael Schudson (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1991) 3. 48 Ray B. Brown and Pat Brown, introduction, The Guide to United States Popular Culture, eds. Ray B. Brown and Pat Brown (Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 2001) 2. 49 Raymond Williams, Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985) 237. 50 John Storey, An Introductory Guide to Cultural Theory and Popular Culture (Athens, GA: The University of Georgia Press, 1993) 7. 51 Storey 10.

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[P]opular culture is what we do by choice to engage our minds and bodies when we are

not working or sleeping. This can be active – playing baseball, driving an automobile,

dancing – or passive – watching television, sunbathing, or reading a book. It can be

creative – painting a portrait, writing a poem, cooking a meal – or simply responsive –

playing a game, watching a circus, or listening to music. While highly inclusive and

perhaps imprecise, such a definition allows for the great diversity of form and wide

degree of latitude for engagement of mind and body necessary for any discussion of

popular culture in this century.52

As the abundance of definitions and views makes it difficult to define the role of advertisements

in popular culture, I conclude the following: advertising is part of popular culture mainly because

its purpose is to win the consumers’ favor. For one, it is neither necessarily liked by a majority of

people (even though it is admired by some): “Nicht alles oder sogar nur sehr weniges an

populärer Kultur ist Ausdruck populären Bedürfnisses. Worauf es ankommt, sind bestimmte

wiederkehrende zentrale Motive oder Handlungskonfigurationen.”53 It is exactly these central

images that are at the core of this dissertation’s analysis.

Advertising is also not made by the people themselves: advertisements are carefully

produced, analyzed, researched, crafted. Advertising is also insofar tied to popular culture as it

touches many of its subjects, which the second part of this dissertation reveals: television, fairs,

architecture, the automobile, business, catalogues, children’s literature, ethnic minorities,

fantasy, fashion, film, food, toys, housing, magazines, collecting, music, newspapers,

propaganda, radio, science, and, of course, television.54

Fluck addresses the crucial popular culture phenomenon of escapism, which advertising

also utilizes and is closely analyzed in chapter 4 of this dissertation: “populäre Kultur erlaubt

eine zeitweilige Regression vor den Problemen der Wirklichkeit, weil sie diese oft ignoriert oder

fiktiv auflöst. […] Populäre Kultur kann so zu einer Form des Eskapismus werden.”55

52 Thomas M. Inge, introduction, Handbook of American Popular Culture, 2nd ed, eds. Thomas M. Inge and Dennis Hall (New York : Greenwood Press, 2002) xx. 53 Winfried Fluck, Populäre Kultur: Ein Studienbuch zur Funktionsbestimmung und Interpretation populärer Kultur (Stuttgart: Mezler, 1979) 37. 54 See: Inge and Hall. 55 Fluck 43.

21

Whether advertisements are inferior to “high culture” or not is a widely debated topic.

Concerning their purpose and intention, however, they are “not avenues of public enlightenment

or cultural enhancement.”56 An important characteristic is their intended contemporary nature.

They are only created for the fleeting moment, and only a few ads remain as cultural knowledge,

historical artifacts of popular culture. The messages, images, logos, tunes, and jingles, which are

constantly repeated, are common cultural knowledge. Popular culture, and in many ways

advertising, however, becomes more and more a global phenomenon that loses its national ties

and becomes transnational:

Whatever its political orientation, whether created by people chanting ‘freedom’ or

consumed by couch potato masses, popular culture is now fully enmeshed in

transnational globalized technoculture. It makes sense, then, to see it as plural, as

negotiating among diverse communities involved in a conflictual process of production

and consumption.57

Consumer Culture

Advertising is also often associated with a culture of consumerism, which is “a particular

kind or degree of consumption; it is consumption that is based upon perceived (psychological)

need rather than actual (physical) need.”58 Twitchell puts this more bluntly: “Once we are fed

and sheltered, our needs are and have always been cultural, not natural.”59 Bogart even goes as

far as to make advertising a central focus of American commercial and consumer culture:

"Advertising epitomizes the spirit of American commercial culture, which ranks material

possessions high and assigns them a prominent place in everyday life."60 Mamiya argues

similarly as she asserts that “[i]t is through advertising that the ideological claims of

consumption are reinforced. Moreover, advertising has become one of the most representative

56 Bogart 69. 57 Ella Shohat and Robert Stam, Unthinking Eurocentrism: Multiculturalism and the Media (New York: Routledge, 1994) 340. 58 Heather Addison, “Hollywood, Consumer Culture, and the Rise of ‘Body Shaping’,” Hollywood Goes Shopping: American Cinema and Consumer Culture, eds. David Desser and Garth S. Jowett (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000) 4. 59 Twitchell 15. 60 Bogart 65.

22

institutions of American consumer culture.”61 Material success was, after all, a major motivation

for many immigrants and has been and still is a crucial part of the so-called American Dream.

First signs of this fairly new cultural phenomenon surfaced in the late nineteenth century

but were mainly shaped during the twentieth century. Fox and Lears argue that the “search for

the origins of consumer culture should begin by concentrating on the activities of urban elites

during the last two decades of the nineteenth century.”62 Advertising played an important part in

this emergence and development of consumer culture as it helped to create, shape, persuade, and

influence the consumer. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the United States saw a

proliferation of amusement parks, an unprecedented show of wealth, and newly emerging

department stores, which were referred to as cathedrals of consumption. Other scholars see the

1910s and 1920s as the time of transformation to a consumer culture.63 New consumer-oriented

experiences, whose only goal was commercial gain, were offered during this time, such as

automobiles, ever larger and more luxurious department stores that offered a growing variety of

goods, motion pictures, and increasingly sophisticated advertising campaigns.

Advertising is largely dependent on consumer culture and is aimed at creating needs.

“Whether or not ads are successful at selling particular products – some ad campaigns succeed

and others fail – the underlying message in advertising, which permeates our media culture, is

the importance of the values of consumerism.”64 There is an ongoing debate whether needs are

created by advertising or whether advertising simply brings out inherent needs and wishes that

already exist. In this thesis, however, it is more important that viewers “learn and internalize

some of the values, beliefs, and norms presented in media products.”65 Every notion generated

by advertising can influence the perception of people, including the presentation of ethnic groups

or the promotion of “a culture of consumption, normalizing middle- or even upper-middle-class

lifestyles and making buying power a measure of both virtue and freedom.”66

One phenomenon of particular interest is the Super Bowl, which not only offers the most

expensive commercials but also attracts much attention from the media and consumers. The

61 Christin J. Mamiya, Pop Art and Consumer Culture: American Super Market (Austin : University of Texas Press, 1992) 16. 62 Richard Fox and Jackson Lears, introduction, The Culture of Consumption: Critical Essays in American History, 1880-1980, eds. Richard Fox and Jackson Lears (New York: Pantheon, 1983) xi. 63 E.g.: Addison 4. 64 Croteau and Hoynes 186. 65 Croteau and Hoynes 15. 66 Croteau and Hoynes 186.

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spots shown are usually very innovative and are aired for the first time during this spectacle,

which Twitchell refers to as the “Advertising Bowl.”67 The price tag alone reveals the scope of

this phenomon, as a 30-second spot in the recent 2005 Super Bowl cost 2.4 million US Dollars.68

It epitomizes the very core of commercial culture as Bogart suggests:

Our culture is commercial because of the central place in it of material goods and their

symbols. But the term ‘commercial culture’ can be used in another sense, as well, when

applied to the flow of ideas and expression that shapes national character and outlook. By

this narrower definition, contemporary American culture is commercial because,

overwhelmingly, it is produced for sale to meet marketing requirements. In this respect it

differs from the cultures of other places and times, in which expression has been valued

either as an end in itself or because of the ability to please a patron. Commercial culture

assigns no value or meaning to communications apart from their market value – that is,

the price that someone is willing to pay.69

According to many people, including many scholars, advertising corrupts society or is

simply unimportant and a nuisance. “Those working within the mass culture perspective,” Storey

states, “usually have in mind a previous ‘golden age’ when cultural matters were very different.

This usually takes on two forms: a lost organic community or a lost folk culture.”70 Others argue

that advertisers dictate the content of the media,71 including entertainment and news.72 As the

viewer is not only the consumer of a media product (a TV show, a magazine, etc.), he or she is

also a commodity that can be sold to advertisers. In this sense it can be argued that media

products are designed to bring the highest profit possible, which almost exclusively comes from

advertisers. During the 1980s and 1990s television culture changed into the now common tabloid

67 Twitchell 190. See also: George F. Will, “The Real Game: The Commercials,” Washington Post 28 January 1990: C7. 68 Stuart Elliot, “Ad Reaction Claims Super Bowl Casualty,” New York Times 3 February 2005: C1. 69 Bogart 66. 70 Storey 10. 71 “The original modern sense of ‘media’ dates, interestingly enough, from its use in advertising trade journals of the 1920s – as in ‘advertising media.’” Today many explanations and definitions exist, for example the depiction of nonprint forms of communication, or “the larger realms of entertainment and showbusiness.” (Daniel Czitrom, “Dialectical Tensions in the American Media Past and Present,” Popular Culture in America, ed. Paul Buhle (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987) 7.) 72 See: Collins. Also: Baker.

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TV culture. Many TV formats, including talk shows, “investigative” journalism, reality TV, and

news shows, are often criticized as superficial entertainment, edutainment, infotainment, or

simply as trash TV.73

The relationship between advertising and culture is not stagnant; quite to the contrary, it

is changing quickly as new forms of media, such as the internet74, create new opportunities and

challenges with profound consequences and influence on American popular, consumer, and mass

culture.

1.3 The Appeal of Advertising

Advertising can be defined as a form of communication with certain characteristics: it is

paid communication; the advertiser is identified; advertising is not a form of personal

communication; it is persuasive; and it is delivered through various media, which are often but

necessarily mass media (for instance billboards or mail advertising). Advertisers range from

large corporations to small businesses operated by a single person, but also include governments,

political parties, special interest groups, institutions, and individuals.75 Advertisements usually

target certain audiences (individuals, retailers, other businesses, special interest groups) to

market products (commodities, services, locations where to buy products, ideas, ideologies, and

political goals), create attention and raise awareness of products or issues, and reinforce existing

brands and images. Advertising appears in many different formats in order to reach certain

groups or to fit the advertiser’s budget. Print advertisements and radio and television

commercials are certainly the most common formats, but companies and institutions also make

use of infomercials and advertorials, sponsoring, billboards, product placement, logos,

promotions, and internet advertising.

I follow the view that advertisements should be seen as texts or discourses. They tell us a

very short narrative, however trivial it may be. Stories have a long history in all cultures and this

73 See: Glynn. 74 Low costs and increasing accessibility to non-professionals revealed, for example, the power of this new form of mediating information recently during the 2004 presidential election campaigns in the U.S. The web logs, also known as blogs, not only played an important role but also challenged and influenced some of the mainstream media coverage. 75 Advertisements by individuals are in most cases referred to as classifieds.

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is why advertisements are often generally accepted or even liked. Pateman suggests that people

enjoy advertisements for two reasons: they are “visually pleasurable” and “pleasurable as

discourses (both verbal and visual), partly because they call upon some of our more sophisticated

linguistic and cognitive competences.”76 He compares their intellectual pleasures with those

provided by crossword puzzles.

As different types of stories are embedded in different cultures, advertisers have to

acknowledge the background of the addressees: ads try to “fuse a company’s brand with the

target group’s values and valued images.”77 That is why advertisements often do not work in

different countries or even regions. Different value systems in each culture and subculture create

the necessity to make ads in specific context of place and time. Many themes, however, are of

universal human nature and can appeal to a worldwide audience. Advertisements tailored

towards an international market are rather uncommon, though, and need to be carefully crafted to

avoid any cultural problems.78

Pseudo-Events

Daniel J. Boorstin argues that advertisements are, among many other phenomena in

American culture, “pseudo-events.” As people demand more and more things to happen, to be

possible, to excite them at ever shorter intervals, such “pseudo-events” are created to satisfy

these needs, and ads can show perfect images that appeal to them and court them. 79

A number of characteristics constitute this allure of advertisements: Firstly, they are

generally neither true nor false but somewhere in-between. Ads can state obvious things that are

not obvious to the consumer, such as production processes that tend to impress the layperson.

Statistical data that ostensibly show the advantage over competitors’ products are frequently used

to create credibility. This data is verifiable but usually does not state all the facts or is presented

in such a way that it seems better than it actually is. Another example is the use of comparative

adjectives, a technique that might use a rival’s product as comparison or not. For example, an ad

might state that “product A is better than product B,” that “product A is better than all the

76 Trevor Pateman, “How is Understanding an Advertisement Possible?” Language, Image, Media, eds. Howard Davis and Paul Walton (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1983) 201. 77 John O’Shaughnessy and Nicholas Jackson O’Shaughnessy, Persuasion in Advertising (London: Routledge, 2004) 64. 78See: Ricks. 79 Daniel J. Boorstin, The Image: A Guide to Pseudo-Events in America (New York: Atheneum, 1972) 3-6.

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others,” or simply “product A is better.” It is important that the consumer believes the message,

even though it does not necessarily have to be true and can in many cases not be verified or

falsified, for instance in cases of taste.

Secondly, the technique of the self-fulfilling prophecy creates its own reality. If you

create the image that a certain soft drink makes one appear or feel younger and more active, such

a message may make this come true because it is perpetuated and conveyed by advertising.

Boorstin gives examples of endorsements of products by celebrities, who represent a certain

lifestyle. If they endorse the product and the message is carefully planned, these endorsements do

not only improve the product’s prestige but also create its own reality. A product and a brand

name can even become the same, another type of self-fulfilling prophecy, as can be seen in the

terms kleenex, hoover, or xerox. Not only our language is influenced and changed by

advertising, our perception of the world around us is changed. The pseudo-event of advertising

becomes part of our culture.

Boorstin names the half-intelligible as a third characteristic. Technical specifications as

well as newly created or foreign language words create a certain mystique that suggests that we,

as consumers, have to keep up with the fast progress. This explains the frequent use of German

words and pseudo-terms, such as Fahrvergnügen or Überauto, which will be discussed below.

These half-intelligible terms also create the impression that products are improving, are being

refined, perfected, and are generally superior. Since a product such as toothpaste does not

significantly change, new characteristics, new images, new “pseudo-events” have to be invented:

whitening, different flavors and colors, protection against something that we were not previously

aware of, new design, or just a label that states that the product is new and improved. The

product is reinvented and soon the consumer gets accustomed to it and the product loses its

mystique. Often words that sound scientific, professional, or foreign, impress us, and since we

only understand half of the message, it creates a certain appeal. The fourth and last is the appeal

of the contrived. We like being courted and flattered, we enjoy the little games that are played

with our minds. Most consumers believe they cannot be lured to purchase this product, they

think they can resist the message and see through it. Consumers praise their own wit and

intelligence when they notice that the people in an ad would never talk about toothpaste in such a

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way in reality, but they do not notice that the discourse is carefully planned and calculated. If we

even think and talk about an ad, the advertiser has achieved an important goal.80

Informative vs. Persuasive Appeal

O’Shaughnessy and O’Shaughnessy argue that a system of internal and external shields is

raised when audiences are being persuaded.81 Anything that does not conform with existing

beliefs or values, whether personal or social, is less likely to pass those shields. External shields

include culture, reference groups, social class, and emotionally grounded experiences, whereas

internal shields encompass current beliefs and values. Manipulation, which “also seems to have

psychological entailments,” differs from persuasion because these entailments “are of a negative

kind, namely that the victim of manipulation is unaware of the influences exerted upon him.”82

The key difference here, then, is that people do not want to be manipulated but do not mind or

even like to be persuaded.

As advertisements are usually both informative and persuasive in varying degrees,

advertisers balance both types to persuade their audience.83 Information and persuasion are

intertwined and cannot be separated from one another.84 O’Shaughnessy and O’Shaughnessy

argue that persuasion is part of our society, not only of marketing attempts: “If we define

persuasion as the process of trying to alter, modify or change the saliency of the values, wants,

beliefs and actions of others, social life is dominated by conscious or unconscious, forceful or

tangential, attempts of persuasion.”85

Emotional Appeal

But advertisements need to motivate action, not only inform and persuade. Smokers, for

example, often know about the negative effects cigarettes have on their health, and yet they are

80 Boorstin, The Image 211-228. 81 O’Shaughnessy and O’Shaughnessy 8-20. 82 Rom Harré, “Persuasion and Manipulation,” Discourse and Communication: New Approaches to the Analysis of Mass Media Discourse and Communication, ed. Teun A.van Dijk (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1985) 126. 83 For example the use of facts and figures may in fact be more persuasive than informative. See: Lars Hermerén, English for Sale: A Study of the Language of Advertising (Lund: Lund University Press, 1999) 34-39. 84 Persuasion can be rational or emotional, or a mixture of both. Rational strategies and means include descriptions, visual evidence, statistical evidence, comparisons, analogies, definitions, and classifications. Emotional strategies often utilize narrative and (audio-)visual means. 85 O’Shaughnessy and O’Shaughnessy 5.

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not persuaded to quit smoking by anti-smoking campaigns.86 Likewise, many people may agree

that a certain brand of car offers supreme qualities and a rational choice, yet they do favor

another brand over this one despite its obvious advantages.87

A common advertising technique is to arouse emotion so that an object loses its neutrality

and becomes special and memorable.88 Emotion is employed in almost all advertisements to a

certain degree today, making them both persuasive and enjoyable. Leslie Savan argues that now

advertising encompasses all human emotions and aspects of life, which she calls the “sponsored

life”:

Virtually all of modern experience now has a sponsor, or at least a sponsored accessory,

and there is no human emotion or concern – love, lust, war, childhood innocence, social

rebellion, spiritual enlightenment, even disgust with advertising – that cannot be

reworked into a sales pitch. […] In short, we’re living the sponsored life. […] The

sponsored life is born when commercial culture sells our own experiences back to us. It

grows as those experiences are then reconstituted inside us, mixing the most intimate

processes of individual thought with commercial values, rhythms, and expectations. […]

The viewer – and that is most of us to one degree or the other – is slowly re-created in the

ad’s image.89

Advertisers tend to use stronger human emotions, which explains why sexual innuendo

and exaggerated happiness are so ubiquitous in commercial messages. Humor is used

extensively, making ads a form of entertainment. Robitaille distinguishes the following

categories of humor used in advertising: grammatical violations, overstatement and

86 On the other hand, cigarette advertisers create positive images and associations that create emotions and that often override factual data. For an analysis of cigarette advertising see: Simon Chapman and Garry Egger, “Myth in Cigarette Advertising and Health Promotion,” Language, Image, Media, eds. Howard Davis and Paul Walton (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1983) 166-186. 87 “Since the strength of any motive to act,” O’Shaughnessy and O’Shaughnessy explain, “is intimately tied to the level of emotion evoked, the more emotional an issue is made, the more interest (sustained attention) it receives. Hence, advertisers should typically seek messages that resonate with the values of their target audience which go beyond mere hedonism.” (O’Shaughnessy and O’Shaughnessy 36.) 88 Cf.: Margalit. 89 Savan 3.

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understatement, parody, lexical overloads, poetic patterns, puns, and situational combinations.90

Humor can also include ridicule and stereotyping of certain groups, including minorities and

nationalities, which is dealt with in chapter 5.5. Nostalgia is a strong emotion particularly

important in the use of Germans and Germany in advertising in the U.S. and is discussed in

detail in chapter 3 and 4.

Also negative emotions such as anger and fear are frequently used in both political and

commercial advertising, suggesting how to cope with and be relieved of those negative feelings.

Products are expected to solve our problems, from bad breath to unfashionable clothing: “It’s

less important that we purchase any particular product than that we come to expect resolution in

the form of something buyable.”91 This is especially visible in World War II advertisements,

which displayed the Germans negatively in order not only to build up support for the war effort

but also increase sales of war bonds.

Aesthetic Appeal

Advertisements are often aesthetic and visually pleasing. They are carefully designed and

tested to meet the majority’s taste. Scores of highly trained professionals leave nothing random

in the ads that are meant to please the eye and the ear. The perfected dream or fantasy world

presented functions as a form of escapism: “Advertisements cast life in a happy glow. They are

not part of the world of violence, anger, depression, and offbeat sex that fills the columns of the

press and television's prime-time hours.”92 Leo Bogart continues that commercials “never intrude

distracting and unpleasant touches of reality - nor is there any objective reason why they should,

either in the advertiser's interest or in the social interest. In their idealized representation of what

the material world looks like, television commercials reinforce the idea that it is the best of all

possible worlds.”93 The aesthetic imperative in advertising even extends to the minutest details

such as the fonts that are used.94

90 Marilyn M. Robitaille, “Humor in Advertising: It’s Funny Business,” Advertising and Popular Culture: Studies in Variety and Versatility, ed. Sammy R. Danna (Bowling Green: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1992) 115-123. On humor in advertising, see also: Dana L. Alden, Wayne D. Hoyer and Chol Lee, “Identifying Global and Culture-Specific Dimensions of Humor in Advertising: A Multinational Analysis.” Journal of Marketing 57/2 (April 1993): 64-75. 91 Savan 5. 92 Bogart 82. 93 Bogart 83. 94 Nowadays generally Helvetica. See: Savan 17-22. For typefaces used to depict Germans and Germany see below.

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Advertisements also suggest an abundance of goods, as Lears has pointed out, showing us

that everything we see is there and only has to be picked up or ordered. Stores, for example,

place products in shelves in a way that gives the consumer the illusion that these products are

never depleted. Bogart argues that “[c]ommercial culture is inconceivable without an abundance

of goods.”95

The Appeal of Prestige, Achievement and Group Membership

Advertisements suggest that the purchase of products by certain brands leads to higher

prestige on the side of the consumer. Advertisers try to convey that prestige and a favorable

image, in contrast to respect, can be acquired by possessions of products. 96

Images of success and achievement are conveyed by advertisements, making the

advertised products embodiments or manifestations of these notions. Role models and certain

lifestyles that are presented reflect cultural images of success and achievement. “By presenting

us with models whose sexual or financial or other type of success we may wish to emulate,”

Messaris asserts, “advertising images draw upon our tendencies for identification in order to

strengthen our emotional involvement with ads.”97 Advertising suggests that certain consumer

behavior will lead to a positive group identification and thus relies heavily on stereotypes.

The Appeal of Repetition

It is a natural mechanism that humans like order, structure, and predictability, as can be

seen in the many rituals all cultures have developed. Repetition gives comfort, safety, as well as

reassurance, and it is also an energy-saving device, as it does not demand further inquiry or

challenge. Advertisers clearly tell consumers over and over again what they already know. For

example, even though Coca Cola is a well-known brand and product, it needs to be constantly

reinforced, maintaining a constantly positive and slightly updated image of the brand.98

95 Bogart 66. 96 “While respect is something demanded by everyone, prestige is something bestowed and, being associated with those on whom it has been bestowed, gives rise to a vicarious satisfaction. This is why all organizations concerned with persuasion look for prestigious spokespersons to endorse their position and thus endow it with something of their own prestige.” (O’Shaughnessy and O’Shaughnessy 83.) 97 Paul Messaris, Visual Persuasion: The Role of Images in Advertising (Thousand Oaks: Sage, 1997) 44. 98 It is, however, not uniformly agreed upon that repetition of short advertising messages is the most successful way of promoting products. Singer, for example, argues that this standard form of today’s advertising may not be

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1.4 Stereotypes: An Approach

Stereotypes can help us quickly identify a person’s ostensible background, habits,

preferences, or character. In his influential work The Nature of Prejudice, Allport sums up why

an assessment of stereotypes is important for understanding depiction and reception of

advertisements: “They are socially supported, continually revived and hammered in, by our

media of mass communication - by novels, short stories, newspaper items, movies, stage, radio,

and television.”99

National stereotypes in particular are an important part in the field of cultural studies.

Nünning precisely sums up: “[Nationale Stereotypen spielen] für die Wahrnehmung und das

Verstehen fremder Kulturen deshalb eine große Rolle, weil sie entscheidenden Einfluß darauf

haben, was jeweils als das Eigene und was als das Fremde gilt.”100

Walter Lippmann’s Public Opinion

The psychological concept of stereotypes was first introduced in 1922 in Walter

Lippmann’s book Public Opinion:

[F]or the most part we do not first see, and then define, we define and then see. In the

great blooming, buzzing confusion of the outer world we pick out what our culture has

already defined for us, and we tend to perceive that which we have picked out in the form

stereotyped for us by our culture.101

He saw stereotypes as expectations and beliefs of social groups. His study triggered academic

discussion and research continuing until today. Many of his observations were groundbreaking

optimal: “In terms of how well information can be organized by us, more is not necessarily better. A slower, somewhat repetitive and longer-lasting commercial is much more likely to be susceptible to intelligent processing than a lively, rapid-fire presentation that has passed before one even identifies with it. It is very likely that advertisers who are paying large sums for many 30-second commercials would get more useful effects from fewer but longer-lasting and more clearly delineated content presented in their commercial messages.” (Jerome L. Singer, "The Power and Limitations of Television: A Cognitive-Affective Analysis," The Entertainment Functions of Television, ed. Percy H. Tannenbaum (Hillsdayle, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1980) 51.) 99 Gordon W. Allport, The Nature of Prejudice (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley Publishing, 1954) 200. 100 Ansgar Nünning, "Englische Bilder von Deutschland und den Deutschen: Zur Bedeutung von Nationalstereotypen für das kollektive Gedächtnis und das Verstehen fremder Kulturen," Interkultureller Fremdsprachenunterricht, eds. Lothar Bredella and Werner Delanoy (Tübingen: Narr, 1999) 323. 101 Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion, 1922 (New York: Free Press, 1965) 54-55.

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and some are still strikingly modern and valid. One of Lippmann’s major arguments is the

existence of a discrepancy between “reality,” or the public world, and our “reality,” as he phrases

it, the pictures in our heads.

For our purposes this has several consequences. Firstly, certain patterns of thought are not

our own, but are “public,” which today one would call social stereotypes as opposed to

individual ones. The pictures in our heads are not merely individual thoughts and images, they

are to a great extent public ones. Secondly, there is not one but rather many realities. Lippmann

states that “for the most part, the way we see things is a combination of what is there and of what

we expected to find.”102 This brings up two important points: the human brain is not large

enough to cope with the input of information from the exterior world; therefore it has to function

efficiently and economically.103

Lippmann’s assessment also includes an affective component (“stereotypes are loaded

with preference, suffused with affection or dislike, attached to fears, lusts, strong wishes, pride,

hope”104) and the resulting necessity of making good judgments in these matters. While

criticizing their outcome, he accepts the inevitability of stereotypes in society. An investigation

of the necessity and the shortcomings of stereotypes are in my opinion essential to the analysis

and discussion of stereotypes and images in advertising.

Katz and Braly’s Study

A major shortcoming of Lippmann’s work is that it was not founded on empirical data.

Katz and Braly’s contribution is significant because it was the first study on stereotypes in the

field of social psychology. It is also interesting for our purposes because German characteristics,

among others, were analyzed.

Katz and Braly administered a checklist to university students, whose task was to assign

five characteristics or traits out of a list of 84 to different ethnic groups. One hundred students

from Princeton University were given the following instructions:

102 Lippmann 76. 103"There is economy in this. For the attempt to see all things freshly and in detail, rather than as types and generalities, is exhausting, and among busy affairs practically out of question." (Lippmann 59), and later: "We have to summarize and generalize. We have to pick out samples, and treat them as typical." (Lippmann 95) 104 Lippmann 78.

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Read through the list of words on page one and select those which seem to you typical of

the Germans. Write as many of these words in the following space as you think necessary

to characterize these people adequately. If you do not find appropriate words on page one

for the typical German characteristics you may add those which you think necessary for

an adequate description.105

The results for the German characteristics are the following (in percent): scientifically minded:

78; industrious: 65; stolid: 44; intelligent: 32; methodical: 31; extremely nationalistic: 24;

progressive: 16; efficient; 16; jovial: 15; musical: 13; persistent: 11; practical: 11.

While the methodology has been regarded as flawed106, the results are quite useful and

give us a first indication about German characteristics and stereotypes. Furthermore, Katz and

Braly come to the conclusion that “the degree of agreement among students in assigning

characteristics from a list of 84 adjectives to different races seems too great to be the sole result

of the students’ contacts with members of these races.”107 Therefore their knowledge must stem

from sources other than individual ones, a point that Lippmann had already introduced. As a

result of their work, the examination of stereotypes has often been seen in connection with the

study of prejudice. Katz and Braly conclude that “the knowledge upon which students assigned

characteristics to various races has both a private or personal basis and a public or cultural

basis.”108 Schneider regards Katz and Braly’s research as far more important than Lippmann’s

105 D.Katz and K. Braly, “Racial Stereotypes of One Hundred College Students,” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 28 (1933/34): 282. 106 It is important to see the background of these results. Firstly, the data was collected about ten years after Lippmann’s studies, at the time of the rise of National Socialism and the end of the Weimar Republic. There is no previous data to compare these results with, but we do have empirical data from following studies. Secondly, it is important to understand the assessment and collection method, because matching certain characteristics with certain groups has advantages and disadvantages. While it is more efficient and statistically easier to document and analyze, this method already limits the possible answers through its prescribed set of traits (even though the students were allowed to add other characteristics) and may even push people towards stereotyping. However, this method, which is more focused on the content of stereotypes, became the accepted and widely used mode in many studies that followed and is still used in a modified way today. (Weakness in character lists, see also: Kurt H. Stapf, Wolfgang Stroebe, and Klaus Jonas, Amerikaner über Deutschland und die Deutschen: Urteile und Vorurteile (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1986) 52-53.) Thirdly, the group is a limited one and cannot be seen as representative of American society. Not only did the group consist solely of students, but also of students from only one university. 107 Katz and Braly 288. 108 Katz and Braly 289.

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and describes it as “pathbreaking”109 because they assumed that stereotype content was provided

through one’s culture and that they were shared by a large number of people within a culture.

Stereotype Accuracy and the ‘Kernel of Truth’ Hypothesis

A debate ensued during the 40s and 50s about whether or not there was such a thing as a

‘kernel of truth’ in most or all stereotypes. The problem with this topic is that such a hypothesis

is difficult to verify, if at all. Klineberg suggests that although stereotypes may have some truth

in them, it is only by “chance.”110 Not all stereotypes can be verified, in fact some can be

falsified. Allport, who raises the question about the assumed erroneous character of stereotypes

in his pioneering work The Nature of Prejudice, concludes that “stereotypes may or may not

originate in a kernel of truth.”111

Today it is disputed whether or not this hypothesis is true. More recent research shows

the difficulty of accuracy assessment of stereotypes. Judd and Park conclude that assessment is

feasible but far from easy. Even though much research still needs to be conducted, they arrive at

a few conclusions: “There seems to be consistent evidence that stereotypes of in-groups are more

accurate than stereotypes of out-groups [...]. Compared with in-group stereotypes, out-group

stereotypes seem to reflect exaggeration, prejudice, and overgeneralization.”112 Whether there is

a kernel of truth in stereotypes is very difficult to assess.113 Oakes, Haslam, and Turner conclude

that

perhaps the most significant message to be gleaned from the researcher into the kernel of

truth issue is that it is the social values of the researcher which largely determine both the

109 David J. Schneider, "Modern Stereotype Research: Unfinished Business," Stereotypes and Stereotyping, eds. C.N. Macrae, C. Stangor and M. Hewstone (New York: Guilford Press, 1996) 420. 110 O. Klineberg, “The Scientific Study of National Stereotypes,” International Social Science Bulletin 3 (1951): 505. 111 Allport 200. 112 C.M. Judd and B. Park, "Definition and Assessment of Accuracy in Social Stereotypes," Psychological Review 100/1 (1993): 127. 113 See also: B. Park, C.M. Judd and C.S. Ryan, “Social Categorization and the Representation of Variability Information,” European Review of Social Psychology, vol. 2, eds. W. Stroebe and M. Hewstone (Chichester: Wiley, 1991) 211-245.

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perceived accuracy of stereotypes and the perceived appropriateness of any measure of

accuracy in a given context.114

Walter Lippmann explains why people tend to believe in the truth and accuracy of stereotypes:

“For when a system of stereotypes is well fixed, our attention is called to those facts which

support it, and diverted from those which contradict.”115 Adorno’s research contributed the idea

that stereotypes are mediated and transferred through socialization. Stereotypes are not random

and do not change from generation to generation; children learn them from the world around

them and accept them as more or less valid. As stereotypes can be rigid, a possible accuracy may

also have been lost over time. Nünning stresses the importance of significance and meaning

(Bedeutung):

Sehr viel wichtiger als die letztlich müßige Frage nach dem (meist mehr als

fragwürdigen) Wahrheitsgehalt nationaler Fremd- und Selbstbilder ist daher die Frage,

welche Bedeutung Nationalstereotypen für das kollektive Gedächtnis, für das Verstehen

fremder Kulturen […] haben.116

I agree that the mere existence of stereotypes creates a certain truth, even though it may

have no factual basis. It has been argued that stereotypes can be self-fulfilling.117 Boostin argues

that advertisers do not display truth but credibility or believability.118 This is certainly valid for

stereotypes and images used in advertising as well. Advertisers carefully choose images and

stereotypes, and often they “subsist in this new limbo,” which Boorstin calls “neither-true-nor-

false.”119

114 Penelope J. Oakes, S. Alexander Haslam and John C. Turner, Stereotyping and Social Reality (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1994) 24. 115 Lippmann 78. 116 Nünning 323. 117See: M. Snyder, "Motivational Foundations of Behavioral Confirmation," Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, vol. 25, ed. M.P. Zana (San Diego, CA: Academic Press, 1992) 67-114; M. Snyder, "Self-fulfilling Stereotypes," Psychology Today July (1982): 60-68. 118 Daniel J. Boorstin, The Image: A Guide to Pseudo-Events in America (New York: Atheneum, 1972) 212-228. (previously published in 1962 under the title The Image or What Happened to the American Dream?) 119 Boorstin, The Image 214.

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Social Identity Theory and Self-Categorization

One must distinguish between stereotypes held by individuals and those shared by a

number of people.120 There are two major approaches in the study of stereotypes: individual and

collective/cultural ones. As the focus of individual approaches is intrapersonal and more

interested in the process and the learning of stereotypes through direct interaction, it is of only

minor importance for our purposes.

Collective (or cultural) approaches see group behavior and values as crucial elements of

stereotypes, in which group consensus is a key element.121 There is an emphasis on the change

and development of stereotypes and the learning of stereotypes through indirect sources,

including mass media (and thus also advertising). Furthermore, the focus on content rather than

process and the broader scope of collective approaches is therefore more relevant for this study.

Thus stereotypes that can be found within a majority of a group’s members are the main focus of

studies within the social field.

The influential theory of social identity was developed by Henri Tajfel, and John Turner

continued this research and developed the theory of self-categorization. Tajfel directed attention

toward the process and understanding of stereotyping and saw it being linked to the process of

categorization. Social Identity Theory emphasizes classification into groups as well as the

cognitive aspects of the stereotyping.

During his research, Tajfel found that when individuals were divided into relatively

meaningless groups, they still tended to favor their group to the outgroup. Haslam et al. identify

"three key social functions" that Tajfel saw in stereotypes and stereotyping:

he argued that they (a) help to explain large-scale social events (such as war and peace,

persecution and tolerance, disadvantage and privilege), (b) serve to justify the activities of

groups as they relate to those events (e.g. attacking an enemy, funding an aid programme,

120 “Individuals and groups can be said to be the central facts of society. Without individuals there could be no society, but unless individuals also perceive themselves to belong to groups, that is, to share characteristics, circumstances, values and beliefs with other people, then society would be without structure or order. These perceptions of groups are called stereotypes.” (Craig McGarty, Vincent Y. Yzerbyt and Russell Spears, “Social, Cultural and Cognitive Factors in Stereotype Formation,” Stereotypes as Explanations: The Formation of Meaningful Beliefs About Social Groups, eds. Craig McGarty, Vincent Y. Yzerbyt and Russell Spears (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002) 1.) 121 See: C. Stangor and J. Lange, "Cognitive Representations of Social Groups: Advances in Conceptualizing Stereotypes and Stereotyping," Advances in Experimental Social Psychology 26 (1993): 357-416.

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collecting and distributing taxes), and (c) contribute to a process of positive intergroup

differentiation whereby stereotypers strive to represent their ingroup as different from,

and better than, outgroups.122

This last point is of importance for this study. Reicher et al. argue that out-groups,

though, can be seen as more positive than one’s in-group. This concept of differentiation stresses

that groups can acknowledge other groups’ more positive aspects, but there must be a certain

level of contrast and distinction between the two groups. What is more important than being

better than an out-group is that “people will strive to achieve positively valued social

identifications.”123 Thus the construction of identity (through differentiation from alterity) is

crucial to the perception of in-groups and out-groups.124

Creating a group identity by contrasting it to other groups functions on all levels:

national, regional, social, economic, or gender differences. Studies have shown that even so-

called minimal groups develop positive group identities and distinction from others.125 We

usually tend to see different members of other groups as similar to one another. An American,

for example, will see both a person from Berlin and one from Munich as the same, whereas a

German will see many differences between the two. This phenomenon is called ‘outgroup

homogeneity’ and has been confirmed in many studies.126 Thus outgroups are more likely to be

stereotyped and intra-outgroup differences are less likely to be acknowledged.

122 Alexander S. Haslam, John C. Turner, Penelope J. Oakes, Katherine J. Reynolds and Bertjan Doosje, "From Personal Pictures in the Head to Collective Tools in the World: How Shared Stereotypes Allow Groups to Represent and Change Social Reality," Stereotypes as Explanations: The Formation of Meaningful Beliefs About Social Groups, eds. Craig McGarty, Vincent Y. Yzerbyt and Russell Spears (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002) 162. 123 Steve Reicher, Nick Hopkins and Susan Condo, "The Lost Nation of Psychology," Beyond Pug's Tour: National and Ethnic Stereotyping in Theory and Literary Practice, ed. Cedric Barfoot (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1997) 64. 124 McGarty, Yzerbyt and Spears add that beside distinction from other groups, group members “also engage in processes of social influence within groups so that their members become more similar to each other on relevant dimensions.” (McGarty, Yzerbyt and Spears 6.) 125 For example, Muzafer Sherif has proved this in his famous summer-camp experiment in 1966. Boys in a summer camp were randomly divided into groups and then given certain tasks. The study showed that not only group identities (and with that auto- and hetero-stereotypes) were established quickly, but also that contact between the two groups led to possible conflict. This theory of intergroup conflict shows again that stereotypes are not a result of deficient thinking, but rather represent an intergroup relationship. When the boys where given cooperative tasks and equal status in achieving the goals, relations between the groups improved, even when there had been previous antagonism. 126 For example, see Park, Judd and Ryan.

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Turner introduced the self-categorization theory on the basis of Tajfel’s work.127 It is

more general than social identity theory and is founded on the assumption that all perception

involves categorization. This cognitive process stresses similarities among several stimuli (e.g.

social or physical) of the same category on the one hand and stresses differences among stimuli

of different categories on the other. Therefore it helps to make the world around us more

meaningful. Thus stereotypes are an important factor in categorization processes. Brown and

Turner conclude that “stereotyping is the categorical perception of groups,” rejecting stereotypes

“as fixed prototypes or schemas waiting to be activated.”128

Groups and Advertising: An Important Relationship

Findings in the field of group research give new insights into not only how stereotypes

work, but also into the mechanisms of advertising. Many different stereotypes exist because of

every individual’s natural and social group memberships: gender, age, class, ethnicity,

nationality, religion, language, etc. Individuals commonly desire to belong to certain groups

because of higher prestige, status, privileges, etc. Becoming affiliated with these social groups

may be possible when certain ‘requirements’ are met. For example, it is possible to be a member

of a higher class or level in society by obtaining an academic degree or a more respected

profession.

On the other hand, it is impossible to join natural groups. One is born either male or

female, in a certain country, region, generally with one native language, etc. These group

affiliations can almost never be influenced, even if one learns a new language, changes

citizenship, etc. They constitute an important aspect of our identity, automatically establishing

many of one’s ingroups, and thus also one’s outgroups.

It is important to distinguish between these two types of groups especially when

discussing advertising. Advertisers can use and portray certain prestigious groups, and usually

most consumers or recipients wish to be affiliated with that group. Natural groups, of course,

lack this element: one cannot change these affiliations, they are inherent. Advertisers can make

127 See: John C. Turner, “Social Categorization and the Self-Concept: A Social Cognitive Theory of Group Behaviour,” Advances in Group Processes: Theory and Research, vol. 2, ed. Edward J. Lawler (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1985) 77-122; outline of previous research: John C. Turner, et al. 128 Patricia M. Brown and John C. Turner, “The Role of Theories in the Formation of Stereotype Content,” Stereotypes as Explanations: The Formation of Meaningful Beliefs About Social Groups, eds. Craig McGarty, Vincent Y. Yzerbyt and Russell Spears (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002) 74.

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you feel affiliated with a natural group and make you believe you can share that group’s

advantages while not having to bother with the disadvantages. “Ads tend to invite us to step into

the ‘space’ of the ad to try on the social self we might become if we wore the product image,”129

even if that is not physically possible. Advertising, after all, creates fantasies.

Another possible technique is to show undesired characteristics of an outgroup to raise

the level of self-esteem as mentioned above: “Except when they’re target-marketed for their

‘purchasing-power,’ others often function in advertising to make the mainstream look good: The

square tells everyone else they’re hip, African-Americans certify white soul, the Japanese are

machine to American mensch.”130 Raising the opposition to outgroups by making them look less

desirable creates stronger bonding with the ingroup: “By developing and expressing consensual

stereotypes of out-groups, individuals may be more readily accepted by other ingroup

members.”131 Advertisements readily ‘suggest’ the means to do so by offering their product.

Advertisements may create their own ingroups and outgroups that have technically not

existed prior to the ad campaign, for example drivers of ‘German engineered’ cars.132 In certain

situations one identity may be more salient than others. Thus the characteristic “nationality” is

subordinate when we see ourselves more as a male or a teenager or a cosmopolitan. “Which

identity is salient will determine both who one includes as an ingroup member and who one

excludes as an outgroup member. It will also determine the values, beliefs, and understandings

which guide one’s own action.”133 That, of course, can also be purchasing a certain product.

Furthermore, there is a third reason why a national group may be used to advertise

products: even if we cannot change our nationality and heritage, we can at least purchase a

product. Most people acknowledge that some products from certain countries or regions have

advantages compared to those from other places: they may be of higher quality, better design,

more economical or practical, have a long tradition of making them, etc. This phenomenon, the

“country-of-origin effect,” is discussed later. With our global economy we can consume these

products without actually having to go to those countries. One can have the world’s finest

products without having to be from or in a certain country. Advertisements show us these 129 Goldman 3. 130 Savan 13. 131 Charles Stangor and Mark Schaller, "Stereotypes as Individual and Collective Representations," Stereotypes and Stereotyping, eds. C.N. Macrae, C. Stangor and M. Hewstone (New York: Guilford Press, 1996) 24. 132 "Advertisers may go to great lengths to create stereotypes about the users of their products, and what advertising giveth, advertising often taketh away." (Schneider 436.) 133 Reicher, Hopkins and Condo 65.

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advantages that certain groups’ products have and make them available to the consumer who

does not belong to those groups.

Conclusion

To sum up the recent discussion of stereotypes, a few working definitions and guidelines

are presented here. McGarty, Yzerbyt, and Spears summarize the three guiding principles:

stereotypes are aides to explanation134, energy-saving devices, and they are shared group

beliefs.135 Cinnirella states that “stereotypes are belief systems which associate attitudes,

behaviours and personality characteristics with members of a social category.”136 Mackie et al.

define a stereotype as “a cognitive structure containing the perceiver’s knowledge, beliefs, and

expectancies about some human social group.” The content and organization of stereotypes “are

influenced by the separate and combined influences of cognitive, affective, sociomotivational,

and cultural factors operating in social settings.”137 Oakes, Haslam, and Turner assert that

“stereotypes are social norms.”138

Stereotypes may be negative or positive, true or false, very rigid, and they may or may

not be shared with other people. Oftentimes they are not related to prejudice and discrimination

but must be seen as a necessary and normal part of daily life. It is important to distinguish

between the cognitive necessity of stereotyping139 and the social and political realm of how to

deal with stereotypes, the latter of which is at the core of this analysis:

It is evident that stereotypes are not random or personal; nor is there some universal soul,

a black box that generates these categories of difference. Every social group has a set

vocabulary of images for this externalised Other. These images are the product of history

134 For a review of sense-making approaches see also: McGarty. 135 McGarty, Yzerbyt, and Spears 2. 136 Marco Cinnirella, "Ethnic and National Stereotypes: A Social Identity Perspective," Beyond Pug's Tour: National and Ethnic Stereotyping in Theory and Literary Practice, ed. Cedric Barfoot (Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodopi, 1997) 37. 137 Diane M. Mackie, et al, "Social Psychological Foundations of Stereotype Formation," Stereotypes and Stereotyping, eds. C.N. Macrae, C. Stangor and M. Hewstone (New York: Guilford Press, 1996) 42. 138 Oakes, Haslam, and Turner 209. 139 The view of stereotypes as energy-saving devices was first clearly stated by Allport. It became the most important aspect in cognitive approaches to stereotypes. (Cf. Hamilton.) Research has clearly shown that stereotypes are often unconscious. That is, an individual does not necessarily have conscious control, intention, or awareness of stereotyping processes.

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and of a culture that perpetuates them. None is random; none is isolated from the

historical context.140

National stereotypes are an integral part of a nation’s psyche, contributing to a notion of self and

the Other:

Aufgrund ihrer direkten Bezogenheit auf ein kollektives Selbstbild können nationale

Auto- und Heterostereotypen als zentrale Bestandteile des kulturellen Gedächtnisses

konzeptualisiert werden. Dies läßt sich zum einen funktional begründen, denn ebenso wie

das kulturelle Gedächtnis als Ganzes tragen Nationalstereotypen maßgeblich zur

Ausbildung eines Nationalbewußtseins bei.141

1.5 How We Are Seen: Images, Stereotypes and Nationality

So far the focus of the discussion has been solely on the concept of stereotypes. Of

course, stereotypes are not the only mode through which others are perceived. There are related

and similar concepts which are important for this study of advertisements. Images, for example,

certainly share a number of characteristics with stereotypes. The image is also a term frequently

used in connection with advertising: the image of a product, a brand, a company, a person, or a

country. Related concepts that are discussed include generalizations, national character, national

characteristics, and prejudice.

Generalizations

While all stereotypes appear to be generalizations, not all generalizations are stereotypes.

While generalizations can deal with any object, stereotypes are only about people. A second

attempt at explaining the difference focuses on the content of the generalization: if they elicit

controversy, we regard them as stereotypes.142 We do not argue about the generalization that

140 Sander Gilman, Difference and Pathology: Stereotypes of Sexuality, Race and Madness (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985) 20. 141 Nünning 328. 142 See: J.C. Brigham, "Ethnic Stereotypes," Psychological Bulletin 76 (1971): 15-33.

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larger cars are safer than smaller cars, even though we know that it is a generalization that is not

always valid. But assigning traits and characteristics to groups of people, to Germans or women

or the elderly, may spark discussions or result in humiliation. I argue that the two explanations

should not be regarded as separate but as one combined approach. Stereotypes elicit controversy

because they are about people. Therefore I conclude that stereotypes are generalizations about

people that elicit controversy.

Prejudice and Discrimination

Prejudice is thought to be more affective, while stereotypes are seen as more cognitive.

Wright and Taylor argue that stereotypes are “beliefs, shared by members of one group, about

the shared characteristics of another group. Prejudice is a socially shared judgment or evaluation

of the group including the feelings (affect) associated with that judgment.”143 These definitions

also encompass the often-mentioned difference of stereotypes as beliefs or belief systems and

prejudice as a judgment.144 While stereotypes may be positive or neutral, another important

difference is that prejudice generally has negative connotations and content.

Prejudice can lead to discrimination.145 This is any kind of action toward the prejudiced

group or members of this group. This action need not necessarily be physical but often may be a

gesture or verbal action. Ethnophaulisms, or derogatory nicknames, may be such a common

means of discrimination. Germans have been called ‘Huns’ due to the ‘Hunnenrede’ of Kaiser

Wilhelm II. and the ethnophaulism ‘Krauts’ is still used today. New terms are created during

times of tensions, for example ‘Weasel’ on a national or ‘Eurowimps’ on a European level. It has

been shown that ethnophaulisms are not only a result of prejudice but also have an effect on

prejudice.146

143 Stephen C. Wright and Donald M. Taylor, "The Social Psychology of Cultural Diversity: Social Stereotyping, Prejudice, and Discrimination," The Sage Handbook of Social Psychology, eds. Michael A. Hogg and Joel Cooper (London: Sage, 2003) 433. 144 See also: John F. Dovidio, et al, "Stereotyping, Prejudice, and Discrimination: Another Look," Stereotypes and Stereotyping, eds. C.N. Macrae, C. Stangor and M. Hewstone (New York: Guilford Press, 1996) 276-319. 145 It must be noted that the term discrimination is sometimes used instead of the term differentiation. These two concepts must be distinguished, however. Here the term discrimination is used as a result of prejudice, not as distinguishing ones group from others (Differentiation). 146 E.B. Palmore, "Ethnophaulism and Ethnocentrism," American Journal of Sociology 67 (1962): 442-445; on size of group and nicknames see: B. Mullen and C. Johnson, "Cognitive Representation in Ethnophaulisms as a Function of Group Size: The Phenomology of Being in a Group," Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 19 (1993): 296-304.

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National Character

The term ‘national character’ is very problematic because there is no adequate research

that supports the existence of such a phenomenon. This concept has been used (and misused) to

describe certain cultural traits of a national group, emphasizing differences from other national

groups and merging them into one character. Researchers examined ‘high’ and ‘common’ culture

or political and social institutions to derive a nation’s character. Inkeles and Levinson argued that

national character can be derived from “the relatively enduring personality characteristics and

patterns that are modal among the adult members of the society,” but did not claim that such a

phenomenon did or did not exist.147

More modern reviews state that this approach leads to simplifying complex patterns into

labels, which have often been confused with stereotypes in earlier stereotype research. The idea

of national character, as Reicher, Hopkins, and Condo put it, “illustrates the general failure to

explain complex cultural, ideological and structural forms by reductionistic appeals to

individualistic psychologies.”148

Beliefs about national characteristics and differences (“schematisierte und stereotype

Vorstellungen über die Besonderheiten und Unterschiede von Nationen”) is a more adequate

expression than national character, because it implies a plurality of traits and not such wholeness

and cohesiveness as ‘national character.’149 It also gives more credit to the complex and

changing nature of a culture.

Haagendorn and Linssen contrast national characteristics with national stereotypes,

concluding that “full consensus on the image about a nationality (that is, consensus among all

perceivers, including the target population) can be considered as an indication of the

‘veridicality’ or ‘validity’ of the national stereotypes,” and can therefore be referred to as

national characteristics.150

147 Alex Inkeles and Daniel J. Levinson, “National Character: The Study of Modal Personality and Sociocultural Systems,” The Handbook of Social Psychology, vol 4, 2nd ed., eds. Gardner Lindzey and Elliot Aronson (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1969) 428. 148 Reicher, Hopkins and Condo 63. 149 Nünning 323. 150 Louk Hagendoorn and Hub Linssen, "National Characteristics and National Stereotypes: A Seven Nation Comparative Study," Cross-National Perspectives in Nationality, Identity, and Ethnicity, ed. Russell F. Farnen (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1994) 106.

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Images

The concept of images is employed by many academic disciplines.151 “’Image’ has

almost as many meanings as the number of people who use it. It has been used as a synonym for

such concepts as message, reputation, perception, cognition, attitude, credibility, belief,

communication, or relationship.”152 Thus two image categories – national images and images of

companies, institutions, and products – are given special attention below.

Probably the most striking difference is that images can be altered, but existing

stereotypes cannot. Since Lippmann, stereotypes have been described as rigid, and they are

consistent over time because their content becomes embedded in a culture. Images, however, are

more likely to be directly influenced and altered in various ways, through image campaigns,

political actions, and speeches, to name just a few. Stereotypes, though, do not tend to be able to

be changed in such a deliberate way.153 Images can be planned, molded, updated, and changed if

desired. They can create new impressions that stereotypes cannot: “Die Konstruktion von Images

läßt sich schließlich instrumentalisieren: Sie können vorsätzlich, kontingent, d.h. je nach Bedarf,

kurzfristig und ökonomisch am Reißbrett entworfen und durch geeignete Strategien in die

Öffentlichkeit getragen werden…”154 Böhme-Dürr agrees in that images tend to be more fleeting

and reflect the current state of the culture in which they were created more than stereotypes:

Das soziale Gedächtnis erschwert eine Fixierung von Images über lange Zeiträume, denn

Wertesysteme können sich ändern. Wenn Images ihre (derzeitige oder zukünftige)

Bedeutung verlieren, sollten sie verblassen. Ändert sich das gesellschaftliche

Wertesystem, ändern sich auch Images. Der Imagewandel durch den Wertewandel besagt

151 For an interdisciplinary discussion of images see Hebel’s “Those Images of Jealousie”: Identitäten und Alteritäten im puritanischen Neuengland des 17. Jahrhunderts, especially chapter 2, pages 22-49: “Imagologische Repräsentationen als kollektive Identitäts- und Alteritätskonstruktionen: Ein interdisziplinärer Forschungsbericht und Interpretationsansatz.”); also: James E. Grunig, “On the Effects of Marketing, Media Relations, and Public Relations: Images, Agendas, and Relationships,” Image und PR: Kann Image Gegenstand einer Public Relations-Wissenschaft sein? eds. Wolfgang Armbrecht, Horst Avenarius and Ulf Zabel (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1993) 263-295. 152 Grunig 263. On different types of images, see also: Jürgen Wilke, "Imagebildung durch Massenmedien." Völker und Nationen im Spiegel der Medien (Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, 1989) 14-16. 153 “Obwohl die Übergänge zwischen ‘Image’ und ‘Stereotyp’ fließend sind, lassen sich jedoch Unterschiede im Vertändniss ihrer Bedeutung festmachen. ‘Image’ scheint wertneutraler und eher ein der Fluktuation unterworfenes Phänomen zu sein, wohingegen ‘Stereotyp’ stark verfestigte Einstellungen bezeichnet und durch die Verwendung in der Vorurteils- und Minoritätenforschung einen negativen Beiklang hat.” (Wilke 12.) 154 Klaus Merten and Joachim Westerbarkey, “Public Opinion und Public Relations,” Die Wirklichkeit der Medien, eds. Klaus Merten, Siegfried J. Schmidt and Siegfried Weischenberg (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1994) 207.

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jedoch nicht, daß Automatismen (Stereotypen und Vorurteile) aus dem kulturellen

Langzeit-Gedächtnis ebenfalls aufgegeben werden.155

Another approach to differentiate between the two concepts is the specificity of

stereotypes compared to the complexity of images: “Das Stereotyp ist ein

Einzelcharakteristikum, das in bestimmten (einander ähnlichen) Kontexten geradezu zwanghaft

assoziiert wird. Images sind dagegen holistisch und beziehen sich auf (meist mehrere)

Einzelcharakteristika in ganz unterschiedlichen Kontexten.”156

Effective advertisements use both images and stereotypes because when the familiar and

the new and exciting, the simple and the complicated, the known and the unknown are carefully

balanced, the consumer is left in the perfect limbo state. Merten and Westerbarkey stress that it is

usually repetition that forms an image and not single occurrences, a characteristic shared with

stereotypes: “Unter einem Image versteht man, verkürzt gesagt, ein konsonantes Schema

kognitiver und emotiver Strukturen, das der Mensch von einem Objekt (Person, Organisation,

Produkt, Idee, Ereignis) entwirft.”157

Images of Companies, Institutions and Products

Raymond Williams defines an image, particularly in the context of advertising, as

“perceived reputation.”158 Rühl states how images are defined in marketing psychology: “als eine

Summe von Ideen, Bildern, Einstellungen und Gefühlen […], die weitgehend auf

Verbrauchsgüter […] bzw. deren Marken und Verpackungen gerichtet sind.”159

Marketing uses images as a basis for better advertising.160 The created images include a

variety of factors, including name and brand of the product, prestige, packaging161, quality, price,

as well as how and where the product is advertised. The consumer does not only purchase a

155 Karin Böhme-Dürr, Perspektivensuche: das Ende des Kalten Krieges und der Wandel des Deutschlandbildes in der amerikanischen Presse (1976 - 1998) (Konstanz: UVK-Medien, 2000) 55. 156 Böhme-Dürr 41. Böhme-Dürr also states that images are not only related to persons, groups, and nations, but also to objects, institutions, and organizations. 157 Merten and Westerbarkey 206. 158 Williams 158. 159 Manfred Rühl, “Images – Ein symbolischer Mechanismus der öffentlichen Kommunikation zur Verinfachung unbeständiger Public Realtions,” Image und PR: Kann Image Gegenstand einer Public Relations-Wissenschaft sein? eds. Wolfgang Armbrecht, Horst Avenarius and Ulf Zabel (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1993) 57. 160 Rühl 57. 161 On packaging, see also: Hine; Jankowski.

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physical product or mere service, but an image, or an image package.162 “As a result, shopping is

not just about acquiring the goods and services we need. It is, more potently, about acquiring

elements that make up an image, a lifestyle, and an identity.”163 Therefore references to Germany

and the Germans always fulfill consumers’ yearning for a lifestyle associated with the country,

and thus reveals more about American culture than Germany.

Images also extend to companies and corporations (one also speaks of corporate

identity164) as well as other institutions and can reflect on their national culture and vice versa.

“Corporate reputation can be the determining factor in public acceptance of a product,” Hall and

Hall explain, “if the product is similar in quality and price to a competitor’s.”165 Product and

corporate images are intertwined and dependent on each other. As I will show later, many

companies portray their own identity frequently with only minor emphasis on the actual

products. In some business sectors this method is more useful than others, for example financial

services often heavily rely in advertising on their integrity, honesty, and past success rather than

the actual services, which are difficult to portray or contrast with those of their competitors.

Messaris points out that “the fact that images can reproduce the appearance of reality (or

selected aspects of that appearance) also means that they can call forth a variety of

‘preprogrammed’ emotional responses.”166 Images, thus, facilitate the connection between

perceiver and product, between perceiver and nationality. As pointed out above, images can be

altered more easily than stereotypes, and therefore are a crucial tool for advertisers. If images

elicit certain ‘preprogrammed’ responses, they can be used deliberately and pointedly. Therefore

none of the images used in advertisements are random.

Especially if a company’s product is similar or indistinguishable from that of another

company, advertisers often resort to creating and promoting an image. Certain feelings, values,

and impressions are invoked and a connection between these and the product are established to

make the product appear to be unique, different, and special. Advertisers often use this for

162 Rühl 57-58. 163 Laura Pappano, The Connection Gap: Why Americans Feel So Alone (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2001) 44. 164 See: Mats Alvesson, “Organization: From Substance to Image?” Image und PR: Kann Image Gegenstand einer Public Relations-Wissenschaft sein? eds. Wolfgang Armbrecht, Horst Avenarius and Ulf Zabel (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1993) 113-131. 165 Edward T. Hall and Mildred Reed Hall, Understanding Cultural Differences (Yarmouth: Intercultural Press, 1990) 168. 166 Messaris xiii.

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products whose main distinction is taste or smell. Because these factors cannot be conveyed

directly to the perceiver, the advertiser has to create certain images that can make up for this

lack. Williamson sees this process, which is also referred to as branding, as linking products to

“referent systems.”167 Goldman asserts that the “fundamental work accomplished within an

advertising space is the connection and exchange of meanings between an object (a named

product) and an image (another referent system).”168 These two elements are often also referred

to in the de Saussurian terms ‘signifier’ and ‘signified.’ Because they are otherwise not

connected, advertisements “must be structured to steer interpretation if they are to fulfill their

purpose.”169 This ‘steering’ is the difficult and often unpredictable work of advertisers.

Referent systems are often decontextualized in order to avoid unwanted and undesirable

elements within the referent system of a certain product. This is why many advertisements seem

to be so ‘clean’ and artificial, and why the referent system seems to be frequently out of place

and context. A product in this category, which makes heavy use of referent systems, is beer. It is

not only impossible to show the taste differences to other beers in an advertisement, but often

these differences are barely perceivable and difficult to judge, which the resulting intense use of

images compensates. Because consumers believe what they see and hear, an important function

of images is that of evidence:170

In the carefully calculated design of many consumer goods, the technological supremacy

of the corporation is made seemingly accessible to the consumer. [...] In a world where a

genuine sense of mastery is elusive, and feelings of impotency abound, the well-designed

product can provide a symbolism of autonomous proficiency and power. Often this

symbolism is nothing more than a gesture.171

Goldman and Papson point out that intertextual referents can function “as a hook to

anchor the association of the commodity with the consumer’s memories.”172 The use of referent

167 Judith Williamson, Decoding Advertisements: Ideology and Meaning in Advertising (London: Marion Boyars) 1984. 168 Goldman 71. 169 Goldman and Papson 2. 170 Messaris 129-160. 171 Stuart Ewen, All Consuming Images: The Politics of Style in Contemporary Culture (New York: Basic Books, 1988) 215. 172 Goldman and Papson 70.

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systems in advertisements has a cultural impact: “In the process of appropriating, reworking, and

using them, advertising transforms the borrowed ideas.”173 Messaris disscusses that images

simulate and distort reality.174 Hall and Hall argue that “Americans are very image-conscious,”175

a widely accepted view, which in itself can be seen as a stereotype.

National Images

Images of nations and nationalities refer to national groups and are shared by members of

another group/nation. In contrast to national stereotypes, national images can be created by

organizations and institutions.176 Tourist boards or chambers of commerce consciously and

intentionally work on improving Germany’s image in America and the world. Malinckrodt

asserts that both West and East Germany tried to actively influence Germany’s image in the U.S.

during the Cold War.177 In her analysis, Böhme-Dürr discusses that national images are

communicated publicly and refer to groups and not individuals:

Wenn wir davon ausgehen, daß Nationenbilder - wie andere Images auch - zumindest

unter bestimmten Vorraussetzungen und in Teilbereichen veränderbar sind, dann ist es

nicht sehr sinnvoll, sie als geschlossene Systeme zu begreifen. Sie sind vom

Wahrnehmungsinput, also von direkter wie auch von medialer Information abhängig.

Und wir müssen davon ausgehen, daß Nationenimages sich nicht auf Einzelindividuen

beschränken, sondern (öffentlich) kommuniziert werden.178

To a certain extent one could argue that national images are also images of a product. Tourism

advertisements by government agencies, city councils, or tourist boards, attempt to attract

visitors, who are also consumers. Many advertisements I analyzed try to present a nostalgic

173 William M. O'Barr, Culture and the Ad: Exploring Otherness in the World of Advertising (Boulder: Westview Press, 1994) 5. 174 Messaris 3-125. 175 Hall and Hall 168. Schor, for instance, has recently pointed out that brands are increasingly recognized by children, who are more and more oriented towards images and brands. 176 See Mallinckrodt; Rainer Epbinder, “The Role of Inter Nationes in Propagating an Image of Germany Abroad,” Images of Germany: Perceptions and Conceptions, ed. Peter Daly (New York: Peter Lang, 2000) 11-18; Köpke; Gramberger; Düwel and Link. 177 See: Mallinckrodt. 178 Böhme-Dürr 47. For an in-depth discussion of national images, see also: 43-64.

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Germany, which is a thouroughly created national image and seems to be largely shared by the

American public.

1.6 Images and Stereotypes of Foreigners in Advertising

Following the discussion of the nature of stereotypes and images above, this chapter sets

out to explore why these phenomena are useful in the world of advertising. According to O’Barr,

images and stereotypes of foreigners are found in contemporary advertisements in three

categories: travel advertisements, product endorsements, and international business ads. There

are several advantages that explain their widespread use in advertising, but also several social

side effects that have elicited many critics’ responses. Group norms are increasingly spread

through commercial media, but can also be seen as merely reflecting already existing social

norms.

With the possible exception of family and friends, the media are probably the most

powerful transmitters of cultural stereotypes, at least in Western societies. The expression

of group norms in art, literature, drama, and film both reflects and transmits the

stereotypes deeply ingrained in a culture.179

Advertisements create a special, artificial environment, which results in the following

implications that need to be taken into account. Firstly, communication is only one-way, the

recipient can only receive information and not send it back, and thus interaction is not possible.

Secondly, the information given is created, crafted, carefully designed, developed, and devoid of

all spontaneity. In actual cross-cultural contact, which is obviously more coincidental and

consists of interaction, the distorted picture is created by our own culture. We see the Other

according to our own reference system, our set of cultural values; our perception is ethnocentric.

Whereas both cross-cultural interactors use their value-system, the creator of an advertisement

can manipulate this system and usually even shares this system. In other words and in our

context, the creator is American and the viewers are Americans. The value-system of the Other,

179 Mackie et al. 61.

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in our case, German, is not part of the act of communication; the problems of cross-cultural

communication do not occur. There is no contradiction, no conflict, because the viewer perceives

information specifically designed according to his or her cultural setting. The communication is

intra-cultural, not inter-cultural. Stephan and Stephan write that “both cultural interpretations of

contexts and the conditions of contact have important effects on cross-cutural relations. All

cross-cultural encounters take place in specific contexts that are likely to be construed differently

by people from different cultures.”180

Through the mass media, people can see representations of groups that perhaps they

would otherwise never come in contact with. Television is especially suitable for this because it

uses both visual and audio information, thus seemingly conveying an authentic and realistic

representation of reality. Therefore an individual can form stereotypes about certain groups

whose members he or she has never actually met. Even when contact with a certain group is

frequent, the stereotype may be resistant to the new experiences.

Stereotypes of foreigners are learned from a very early age and are initially usually

indirect. It can be assumed that, as children are more and more exposed to television and thus

advertising at very early ages, ethnic and national stereotypes are increasingly internalized by

children. Advertisers use more of these stereotypes, as most viewers, even the youngest, will

recognize them.

In as much as ethnic and national stereotypes are associated with their relevant social

groups, then they are somewhat different to most other stereotypes. Both ethnicity and

nationality are relatively stable elements of an individual’s sense of identity, and come to

impact one’s life from a very early age. Psychologists have demonstrated that children

manifest a preference for the symbols of their own nation before their cognitive apparatus

can even fully comprehend what a nation or nationality actually is. […] since both ethnic

and national stereotypes are learnt early in life, and associated with potent social

identities, they are likely to be quite resistant to change, and to come to form an important

part of an individual’s set of beliefs.181

180 Cookie White Stephan and Walter G. Stephan, "Cognition and Affect in Cross Cultural Relations," Cross-Cultural and Intercultural Communication, ed. William B. Gudykunst (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2003) 113. 181 Cinnirella 48-49.

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Us vs. Them

O’Barr sees businesses using and abusing depictions of the Other as a confrontational

tool: “Advertisements that depict foreigners, I argue, depict ideologies about relationships

between us and them.”182 As I have argued above, people like to be members of a group and

often define themselves by contrasting one’s group to another. The more distinguishable that

group is, the easier it is to see the contrast and the differences. Thus the Other is often shown in

an exotic way, which means in a way both foreign and simplified yet interesting.

While the exotic can be used for both attracting and repelling the consumer, it also

becomes a mask for ideological ventures such as appropriation, subjugation, and

dominance. The untroubling images of foreignness both undermine and underscore the

fears associated with the Other and promote stereotypes that prevent significant

communication between and across cultural boundaries. The economic component of the

foreign ‘inclusion’ translates into the objectification of the foreign and its reduction into a

commodity useful only in its exchange value.183

An economic system that conveys cultural information only fosters simplification of the Other

and exacerbates outgroup homogeneity. As consumers are more and more bombarded with these

images, they become part of a culture’s set of common knowledge.

Although stereotypes are internal, they can be visualized. The more powerful the visual

cues, the more suitable are these visualizations for advertising. Advertising agencies, which rely

on a constant supply of images, especially for print advertisements, often work together with

stock photography agencies and companies. This type of business can be defined as “a global

industry which manufactures, promotes and distributes photographic images for use in

marketing, advertising, sundry editorial purposes, and increasingly for multimedia products and

website design.”184 Stock images have been known for centuries, and early advertising and trade

182 O'Barr 12. 183 Elise Salem Manganaro, “When Foreign Sells: Exotica in American TV Ads of the Eighties and Nineties,” Advertising and Culture: Theoretical Perspectives, ed. Mary Cross (Westport: Praeger, 1996) 25. 184 Paul Frosh, The Image Factory: Consumer Culture, Photography and the Visual Content Industry (Oxford: Berg, 2003) 3.

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cards already made heavy use of them. Frosh interprets stock photographs, which are widely

used in advertising, “as striking visual materializations of cultural stereotypes.”185

In order for images and stereotypes to work, the target audience and its culture need to be

taken into account. Most advertisements only work in the country they are produced for and

would fail in other countries. Ricks states that multinational companies must have different

marketing campaigns for different countries. He uses the examples of tire makers stressing

durability and mileage in the U.S. in contrast to agile performance in Germany, and of Volvo,

which “has emphasized economy, durability, and safety in America; […] performance in

Germany; and safety in Switzerland.”186 Thus for each advertisement and its content, not only a

stereotyped country but also the country in which the ad is aired needs to be taken into account.

“According to reception theory,” Berger comments, “we must not privilege the text and must

take into account ‘the role of the reader’ [...] and the way different readers (or listeners and

viewers, in the case of audio-visual media) interpret texts.”187

Country-of-Origin Effect

Sometimes products from certain countries are favored over similar or identical products

from other countries. This higher prestige can result from a number of factors: invention of a

product, practice and experience, favorable growing/production factors, local or regional culture,

etc. Very often food is seen as better in some countries than others, for example French wine,

cheese from Switzerland, Italian olive oil, or German beer. The list is endless and numerous

examples can be found for any country. Manufactured products also fall into this category,

ranging from Swiss clocks and watches to Japanese electronics.

The competitive advantage that manufacturers and producers from these countries have is

called country-of-origin effect.188 It is triggered by a variety of cues, including packaging,

advertising, and the company image. Stereotypes and images, as has been shown, are powerful

triggers that can lead to the advantageous country-of-origin effect and thus are often used by

185 Frosh 107. 186 Ricks 56. 187 Arthur Asa Berger, Manufacturing Desire: Media, Popular Culture, and Everyday Life (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1996) 12. 188 See: Jaffe and Nebenzahl. For summary of country-of-origin psychological processes: Murray A. Young, Paul L. Sauer and H. Rao Unnava, “Country-of-Origin Issues,” Global Marketing: Perspectives and Cases, eds. Salah S. Hassan and Roger D. Blackwell (Fort Worth: Hartcourt Brace, 1994) 196-210.

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advertisers. The energy-saving advantages of stereotypes lend their use to delivering quick visual

(a kilt, a Lederhose, etc.) and audial (an accent, folk music, etc.) triggers.

It is noteworthy that, in general, products from more developed countries appear to be

favored over those from less developed countries.189 This is not surprising as more developed

countries are seen as having accomplished certain goals (inventions of products or certain

discoveries), which lends them credibility of excelling also in other areas. As cars were invented

in Germany and many cars and innovations come from there, German engineering is still more

highly esteemed in comparison to that of other countries.

While the country-of-origin effect can be advantageous to exporting countries, it may

also be a “liability.” Babej reports that Germany is perceived less positively when negative

perceptions and tensions are on the rise and during times of political, social, and cultural

disagreements and hostilities.190 He states that companies that show their German image might

be negatively affected in times of political crises:

When a rift between two countries enters public consciousness, ‘badge’ products such as

cars become shiny, chrome-plated targets because they make a very public statement

about their owners. Though Mercedes hasn’t been touting its nationality, everyone thinks

of it as a German brand. If buying a Mercedes becomes stigmatized as funding anti-

Americanism, brands without this baggage, such as Jaguar or Lexus, could look more

attractive.191

Referring to the tourism industry, he asserts that “[c]ompanies whose product is Germany could

be in for a hard time.”192 Babej concludes that advertising and image campaigns can counter

disadvantages that are caused by the country of origin, stressing that each marketing strategy has

to be evaluated on a case-by-case basis.

189 Mary Ellen Ryder, et al, “Multilingual Advertising: Does It Have the Intended Effect?” Global Marketing: Perspectives and Cases, eds. Salah S. Hassan and Roger D. Blackwell (Fort Worth: Hartcourt Brace, 1994) 313-314. 190 Common reactions are boycott movements, for example the one organized by Jewish Americans against Nazi Germany (Dana Frank, Buy American: The Untold Story of American Economic Nationalism (Boston: Beacon, 2000) 101.) or a lighter version during the 2nd war with Iraq in 2003 during which French and, to a lesser extent, German products were shunned. Of course there are other reasons other than times of diplomatic and political differences. During times of higher unemployment and economic hardship, such as the Great Depression, “Buy American”-campaigns resurface. (Frank 56-78.) 191 Marc E. Babej, “When ‘made in Germany’ is a liability,” Brandweek 24 February 2003: 20. 192Babej 20. See also: Rietig.

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Harmless Fun or Humiliating Jokes?

It has been shown that stereotypes can be provocative or even hurtful and demeaning.

They are often found in jokes, which can reveal many group attitudes and, according to Dundes,

must not be underestimated: “A proverb or a joke told by members of one national group about

another may be more responsible for the first group’s attitude’s about the second than any other

single factor.”193

Many times a certain degree of controversy is planned and wanted by advertisers, as it

increases the viewers’ and the media’s attention. As most ads are never seen in other countries,

these images and stereotypes might even be hurtful and yet not have a negative impact on a

company’s image. But there is a certain line that must not be crossed and advertising agencies go

to great lengths to make sure that the advertisement does not cause a decrease in sales and the

company’s image. Especially ethnic humor can, if not carefully used, lead to opposite results and

is thus increasingly avoided by many advertisers.

Whether jokes are merely funny or humiliate and hurt certain groups inside or outside a

country is generally decided by audiences on a case-by-case basis. The question if it is ethical to

use jokes that depict certain groups or minorities is certainly debatable and cannot be answered

generally; evidence does not support one position or the other. La Fave and Mannell conclude:

“Although many ethnic ‘jokes’ exist at the expense of the group, a surprising number of

arguments exist for humanitarian functions of ethnic humor.”194 A certain amount of ‘teasing’ or

‘poking fun’ can be healthy in relationships between individuals as well as groups and may spur,

for example, positive feelings or productive competition.

Mediated images and stereotypes of various groups, not only those of foreigners, but also

those concerning gender, age, physical features, sexual orientation, profession, and social status

can injure and thus need to be constantly evaluated.195

193 Alan Dundes, Cracking Jokes: Studies in Sick Humor Cycles and Stereotypes (Berkeley, CA: Ten Speed Press, 1987) 96. 194 Lawrence La Fave and Roger Mannell, "Does Ethnic Humour Serve Prejudice?" Journal of Communication 26/3 (1976): 122. 195 See: Lester and Ross. On humor see also: Berger, An Anatomy of Humor; Dundes.

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Why not to use stereotypes

Ricks shows in his book Blunders in International Business that advertising mistakes can

lead to cultural misunderstandings, wrong conclusions, negative images, and insult. He presents

examples ranging from packaging and layout to different cultural receptions of color, gestures,

and symbols, from badly chosen names of products to wrong translations, and from pricing to

marketing strategies. The often-amusing examples show that even thorough research can produce

unexpected, uncommon, and often undesirable outcomes. Thus marketers and advertisers need to

be careful in their marketing of products. A local advertising agency may filter out or not even

make mistakes in the first place. Therefore many American advertisements for German

companies are developed by American advertising agencies. However, many decisions of the

marketing of a product lie with the company and its strategy, therefore cultural influence is often

not completely eliminated and traces can still be found in many advertisements.

Furthermore the use of stereotypes in contrast to that of images is limited as advertisers

strive to maintain an ever new, up-to-date, and fresh image. Therefore it is seen more frequently

that existing stereotypes are challenged or played with, which prevents viewer-anticipated

patterns and draws attention. Several advertisements, for example, play with the stereotype of the

Germans as being overly traditional. They clearly challenge an older view and show that

Germany has undergone massive changes, which is elaborated on below in the chapter called

“The New Germans.”

1.7 Images and Stereotypes of Germans and Germany in America

The goal of this chapter is twofold: firstly, research on stereotypes and images of

Germans and Germany not directly associated with advertising is summarized, followed by

previously conducted research on the representation of Germans and Germany in American

advertising.

How the Germans are seen in America

It is often argued that the Americans are the ‘significant other’ for the Germans, while the

Germans are ‘one out of many’ for the Americans. Germany and Europe, however, constitute a

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central focus of American culture, which is often argued to draw its concepts and images mainly

from Europe. This Eurocentrism is inextricably connected to the European immigration that has

shaped much of the United States’ social fabric. It also pervades Germany’s image, resulting in a

number of depictions of Germans on a European rather than a national level.

As one of the large and influential immigrant groups (one quarter of Americans trace

their heritage to Germany, more than to any other ethnic background196), the way the Germans

are seen has been largely influenced by the image of German-Americans. This has altered the

perception of the Germans until today and may explain certain characteristics that are salient in

the Americans’ view of Germany. Koch-Hillebrecht, for instance, argues that the Pennsylvania

Dutch convey a refracted depiction of the Germans:

Die Pennsylvania Dutch, die schon auf Grund ihrer soziologischen Struktur kein getreues

Abbild der Deutschen vermitteln konnten, wurden trotzdem von den umwohnenden

Einwanderern aus Schottland und England als paradigmatische Deutsche angesehen. Das

amerikanische Deutschenstereotyp wurde in einigen Grundzügen durch diese

Auswanderer geprägt.197

Another general ascertainment is the duality of German characteristics: “Eindeutig

positiven stehen ebenso eindeutig negative Bilder gegenüber. Die rationalen, ‘offiziellen’

Einstellungen gegenüber Deutschland und den Deutschen sind eher freundschaftlich, die

emotionalen sehr ambivalent.”198 Especially Prussian militarism and two world wars have

contributed to a negative perception of the Germans, even though this never prevented the more

positive traits to be overshadowed for long.

Negative characteristics in advertising are seldom utilized in comparison to other types of

representation. During both war efforts the propagandistic nature of advertising resulted in a

196 "The 1990 U.S. census identified this country's four most numerous ethnic groups. Of the total of 248 million people, there were 58 million German Americans, 38 million Irish Americans, 32 million English Americans, and 23 million African Americans. Those same four groups also headed the 1790 census. [...] The dominant cultural groups - those with the most power and influence in the social structure, including the media - are the ones that control which images get seen. It is always to the advantage of the dominant groups to stereotype other groups in order to secure their dominance." (Lester 80.) 197 Manfred Koch-Hillebrecht, Das Deutschenbild: Gegenwart, Geschichte, Psychologie (München: Beck, 1977) 141. 198 Frank Krampikowski, Das Deutschlandbild im Deutschunterricht am amerikanischen College (Tübingen: Narr, 1991) 57.

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surge of negative depictions, but as Germany changed from enemy to ally and eventually friend

after World War II, the Soviet Union quickly replaced the Third Reich as a foe.199

There are a number of publications that analyze particular characteristics of Germans held

by Americans and their change during the past decades. While the methods of many of them

have been criticized,200 many yielded serviceable results.201

A final, noteworthy point is the regional diversity of the perception of the Germans

within the United States. In the Midwest, the rating is the most favorable, predominantly due to

this being the major settlement area of German immigrants. It is followed by California, the

rating in the eastern states being rather average. The image is the least favorable in the South,

partly due to the German anti-slavery stance before the Civil War, as Emmerich argues.202

Previous Research

As already indicated in the preface, previous research on this dissertation’s topic is

scarce, while studies on the depiction of Germans and Germany in other types of media abound:

"Die Studien zum Deutschlandbild im amerikanischen Fernsehen haben entweder

Unterhaltungsfilme analysiert oder Nachrichten.”203 Bredella, however, believes that advertising

is an important type of text when it comes to creating or reinforcing Germany’s national

image.204

Wolfgang Gast has produced some valuable research on the topic in a study co-authored

with Lothar Bredella and Siegfried Quast. The study titled Deutschlandbilder im amerikanischen

Fernsehen: Inhalte – Formen – Funktionen is an analysis of 3500 hours of TV materials,

199 See: Quandt and Schult. 200 See above for a more detailed discussion of one of the earliest, very influental study by Katz and Braly. (Katz and Braly 280-290.) 201 For a review of research on stereotypes of Germans held by Americans, particularly American college students, between 1932 and 1986, see: Stapf, Stroebe and Jonas 38-53; also: Krampikowski. For a summary of research on national characteristics of Germans, see also: Peabody. 202 Klaus Emmerich, “Ach, diese Deutschen”: Eine Nation auf der Such nach ihrer 4. Identität (Köln: Böhlau, 2000) 45. 203 Böhme-Dürr 69. On the media as a source of information on Germany, see: Wilke 11-21. See also: Wolfgang Gast, "Das Bild der Deutschen im amerikanischen Fernsehen: Ein Bericht über Ziele und Methoden einer inhaltsanalytischen Studie," Völker und Nationen im Spiegel der Medien (Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, 1989) 43-53. 204 “Dieser Textsorte kommt insofern eine erhöhte Bedeutung für die Ausbildung bzw. Verstärkung des Deutschlandbildes zu, weil die Bilder im US-Fernsehen durch ständige Wiederholung im hohen Grade präsent sind.” (Wolfgang Gast, “Das Deutschlandbild im amerikanischen Fernsehen: Zahlen, Strukturen, Methoden,” Deutschlandbilder im amerikanischen Fernsehen: Inhalte - Formen – Funktionen, eds. Lothar Bredella, Wolfgang Gast and Siegfried Quandt (Tübingen: Narr, 1994) 261-62.)

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recorded between April 1st 1988 and March 31st 1989 from the network stations ABC, NBC, and

CBS, the non-commercial PBS and the commercial channels CNN and TBS. The researchers

came to the conclusion that, in relation, the mentioning of anything related to Germans or

Germany was insignificant (1478 references excluding commercials and ca. 950 in

commercials).205

Most references in this study are made towards cars.206 In the analysis of which

characteristics are connected with German products, the following all relate to the large amount

of automobile advertising:

Exklusivität: 26,6%

Dynamik/Sportlichkeit: 23,9%

Wirtschaftlichkeit: 14,7%

Zuverlässigkeit: 11,0%

Individualität: 10,1%

Innovation: 6,4%”207

Gast also names folkloristic allusions as a second reoccurring theme:

Daneben gibt es aber auch ein weiteres Bildsegment, das in der Werbung dem

Deutschlandbild zugeordnet wird: Deutsche Folklore, insbesondere in Form

“romantischer” Versatzstücke aus der Architektur mittelalterlicher deutscher Städte (etwa

Rothenburg o.d.T., Heidelberg). Abb. 10 zeigt, daß in fast einem Drittel aller Werbespots

mit irgendeinem Deutschland-Bezug diese “Eigenschaft” an der Spitze steht.208

205 Gast, Das Deutschlandbild im amerikanischen Fernsehen: Zahlen, Strukturen, Methoden 253. 206 "Abb. 8 macht deutlich, daß unter den deutschen Produkten, für die in den USA im Fernsehen geworben wird, das Auto mit 85,3% aller Fälle die Nr. 1 ist. Eine gewisse Rolle spielen noch Medikamente (8,3%), den Rest (auch Hightech mit nur 1,8%) kann man vernachlässigen.” (Gast, Das Deutschlandbild im amerikanischen Fernsehen: Zahlen, Strukturen, Methoden 260.) 207 Gast, Das Deutschlandbild im amerikanischen Fernsehen: Zahlen, Strukturen, Methoden 261. 208 Gast, Das Deutschlandbild im amerikanischen Fernsehen: Zahlen, Strukturen, Methoden 262-63. [Abb.10: Werbeelemente mit Deutschlandbezug: Eigenschaften. Folkloristik 28,8%; Deutsche Produkte ohne Kontext 22,1%; Genialität 9,8%; Luxus 9,2%; Funktionalität 8,6%; Andere 6,1%; BRD: West 6,1%; Anachronismus 2,5%; Innovation 2,5%; Unkonventionalität 2,5%; Zuverlässigkeit 1,8%.

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Another brief analysis of this dissertation’s topic by Gerhard Probst is much more

superficial and does not distinguish between references (images, stereotypes) to Germany and

the national (German) origin of product and country. Probst sees the three largest German

“achievements” to be cars, chemicals/pharmaceuticals, and beer. The information is not backed

up, and the reference to German images is not clear: the German chemical industry does not

display any connection to its country, and the only beer ad he discusses is not by a German

company.

There are mainly three areas of commercials in which Germans appear: there are

automobile advertising spots of Volkswagen ‘German engineering at affordable prices,’

Mercedes “engineered like no other car in the world,’ and BMW ‘the ultimate driving

machine’ in which German engineering ingenuity and quality of workmanship are

presented to be unequalled; the German chemical industry, above all Bayer, which, by the

way, most Americans do not consider to be a German company, represents the second

area of German achievement; and then there is beer, with Loewenbrau and Beck’s leading

the way. In the ‘fire-brewed’ beer commercial by the American Stroh brewery the firm’s

German ancestry and beer-brewing tradition are exploited. Half-timber houses in

medieval, fairy tale towns, which figure prominently on the average American tourist’s

European itinerary, are shown and invoke the romanticism also associated with Germany

and the Germans.209

As this is the whole account, Probst’s text does not prove to be of much help. It is not structured

and stays on a superficial level.

Gast’s following summary of the Germans and Germany in advertising in America,

however, has been very influential in my research and shall therefore be quoted here fully.

Schon bei der Werbung als einer aus dem fiction-nonfiction Koordinatensystem

herausfallenden Textsorte sieht das anders aus, ist der Rezeptionsmodus komplizierter.

Hier ist der Kommunikationsakt nicht auf informierende Rezeption ausgerichtet, sondern

209 Gerhard Probst, “Images of Germany and the Germans in American Media,” Mediating a Foreign Culture: The United States and Germany, ed. Lothar Bredella (Tübingen: Narr, 1991) 85.

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als persuasive Gestaltung auf pragmatische Handlungsschemata hin orientiert. Die im

Werbespot über deutsche Autos verwendeten Bilder sind also nicht als informierende

Bilder über den Deutschen, die deutsche Wirtschaft, die deutsche Sozial- und

Kulturgeschichte intendiert und werden auch nicht so rezipiert. Die Thematisierung

’Deutsches Auto’ hat aber immer ganz selbstverständlich weitere ethnische Bilder im

Gefolge, die in dieser auf Prägnanz und Kürze ausgerichteten Textsorte eine besondere

Affinität zum Stereotyp hinweisen: So läßt sich blitzschnell ein Arsenal an Bilderwelten

aufrufen und für persuative Zwecke instrumentalisieren, wobei individuelle

Differenzierung nur hinderlich wäre. Die Werbung greift dabei ganz selbstverständlich

auf weitverbreitete ethnische Vorurteile zurück, auf deren Kenntnis und Wirksamkeit

jeder Produzent setzen kann. Dabei können im Fernsehen alle drei Zeichensysteme

genutzt werden: Visuelle Präsentation von dem Deutschen, typisch deutscher bekannter

Bauwerke, Symbole, etc.; akustische ‘Bilder’ vor allem parasprachlicher Art (harter

Akzent, schnarrende Stimme u. ä.), und sprachliche Versatzstücke (‘Autobahn’, ‘Ja’,

deutsche Namen). Die Rezeption von Werbespots über deutsche Produkte wird dabei -

vor allem durch die ständige Wiederholung - maßgeblich durch die kaum bewußte

Aufnahme gleicher stereotyper Bilder bestimmt, die sich so im Kopf des Rezipienten

verstärken.210

210 Wolfgang Gast, “'Typisch Deutsche' im amerikanischen Fernsehen,” Deutschlandbilder im amerikanischen Fernsehen: Inhalte - Formen – Funktionen, eds. Lothar Bredella, Wolfgang Gast and Siegfried Quandt (Tübingen: Narr, 1994) 11-12.

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2. Germans and Germany as Object of Admiration

‘Many’ qualities and characteristics that are connected with the Germans have been and

still are admired, cherished, appreciated, or even envied. Many of these positive notions are up to

this date seen as inherently German, even though the social fabric or cultural landscape of

Germany may have changed. It is not of interest here whether or not, or to what extent these

national characteristics or stereotypes are true. Rather the existence of such specific traits and

connections that are admired is the object of analysis in this chapter.

It is in no way surprising that advertisers conjure positive, pre-existing images of the

Germans and their traits when the advertised products have a certain connection to Germany. It

enhances both the company’s and the product’s appeal and thus is hoped to increased sales.

2.1 The Efficient, Precise, Perfect and Diligent German

Being accurate, efficient, precise, punctual, organized, and diligent are national

characteristics of the Germans not only frequently perceived by Americans, but also by Germans

themselves. Even though many of these characteristics could be discussed here as separate

entities, I will present them as intertwined, as one image package, as one set of work ethics.

In the 1930s, the Nazi propaganda effort in the U.S. presents these apparently German

qualities and their benefits for international travelers. A government agency travel ad claims:

“German genius for organization has timed these events so that you can enjoy them during a

glorious vacation in Germany.”211 The Hamburg American Line/North German Lloyd stresses

punctuality: “Consider also the regularity of sailings now scheduled through the year, more than

200 crossings, a frequency that fits your travel plans to the day. And a punctuality that keeps the

fit perfectly.”212 While World War II halted such promotions and depictions, the post-war years

once again showed that these apparently German characteristics could also be positively charged,

which led to an enormous display of advantageous traits. Only a few years after the war,

211 Advertisement in: Jim Heimann, 30s: All-American Ads (Köln, Los Angeles: Taschen, 2003) 744. 212 Hamburg American Line/North German Lloyd, advertisement, Country Life March 1937: 19.

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Germany began exporting goods again, and, as an ad for the 1950 United States International

Trade Fair in Chicago reveals, it is promoted that “German products stand for quality.”213

Lufthansa and “typical German fussiness”

These characteristics have been enforced over decades and continued well into the post-

war years. Lufthansa’s campaigns have made extensive use of qualities such as seriousness and

attention to detail and perfection, characteristics highly esteemed in the airline business. For

instance, a 1966 print advertisement deals with a flight being delayed eight minutes because the

coffee-machine was broken (“kaputt”): “And with typical German fussiness we refuse to take off

until every part works perfectly. Maybe it’s being ridiculously German to carry anything to such

an extreme.”214 Koch-Hillebrecht comments on the salience of the discussed characteristics in

airline advertising:

Einigen Ärger hatte die Werbeagentur Doyle, Dane und Bernbach mit einer Serie von

Anzeigen für die Lufthansa, die 1966 erschien. Der deutsche Zug zur großen

Genauigkeit, zur Gewissenhaftigkeit, zur Disziplin, den die Amerikaner an den

Deutschen im allgemeinen nicht gerade besonders schätzen, kann jedoch einen

Flugpassagier beruhigen, wenn er sich überlegt, daß das Flugzeug nicht von einem

notorisch leichtlebigen Südländer gewartet wurde.215

In another 1971 ad, titled “It is time we changed our image,” the Red Baron, the fictional

‘spokesperson’ of Lufthansa for several years, tells his employees: “Guten Tag cheerful

employees of Lufthansa German Airlines,” followed by this text written in verse:

You will continue to be efficient

and prompt

and meticulous

and methodical

But you will also pamper and coddle

213 German Industry, advertisement, New York Times 21 July 1950: 32. 214 Koch-Hillebrecht 241. 215 Koch-Hillebrecht 241.

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Passengers

And it doesn’t hurt to know some funny jokes.216

The strict imperative and the emphasis on obedience produce a negative association of the

Germans’ leaning towards hierarchies and strong leadership. It shows the German employees not

as freethinking individuals but as recipients of an order, as someone who will obey to a superior;

even such a human trait as telling jokes seems to be dictated. A sense of humor, as discussed

later, is not a trait commonly associated with the Germans. Interestingly, the superior here is the

Red Baron, whose background is in the aristocracy and military, two institutions that rely on a

system of rank and obedience.

In more recent ads such techniques, if somewhat more subtle, can still be found. The

airline promises “Lufthansa thoughtfulness” and “expert efficiency”217 or “supremely efficient

service that’s also sophisticated. Careful planning” and “cheerful efficiency.”218 Similarly,

Lufthansa claims that it has “a passion for perfection,”219 and emphasizes its “reliable

service.”220

Human Hands vs. Machines

Many automobile ads also emphasize safety and frequently show how often a car is

inspected with careful attention to the minutest details.221 Many advertisements for German cars

also explain every step of the production process: “The 230S body is a taut shell, welded 10,000

times.”222 Volkswagen speaks of “hair-splitting precision.”223 Extensive descriptions connote the

quality of German craftsmanship, a quality that is generally acknowledged in the U.S.

Very often the perfection of German craftsmanship is highlighted, showing that this trait

indeed is the opposite of machine-operated, faceless production processes. The German car

industry uses the image of German manual workmanship to promote reliable quality products. A

216 Lufthansa, advertisement, 1971, personal collection. 217 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 27 May 1963: 17. 218 Jim Heimann, 60s: All-American Ads (Köln, Los Angeles: Taschen, 2002) 928. 219 E.g.: Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 10 October 1990: C13; Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 2 October 1991: C15; Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 28 April 1991: CNA5. 220 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 2 October 1991: C15. 221 E.g.: Volkswagen, advertisement, Esquire October 1963: 157. 222 Mercedes, advertisement, New York Times 30 January 1967: 17. See also Mercedes “Tests,” advertisement, 2001. 223 Volkswagen, advertisement, New York Times 19 November 1984: C5. Another commercial claims that “Precision” is important and “MAKES IT BETTER.” (Volkswagen “Tight,” advertisement, 2002.)

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Super Bowl Porsche commercial stresses its manual production processes: “The new Porsche

Boxster is assembled in Zuffenhausen, Germany, much the same way our original roadsters, the

Spiders, were assembled; by human hands. Makes you wonder who builds other sports cars.“

The classical music that accompanies the voice-over to this point quickly fades out and a robot is

shown, pounding on the cars interior. Because the music is muted, the hammering of the

relentless machine constitutes a sharp contrast to the personal, manual work that the presented

employees “Kurt Hartmann, Assembly,” “Manfred Schirmer, Saddlery,” and “Dieter Wurster,

Motorworks” perform. The names do not only add to the theme of ‘human hands vs. robots,’ but

also to the label ‘made in Germany.’ It is most likely that they were carefully chosen, as they can

easily be identitified as German names by non-Germans and yet are not too exotic for the

American public. The workers shown are all middle-aged, white males in grey work coats.224

Manual, quality craftsmanship is a theme used in many automobile advertisements often

to a level of repetitiveness. Quality, the “meticulous attention to detail,”225 is seen by the

advertisers as a key characteristic, more important than a lifestyle image. The following excerpt

should suffice as an example of the thoroughness of the coats of paint on German cars: “The

body is then dunked in a 52-ton primer tank, baked, spray-painted, hand-sanded, sprayed again,

then hand-sprayed.”226 Why the image that German cars are made by real people is so important

is explained in the following ad: “hand-stitched upholstery, hand-smoothed coachwork, the fact

that every moving part is bench-tested before assembly – these are the hallmarks of honest work,

proud work, built to endure.” The “special quality” that apparently only cars of this brand boast

is linked to the many German workers shown in their blue overalls and suits above a yellow

Mercedes.227 Once again, worker and product are directly connected.

Efficiency and Purity

The German work ethic, which is very advantageous for the German business world, has

been a very persistent stereotype not only since Max Weber’s discourse on the Protestant Ethic.

Even though working hours per week and days per year are far less in Germany than those in 224 Porsche “By Human Hands,” advertisement, 1997. 225 Mercedes, advertisement, Esquire April 1962: 53. 226 Mercedes, advertisement, New York Times 14 October 1968: 27. Very similar and even more repetitive: Volkswagen, advertisement, Esquire September 1964: 25; Volkswagen, advertisement, Esquire May 1965: 29. The following TV commercial follows the same procedural descriptions: Volkswagen, advertisement, Automobile Advertising of the 60's, New York: London International Advertising Awards, Video Recording, 1992. 227 Heimann, 60s 167.

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competitors’ countries such as the United States or Japan, Germans are still regarded as hard-

working, diligent, and efficient. Stapf, Stroebe, and Jonas remark that the attribute “fleißig”

could always be found among the attributes stated most often in the studies that use character

trait lists. They also remark that attributes in the field of work and science were often mentioned,

such as “wissenschaftlich orientiert” and “effizient”.228 This work ethic seems to be one of the

strongest German traits.229

Both the German immigrants to the United States as well as the European Germans have

long been known for their dedication to work in America, a country in which diligence, frugality,

temperance, and hard work are admired traits. In the commercial world, marketing and image

campaigns cultivate this pre-existing image. Predominantly cars, but also many other products

symbolize the largely positive German traits. Automobiles seem to embody the characteristics

deemed German; a Mercedes in a 1982 Super Bowl ad, for instance, puts “function first,” has

“surgically precise steering, tenacious road-holding” and is “road-efficient as well as fuel-

efficient.” Summed up, it is “aiming for efficiency in all its forms.”230

Beer is a product that combines German festival culture with experienced craftsmanship.

Some beer ads emphasize the strict German purity law, or “Reinheitsgebot,” which signals

traditional brewing techniques, the product’s impeccability231 as well as superior ingredients.232

Many German beer advertisements stress the careful production process: “born through

masterful blending of perfect ingredients.”233

228 Stapf, Stroebe, and Jonas 50-51. 229 Stapf, Stroebe, and Jonas 106-07. 230 Mercedes “Test Track,” advertisement, 1982. 231 E.g.: Löwenbräu, advertisement, 1961. Personal collection. 232 For example, a spot by the American brewer Sam Adams makes of point of importing Bavarian hops, showing German hops farmers talk about the importance of this carefully chosen ingredient. (Sam Adams, advertisement, Comedy Central 10 March 2005.) 233 Löwenbräu, advertisement, Esquire June 1960: 4.

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2.2 German Engineering and the Automobile

It is not surprising that a leaning toward precision is generally found in the advertising of

automobiles, the most important of German export goods. 234 It signifies more than any other

product the ‘German success story’: “In der zweiten Hälfte der 1950er und verstärkt in den

1960er Jahren rückten Mercedes-Stern und VW-Käfer in den Rang deutscher Wahrzeichen und

schienen die deutsche Gesellschaft wirkungsvoller zu symbolisieren als Sauerkraut und

Pickelhaube.”235 The image of Germany is inextricably intertwined with the very salient symbol

of the automobile, which constitutes more than a mere product in both Germany and the U.S.:

The growth of the automobile industry has been perhaps the most significant

development in twentieth-century American history. Increased mobility affected to a

momentous degree not only the physical character of American culture in terms of urban

planning and lifestyles but also the psychological orientation of the country. In a society

that has increasingly depended on outward appearances and material possessions as

personal evaluative criteria, the automobile has occupied a unique position as a major

symbol and as an active agent in socio-economic relationships.236

The automobile is perhaps the icon of popular culture, its depictions ranging from pop art, film,

collector’s item, mode of recreation, and leisure to a complete definition of lifestyle. Barthes sees

automobiles as myth and magical objects:

I think that cars today are almost the exact equivalent of the great Gothic cathedrals: I

mean the supreme creation of an era, conceived with passion by unknown artists, and

consumed in image if not in usage by a whole population which appropriates them as a

purely magical object.237

234 17% of the world’s production of cars in 1999 came from Germany. (Emmerich 13.) 235 Thomas Reuther, “In Hitlers Schatten: Amerikanische Deutschlandbilder,” Die USA und Deutschland im Zeitalter des Kalten Krieges 1945-1990: Ein Handbuch. Vol 1, ed. Detlev Junker (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 2001) 917. 236 Mamiya 19. 237 Roland Barthes, Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Noonday Press, 1972) 88.

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Klink et al. stress that cars are and have been especially dominating in American society:

The importance of the automobile in the everyday life of America in the twenty-first

century cannot be overestimated. The automobile industry is the largest industry,

according to some, in the United States. More than a mere means of transportation, the

automobile has come to be recognized as an object of dreams, fantasy, and identity. The

study of the automobile as a social and psychological force in society is a means to

understanding national values and aspirations.238

While the connection that the automobile creates between Germans and Americans is further

explored later, this section deals with the engineers and producers on the one hand and the

product on the other.

The Men in White Lab Coats

German engineers and scientists had been admired in the United States before the advent

of the automobile due to major contributions of Germans and German-Americans during the 19th

century, such as pharmaceutical products, bridges, crafts, lenses, as well as optical and glass

products.239 While Germany still continues to be among the leading producers of such goods, the

automobile is the most visible in America, not only in advertising.

The self-confident use of the term “German engineering,”240 used predominantly by

Volkwagen but also other German car manufacturers, reveals the strong associations and

connections of Germans and engineering in America. The aspect of engineering is stressed in

most advertisements for German automobiles. Mercedes speaks of “engineering extravagance”241

and claims that their cars are solid pieces of machinery: “At Mercedes Benz, engineers – not

238 William R. Klink, Michael L. Berger and Maurice Duke, “The Automobile,” Handbook of American Popular Culture, 2nd ed, vol. 1, eds. Thomas M. Inge and Dennis Hall (New York : Greenwood Press, 2002) 117. 239 Christine M. Totten, Deutschland – Soll und Haben: Amerikas Deutschlandbild (München: Rütten & Loening, 1964) 32-34. 240 E.g.: Volkswagen “Mr. and Mrs. Schmidt – Garage,” advertisement, 1985; Volkswagen “Remarkable,” advertisement, 1988; Volkswagen “Interact,” advertisement, 1988; Volkswagen “Good News Travels Fast,” advertisement, 1989; Volkswagen “Amusement Park,” advertisement, 1989. Also sometimes found is the variation “German-engineered car” (Volkswagen “Reverb,” advertisement, 2002.) 241 Mercedes, advertisement, New York Times 21 January 1969: 20.

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styling geniuses or marketing wizards – have the upper hand.”242 The engineer as a person, as a

craftsman with a name (see also the previous section) is highlighted repeatedly: “All the

engineering and automotive theory in the world isn’t going to build a great car. The actual

building is up to the craftsmen in the factory. That’s why we use skilled cabinetmakers to craft

and fit the wood trim. Former dressmakers to sew the upholstery.”243 The do-it-yourself, can-do

spirit is likely to be seen favourably by American consumers.

The ubiquitous white lab coats by which the engineers are easily identified, are the

embodiment of “German engineering,” a marketing term and image has been intensely cultivated

by advertisers because it stresses important stereotypical connections of country of origin and

apparent product qualities. The term suggests that engineers from Germany possess these

qualities and thus adds a certain scalability to the term “engineering.” The lab coat thus becomes

a reoccurring visual trigger for these apparently inherent qualities. Many advertisements

underscore the “single-minded devotion”244 with which they perform their tasks. In one

commercial they are shown conducting a test on a closed track; but the voice-over assures the

viewer: “for us it’s an amusement park.”245 Similar ads show the meticulous work the engineers’

conduct: in one Super Bowl commercial, a VW Jetta is shown driving around and then towards

some engineers, only to turn and come to a precise halt, while they stoically stand in line

inanimatedly.246 Similarly, in another spot also shown during the 1988 Super Bowl, two

engineers sit on chairs in the middle of a test track and do not move. The car speeds towards

them but comes to a shrieking halt right next to them.247 Both spots, which conclude “German

engineering. The Volkswagen way,” show how well the car is engineered and how the German

engineers trust their own work, but again brings up notions of machine-like, robotic behavior.

The characteristics introduced in the previous section also apply to the men in white

coats: work ethic, perfection, efficiency, and cleanliness. The voice-over in a 60-second VW spot

summarizes their dedication to their work:

242 Mercedes, advertisement, New York Times 14 October 1968: 27. 243 Mercedes, advertisement, New York Times 16 February 1970: 23. 244 Volkswagen, advertisement, New York Times 19 November 1984: C5. 245 Volkswagen “Amusement Park,” advertisement, 1989. 246 Volkswagen “Interact,” advertisement, 1988. 247 Volkswagen “Remarkable,” advertisement, 1988.

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What kind of people finish something but are never quite done with it? I mean, aren’t you

done when you’re finished? See, these people have an idea, but as soon as they’re

finished with it, they realize they’re not finished. So they keep fiddlin’, tryin’ to make it

just a little bit better. Then they have another idea, and it’s good, too. But they can’t leave

that one either. Of course, more ideas pop up, and they can’t keep their hands off any of

them. You know, they might spend a month tryin’ to tweak this little part here or drive

themselves crazy smoothing out that shape there, just to make every Volkswagen a little

better. So, no matter what they finish, they’re never really finished – ever. Maybe these

people have some kind of weird DNA, these engineers and designers. Well, they sure are

smart – smart, but kooky. I wonder what they’re gonna think up next.248

The engineers shown in this animated commercial share the common characteristics with those

in other ads: they are all men. Three different types are depicted, one in a white lab coat, another

with a white shirt, vest, tie, and round, metal-rimmed glasses, and a third type wears a turtleneck

and is completely dressed in black.249 The Volkwagen spot uses common stereotypes – their

perfectionism, their involvement, even their nerdy disposition – in order to show the superiority

of the product.

A Mercedes commercial modifies this theme, showing engineers dressed again in white

shirts, ties, and white lab coats conducting a crash test. The car breaks through the wall, drives

through an office and is seen crashing out of the building. A person is heard exclaiming: “Hey,

what are you guys doing in there?” and the engineers look at each other in a slightly puzzled

manner.250

Even the American competition acknowledges the engineering quality, as one Buick

advertisement admits: “Garmisch-Partenkirchen, Bavaria – In the quiet, scenic villages of the

German Alps, the townspeople are not easily excited about an automobile. Here, in Germany,

automotive excellence is expected, rather than marveled at.”251 Engineering, in this ad, is shown

as a German way of life: the American consumer may not envy, but he or she respects the

Germans for their engineering talent and expertise, even the common “townspeople.“ They

248 Volkswagen “Weird DNA,” advertisement, 2002. 249 See also chapter 4.4. 250 Mercedes “Crash Test,” advertisement, 2002. 251 Buick, advertisement, New York Times 13 May 1984: SM33.

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function here as critics and pundits, who approve of the American car, which implies that these

are usually not known for the best engineering.

Even though German engineering is not limited to cars, other products are only rarely

found. They lack the emotional appeal, the differentiation, the market value, and the symbolism

of the automobile. One advertiser praising German vacuum cleaners alludes to the dominance of

car advertisements in contrast to other German engineering commodities: “Owning German

engineering this remarkable [...] usually requires premium auto insurance.”252 On the right, the

ad elaborates on the theme by using more automobile advertising lingo: “The Miele vacuum

cleaner is one brilliantly engineered set of wheels. […] Test drive a Miele vacuum cleaner

today.”253

Linking three of the most frequent German advertising topics, cars, food, and beer, the

brewing company Beck’s recently announced its latest low-calorie beer with a very large “Holy

Schnitzel,” combining American phraseology with the stereotypically German food. At the

bottom of the ad, the claim and typical language so often used by car advertisers is found: “Every

calorie is German-engineered for maximum flavor capacity.”254

The Dark Side of Engineering

While the German engineer is associated with these positive characterstics, it is often

argued that there are also several negative traits generally linked to the Germans:

Wenn man jedoch genauer hinsieht, so greifen die sprachlichen und visuellen Referenzen

aber auch Bilder auf, wie sie in den fiktionalen Porträts deutscher Wissenschaftler zu

finden sind: ‘German engineering’ zeigt technologische Genialität, aber ihr haftet der

Beigeschmack des Unmoralischen, des Menschenverachtenden an; die Entwicklung der

‘ultimate driving machine’ (so der Slogan von BMW), ‘engineered like no other car in

the world’ (so der Mercedes-Slogan) können auf diese Weise auch negative

Konnotationen bekommen. Ganz direkt und aktuell wird dieser negative Aspekt der

deutschen Ingenieursgenialität im US-Fernsehen immer dann aufgegriffen, wenn

Hochtechnologie für „das Böse“ eingesetzt wird, etwa Waffenexporte und

252 A vacuum cleaner is shown in the middle of this message. 253 English’s Sew and Vac/Miele, advertisement, The Paducah Sun 13 August 2004: 8A. 254 Beck's, advertisement, New York Times 25 February 2005: A13.

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Giftgasproduktionsanlagen an Feinde der USA wie Libyen und den Irak. In diesem Fall

sind in der Regel visuelle Zitate aus der Zeit des Dritten Reichs nicht weit.255

Among the triggers that possibly elicit negative connotations are the previously discussed

uniform-like lab coats and the engineers’ lifelessness and lack of emotion. A 1960s Volkwagen

commercial, which makes a point of the numbers of engineers that check the Beetle before it is

released to be sold, is a good example of these associations. It shows rows and rows of male

engineers in white lab coats and black pants, looking more like an army than a workforce. The

men are faceless as they are filmed from behind by a camera that moves slowly forward. The

second camera perspective shows the engineers diagonally from below, the height of the camera

being just below their shoulders, which makes them appear larger. All look towards a

Volkswagen, which is shown only in the last frames of the spot. The eerily howling wind, the

endless concrete area, and the absence of anything natural or any other object, add to the dull,

lifeless, cold, and inhumane atmosphere.256 A comparison of this spot with works of Berta

Helene Amalie ’Leni’ Riefenstahl, particularly “Triumph des Willens,” shows strong similarities

in the use of imagery and filming technique. Riefenstahl is famous for her documentary

propaganda films for the German Nazi party, which are thought to be both seductive and

effective as well as highly controversial; two characteristics that are also prominent in the

Volkswagen commercial.

The wording in some ads can lead to these negative associations, as in the phrase

“Mercedes-Benz was obsessed with safety engineering long before it became fashionable”257

(my emphasis) or terms relating to Germany’s militaristic or Nazi past, as in “over-

engineered.”258 Many ads conjure the popular stereotype of the mad (German) scientist in the

tradition of Dr. Frankenstein as a personification of the German genius, combining the stereotype

of the German engineer and the totalitarian follower.

255 Gast, Das Deutschlandbild im amerikanischen Fernsehen 261-62. 256Volkswagen, advertisement, Automobile advertising of the 60's. New York: London International Advertising Awards, Video Recording, 1992. 257 Mercedes “Safety,” Advertisement, 1989. 258 Mercedes, Advertisement, New York Times 10 June 1968: 31. See chapter 4.5 for a discussion of “über”-compounds, referring to the term “Übermensch.” Also see chapter 6 for an analysis of the depiction of Germans and Germany as rival and enemy and chapter 5.3 for a discussion of the use of the German language in American advertising.

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It is difficult to assess to which extent these associations are consciously perceived by the

audience. I argue that the positive traits of the Germans definitely outweigh these few negative

associations, and follow Bredella, who also leaves this point open as evidence is scarce:

Die Werbung für deutsche Produkte kann sich auf das Stereotyp des deutschen

Wissenschaftlers und Technikers verlassen, und sie bestärkt dieses Bild. Selbst die

Werbung für nicht-deutsche Produkte akzeptiert den Maßstab, den deutsche Technik

setzt. So heißt es bei Daihatsu: ‘Driving a Daihatsu feels as if it were engineered by

Mercedes. It is the Mercedes of small cars.’ Für einen Ford Scorpio wird mit den Worten

geworben: ‘It offers all the performance you would expect from a German touring sedan.’

Die Werbung für deutsche Produkte blendet die negativen Assoziationen des deutschen

Technikers aus und betont, wie deutsche Produkte die Lebensqualität erhöhen. […] Dabei

muss offen bleiben, ob die negativen Assoziationen, die mit dem Stereotyp des Deutschen

als Wissenschaftler verbunden sind, nicht dennoch ins Spiel kommen.259

It can be assumed that such commercials reinforce the exisiting stereotype of the obedient,

conforming, and technical German. They contribute to the view that there is something such as a

deep-rooted German national character.

Body and Soul: The Personifications of Cars

The standard that German engineering is supposed to deliver can be seen in the references

made in several ads, as in “The most fuel efficient V-8 powered luxury car wasn’t engineered in

Japan or Germany”260 or “all of which makes the ’82 Scirocco one good-looking German sports

car.”261 The car itself seems to embody the very characteristics that Germans are associated with,

the VW Beetle probably being the most salient example. “Variously called ‘the bug’ or ‘the

beetle,’ the prepossessing prewar Volkswagen,” Jarausch asserts, “became the symbol of postwar

259 Lothar Bredella, “Funktionen der Nazizeit in amerikanischen Diskursen,” Deutschlandbilder im amerikanischen Fernsehen: Inhalte - Formen – Funktionen, eds. Lothar Bredella, Wolfgang Gast and Siegfried Quandt (Tübingen: Narr, 1994) 230. 260 Lincoln, advertisement, New York Times 10 February 1992: A9. 261 Volkswagen “Take a Fast Look,” advertisement, 1982.

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German industry, reliability and efficiency.”262 The beetle was a simple, humble, honest car that

seemed to represent the new Western Germany and its positive virtues. It was very efficient and

low-key, was easy to maintain and had low gas mileage, advantages presented in almost every ad

for the car.

In fact, many German advertisers use personifications and depict their cars as animals or

human beings. Audi’s all-wheel drive model is presented as an animal in a spot in which an

Eskimo shows his son traces in the snow, pointing at them and explaining in his native language

which animal they belong to, first those of a wolf, then those of a bear. Then he points at tire

tracks and explains that they were made by an Audi Quattro.263 Similarly, Mercedes shows one

of its offroad vehicles as a wild animal, which is beige/sand-colored and drives through

grasslands on a dusty lane. The commercial concludes with the following lines: “Born August

2001” and “The new 2002 M-Class.”264 Audi’s “Anatomy of a Genius” spot shows the physical

parts of one of its cars: “the heart,” “the skeleton,” and “the brain,”265 thus equating it with

humans.

The following analysis shows why such methods are employed. A Mercedes is put into a

junk press in recent TV commercial labeled “Soul”: it is about to be destroyed. The camera

position is the middle of the car, in between driver’s and passenger’s seat, allowing the viewer to

see through the windshield. Thus a view through the “eyes” of the car is simulated, and the

following scenes show the car’s “life” backwards as that of a human being, according to the

widespread belief that one sees one’s life condensed and in retrospect before dying. The viewer

can see several driving scenes, kids playing on its hood, intimate moments of its driver and a

passenger kissing, ice being scraped from the windshield, the car being washed or avoiding a

crash, and a parking ticket being stuck under the wiper by a police officer. Then the car is seen

driving through a tunnel, with a bright light at the end. The whole screen becomes a white light,

and finally engineers on each side in white lab coats, reminiscent of those of doctors, appear: the

262 Konrad H. Jarausch, "Huns, Krauts or Good Germans? The German Image in America, 1800-1980," German American Interrelations: Heritage and Challenge. Joint Conference held at the University of Maryland April 2 - April 5, 1984, ed. James F. Harris (Tübingen: Tübingen University Press, 1985) 155. 263 Audi Quattro “Lessons,” advertisement, 2002. 264 Mercedes “Born Free,” advertisement, 2001. 265 Audi A8 L “Anatomy of a Genius,” advertisement, 2003.

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car is on an assembly line and is reborn into a new generation model. The voice-over concludes

that “[t]he outside may change, but the soul remains the same.”266

The personification of the car in this ad has a number of functions: it creates emotion by

not only alluding to such dramatic and elemental scenes as death and birth, but also by showing

the humans’ relationship with the car. These depictions include the caring for the car, the family

activities enjoyed together, the most intimate moments shared: in short, the car is an important

part in most Americans’ lives, and the commercial reinforces this image. The automobile is

presented as if it were a partner, a pet, a member of the family, as if it had a personality, a life

story, and feelings. And even more so, the whole brand can stay man’s or woman’s best friend if

the cars are reborn: the advertiser aims at brand loyalty in this spot.

The advantages of emotional appeal have been shown above; car advertisers try to

strengthen the perception that cars are more than a means of transportation: that they define who

we are and how we live our lives. Some people give their cars names and others spend much of

their spare time on cleaning, decorating, tuning, and driving their car. That the automobile is

really such a defining factor for so many people is played with in a Mercedes ad displaying

several photos of people with their Mercedes Benzes.267 The conclusion, “No one ever poses

with their toaster,” is meant to reveal that the automobile really is more than just a piece of

machinery. In this train of thought, then, it does matter whether the car is ‘American made’ or a

result of ‘German engineering.’ It defines an individual by his or her choices as a consumer. The

country of origin of a chosen consumer product can thus constitute an intergral part of one’s

identity.

266 Mercedes-Benz C-Class “Soul. Unlike Any Other – Reincarnation,” advertisement, 2002. A BMW commerical showing the car’s headlights and explaining “Eyes are the window […] to the soul” uses the same theme. (BMW “Eyes,” advertisement, 2001.) 267 Mercedes “Toaster,” advertisement, 2004.

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2.3 “High Culture”: Music, Art and Crafts

Music, arts, and crafts are common themes in advertising. A closer look at which type of

art is used in advertising related to Germany can give insights into a subtler, less obvious

German image, the Germany of the ‘Dichter and Denker,’ a romantic, passionate Germany.

Music

It is not surprising that many Americans make connections between Germany and

classical music, as many famous composers were German, or at least German-speaking. “Die

Musikalität wurde als typisch deutsche Begabung angesehen,”268 Totten asserts, and explains the

roots of this perception: “Die deutsche Musik drang auf drei breiten Fronten in das

amerikanische Bewußtsein ein: zuerst auf dem Wege der Kirchenmusik, dann der Chormusik

und schließlich der Orchestermusik.”269 References to music and Germany fall into two

categories here: direct promotions for concerts or operas in Germany, and secondly, the use of

music in commercials for German products.

Especially the Nazi propaganda effort to improve Germany’s image abroad drew on

music, as the following examples display: One ad praises

a magnificent program of music, opera, theatre and picturesque folk festivals, such as the

Wagner festivals at Bayreuth; the Berlin Art Weeks; the Great German Art Exposition

and the Wagner-Mozart-Strauss Festivals at Munich; the Exposition ‘Nation at Work’ at

Duesseldorf; the Heidelberg Dramatic Festivals.270

The passion play in the “inspiring, old-world village of Oberammergau,” which is found in

several ads, is often presented as “the greatest cultural and religious event of all Europe.”271

An ad promoting ship travel between Germany and the United States goes into detail;

image of musical instruments (cello, violin, trumpet, woodwind) and a musical score titled “Die

268 Totten 39. 269 Totten 40. 270 German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, New York Times 21 March 1937: 187. 271 German Tourist Information Office, advertisement, New York Times 25 May 1934: 2.

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Meistersinger,”272 are shown, instantly presenting the ad’s theme. The text discloses a rather

vague connection between the company and Richard Wagner: “For music, [sic] is our forte, and

a mighty tradition with us. In the great creative period of Richard Wagner, 1847-57, our LINES

were founded.” This connection is insubstantial, as many companies were founded during those

10 years, and because there is no link between the founding of the lines and Richard Wagner’s

success and popularity. It is an early example of creating artificial or superficial associations

which mislead and are only unmasked at second glance. The text continues to add other,

positively perceived German strong points: “Fine music, yes, and with those other qualities

together total the Art of Fine Living: … surroundings of the highest decorative art, perfection in

service, delicious food, pleasant people and security resting on the Science of Navigation.”273

Musical festivals in Germany, some of which would now be located in Poland and Austria, are

then presented to the audience. Direct marketing in travel advertisements of German music still

follows much the same pattern of merely listing the offerings,274 but seems to have abated over

the past decades.

The use of music, especially identifiably German music, is a widespread and subtle

technique to relate to the country of origin and also create a certain mood and emotional appeal.

German music styles used in advertising include classical music275 and opera,276 folk music and

yodeling,277 Marlene Dietrich278 and the “Neue Deutsche Welle.”279

Music itself is a nonverbal element, which is, however, often mixed with verbal elements.

Both pre-existing music as well as music specifically composed for commercials can add to the

overall appeal of advertisements: it can add energy, stimulate the listener, function as an

attention-getting device, activate one more sense (hearing) to increase effectiveness, may invoke

272 See also: German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, Country Life May 1938: 114. (“the spirits of the Meistersingers live in Nürnberg”) 273 Hamburg-American Line/North German Lloyd, advertisement, Country Life April 1937: 21. 274 For example a Lufthansa ad for the winter season praising the arts: “Or take opera, the arts, the ballet, the festivals. Same story. Multiply natural inclination by generations of practice and you get excellence. Unforgettable excellence.” (Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 26 October 1965: 28.) 275 For example the Donauwalzer: Mercedes-Benz “Artists,” advertisement, 1998. Also: Volkswagen “Leaf,” advertisement, 2004; and Porsche “Valets,” advertisement, 1997, which combines classical with rock music. 276 BMW “Unavoidable,” advertisement, 2002. 277 E.g.: Glad ForceFlex “Avalanche,” advertisement, 2005. 278 Mercedes “Danke Schoen,” advertisement, 2001; Mercedes "Falling in Love Again," advertisement, (Lürzer’s Archive Online Services. Reference number: [v2.9717]. < http://www.luerzersarchive.net> 12 January 2005). 279 Volkswagen “Dadada,” advertisement, <http://media.eurotuned.com/vwcommercials_nolinking/Golf-dadada.mov> 19 January 2005.

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recipient’s emotions280 and usually requires little active involvement or perception. An important

advantage is the possibility to connect to something known and create instant familiarity; music

is another reoccurring component that leads to identification with a brand, functioning as a

recognition factor.281 Too much or the wrong kind of music may, however, take the listener’s

attention away from the advertiser’s message, thus it should enhance an ad rather than overpower

it.282

Different types of music trigger different responses and associations from the perceiver in

a similar way that visual images do. The frequent use of classical music in ads concerning

Germany can be explained by the associated images of sophistication, prestige, and high culture.

The other type often found is folk music, which, can lead to nostalgic connotations of a simpler

life or perhaps one’s roots: “Music provides the most frequently appropriated signifiers for

referencing the past. Music works as a trigger of memory and supplies a mediating bridge

between personal memory and collective memory.”283 Music in advertising is one facet of

stereotyping, as different styles are often associated with different groups. Thus music associated

with Germany through style or language creates instant recognition and conjures national

schemata.

Art

The use of fine arts is very similar to that of music; it is generally Eurocentric and

connotes sophistication and prestige. While some travel ads directly advertise German art284, art

is used in advertising to suggest that consuming the advertised product elevates the consumer’s

status, allows him or her to be part of a more distinguished, if artificial, group. In order to reach a

maximum of potential buyers, the art that is shown needs to be easily identifiable. The frequent

use of the Mona Lisa in advertising and other forms of popular culture, for instance, has made

280 G. C. Bruner, “Music, Mood, and Marketing,” Journal of Marketing (October, 1990): 94-104. 281 D. W. Stewart, K. M. Farmer and C. I. Stannard, “Music as a Recognition Cue in Advertising-Tracking Studies,” Journal of Advertising Research (1990): 30(4), 39-48. See also: Patricia A. Stout and John D. Leckenby, “Let the Music Play: Music as a Noverbal Element in Television Commercials,” Nonverbal Communication in Advertising, eds. Sid Hecker and David W. Stewart (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1988) 207-223. 282 M. Carole Macklin, “The Relationship between Music in Advertising and Children’s Responses: An Experimental Inverstigation,” Nonverbal Communication in Advertising, eds. Sid Hecker and David W. Stewart (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1988) 226. 283 Goldman and Papson 127-128. For a discussion of folklore see the following chapters. 284E.g.: Germany invites “the art and culture lover” to the “documenta,” a well-known modern art exhibit. (German National Tourist Office, advertisement, New York Times 3 January 1982: SM27.)

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this masterpiece a perpetually used cultural icon.285 It signifies high art and culture, a fact

culturally communicated, even though most people do not know anything else about this

painting. These associations and the created image of high culture, however, are sought by

advertisers, especially those of European origin: they complement the overall image.

German car makers have used a variety of art forms, styles, and periods to promote an

upper-class image. Particularly interesting, however, is that the product and its production

process are frequently referred to as an art form itself: “The art of engineering.“286 Similarly an

Audi is shown driving out of Guggenheim parking garage, as the voice-over concludes that “all

great works of art belong in a museum.”287 BMW claims that “[t]he world’s automotive press

have declared it nothing short of a masterpiece” and directly claims that its car is a piece of art:

“BMW elevates engineering to an art form.”288 To emphasize this, the ad uses Michelangelo, the

famous painter, sculptor, poet, and architect.289 Volkswagen refers to the Renaissance as well,

presenting the “Volkswagen, Italian Style.” The linking to another nationality rather than to

Germany reveals that the connection of this particular characteristic, style, with Germany was

not seen as salient at the time.

It comes cut with a Roman nose, graceful curves, and a low silhouette. […] Now you

might think we’re crazy to go to all this trouble, just to turn out some fancy Italian

sculpturing. […] So that with the Ghia’s beautiful form and this strictly functional

interior, you’ve got yourself a pretty solid piece of architecture. It’s known as renaissance

Volkswagen.290

Art in advertising transcends national boundaries, while generally a European image is

emphasized when depictions concerning art are used. The Renaissance, which originated in Italy

but is regarded largely as a European movement, is an ideal theme representing high culture,

285 Gina Strumwasser and Monroe Friedman, “Mona Lisa Meets Madison Avenue: Advertising Spoof of A Cultural Icon,” Advertising and Popular Culture: Studies in Variety and Versatility, ed. Sammy R. Danna (Bowling Green: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1992) 83-92. 286 This motto is used in many TV and print ads, e.g.: Audi “No Car In The World,” advertisement, 1986. 287 Audi “Guggenheim,” advertisement, 2002. 288 George E. Belch, Advertising and Promotion: An Integrated Marketing Communications Perspective, 5th ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2001) 245. 289 The text below the picture of a BMW reads: “What Michelangelo would have created if he worked with galvanized steel” Advertisement in: Belch 245. 290 Volkswagen, advertisement, Esquire May 1964: 47.

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beauty, knowledge, and sophistication. It creates a contrast to America, and is thus often used by

advertisers that wish to stress European characteristics.

Germany’s contributions toward architecture are acknowledged internationally. The

influential and popular Bauhaus, a school of artists and craftsmen focusing on form and function,

was dissolved by the Nazis by force and many of them emigrated to the U.S. where they

continued to teach and work.291 The artists and their style build a bridge between Germans and

Americans and convey a counterpoint to a more isolated and aggressive image of Germany.292

References to its tradition are found in several ads, for instance in a furniture maker’s print

advertisement: “Fine European Homes have known Hülsta for decades. Now you can experience

Hülsta. An elegant balance of form and function. Precision German design. Streamlined style

inspired by Bauhaus tradition.”293 Here, the advantages of the positive image of German

perfection, precision, and craftsmanship are combined with more artistic virtues.

Similarly, the producer of plumbing products, Kohler294, shows an architect who

combines several stereotypical cues. His German accent as well as his tall, thin physique and his

completely black attire and turtleneck point towards his cultural and ethnic background. This

grey-haired, energetic designer shows two visitors his accomplishments: “This is a classical

design we did in Milan. This is a postmodern residence in … This design won five prestigious

awards…” He then explains his international focus: “To see our architecture, you don’t look

around the corner, you look around the world.” This is followed by his question: “So, what can I

do for you?”, which one of the two visitors, a woman, answers determinately in a very American

accent: “Design a house around this.” Presented with a faucet made by Kohler, the architect

muses over the task and looks at the faucet, speechless and fascinated.295

Showing art in conjunction with German characteristics adds to the impression of

European sophistication and cultural achievements. It is a trait commonly yearned for especially

by upscale American consumers. With its relatively short history, the United States is commonly

regarded as lacking deep-rooted cultural traditions and is only recognized for more recent

291 Well-known examples are Walter Gropius’ PanAm Building in New York or Ludwig Mies van der Rohe high-rise buildings on Lake Shore Drive in Chicago. 292 Many German immigrants, especially those leaving during the years of persecution by the Third Reich, had a strong impact at American colleges and universities in the various disclipines, including the arts. (Totten 57.) 293 Hülsta, advertisement, New York Times 2 December 2004: D3. 294 The company was founded by an Austrian immigrant in Wisconsin. Its “European craftsmanship” has frequently been emphasized. (http://www.kohler.com/corp/timeline/history.html 17 January 2005.) 295 Kohler “Architect,” advertisement, 2003.

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cultural achievements. It is also a means of communicating the Eurocentric roots of the United

States and creating a connection often pined for. It is important to note that artistic achievements

are not portrayed as specifically German but rather European, and it is not not a salient or

dominant German characterics but a subordinated one in advertising. The exception here is

German success in the field of design, which is commonly found in technical products.

Kitsch or Craft?

When it comes to some of Germany’s unique products, the lines between kitsch and craft

may blur. These desired objects, which are often collector’s items, may indeed be pieces of art,

but many producers try to sell anything as authentic German craftsmanship. The items discussed

here, beer steins, cuckoo clocks, and Hummel figurines, are among the most strikingly German

collector’s items.296 The items themselves and the motives and themes used to advertise them

reflect many stereotypes about German lifestyle. Whether these items are craft or kitsch lies in

the eye of the beholder. But their existence reveals the strong impression they have left on

American culture and their contribution to Germany’s image.

One advertisement for a beer mug reveals military influences associated with the German

mindset, which was especially strong during the militaristic years that these products were made:

“Bavarian Beer Steins, circa 1896-1913, are collector’s items. Hand decorated and capped with

heavy, hinged pewter lids with individual military statuettes of cavalry, artillery, infantry and

engineers. Of cold-retaining earthenware, each holds half a liter.”297 Manual craftwork is stressed

in this product category as well. On the more kitschy side, the following two ads suggest factory-

produced mass-taste: one promotes “The World’s Smallest Beer Steins” which are “imported

from Western Germany,”298 the other boasts “colorful Bavarian scenes” and “plays a famous old

drinking song” when it is lifted.299 Steins are inextricably intertwined with the country-of-origin

effect and the salience of German beer quality, adding further to this image as discussed further

below.

296 This has not changed much over time, as a 1914 ad shows. The advertiser offers to those “forced to return from Europe in haste on account of war,” several German products: “German weatherhouses, Black Forest Cuckoo Clocks, Bavarian Beer Steins.” (Swiss Clock Company, advertisement, New York Times 23 August 1914: 11.) For other German collectibles and souvenir items, see also: Esquire May 1959: 116-118. 297 Hoffritz, advertisement, Esquire November 1965: 199. 298 Menick’s Gifts, advertisement, New York Times 7 December 1952: X44. 299 Hoffritz, advertisement, New York Times 5 April 1955: 5.

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The cuckoo clock is another very popular German collector’s item or souvenir. Often, the

artitistic and expert German craftsmanship is praised. In an ad of the early twentieth century, A.

Frankfield & Co. promises “artistic carving” and explains the importance of the country of origin

of the clocks it sells: “Having our own skilled wood carvers at the Black Forest, Germany, we

are enabled to display exclusive designs, far superior in workmanship to those shown

elsewhere.”300 The advantages of “hand-carved” clocks, which are “imported from the Black

Forest in Germany – famous for cuckoo clocks for centuries!”301, is the common way of praising

these clocks that were invented by Franz Kletterer in the Black Forest region in southwestern

Germany during the first part of the 18th century. The cuckoo clock is also often used as an

important trigger for Germany, as can be seen in an ad by the German Tourist Information

Office, which shows a German clock maker assembling a cuckoo clock as the “travel picture of

the week.”302 The cuckoo clock and its craftsmanship represent a non-threatening, respected,

romantic, and rustic Germany, which is often emphasized by the German tourist office.303

Wanamaker’s induces the country-of-origin effect by referring to its clocks’ creators as “world-

famed clock-making perfectionists.”304 But cuckoo clocks are also often used simply for their

comical effect,305 emphasizing their affinity to kitsch and nostalgia.

Cuckoo clocks exemplify that “German” is often not presented and understood according

to country boundaries, but refers to the “German-speaking” area in Europe, thus including

Austria and Switzerland. Advertising an “Alpine Village,” Fortunoff presents cuckoo clocks as

Austrian: “Willkommen! This cozy hamlet is delighted to become a prosperous pair of Austrian

shops: Metterniche Wurst Shop; purveyors of top quality meats, and Kukuck Uhren; crafters of

the finest quality cuckoo clocks.”306 Similarly, H.M. Grams promotes the “Swiss Music

Movement”307 of its “Black Forest House,” which is “[s]hipped direct [sic] from the German

300 A. Frankfield & Co, advertisement, New York Times 31 March 1902: 2. 301 Namm’s Silverware, advertisement, New York Times 4 November 1951: 86. Similar, e.g.: The cuckoo clock “is hand carved with exquisite design in authentic tradition and built by world-famed clock-making perfectionists.” (Wanamaker’s, advertisement, New York Times 26 September 1954: 67.) 302 German Tourist Information Office, advertisement, New York Times 28 March, 1954: X30. 303 Names vary over time. See especially the following chapter for a discussion of travel-related advertising. 304 Wanamaker’s, advertisement, New York Times 26 September 1954: 67. 305 E.g.: Virgin Mobile/MTV “Cuckoo Clock,“ advertisement, 2002; Mounds/Almond Joy “Cuckoo Clock,“ advertisement, 2001. 306 Fortunoff, advertisement, New York Times 10 October 1993: 549. 307 This statement refers most likely to the reputation that Swiss clocks and watches have. Thus, the advertisement combines two country-of-origin effects by referring to both Swiss and German craftsmanship.

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Black Forest.”308 This phenomenon of seeing others as homogeneous and disregarding

differences among those, called out outgroup homogeneity, accounts for such inaccuracies.

Hummel figurines, which were originally known in the form of drawings and

watercolors, are well-known collector’s items that exemplify the American’s perception of

Germany.309 They are a manifestation of material and consumer culture, offering easy access to

German culture: “The fact that an American in Ohio can look at lederhosen- and dirndl-clad

Hummels and see, as if in a mirror, her own family, testifies to the power such objects have to

shape the way we perceive other cultures.”310 Chaimov argues in his article “Hummel Figurines:

Molding a Collectible Germany” that they can be seen as a strong symbol of post-war Germany.

Their infantile, idealized, non-threatening, nostalgic character resembles a changed nation: “Of

the characteristics that made Hummels appropriate American vehicles for a rehabilitated image

of Germans, the most important was perhaps their anti-Nazi pedigree.”311 Even though these

figurines are not heavily advertised, their symbolic expressiveness comes from the same

commercial culture. They depict Germany the way Americans like to see it; Chaimov argues that

“Hummels embody a synthesis of the pastoral and the industrial that speaks to a bifurcated ideal

image of post-war Germany.”312 These two branches, the Germany of technology and

engineering on the one hand, and the Germany of folklore and nostalgia, are the two central

dialectic components that shape Germany’s image in American commercial culture. It is the

idealistic, romanticized depiction that not only distorts Germany’s image, but also explains why

these items are often regarded as kitsch and vastly more popular in America than in Germany. I

believe that they serve as a vehicle to transport a nostalgic, perfect, and easily accessible image;

accuracy, even if acknowledged, is subordinate.

308 H.M. Grams, advertisement, Esquire March 1962: 138. 309 In general, also porcelain made in Germany is well-renowned and advertised accordingly; e.g.: Bloomingdale’s/Villeroy & Boch, advertisement, New York Times 28 April 1991: 18. 310 John Chaimov, “Hummel Figurines: Molding a Collectible Germany,” Journal of Material Culture 6 (2001): 50. 311 Chaimov 53. 312 Chaimov 59.

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2.4 Endorsements and Celebrities

Prominent and famous people are not a rarity in advertising. As discussed above, they can

lend positive associations to otherwise less attractive or indistinguishable products. While the

most common of such endorsements are made in the fashion and beauty business, celebrities are

employed to advertise almost any product, no matter how weak the connection may be. Oxoby

argues that such product advocacies result from different viewing habits:

In fact, a 1994 poll suggested that up to 74 percent of Americans switched channels

during commercials, and that 50 percent occasionally muted the sound during them. One

solution was to give viewers something they would actually want to watch, regardless of

the fact that it was selling to them. Naturally, then, nothing seemed better for the

advertising industry than a celebrity.313

While this may be a reason why celebrity endorsements have been on the increase, they

are hardly a new phenomenon. Prominent persons were already a common image on trade

cards.314 Even famous German persons have given their seal of approval, as two ads from the

turn of the century demonstrate. In the first one from 1894, Mellin’s Food is promoted by the

German royal family (Emperor Wilhelm II., his first wife Auguste-Viktoria, and seven children),

referred to as “Our Loving Friends,” of whom a picture is presented. The ad explains why

German royalty should be concerned about this product: “The empress of Germany certifies that

Mellin’s Food has been used with the best results in rearing German Princes.” To prove this

claim, a “Fac-simile of testimonial received from Her Majesty the Empress of Germany” is

presented at the bottom.315 Another, a 1910 advertisement for Sanatogen, claims that “Physicians

to Royalty Endorse the Sovereign Food Tonic.” Several photos of European rulers are shown,

those of the “King of Italy,” “the “Emperor of Austria,” the “Czar of Russia,” “King Edward

313 Oxoby 51. 314 For example the German William I. (W. Duke Sons & Co. “The Rulers, Flags, Coats of Arms - Image 14,” advertisement, 1888 (Emergence of Advertising in America: 1850-1920. Item number: D0007-14. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/eaa/tobacco> 22 February 2005).) 315 Edgar R. Jones, Those Were the Good Old Days: A Happy Look at American Advertising, 1880-1950 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1979) 53.

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IV,” the “King of Saxony,” and the “Late Emperor Frederick.” Below the portraits, quotes from

each ruler’s physician are printed, which all praise the benefits of the tonic.316 This technique

differs a bit as it is the physicians commenting on the rulers’ health and not a direct endorsement

by the rulers. The basic underlying principle, however, which is still at work in today’s celebrity

advertisements, is the suggestion that if more powerful, important, prominent, and richer people

use a product, it must also be better for the average consumer. Indeed, it is suggested that the

consumer may rise to the same level of the endorser simply by purchasing the same product

ostensibly used by the celebrity.

These early examples are intriguing because they show German royalty, thus representing

monarchy and the feudal system. This sharp contrast to American ideals of democracy, liberty,

and independence, is a paradox only at the first glance. Appeal, as has been previously discussed,

can also result from the absent and the Other. It is the lack of something that creates desire, a gap

often filled by advertising but also other forms of popular culture. Glamorous, idealized, and

romanticized depictions of Germany’s feudal and monarchic past are found in a broad variety of

advertisements, a point further analyzed below in analyses of fairy tales and castles.

The use of German celebrities in American advertising, however, is scarce; Albert

Einstein and fashion models, which are dealt with here, exemplify the scope and effects of this

particular aspect of advertising. Albert Einstein, who was born in southern Germany and

emigrated from Germany to the United States after the Nazis came to power, is an icon in

popular culture and is widely used in advertising. His appeal stems from several factors: he was

an initially unrecognized genius and a promoter of pacifism and world peace, he transcends

national boundaries, and has a very distinctive physical appearance. In fact, his story is a classic

example of the American dream. Albert Einstein is recognized as a German-born immigrant to

the United States and thus makes him an interesting ‘spokesperson’ for Germany. Totten sees

him as a counterpart to the German evil: “Gleichzeitig wurde Albert Einstein für Amerika zum

Prototyp der Flucht des Geistes vor Hitlers Ungeist.”317 He functions as a connector between the

two countries as a symbol of hope and peace. Therefore he is an appealing figure for advertisers

of German products or German-American hybrid companies.

316 Jones 188. 317 Totten, 58.

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The following two advertisements attest how versatile he is for advertisers. The brewer

Löwenbräu uses Einstein’s fame and brilliancy for its goals: “In his attempt to improve upon

Löwenbräu’s formula for the best way in the world to brew beer, Albert stumbled upon another

formula.”318 The drawing shows Einstein in front of an enormous blackboard, which is full of

notes and calculations, such as “Beer is relative; Time is nothing; Beer is universal; Beer is

Boss.” His deliberations on the board of course lead to the formula he is mostly known for:

“E=mc2.” The ad is humorous because it presents beer as something grand and important, more

so in fact than the theory of relativity. Einstein is shown as the slightly nutty professor (he

“stumbles”), who is apparently looking for a beer formula and discovers something

groundbreaking through that. Löwenbräu uses Einstein as a trigger for the country-of-origin

effect and a scenario that viewers can relate to because it shows a human, less serious side of

science. In a print advertisement for Nikon cameras, Einstein is contrasted to Moe, one of the

Three Stooges, each with a camera. Showing Einstein as the opposite of the Stooges, who are

notoriously brainless and short-witted, reveals how the public generally sees him: as a genius, as

an expert. Together they represent two extremes in pop culture, allowing the average person to

place oneself somewhere inbetween the two. Thus, Nikon’s message is that its product is fit for

anyone, for beginners to amateurs to professionals, and any viewer feels addressed inbetween the

two poles: “Nikon introduces the camera for both.”319 As positive as Einstein’s image is, it is

also limiting. Emphasizing genius and technological savvy automatically cancels out other traits.

The focus on technology, even though represented through this human, positive figure, is yet

again reinforced.

Two German models frequently seen in commercials and advertisements are Heidi Klum

and Claudia Schiffer. While known to be from Germany, they are international figures in the

borderless fashion world. In their ads they are generally not distinguishable from models of other

nationalities,320 but it has to be assumed that many viewers do know the origin of at least the

more famous models. Triggers concerning the nationality are rare and subtle, as Heidi Klum’s

short “Auf Wiedersehen.”321 German female celebreties such as these two, but also prominent

318 Löwenbräu, advertisement, (Lürzer’s Archive Online Services. Reference number: [4.8711]. <http://www.luerzersarchive.net> 12 January 2005). 319 Advertisement in: Esther Thorson, Advertising Age: The Principles of Advertising at Work (Lincolnwood, IL: NTC Business Books, 1989) 191. 320 E.g.: Gap “The Pants of Fall – Gapstretch 1,” advertisement, 2003. 321 Victoria's Secret “Most Important,” advertisement, 2004.

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figures like Marlene Dietrich322, who connect Germany and the United States, can have a

positive impact on the generally passive or absent image of German women, which is further

analyzed below: they can truly break through stereotypes and show that Germans, too, can be

smart, strong, sexy, witty, creative, disobedient, and peaceful.

2.5 Conclusion

It is no surprise that admirable, stereotypically German qualities are used in advertising.

Traits such as precision, perfection, punctuality, cleanliness, and engineering expertise are

esteemed characteristics in American culture, and thus the national image enhances a company’s

or product’s image. It has been shown that especially German companies, compared to domestic,

American ones, employ such depictions, however stereotypical they may be.

The stereotypes are used to display only one or two aspects of the Germans. These are

generally positive, but can also include traits that are ridiculed when they are not deemed

important for the promotion of a product. For instance, while attention to detail is important in

the production of a vehicle, it is not given to humor or compassion. Thus by employing

admirable qualities, there is always a distortion of the image presented as it minimizes and

reduces the nationality to individual aspects, completely omitting the larger picture.

A passion for cars is a powerful interest valued in both American and German society, an

aspect further analyzed in this dissertation. It has been shown that the automobile is frequently

personified in various advertisements, revealing its cultural importance as a symbol of mobility

and individualism. The depiction of the care that German cars ostensibly receive is represented

by the manual labor and meticulous production process.

German perfectionism and inclination to engineering and the sciences, however, can

often invoke more negative connotations than positive ones, conjuring memories of the country’s

National Socialist past:

322 Marlene Dietrich became an American citizen in 1939 after turning down offers to return to Germany.

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An zweiter Stelle hat das Wirtschaftswunder das Bild des deutschen Technikers, des

Präzisionsmenschen, des Roboters, des Wunderarbeiters verstärkt. Dieser Arbeiter streikt

nie. Auch dieses Bild kann sich in einigen Ländern auf alte Radikale stützen: auf das

Image des zwangsneurotischen Deutschen, der das staatliche und private Leben genau

reguliert, der den ‘Affen erfunden hat’, der pünktlich ist wie ein Zeiger, der die

Dienststunden einhält wie ein Schalterbeamter, der streng auf Standesunterschiede sieht,

der einen Titel trägt (und noch lieber eine Uniform mit Rangabzeichen) und dem vor

allem eines fehlt, der Humor.323

In contrast to the image of the German engineers and scientists, achievements in fields

such as the arts, music, literature, architecture, and crafts, reveal a more human side of the

German people. It is enhanced by several celebrities and famous persons, which add to a slightly

more balanced image. Qualities for which the Germans are admired also extend to their country,

which offers a nostalgic and romantic counterpart to the machine-like side of the Germans.

The frequent use of admirable yet generally distorted or exaggarated characteristics can

be explained by the positive effect these have on product sales, the sole motive behind the

advertisements.

323 Koch-Hillebrecht 144.

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3. Escaping Daily Life: Germany and Nostalgia

Advertisers often elicit feelings of escapism in consumers by alluding to negative aspects

of modern life. Among them are uprootedness, lack of personal history in their homes, a fast-

paced life, artificial, superficial, monotonous, and digital environments, as well as a rapidly

changing world. The void is often filled by nostalgia, which provides ostensible authenticity and

suggests calmness and steadiness. Pappano argues in her book, The Connection Gap: Why

Americans Feel So Alone, that a loss of community and personal ties is responsible for the

extensive use of nostalgic appeals by advertisers.324 Nostalgic imagery often signifies family and

communal values, such as trust, friendship, kinship, honesty, faith, authenticity, certainty, but

also autonomy and individualism, traits longed for but not necessarily found in actual life.

Advertisers utilize this yearning by presenting images of better times and places and by offering

a means of escape from one’s real environment.

Nostalgia is an ambiguous term, stemming from the Latin nostus (homeland) and algia

(pain). Wernick sees it as a combination of “both home loss and time worries. It is this, perhaps,

which accounts for nostalgia’s power as a promotional attractor.”325 I agree that nostalgia has

both a temporal as well as a spatial dimension. This makes foreign countries with long histories,

for instance Germany, suitable for nostalgia in advertising because the loss of home and worries

of time can be “compensated imaginarily.”326

Nostalgia functions as an outlet, a valve, which is tapped into by advertisers by offering

ways to escape one’s present situation. This section deals with the different images presented to

the targeted audience and why they are so powerful and appealing to American consumers.

Many of these ads depict Germany as a product offer ostensible solutions to connect to a foreign

yet fascinating world, a place that is often portrayed as out of time. What is offered is frequently

not a real image but an illusion, a fantasy version of what Germany should or could be.

The term “fantasy” applies here because much of the imagery not only caters to the

consumers’ imagination but also their desires, including especially those generated and fostered

324 Pappano 2001. 325 Andrew Wernick, “Resort to Nostalgia: Mountains, Memories and Myths of Time,” Buy This Book: Studies in Advertising and Consumption, eds. Mica Nava, et al. (London: Routledge, 1997) 220. 326Wernick, 220. Certainly, this compensation can be found not only in advertising, but also in art, literature, music, film, and so on.

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by advertisers. One main characteristic of a fantasy is that it is impossible or highly unlikely to

achieve. It is this void that advertisers utilize by suggesting the fantasy’s realization and

possibility through a product. Many places shown in the analyzed examples are not concrete and

real but rather function as a catalyst for pre-exisiting images in the American audience’s heads.

“Fantasy,” according to Mendelsohn, is “for the most part […] an extension of reality in

disguise.”327 Analyzing this disguise, which advertisers use to promote their products, is the goal

of this section. Below, different nostalgic and escapist appeals are discussed. All of the following

categories that emerged from my research overlap to a lesser or greater extent.

3.1 Vacation- and Fantasyland Germany: Spatial Escapism

The Rhine, surrounded by mystique and history, constitutes an ideal image package for

advertisers. Southern Germany, scenes of nature, small villages and towns, are presented as a

world of fairy tales, which reflect fantasies that young and old, that many generations and

cultures share. As a more modern fantasy I chose the German highways, or autobahns328, as they

show a different, more modern, longing. Fantasizing about unlimited speeds and possibilities has

functions in the same way that the other fantasies work: escaping the normal, average, boring

world and dip into another, fascinating, fulfilling, rewarding world that is made to seem real:

fantasyland Germany.

Germany has long been a popular travel destination for Americans, not only during the

twentieth century. Initially reserved for the upper classes, international travel has become a

reality for the middle class due to lower prices, more options, and convenience. Because the

amount of money spent on travel and the increasing number of offerings, competition among

airlines, travel agencies, tourist boards, and other travel-related businesses is strong. Thus it is

not surprising that companies advertise heavily in this segment. The field of public relations is of

particular interest in this dissertation. Several institutions, such as the German National Tourist

Office or the German American Chamber of Commerce rely on images of the country they

promote: Germany. Their advertising goals are a heightened awareness of Germany, more

327 Harold A. Mendelsohn, Mass Entertainment (New Haven, CT: College & University Press, 1966) 98. 328 Although capitalized in German, the American spelling of the term “autobahn“ and its plural will be used henceforth. Some quotations, however, may contain the capitalized spelling.

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positive feelings towards the Germans, and certainly the persuasion of non-Germans to come to

Germany as tourists. Thus public relations campaigns for countries differ from commercial

advertising, as the images shown do not promote a product, they are the product. From travel ads

of the “German Railroads Information Office” during the National Socialist 1930s to today’s

print and internet ads, the message is the same: show the country’s best side and leave out

anything that might be perceived to be negative.

In contrast to the direct marketing of a country, there are companies that have an interest

in customers visiting a certain country, such as airlines, transportation companies, insurance

companies, producers of travel accessories, credit card companies, etc. Their depiction of

Germany, then, is different, because these businesses, both German and American, do not

necessarily try to improve Germany’s image – it is their company’s or product’s image that is the

main focus of attention. O’Barr criticizes the often exotic and unrealistic images used in such

ads: “The circuslike curiosity of others (rather than the discovery that superficial difference

masks more fundamental commonality) is a recurrent theme in twentieth-century travel

advertisements.”329 This exotism, however, is seen less frequently in advertisements concerning

Germany, which can be attributed to the fact that Germany and the United States have and have

had strong ties. O’Barr also notes the economic aspect of these depictions of foreigners in ads:

“When foreigners cease to be merely a part of foreign tourism and become business partners and

consumers, this expansion occasions increased sensitivity to the qualities in such

representations.”330

Most of the references were found in a commodified context, such as travel

advertisements. Those used in appropriated contexts are not dealt with separately but are

included in the thematic dicussion. It is important to keep this distinction in mind: in travel

advertisements foreigners are the commodity, but not in in an appropriated context, as they are,

for example, in product advertisements.

329 O'Barr 13. 330 O'Barr 13.

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The Rhine

One of the oldest and most frequent images of Germany is the river Rhine, which can

already be found in trade card advertising. In a national flag series, the Prussian flag is displayed

with the hymn “The Watch on the Rhine” underneath it:

A roar like thunder strikes the ear,

Like clang of arms or breakers near

Rush forward for the German Rhine!

Who shields thee, dear beloved Rhine?

Dear Fatherland, thou need’st not fear,

Thy Rhineland watch stands firmly here!

Dear land, dear Fatherland, though need’st not fear,

Thy watch, thy Rhineland watch stands firmly here!331

The Rhine appears as a personified national symbol, which needs to be defended. It appears to be

inherently Prussian/German. The Rhine in this sense signifies possession, national pride, a

boundary, and an area of dispute. However, it is important that neither Germany nor Prussia are

advertised here; the product promoted are American cigarettes, the countries depicted in these

series are for collectible purposes.

The image of the Rhine has been more professionally marketed by tourist boards since

the 1920s and especially the 1930s. These efforts were certainly not only aimed at bringing in

tourist money but also at raising the awareness of Germany’s positive attributes and its overall

image. The 1936 Olympics in Berlin, a heavily politicized event, were also frequently promoted.

A 1936 print ad by the German Railroads Information Office shows the “quadriga” of the

Brandenburg Gate with a large, muscular, male, laurelled athlete in the background. This man

can be both interpreted as a victor of any nation, or the Aryan ideal of the Nazi ideology,

revealing the mixture of commercial advertising and political propaganda. In small print

underneath tourist attractions are suggested, among them:

331 Zira and Nebo Cigarettes “National Flag Series,” advertisement, date unknown (Emergence of Advertising in America: 1850-1920. Item number: D0281a. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/eaa/tobacco> 22 February 2005).

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Scenic grandeur and natural beauty … famous health resorts … romantic castles …

picturesque folk festivals … medieval towns … cosmopolitan cities … the Rhine.

Modern travel comfort and the traditional hospitality of the land of Wanderlust and

Gemütlichkeit.332

This advertisement, which promises ticket rebates and urges consumers to request further

information from the information office’s New York location, already contains many appeals

that can be found in subsequent ads: Germany’s natural beauty, its folk character, its combined

modernity and history, and its hospitality. Indeed, several other ads use this river to identify their

products with Germany. Most ads of the time depict the same images over and over again:

“follow the lure of the Rhine.”333

Asbach Uralt was promoted in 1959 as “the great brandy from the Rhine,” showing a

gentle slope in the outline of a brandy glass. The sailing ships on the river add a historical

component, as do the walled village with a massive tower on the right and a distant city with

what appears to be a cathedral on the left. The undulating hills flanking the Rhine add to the

enchanting mood of the scene.334

The German Tourist Information Office placed a detailed ad about Cologne, which

resembles a newspaper article and would now be referred to as an advertorial, in 1961, featuring

images of the cathedral, carnival, and of course the Rhine: “To the accompaniment of good food,

Rhine wines, and beautiful old songs of the Father Rhine, you can see some of the grandest river

scenery of the world.” The ad gives detailed information not only on the attractions of the

Cologne area, but also details about plane flights and informational sources.335

Many of the same images are used over and over again, the customer apparently already

knows to expect that a typical, a ‘real’ Rhine tour includes what these exemplary advertisements

promise: “Glide past windmills, fairy tale castles, medieval villages and world-famous

vineyards.” Images of all sights promised are morphed into an illustration on the right. These

332 Advertisement in: Jim Heimann, 30s: All-American Ads (Köln, Los Angeles: Taschen, 2003) 744. Ads with the same wording but different style appeared throughout 1936, e.g.: German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, New York Times 12 May 1936: 13. 333 E.g.: German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, Country Life February 1937: 83; German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, Country Life, April 1937: 82. 334 Asbach Uralt, advertisement, Esquire May 1959: 42F. 335 German Tourist Information Office, advertisement, New York Times 9 April, 1961: XX45.

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tours are usually labeled to be “romantic.”336 “Regal castles. Grand palaces. Breathtaking vistas.

And a cruise down the legendary Rhine [...] is the ideal way to see it all.“337 Sometimes the

Rhine needs only to be alluded to without actual mentioning: “a vineyard-lined valley of ancient

myths.”338 A TWA ad for European destinations uses the Rhine as its representation of Germany:

“Medieval Majesty: a castle on the Rhine.”339 The Rhine, however, is not only a German

domain. Even in ads concerning other countries the river is, although less frequently, utilized: In

Switzerland, for example, “[t]he Rhine supports fat salmon, pike and perch.”340

The Rhine sells. But not only as a tourist site do marketers use it: the river can be used as

a powerful country-of-origin effect trigger, as can be seen in an ad about international food

specialties: the Bahlsen cookies are praised as “Castles on the Rhine” cookies341, Bavarian beer

steins are offered with the slogan “Each Rhine stein thine for $24.95.”342 The rhyming quality is

deemed more important as accuracy in this latter advertisement, again revealing that the sale of

the product is more important than the cultural message conveyed.

Why is the Rhine such a potent image that is used time and again? Historically, it has

been an important natural boundary,343 which is reflected in a 1938 ad: “A castle by the Rhine

thrusts its ancient turrets defiantly toward the sky.”344 But also its peaceful functions of trade and

travel make it more than just a German symbol: the Rhine is European.345 From an American

perspective, the Rhine is a potent, condensed symbol of Western Europe and the Old World.

Furthermore, German immigrants have spread the word of this river in America.346

336 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 6 June 1971: XX34. 337 German National Tourist Office / KD German Rhine Line, advertisement, New York Times 1 May 1988: XX4. 338 German National Tourist Office/Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 26 November 1972: XX29. 339 TWA, advertisement, Esquire May 1964: 28-29. (“You can almost see the sentinels on the crusty ramparts of an ageless Rhine castle.”) 340 Swissair, advertisement, New York Times 1 May 1970: 19. 341 Bloomingdale’s, advertisement, New York Times 18 November 1958: 10. 342 Hoffritz, advertisement, New York Times 5 December 1965: 141. 343 The Romans could not permanently occupy the land beyond – Germania. The cities along the Rhine, which are often mentioned, invoke this Roman heritage. The Rhine has since been a symbol of border disputes, predominantly between France and Germany. 344 German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, Country Life May 1938: 114. 345 It flows through Switzerland, Austria, Liechtenstein, France, Germany, and the Netherlands and offers a wide scenic variety. In 2002 the section between Bingen and Koblenz (Oberes Mittelrheintal) was included in UNESCO’s World Heritage List. As the most important water trade route it has not only divided Europe but also brought it closer together. 346 For instance, “[d]uring the American pre-Revolutionary War period,” Rippley states, “immigrants came primarily from the Rhine valley, an artery that gives access to the sea.” (La Vern J. Rippley, “German Americans,” Gale Encyclopedia of Multicultural America, vol. 2, ed. Jeffrey Lehman (Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Group, 2000) 710.)

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As a cultural icon, it has been often depicted in the arts.347 Totten writes in the 1960s

about the Rhine as the premier tourist attraction:

Das Bild des Rheins und seiner Burgen nimmt unter den freundlichen Illustrationen des

Begriffes Deutschland, die sich automatisch dem amerikanischen Denken aufdrängen,

den ersten Platz ein. Unverrückbar wie seine Felsen gehört der Rhein in die klassische

Vorstellung Amerikas von der Alten Welt und in das Repertoire amerikanischer

Europareisen.348

The mythic, historic, scenic, and romantic elements that are associated with this

important river make it an ideal combination for advertising. Even today the Rhine is used

intensely for promotional purposes. The official web site of the German National Tourist Office

in New York starts with the following lines: “Germany: it’s more than you’ve imagined! Here,

there’s something for everyone – from charming Rhine river cruises and the traditional

Oktoberfest and Christmas markets, to the cultural hotbed of Berlin and the thrill of skiing or

snowboarding in the Alps.”349 In marketing terms it can be seen as an established trademark that

only needs to be reinforced. Its dominance, however, also results in a lack of representation of

other German regions, especially those in the north and east.

Mountains and Forests: The Case of the South

Germany’s image has long been associated with that of its southern regions: Bavaria, the

Alps, Baden-Württemberg, and the Black Forest appear more often in depictions of Germany

than other parts further north. There are several reasons that can explain this phenomenon.

American travel writers have especially covered regions that have frequently been invoked in

American advertising: the Rhine, Heidelberg, the Black Forst, the South. Travel literature, such

References are still found in the U.S. The German settlement in Cincinatti across the Ohio River, for example, is still referred to as “over the Rhine.“ 347 Clemens Brentano’s novel Godwi (1800-1802) and Heinrich Heine’s poem Loreley (1823) are examples of the Rhine’s importance especially in romantic German literature. Richard Wagner’s tetralogy “Der Ring des Nibelungen,” including “Das Rheingold,” “Die Walküre,” “Siegfried,” and “Götterdämmerung,” also draw much of its imagery from the Rhine. Wagner’s popularity worldwide and in America can be seen in the success of the Bayreuth Wagner Festival Plays, which are often mentioned in the same ads as the Rhine. (E.g. Advertisement in: Heimann, 30s 744.) 348 Totten 212-213. 349 German National Tourist Office, advertisement, <http://www.visits-to-germany.com> 27 September 2004.

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as Mark Twain’s A Tramp Abroad and Bayard Taylor’s View a-foot: or, Europe seen with

knapsack and staff, has influenced which parts of Germany are more salient than others.

Furthermore, the American sector in post-World War II Germany was located in the southern

part of the country, and this led to a disproportionate regional focus. The southern parts also have

been more successful in preserving and marketing their traditions, especially the visible and

salient ones, until today. I will show further below that many images and stereotypes of Germans

as a whole are, in fact, associated with these southern traditions. In this chapter, however, the

focus is on the landscape and surroundings. The grandeur and mythical aspects are also an

explanation concerning the emphasis on the south. The predominantly reoccurring natural

attributes of this geographical region are mountains, or more precisely the Alps and forests.

The airline LTU informs the reader that “Germany shouldn’t cost a Bavarian mint” and it

flies you “where everything from the Black Forest to the Alps is within reach.”350 This

advertisement sums up the many reoccurring images that especially travel advertisers frequently

use. The Alps and the Black Forest are well known and the audience can easily connect with

them: even without visual information the perceiver can connect these terms to already stored

information and images. Thus the advertisers do not necessarily have to create these themselves.

A 1965 ad promoting a trade exhibition by the German American Chamber of Commerce

stresses the pleasure of visiting Bavaria – Germany is not mentioned, whereas Bavaria is printed

in oversize letters. The image shows a woman, who is dressed in traditional attire, playing the

harp. In the background we see a collage of churches, palaces, towers, the “Bamberger Reiter,”

horses and a carriage, as well as a bridge: Germany’s peaceful, quaint, mythical side.351

The South is more of an image package than a realistic portrayal. Lufthansa titles an

advertisement of the same year “Germany’s Storybook South.” Its photos clearly show this

image package character by a collage: the baroque St. Bartholomä at the “Lake Chapel in the

Alps,” an image of a wayside shrine with a young woman in traditional attire, a Maypole raising

scene, alpine horn blowers, Bavarian shepherds, a woodcutter, and swans on the “Hopfensee.”

The pastoral associations of the South are of an appealing nature, they emanate perfect nostalgic

appeal: time is standing still here; everything is as it used to be in the good old days. The ad also

reveals how unimportant the accuracy is in these portrayals. It shows “The Pied Piper of

350 LTU, advertisement, New York Times 27 March 1987: AS55. 351 German American Chamber of Commerce, advertisement, New York Times 15 January 1965: 54.

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Hamelin,” a legend rooted in medieval black plague years, which is well known in the United

States. Hamelin, or Hameln, however, is located in northern Germany in the state of Lower

Saxony.352 But it seems to fit into the overall mythic image of southern Germany: “Bavaria –

fairyland castles are really there.”353

Images like the ones used by Mercedes, which in one ad promotes its 220SE Coupe with

a massive mountain and an alpine village in the background, and Lufthansa, are frequently

used.354 Lufthansa asks in another advertisement: “How do you like your Alps? In Germany they

come in all sizes.”355 The Alps are so grand, impressive, unique, and breathtaking, that they are

even used as a contrast and a prototype of mountain vacation spots. An advertisement for India

poses the question: “What could be closer to heaven than the Alps?” The answer is promptly

suggested: “Try the Himalayas.”356 Mountains, hills, meadows and cows are found in TV

commercials as well, for example in Federal Express’s promotion for its European delivery

service. Among other ‘typically’ European sights, such as the statues, windmills, an old corner

shop, and a town square with line dancers, one sequence shows a mooing cow next to a parcel.

The ad is enhanced by accordion folk-style music, which could be German or French. Due to

out-group homogeneity nuances are depicted and thus they give the setting as generally

European rather than pertaining to a particular country.357 The Alps are also frequently used in

car commercials, such as BMW’s depiction of the alpine and “brutal” testing grounds: “It’s been

called the devil’s roller coaster.” Even though the Stelvio Pass is located in northern, German-

speaking Italy, the signs of the ad suggest its German affiliation: a “Durchfahrt Verboten” traffic

sign and the German (Munich) license plate on the test car.358 As already stated, formal borders

are not seen as binding.

Many advertisements are similar to the ones described above, giving only sparse and

often superficial information. Only few ads are truly informative and try to address some of the

common clichés: “Bavaria. Actually three distinct regions, each with its cultural heritage and

352 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 17 May 1965: 32. 353 TWA, advertisement, Esquire September 1966: 72-73; see below for a discussion of the theme of fairytales and chapter 4.2 for a discussion of the use of history in advertising. 354 Heimann, 30s 320. The same image reappears in a Lufthansa ad with the description: “The Alps! The Alps!“ (Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 16 March 1965: 32.) 355 Lufthansa, advertisement, 1969, origin unknown. 356 India, advertisement, Esquire March 1965: 36. 357 Federal Express “Europe,” advertisement, 1986. 358 BMW “The Devil’s Rollercoaster,” advertisement, 1992.

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special landscape, ‘Bavaria’ is a convenient label for the vacation area that stretches across

southern Germany.” The following description, as do the detailed depictions of the several

Bavarian regions, however, then resorts to the flowery and fairy tale-like advertising language:

“Bordered by vast forests and jagged peaks, it embraces a great inland sea and vegetation

ranging from apples to edelweiss. Cowbells are concerts, cosmopolitan cities and medieval

towns are merely the contrasts in this compact all-season holiday region.”359

Bavaria is the number one destination for tourists in Germany, and represents the country

in the same way that the Germans’ image of the United States is largely comprised of Florida,

New York, and California. A travel ad for New York State shows an image of nature and asks

“Bavaria?”, only to be answered below, “No… New York State!” The ad then explains why New

York State has similar attractions to offer, even though it is not the original and lacks the

reputation, mystique, and history Bavaria and the Alps have: ‘Put on your Lederhosen, take your

Fräulein with you and pretend you’re an alpinist. You’re a hundred miles up the Hudson in the

Catskill Mountains…’ ”360 The advertisement reveals the hollowness of stereotypical stock

imagery and unmasks the artificial desires created by many producers of travel advertisements.

Quaint Villages, Medieval Towns, and Big City Lights

Many portrayals of Germany include settlements, usually smaller rather than larger ones,

and often in combination with scenes of nature. The images seem wildly romantic as they often

emphasize quietness and solitude and share the focus on southern Germany: “A picturesque

village lies dreamily beside a trout-stream in the pine-scented Black forest.”361 Lufthansa’s ad of

“old-world villages in the Bavarian Alps and the Black Forest” shows a picture of a traditional

horse-drawn carriage with a large flower wreath on top, led by a traditionally clad Bavarian, and

a church in the background.362 Picturesque towns are a reoccurring theme: “Historic grandeur of

medieval picture towns – Nürnberg, Rothenburg, Hildesheim.”363 Other depictions frequently

used are cobblestone streets, elaborate restaurant and inn signs, as well as traditional houses with

359 Bavarian Tourist Association/German Tourist Information Council, advertisement, New York Times 23 February 1969: IR3. 360 New York State, advertisement, New York Times 19 March 1967: SM75. 361 German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, Country Life May 1938: 114. 362 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 12 April 1964: XX26. 363 German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, New York Times 21 March 1937: 187.

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large flower beds underneath the windows.364 Streets are often shown as narrow and lined with

half-timbered houses and sometimes feature stone arches, which add to the historical image.365

Furthermore, churches, town squares, towers, and turrets can be spotted numerous times.

Rothenburg in one advertisement is described as follows: “Historical associations cloak cozy

towns like Rothenburg, a living museum of towers and turrets.”366 Sometimes images of

typically German villages are so short in TV commercials that viewers can only catch a glimpse

of them. Porsche has its car pass pleasant fields with forests on the edge and a small village of

trees and steep red roofs.367 In a 1969 Super Bowl commercial, TWA shows, among other

‘typically European’ scenes, narrow alleys and old stone or half-timbered houses, complete with

an old man holding a cane and another man leading a donkey.368

Nostalgia is a predominant force in these depictions, as they invoke not only ‘better’

times and upheld traditions, but also associations that the term “marvelous miniature”369

describes best: these places are simple, understandable, non-threatening, peaceful, enchanting,

picturesque, and clearly laid out and arranged. They suggest order, but not boredom, in an

unorderly world. They also imply heritage and tradition, a powerful technique used to sell high

quality products, as the alpine village in a candy commercial exemplifies: “Here in the European

village of Werther is the home of the world’s favorite caramel, Werther’s Original. There for

over a century, a family tradition of making smooth, creamy caramel has been handed down

from generation to generation…”370

One attraction that Germany and its towns have been famous for already since the

nineteenth century are spas. The stay in German spas has long been reserved for the upper

classes. A number of several health resort ads from 1926, which are introduced by a general

Germany travel ad by the German Railroads Information Office, point out the advantages of the

German spas in Bad Eilsen, Wiesbaden, Bad Kissingen/Bavaria, Neuenahr, Oeyenhausen,

Wildungen, and Wildbad in the Black Forest. Cures for sufferers of gout, rheumatism, skin

364 E.g.: Mercedes, advertisement, New York Times 19 March 1989: XX12. 365 E.g.: Mercedes, advertisement, New York Times 17 April 1988: XX25; European Travel Commission/Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 10 June 1973: 552. 366 Bavarian Tourist Association/German Tourist Information Council, advertisement, New York Times 23 February 1969: IR3. 367 Belch 355. 368 TWA “Tour Our Tours,” advertisement, 1969. 369 Bavarian Tourist Association/German Tourist Information Council, advertisement, New York Times 23 February 1969: IR3. 370 Werther’s Original “Small European Village,” advertisement, 2004.

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diseases, stomach and intestinal troubles, heart problems, diabetes, constipation, gallstones, liver

and kidney troubles, and ailments of advanced age are offered. Wonderful surrounding nature,

modern equipment, thermal springs, a diverting social life, and first-class entertainment are

praised.371

A 1938 ad, which appeared in the upscale magazine “Country Life,” uses the novelist

Frederic Prokosch and a passage from his novel, The Seven Who Fled, to appeal to upper-class

Americans. The city of Baden-Baden offers “cure while you play,” and the location, the Black

Forest, is highlighted.372 In other ads of the time period, spas, such as Homburg, Nauheim, and

Wiesbaden, are frequently mentioned, but seldom discussed in detail.373 Since then the

importance of German spas has declined and they are less frequently found in more recent ads.

Of course there are also big cities that are often used in commercial messages. The

German Tourist Information Office sums up the “Big 8,” which are the cities of “Hamburg,

Düsseldorf, Berlin, Cologne, Hanover, Frankfurt, Stuttgart, Munich.”374 In more recent ads also

cities located in the eastern parts of Germany, especially Dresden and the unified Berlin, are used

in travel ads. The city mostly mentioned besides Berlin is, and has been, Munich, which only ties

in with Bavaria’s dominant image role.

However, the power of German images lies in the quaint, idyllic and even kitschy

representations of ‘small town Germany.’ While big cities may be fascinating, they are hardly

unique, and they seem to be only partially different from American urban centers. But the charm

of less populated towns and villages reflects the lost communal ties, the calmness, and the

complete difference to life in America. It is the fascination with a world that has never existed in

such a way in the much younger America that lets advertisers make heavy use of such imagery.

Land of Fairy Tales

Tied to this small town charm are allusions to fairy tales often found in the analyzed

advertisements. Rather than depicting an often unspectacular reality, fairy tales portray the realm

of imagination. Such a setting allows Germany to be presented as both modern and exotic, as

both real and imaginary.

371 German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, New York Times 28 February 1926: X18. 372 German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, Country Life May 1938: 115. 373 E.g.: German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, Country Life May 1938: 114. 374 German Tourist Information Office, advertisement, New York Times 23 February 1964: XX16; German National Tourist Office, advertisement, New York Times 25 February 1968: T6.

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Many ads explicitly state that a vacation in Germany is a fairy tale itself: “I can plan a

fairy tale for you in the Alps and Central Europe. With American Express and Lufthansa it will

come true.” The speaker is indicated as Doris D. Durfey, a travel counselor who directly

addresses the customer. The situation and her personal account create a certain intimacy and

trust: “Whenever I think of the Alps, all sorts of things spring to mind. From breath-taking,

snow-capped mountains to the blue Danube, gingerbread lodges and quaint coffee shops. From

the swinging beer halls and oompah bands to castles full of history, picturesque 15th-century

houses and cobbled streets.” Above the text, a drawing features two mountain goats glancing at

the Neuschwanstein castle surrounded by undulating hills, snow-capped mountains and a lake.

Using a personal account here allows the advertiser to promote an imaginative image and fantasy

rather than an accurate description. The unrealistic depiction of the scene has close resemblance

to similar illustrations in fairy tale books. In harsh contrast to this rather kitschy scene are the

other, more commercial parts of the ad: “It’s no secret that the strength of the American Dollar

makes a trip to Europe a real bargain right now.” This message is followed by hints at using the

AmEx credit card and descriptions of pre-arranged trips, such as “The Blue Danube,” “Romantic

Germany,” and “Fairytale Festival,” which includes a visit to the home of the Brothers Grimm

during their 200th anniversary celebrations.375

Many ads connect fairy tales specifically with southern Germany, as the following

excerpts show: “alpine fairytale tour,”376 “Germany’s Storybook South,” (my emphasis) which

offers “the rustic, romantic Germany of your childhood dreams,”377 and “Fairytale castles and

enchanted gardens are the stuff dreams are made of, and wishing really makes it true in this

mythical part of Bavaria. Grape arbors, sub-tropical parks and frosted peaks lie within miles of

each other in this Lilliputian kingdom.” Other typical fairy tale expressions are “candlelit halls,”

“embarrassment of riches,” and “gingerbread castles and frosted palaces,”378 “Germany’s fairy-

tale hamlets” and the “magical Black Forest.”379 “Even if you’re not royalty, a vacation in

375 American Express Vacation Store, advertisement, New York Times 24 February 1985: 472. 376 Europabus (Overseas) Inc, advertisement, New York Times 28 March 1971: XX29; Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 6 June 1971: XX34. 377 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 17 May 1965: 32. 378 Bavarian Tourist Association/German Tourist Information Council, advertisement, New York Times 23 February 1969: IR3. 379 The image in this ad also shows a fairytale enactment and half-timbered houses, subtitled “The Pied Piper of Hamelin.”: Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 17 May 1965: 32. The Pied Piper is one of the most frequently alluded to fairytales, e.g. German National Tourist Office/Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 26 November 1972: XX29.

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Germany would be a treasure.”380 Visitors are promised to receive “royal treatment” in Germany

(“one of the world’s most enchanting countries.”)381 Sometimes fairy tale references are not

constricted to Germany, as all of Europe can be “a fairytale world of castles.”382

Many advertisements directly try to associate Germany with previous knowledge and

experiences that Americans might have. In a more recent example, a vacation to central Europe

is portrayed as a “treasure”: “One such moment would be a visit to Neuschwanstein, the castle

that Walt Disney modeled his Magic Kingdom after. See the Sababurg, where according to

legend, Sleeping Beauty actually did meet Prince Charming. And Alsfeld, the home of the real

Little Red Riding Hood.” The advertising technique of connecting fact and myth is especially

salient here. Then the potential customer is offered to “Celebrate the 200th anniversary of the

Brothers Grimm. Travel in their footsteps through the forest and countryside to rediscover their

enchanting tales.” The image shown above features, yet again, the castle Neuschwanstein with

the title: “Between our glorious Rhine, majestic Alps and noble architecture, we can make

anyone feel like a king.”383 Another ad, this time by Lufthansa, included the female version as

well: “Even if you are not a king or queen, at least you can live like one.”384

While the associations are not always linked to southern Germany, the created images

mostly connect to known tourist destinations, such as the Alps, Bavaria, or sometimes the

Rhine.385 The Harz mountains are another, less often mentioned location: “The grandeur of

Germany’s scenery is thrilling: the Harz mountains, the setting of Grimms’ fairytales…”386 In all

these ads it is implied that the perceiver has previous knowledge of these stories: “You know the

legends: Forests where you meet Hänsel and Gretel; castles of a romantic king, reminding you of

Sleeping Beauty’s palace; cliffs where the Loreley could sit, combing her golden hair; fishing

villages just like in the picture books…”387 It is a more obvious example of the advertising

technique of connecting to and using existing schematas to achieve recognition and save

cognitive energy. While the referent system is completely broken, the consumer only receives

380 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 12 April 1987: SM51. 381 German National Tourist Office / KD German Rhine Line, advertisement, New York Times 1 May 1988: XX4. 382 EuropAmerica Cruises, advertisement, New York Times 15 September 1996: SMA12. 383 Germany ’86 (German National Tourist Office, German Rail, KD German Rhine Line, Lufthansa), advertisement, New York Times 13 April 1986: XX11. 384 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 16 March 1986: 661. 385 Rhine Cruise Agency, advertisement, New York Times 16 March 1986: 655. 386 German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, New York Times 21 March 1937: 187. 387 German National Tourist Office, advertisement, New York Times 25 February 1968: T6.

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seemingly connected hints. It is an image package that is presented, not concrete and relevant

information.

On television German fairy tales are not absent either, but often seem to be more in touch

with pop culture. Whether Rapunzel in Red Bull commercials or Red Riding Hood in Quaker

Chewy commercials: they are part of commercial nostalgia, even though Germany is not

specifically mentioned.

Fairy tales are so potent because they invoke deeply internalized childhood stories: the

child in all of us, the core of nostalgia. Fairy tales have a long tradition in and connection with

Germany. They are a bond between generations and cultures. Many German fairy tales,

especially those of the Brothers Grimm, are present in American thought still today, as Totten

pointed out 40 years ago:

Sie sind auch für Amerikaner aller Alterstufen einer der Punkte, an denen der Funke zur

Gedankenverbindung mit dem verträumten und versponnenen Deutschland der

Kindermärchen willig überspringt. Die Gebrüder Grimm fügen sich als Berühmtheiten

besonders leicht in den Rahmen dessen, was Deutschland in den Augen der Welt als

liebenswert auszeichnet: als Wissenschaftler, als Gestalter von Wort und Gedanken.388

Fairy tales give children – and adults – a world of both order and wonder, of the good

struggling with evil and eventually overcoming problems and hardship. They are stories boasting

universal experiences and truths, which allow advertisers to tap into their existing rich imagery

and narratives and connect them with their products or services: “Fairy tales can come true.”389

The advertisements suggest that consumers can easily relive both their childhood and

their fantasies in a never-changing, “storybook” world: “Discover the Danube, the land of elves

and forests, of mountain glens and sudden lakes, of cuckoo clocks and time stood still – the

rustic, romantic Germany of your childhood dreams.”390 Another advertisement by the German

National Tourist Office also presents Germany as a fairy tale of the real world: “Once upon a

time, there was a land of fantasy and legend. It still exists today and you can experience it. It is

Germany.” The picture showing a princess in a dirndl-inspired dress, complete with rose and

388 Totten 219. 389 German National Tourist Office, advertisement, New York Times 16 March 1986: 409. 390 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 17 May 1965: 32.

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crown, in front of a romantic castle could well be taken from a fairy tale book. The ad ends in a

line that clearly combines the romantic content with the sales message: “Come visit us and live

happily ever after.”391

Myth and Fantasy: The Autobahn

Another topic that stands out in the analyzed advertisements is the Autobahn. A recent

Mercedes print advertisement shows a sports utility vehicle (SUV) driving along a winding,

pristine, and empty road leading through a dark pine forest.392 The trees frame the image to the

left, to the right, and in the background with the center being filled by the road and the car. On

the road “Autobahn meets Audubon” is written. Several connections are established by the

advertisement’s creators: German cars and the autobahn; nature, especially the dark woods and

the autobahn; speed and the autobahn; America (and thus the consumer) and the autobahn. The

mention of the autobahn suggests that this scene takes place in Germany. If seen out of context,

the location could, however, also be in the United States: the setting is ambiguous enough to

allow the consumer to imagine the car in America, but creates the belief that it depicts Germany

through the headline. The scene of nature fits in with depictions of the Black Forest and German

woods discussed above, but also with American nature, alluded to by the mention of (John

James) Audubon, America’s well-known wildlife artist. An almost identical scene, including fog

and a red sky, is used in a 1990 TV commercial.393

The image presented in the Mercedes ad is an idealization of how Americans ought to

picture the German highways. It adds a historic dimension by referring to Audubon, creating the

theme of harmony between nature on the one hand and technology, science, and culture on the

other. The link between the viewer and this desirable scene, literally and metaphorically the

vehicle of escape, is presented in the middle: the product, the automobile. The connection to the

German highways, however, is completely fictional and, looking beyond the facade, merely

superficial. The presentation perpetuates the myth of the autobahn: commonly believed in but

largely erroneous, fictional, and very far from reality. The rhyming Audubon again reflects an

upscale connection to art and a more pastoral connection to nature. Another link that is created

391 German National Tourist Office, advertisement, New York Times 16 March 1986: 409. 392 Mercedes “Audubon,“ advertisement, <http://www.merkleyandpartners.com/advertising/print.html> 2 May 2004. See also below for a further discussion of this ad. 393 Mercedes: The New 300e, advertisement, 1990.

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here is that of two countries, the United States and Germany, using the advertising technique of

creating a link to a foreign product and culture, which is further explored in chapter 5.

As the autobahn is a salient identifier of Germany, it is depicted as a tourist’s most

exciting and stylish mode of transportation: “Adventure beckons – The open road calls […] Now

you breeze along Germany’s swift, smooth autobahns on your way to the great, glittering cities

of Europe.”394 The American consumers’ fantasy of escaping the norms and restrictions is

alluded to in many ads again and again: “On stretches of Germany’s autobahn, drivers regularly

push their cars as fast as they’ll go – rushing along full throttle for hours on end.”395 American

Express varies this theme in its ad promising prestige and “Super Cars and Castles Self Drive”:

“A full throttle along one of the world’s most famous roadways. Cruise the Autobahn in luxury

and style behind the wheel of a Mercedes, BMW or Porsche.”396 Stylish is also the “new

Autobahn coat from Bavaria,” which is promoted in an ad showing a man in this weatherproof

coat beside a mechanic who works on his car, which has apparently broken down on the

highway.397 As an advertising symbol, the autobahn is not limited to one product or only related

products. It can be used to sell anything that is associated with the traits of the autobahn, for

example speed, style, freedom, perfection.

Emmerich sees a double function (“Doppelfunktion”) in the autobahn: “als

Freiheitsbeweis” and “als millionenfacher Test auf die Produktqualität.” 398 In this sense the

Autobahn is not only used and seen as a fantasy but also an extension of the ideal of the German

engineer and German engineering and cars: “With no speed limit on Germany’s Autobahns,

unflappable high-speed performance is a must.”399 Mercedes asserts that a “fragile engine

wouldn’t last long in Germany. The Autobahns have no speed limits.”400 In two recent TV

commercials the Autobahn is also used as a guarantee for excellence and dependability: In one

ad the car dealer talks to a customer on a test drive: “You know, Volkswagens are built for the

Autobahn. – Ah yeah!? – The Jetta is built to perform at higher speeds, so it’s solid. […] Really

394 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 16 March 1965: 32. 395 Mercedes, advertisement, New York Times 10 June 1968: 31. 396 American Express Travel Related Services, advertisement, New York Times 1 March 1992: TST53. 397 Wallachs, advertisement, New York Times 24 February 1957: 75. 398 Emmerich 14. 399 Mercedes, advertisement, New York Times 30 January 1967: 17. 400 Mercedes, advertisement, New York Times 12 September 1966: 33. See also: Volkswagen, advertisement, New York Times 19 November 1984: C5. (“…brutal endurance test. On Pike’s Peak and the Autobahn. On U.S. Interstates and chewed-up city streets.”)

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holds the road, cool, huh?”401 In a second spot the voiceover praises the car’s features: “The

2004 Volkswagen Passat will always come with award-winning engineering, will always have

over 50 standard features, it will always boast autobahn-tested performance, …”402 The reference

system of the actual Autobahn and its significance as a German phenomenon becomes

increasingly detached from its original context. The term ‘Autobahn’ loses its meaning and turns

into a hollowed-out attribute.

Even non-German carmakers use the Autobahn as a reference and testing ground.403

Cadillac uses a quote, which emphasizes prestige, from the magazine Road & Track: “The

Catera is a fully vested member of Germany’s Autobahn Society.”404 Infinity titles an ad about

one of its vehicles, which was apparently tested and tweaked in Europe “from Germany’s high-

speed autobahns to Austria’s twisty Alpine roads,” with a personification of its new car: “Born in

Japan. Educated in Europe. Now available in America.”405 The mentioning of European

education is reminiscent of the Grand Tour of Europe, which was undertaken by young

aristocrats of the upper classes to achieve a well-rounded education and a high level of

sophistication. Thus the image invoked adds to the prestige of the advertised product.

A Buick advertisement even uses both the Autobahn as well as German cars as the

standard of comparison: “THE GERMAN AUTOBAHN (no speed limit) – Imagine yourself on

a seemingly limitless stretch of Teutonic Interstate, tucked confidently inside a precision German

touring sedan.” Then the ad describes that one is passed by a car – of course a Buick.

Furthermore Buick describes that the world-respected engineers of Bosch, in Stuttgart, Germany,

inspect their fuel injection system.406 The interesting choice of the term ‘teutonic’ here connotes

uncivilized manner and a degree of aggression. A BMW ad later reacted to this trend, reclaiming

the country-of-origin advantage. “An unusual kind of tourism is on the rise in Germany.

Carmakers from faraway places have been arriving, vehicles in tow, to photograph their new

models on the world-famous autobahn.” The ad then states that only its cars are really autobahn-

401 Volkswagen, advertisement, <http://www.vw.com/commercials/index.html> 26 September 2004. 402 Volkswagen Passat “Always,” advertisement, 2004. Speed seems to be a European domain, even on other roads than highways. A Volkswagen ad uses the same manufacturing arguments as those using the autobahns: “Why is a Volkswagen Jetta so easy to drive? Well, Europe and brains. See, in Europe they have narrow roads, high speeds, and lots of sheep. So the brains of VW thought about all those buttons, controls, ergonomics, make them easy to read, easy to get to. So you can keep an eye on those sheep.” (Volkswagen Jetta “Sheep,” advertisement, 2002.) 403 E.g.: Buick, advertisement, New York Times 12 April 1984: A22. 404 Cadillac, advertisement, New York Times 15 October 1998: B4. 405 Infinity, advertisement, New York Times 2 August 1998: 16. 406 Buick, advertisement, New York Times 29 April 1984: SM8.

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tested, “the roads that have been part of the BMW engineers’ daily commute for more than 70

years.”407

Lufthansa tries to soften the intimidating aspect of the high-speed roads by telling

customers that they are not that much different: autobahns “are just like American highways,

even with the big blue-and-white signs.”408 They are usually, though, a pre-fabricated image of

speed that advertisers can readily use. Lufthansa, for instance, advertises its own new flight

connections as follows: “The Autobahn of the Atlantic has just added three more lanes.”409 This

interesting expression seems absurd, as planes neither need roads nor do they have speed limits.

But it nonetheless implies a fast connection of high quality between the two continents and the

beginning of Germany before one arrives there.

The autobahn is such an ideal image in advertising for several reasons. Its status between

known and unknown signifies excitement, danger and adventure. Driving at speeds generally

unimaginable is impelling, and mixed with old-world charm and the stereotypical engineering it

is a potent sales message. It fits in with the American ideals of non-intrusive authorities and the

freedom to express oneself.

Another factor is the taboo nature of this aspect of danger: it does not fit in with more

modern safety and fuel-saving concerns. It is something we know we should not do but yet yearn

to do, it appeals to emotions and instincts rather than reason, which makes for better sales. It also

suggests freedom because these roads seem to be less civilized and untouched by political

correctness. Lipman reports that in 1989 consumer groups demanded the removal of a Mercedes

ad, in which the car was shown “speeding along the Autobahn,” revealing the controversial

nature of a lack of speed limits: something forbidden in one’s own country nurtures the

fascination of it.410 Furthermore, the autobahns, which had been planned in the 20s, were one of

Hitler’s projects to reduce the high unemployment in Germany, often referred to as “Straßen des

Führers.” The associations with Nazi Germany are not made explicitly in advertisements, but

could add to the taboo nature and certainly to the mythical status of these legendary highways. A

Dodge advertisement, displays black-and-white and faded-color footage of deserted and pristine

407 BMW, advertisement, New York Times 25 May 1990: B2. 408 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 31 January 1972: 16. 409 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 13 March 1990: B9. 410 Joanne Lipman, “Critics Attempt to Put Breaks on Subaru Ads,” Wall Street Journal. (Eastern edition) 15 Aug 1991: B1.

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autobahns: “Germany built the first super-highways.” This commercial was the only one found

that somewhat alluded to the German highways’ origins.411

The associations also include the previously discussed aspects of perfection, prestige, and

luxury. These are genuine, they are an “original”, and they seem to be a logical consequence of

Germany’s engineering image.

The reality of German highways is ignored. While the ads always show unused or half-

empty roads, they never depict traffic jams, stop-and-go traffic, or the majority of the stretches

with speed limits or construction sites. The idea of the autobahn appeals more to consumers than

the reality, which the advertised product is suggested to help them escape from.

3.2 Historic Germany: Temporal Escapism

The discussion of the nostalgic appeal of Germany as a place reveals that the historic

dimension is inextricably intertwined with the spatial dimension. The terms related to fairy tales

discussed above are also often historic terms: a king can be a fairy tale character but also a

person and function in a feudal system or monarchy. Both viewpoints share a certain alien,

exotic nature that today’s spectator is faced with: “Ads for foreign scenes are often constructed

on a paradoxical blend of the familiar and the Other, weaving nostalgic imagery of a lost past

recuperable in the present.”412 Advertisements can recover times that have long past, or at least

give the viewer the feeling of connection. Lears talks of certain universal experiences that make

folklore – and this is also true for nostalgia – so prevalent in advertising:

All people, even academics and advertisers, once were children; many may have

experienced a sense of pain and loss en route to adulthood – the ‘separation anxiety’ that

Rodney Olsen has argued was particularly resonant in market society, where the

411 Dodge “Autobahn,” advertisement, 2002. 412 Martin Green, “Some Versions of the Pastoral: Myth in Advertising; Advertising as Myth,” Advertising and Culture: Theoretical Perspectives, ed. Mary Cross (Westport: Praeger, 1996) 29.

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establishment of adult identity required the severing of family ties and (often) the

uprooting of the individual from familiar surroundings.413

Longing for previous generations’ lifestyles is a common phenomenon. Topics include the

extended family compared to the nuclear and increasingly the patchwork family as well as

country life in contrast to today’s increasingly urban environments. Often a connection to one’s

surroundings and nature compared to modern artificial worlds is an issue, as is a sense of

genuineness, novelty, and adventure in comparison to our post-modern views. Green argues that

“[a]s civilization becomes complex and increasingly crisis-ridden, the yearning for a simpler past

becomes stronger.”414

Germany is an important part of America’s past; one quarter of Americans trace their

heritage to Germany, and many customs that are derived from Germany are still can still be

found, especially in the midwestern states. Examples include festivals, local dishes, music and

occasionally clothing. Immigration has shaped America’s and its people’s identity. Many

Americans try to trace back their roots and, even those who do not see themselves as German-

Americans, are often aware and proud of their German heritage. Images of one’s ancestors’

home country are part of one’s own heritage, and advertisers do exploit these nostalgic feelings.

Often the use of history in ads is just that: a mere tool or trick to sell products: “‘History’

is uprooted, decontextualized, washed in a bath of aesthetics, stylized, and spectacularized as it

becomes the sign value for a commodity. […] The value of any historical signifier is quickly

used up and turned into a by-product of commodity culture, further contributing to a culture

composed of shifting surfaces.”415 Many of the often random and highly selective images that are

presented have mainly been chosen for their manipulative power. How easily certain historical

aspects can be altered can be seen in the switching between Germany’s status as friend or enemy,

as is further discussed in the last chapter.

The following analysis focuses on certain reoccurring, powerful examples: castles and

palaces as historical remnants, history as a signifier for tradition and value, and the German

Reunification as an example of how the present is portrayed as history in advertising.

413 Jackson Lears, "Packaging the Folk: Tradition and Amnesia in American Advertising, 1880-1940," Folk Roots, New Roots: Folklore in American Life, eds. Jane S. Becker and Barabara Franco (Lexington, MA: Museum of Our National Heritage, 1988) 105-106. 414 Green 37. 415 Goldman and Papson 139-140.

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Castles and Palaces

Castles and palaces are testimonials of a simpler, distant European past. They are artifacts

that are physical remnants of those times, proof in stone of the seemingly exciting times which

many have been familiar with since early childhood through stories, legends, fairy tales, books,

and movies. Thus they allow a historical connection to non-historians; they are easily accessible

and understandable. Advertisements, among other sources, show us that there is a large number

of castles and palaces in Germany, and make frequent use of these historical, emotionally

charged remnants. A 1937 advertisement shows high-speed trains and tourists in a train car with

huge glass windows, which is referred to as a “glass train.” The tourists look down at a sight not

revealed in the ad, not even looking at the impressive, towering castle ruins in the background.416

The image suggests such an abundance of attractions that tourists do not even marvel at the

historic site.417 It is also an example of connecting the past to the present and old marvels to

modern ones.

A 1938 ad, featuring a photo of swastika flags flying on a German beach, asks the reader

to “turn romantic pages of history”:

The time-mellowed ruins of ancient castles, the tomb of Charlemagne, the elaborate

Guild Halls of medieval cities, the Romanesque and Gothic cathedrals of Cologne,

Freiburg, Worms and Speyer, and Frederick the Great’s palace of Sanssouci … these and

many others … What glories of the past they echo!418

The propagandistic intent seems to be obvious. Invoking the ruling of the German emperors over

large parts of Europe during the Middle Ages was one of the themes of Nazi ideology. The train

of thought leading from Charlemagne, who was made emperor in 800 AD, over the rise of

central Europe to Frederick the Great, shows a selective timeline of German history. And again,

the common romantic scenery is praised: “the Bavarian Alps, the Black Forest, the Harz and

Thuringia … the castles and vineyards of the Rhine and its gentle-flowing tributaries, the fruit

416 The castle ruins are a good example of the overlapping of categories. While they are part of a present Germany, they also add a historical dimension. 417 German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, Country Life May 1937: 77. 418 Advertisement in: Heimann, 30s 765.

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trees and gardens of the Bergstrasse, the lovely sweep of sea and sky along the Baltic and North

Sea.” On the right of the text, a winding train among high mountains is shown.419 It is important

to keep in mind that this ad was released just one year before World War II broke out, the year of

the “Anschluss” of Austria and the occupation of the “Sudetenland” by Germany. The ad clearly

is not only an attempt to lure visitors to come for a tourist visit, but also a political attempt to

show Germany’s gentler side and hide the realities of political and military struggle. In an

economical sense this means that the creation of image is more important than the actual selling

of a product.

In terms such as “ancient castles,”420 the historical dimension is routinely emphasized. As

a contrast to this, the German people are portrayed to be a part of this historical world and take

these remnants as granted. The image of “Students sing[ing] in the shadow of Heidelberg

castle”421 juxtaposes the old and the new, the peaceful and the aggressive. The potential visitor

can be part of this almost surreal world if he or she believes the attempts of persuasion: “whether

you’re dreaming back through the centuries in a Rhine castle or a medieval town.”422

Lufthansa, which uses the topos of the castle extensively, invites potential visitors with

the headline “Castle Hopping,” which, again, indicates an abundance of historical sites while

alluding to a more modern lifestyle. The following list of attributes, part of the headline, includes

an alliteration that strengthens the advertising message and emphasizes the historical dimension:

“Come and delve, dine, dwell in Europe’s most legendary, chivalrous, lordly, golden, haunting,

romantic past.” The following passages invite the customers to imagine themselves while

experiencing a kind of time travel:

Enter a German castle, and you step across the threshold of the ages. Its massive doors

close. And the slumbering centuries, long silent and dim, awaken with a stirring of echoes

and a glimmer of light.

Listen! Do you hear the clash of armor ringing over a thousand years, as the Knights of

Hehenscheid gird themselves for glory?

419 Advertisement in: Heimann, 30s 765. Another ad of the same year, using the same wording, shows a beer garden or outdoor cafe near a pedestrian bridge leading over a lake or river instead of the beach. (German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, Country Life and the Sportsman March 1938: 99.) 420 German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, New York Times 21 March 1937: 187. 421 German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, Country Life May 1938: 114. 422 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 15 June 1964: 26.

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Do you see the great hald of the island castle, Herrenchiemsee, gleaming with the soft

brilliance of a million candles whose dancing blaze reflects off a thousand mirrors from

tiered chandeliers of chrystal? You are there for a concert today – and it could be a

hundred years ago.

Hush! Do you feel the presence of Napoleon in this room at Castle Auel? He stayed here

in 1812. Is 1965 your year?

There are hundreds of castles in Germany, and many extend their hospitality to you.423

Images of several castles, which are also referred to as “history’s toys in the attic,” and their

names are presented in the ad: Neuschwanstein, Schlosshotel Kronberg, Burg Eltz, Schloss

Linderhof, Burg Hohenscheid, and Burghotel Lauenstein.424

The castle is used as a symbol and a trademark of Germany: “The world is one big castle

– and Germany is the front door.” The ad continues that Germany is “the land where castles were

practically invented.” The word “practically” reveals that this is not a historical fact but a

persuasive opinion; there have been fortifications well before a ‘Germany’ or ‘Germania’

existed. Even the claim that the medieval castle has emerged in Germany is historically

problematic. It is interesting to compare the images used in the advertisement, which features,

besides Burg Eltz in Germany, castles and palaces in Japan, Egypt, Italy, India, Bangkok, and

Iraq.425 The ad suggests that Germany’s castles are the original, a technique used in promotions

ranging from ketchup to cars: “This summer, instead of building sand castles, go to Europe for

the real thing.” Lufthansa takes you “right to the drawbridges of Europe’s most fanciful

attractions.” (my emphasis) The label of the original can also be seen in the following travel

suggestions: “Cruise through Germany’s castle-studded Rhine Valley, dine at the Castle

Sababurg, the inspiration for ‘Sleeping Beauty,’ and be enchanted by the beautiful castles of

Bavaria’s King Ludwig II.”426

Another advertisement showing the same image of the Heidelberg bridge and castle as

this ad also stresses Germany’s still visible history and heritage: “What better way to experience

all the revelry than on a Lufthansa Romantic Road Tour. Setting you on a journey through cities,

423 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 19 April 1965: 26. 424 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 19 April 1965: 26. 425 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 24 January 1966: 22. The photo of the German castle is larger than those of the others. 426 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 10 April 1988: 1145.

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castles and countryside. From historic Heidelberg to medieval Rothenburg, to the classic spirit of

Munich, you’ll partake in all the heritage and history Germany has to offer.”427 In close relation

to this, another advertisement aims at a slightly different audience: “Lufthansa has a 21 day tour

for Flower People.” The “Great Garden Tour of Central Europe” offers visits to various “[p]alace

gardens” and “[h]istorical gardens,” in and around Germany.428 The pun of the flower people

refers to an American context by alluding to hippies, and thus creates a connection as well as

ironically connoting freedom by referring to places of feudal origin.

As can be seen from the ads described above, Lufthansa uses historical sights in general

and castles in particular extensively. For several years the airline signed its messages with “The

Red Baron,” referring to the famous World War I fighter pilot Manfred Freiherr von Richthofen.

This ‘spokesperson’ has a historical connotation which is several-fold: the type of warfare and

manners that were deemed chivalrous and fair; the fame that certain pilots gained during the war

as individuals; and his aristocratic roots. In one ad he claims: “From the windows of my castle,

you can see the wonder of the Alps.“429 Several other airline ads, such as the Pan Am campaigns

of the 1950s, made heavy use of German castles, predominantly Neuschwanstein.

Castles can also make products look more distinguished: an ad titled “Coup d’Etat” and

featuring Helbrun Castle in Austria, stresses the distinguished characteristics of Mercedes,

including the three pointed star: “That, of course, is entirely in keeping with the seventy-five-

year-old tradition of Mercedes-Benz.”430 A similar ad has several cars of this brand parked in

front of the Austrian castle “Schloss Mittersill.”431

Photographs of castles and palaces are frequently used in many of the ads, as they are a

highly visible manifestation of history. They are also somewhat exotic to the American

perceiver’s eye, as there are no medieval castles and only few buildings that can be referred to as

palaces in the United States. But even those were not built under feudal or monarchic

circumstances. The castle is a very un-American symbol in the sense that it does not represent

democracy, pluralism, freedom, or equality. And yet castles and palaces have a strong attraction

for people in two ways: they have a certain old-world charm and they are decadent yet

427 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 19 October 1986: 612. 428 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 24 March 1968: D35. 429 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 2 December 1973: 656. 430 Heimann, 60s 181. 431 Mercedes, advertisement, Esquire February 1962: 117.

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wonderful.432 They attract us in the same way that a prison like Alcatraz does: it frightens us, it

awes us, it elicits feelings of rejection, but we are nonetheless fascinated by the horror, by the

extravagance, by the fact that this used to be reality – and yet we do not have to feel any of its

negative impacts. Castles are usually presented through a soft-focus lens, highlighting only

certain aspects and leaving others out; they are “Story-book Castles.”433 The most frequently

used exemplar in advertisements is “The castle of King Ludwig of Bavaria,” the Disney

prototype Neuschwanstein.434

Certainly castles and palaces are not the only manifestations of historical traditions in

Germany, but I use them here to exemplify the issue. Historical superlatives are used in

promoting many tourist attractions to depict uniqueness and originality: “Hardly a recent play for

tourists, the Munich Christmas fair claims it is the oldest dating back 600 years.”435

History as a Sign of Expertise and Tradition in Automobile and Beer Advertising

A very different approach to implementing historical components in a sales message is

the history of a product or a company itself.

When invoked as a formal category in ads, history is usually represented as a source of

value, which when placed in formal equivalence with the corporate name, lends value to

the sponsor. Ironically, insofar as we become a culture without historical memory, history

seems to have little value in daily life where the ‘creative destruction’ of the market is

relentless.436

Certain companies stress their company legacy more than others, depending on their

corporate philosophy. The advertisements analyzed in this dissertation revealed that German

companies make particularly heavy use of this strategy, offering a disproportionate historical

432 It is noteworthy that other countries’ castles are also frequently used by advertisers referring to the particular country, for instance England, France, or Spain. Also several castles, as well as other historical sights, are shown as being generally European; e.g.: an ad showing a very general and vague unidentified castle, titled “European vacations so great, we wrote a book about them.“ (Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 29 March 1987: AS33.) 433 This refers to a special tour package that Lufthansa is offering. Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 6 June 1971: XX34. 434 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 1 November 1987: AS17. 435 German National Tourist Office, advertisement, New York Times 10 October 1989: B13. 436 Goldman and Papson 117.

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connotation to Germany’s depiction. The sample advertisements discussed below stem from the

German automobile and brewing industries, which use this technique heavily in their U.S.

advertising campaigns.

To emphasize the expertise that Mercedes has gained over the twentieth century in

building its cars in general and the E-class in particular, the company ran a TV spot showing the

various stages of the company’s history. It starts out with a car, presumably from the 20s, but

definitely from pre-war Germany, being rolled into an assembly hall and checked by engineers in

white coats. Then more workers can be seen assembling additional cars manually. The camera

moves backwards through the large manufacturing hall throughout the commercial, but each

scene fades and changes into another time period. The first footage, which is shot in black and

white, becomes a colored scene of post-war Germany, and the cars are the models of that time

period. The factory hall changes again, showing Mercedes models of the 80s and 90s and a much

lighter, more mechanized assembly line. In chronological order, every model of the E-class

‘family’ is shown in the ad. Finally the camera arrives in a car showroom, showing the latest

model. “The story remains the same, yet the story is always changing. Introducing the all-new E-

class.” The words “The New E-Class” are written on the screen, which change to the word

“Experience. Unlike any other.” The message of the commercial is enhanced by the song “Time

is on my side,” which also changes at each different scene: it starts slow, becomes faster and

changes instrumentation to reflect each model’s and each time period’s character and feeling. In

60 seconds the history of Mercedes Benz is shown, yet so fast that the viewer only stays focused

on the commercial’s message: It offers both time-honored expertise and tradition, but it is also

cutting-edge. Goldman and Papson state that “ads depict corporate histories around the

organizing principles of vision and innovation.”437 Another print ad is more straightforward and

repetitive, as it describes Mercedes as the “[w]orld’s oldest car maker,” “the world’s oldest

automobile maker,” and as “the inventors of the automobile.”438 Time connotes wisdom,

experience, and value in these instances.

A similar, previously discussed Mercedes commercial featuring Marlene Dietrich’s

“Dankeschön” song also uses history as a value-enhancing tool. A gray timeline on a black

background continuously scrolls in from the right side of the screen. The only specified dates are

437 Goldman and Papson 137. 438 Mercedes, advertisement, New York Times 30 January 1967: 17.

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1901 at the beginning and 2001 at the end of the timeline, other information is displayed in

graphic form: a very early example of a motorized vehicle, photos of Mercedes Benz’ founders

and Mercedes herself, a trophy, a short clip of a race, early versions of the Mercedes logo. Along

the timeline the images become more modern and eventually in color, showing newer versions of

cars and the company logo. One can spot a television set and a short film of an automobile

assembly scene. The information passes by so quickly – the spot lasts only 30 seconds – that it is

nearly impossible to decipher and make sense of all the bits of ‘historical’ information without

pausing or using slow motion. However, a concise portrayal of historic facts is not the aim of the

commercial, but rather to suggest to the customer that the company has a long tradition, that it

has evolved, and that it is now a hundred years old, a message that is repeated in written form at

the end: “A hundred years. A million thanks.”439 It is worth noting that images of the 1930s and

40s have been left out, which can be explained by the company’s desire to leave out any negative

or unwanted associations with the Third Reich. What is more important than a concise picture of

history is its historicalness, offering only selcted and vague references, not giving a whole, clear

account of it. German history is significant so far only as a hollow reference, modified and

minimized to the advertiser’s needs.

History and tradition of Mercedes, the “World’s oldest car maker,” have been stressed in

its promotional efforts for decades: the model in one particular ad is “from the inventors of the

automobile” in 1886, when “Henry Ford’s amazing Model T was still 22 years off.”440 Showing

that one’s product was the first and is the original is a mode of persuasion, which suggests that

therefore it must also be the best. Mercedes also stresses its history in the field of racing to

display its overall tradition:

[A]s early as 1894, the ancestors of today’s Mercedes-Benz were winning races. […] All

of the vast experience and knowledge accrued through the decades of success are evident

in the engineering and construction of every Mercedes-Benz. The silver three-pointed star

439 Mercedes “Danke Schoen,” advertisement, 2001; similarly: Mercedes "Falling in Love Again," advertisement, (Lürzer’s Archive Online Services. Reference number: [v2.9717]. <http://www.luerzersarchive.net> 12 January 2005). 440 Mercedes, advertisement, New York Times 30 January 1967: 17.

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is the silent symbol of this glorious past and the hallmark of automotive excellence for

today and tomorrow.441

A recent Mercedes commercial includes the consumer and his/her personal history.

Quickly showing photos containing individuals posing with their cars, it creates a spectrum of

impressions. New cars in color and old cars in black and white photos show, once again, the

whole range of Mercedes past and present models.442 It is powerful because of the personal

touch, because it urges the viewers to think about their own car, and it creates emotion443 and a

feeling of authenticity because the photos depict “real” people as opposed to staged photo shoots

with professional models. Further viewer involvement is created by the opportunity to go to the

Mercedes website and send in or upload one’s own photos.

Audi also uses commercials depicting its historicalness without delivering clear historical

reference but rather suggesting vague glimpses.444 Revealing its age and expertise, it is

emphasized that “[b]efore there was a Model T there was an Audi.”445 Showing that Audi

introduced 4-wheel drive and a female driver to the racing world, another commercial mixes old

footage with its latest model. The final statement is: “Great then. Great now.”446

In contrast to this, an advertisement by Porsche gives the potential customer a more

personal and direct account of the company’s origins:

The year was 1948. In a rented building outside of Stuttgart, Germany, an old man, his

son and a dozen workers began building an automobile. After a lifetime of designing cars

for other people, this one would be the first to bear his name. Three years later Professor

Ferdinand Porsche was dead. But he’d left behind, in his son, the determination to build

great cars. Today, Porsches are still made in Stuttgart. And Porsches are still made by

Porsches. Ferry, the son who worked on the 1948 car with his father, works on the 1970

cars with his sons. Butzi, who designs them. Peter, who is in charge of production. And

Wolfgang, who’ll learn the business from the bottom up. The generations have changed.

441 Mercedes, advertisement, Esquire December 1961: 53. 442 Mercedes, advertisement, Comedy Central 12 April 2004. 443 "No one ever poses with their toaster." is the final line. (Mercedes “Toaster,” advertisement, 2004.) 444 Audi A8 L “Even in the Beginning,” advertisement, 2003. 445 Audi, advertisement, 1972. Personal collection. 446 Audi “Great then,” advertisement, 2001.

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And so have the cars. But one thing has stayed the same. The love that went into the first

Porsche over 21 years ago goes into every Porsche that’s made today.447

The ad is meant to especially appeal to an American audience, as it tells the story of a self-made

man, who rose from rags to riches through his own work and ingenuity, who came from humble

origins and enabled a brighter future for his sons, his company, and his country. A more recent

commercial also invokes the company’s past: Porsche has a “man awake after decades of coma”

drive an older model in a 2002 Super Bowl commercial. A younger man in the latest model of

the same company passes him, and both are amazed at each other’s model. The message fits in

with all other previously discussed corporate messages: “Boxster. What a Porsche has always

been.”448 Volkswagen’s commercials and ads especially stress the legendary VW Bug, not only

in those promoting the new Beetle, the Bug’s successor model.449

Such advertisements shape and reinforce Germany’s image only indirectly. They stress

certain company values that have become generally accepted. Combined with the common

knowledge of the country of origin of a carmaker, such connections do emphasize impressions of

Germany as having traditions and being technologically advanced. This again leads to a

disproportionate emphasis on these characteristics and averts the view from others.

In a similar fashion, the past is employed by beer advertisers. Holsten claims that the

company’s hometown Hamburg is “Germany’s oldest brewing center, dating back to the 13th

century.” The advertisement gives a detailed account to prove this statement: “The Knight of

Holsten-Schauenburger then gave to the town of Hammaborg (now Hamburg) the most

important privilege of brewing beer and Hamburg’s beer was shipped to all northern areas,

including England, Holland and Scandinavia. Over the centuries, Hamburg’s brewing fame

spread throughout the world.” The reference to today’s world then follows, linking the past and

447 Heimann, 60s 264. 448 Porsche “Coma,” advertisement, 2002. 449 Goldman and Papson conclude similarly and add further examples: “Archival black and white film has become a primary chip played in the sign wars between upscale automakers such as Audi, Mercedes, and BMW. When affluent baby boomers demanded safety in their cars, Audi, Mercedes and BMW raided their respective film libraries to signify their ‘early days’ in which their forward-looking engineers scientifically tested collision safety equipment. Such scenes are presented on the assumption that they provide historical evidence leading to the conclusion that Audi, or Mercedes, or BMW is still a safety feature innovator today. For example, in one Mercedes ad an older engineer reminisces seeing dated images of crash testing that ‘we had no idea we were inventing safety science.’” (Goldman and Papson 137.)

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the present of the company and its beer: “Today, this tradition is in every glass of Holsten beer.

True German flavor. Hearty taste. Satisfying to those who appreciate a truly fine beer.”

Many assumptions and vague statements are made with the purpose of enhancing

Holsten’s rich tradition and giving it the notion of being an original and one of the first beer

producers. The term “oldest brewing center” does not actually mean it is the oldest brewery in

Germany. But it gives the perceiver the impression of being the first and oldest. Also the term

“true German flavor” is rather ambiguous and raises the question whether something like this

actually exists. The extensive Hanseatic trade described is not necessarily due to superior quality

of the beer but rather the trading privileges the city offered. Furthermore one has to take the

absence of brand products during the Middle Ages and the fact that the modern company was not

founded until 1879 into account.

The photograph above the text shows a knight looking at his large, richly decorated beer

glass with satisfaction. He is sitting on a replica of a medieval throne, with his helmet placed on

a small table, which is covered by a white tablecloth. The image appears to be very artificial due

to the cleanliness of the scene, the shiny metallic armor, the well-groomed (the hairstyle and

beard appear to be artificial) model. The scene is surrounded by an old-looking picture frame

with a plaque at the bottom stating “The Holsten Knight and his Noble Brew.”450 The only

connection between the beer and the knight is merely the fact that he gave the city of Hamburg

the brewing privilege.

A very similar British ad451 uses much of the same imagery and hollow symbolism.452

The Holsten knight, here called the Black Knight, is as vaguely referred to as in the American

counterpart: “Nobody knows for certain who he is but he’s long been a symbol of the Holsten

brewery in Hamburg. Tradition says that the Black Knight is Duke Adolph III and it’s a happy

explanation.” Williamson sees the knight as “the product’s own mythology,”453 devoid of any

real historical value.

450 Holsten, advertisement, Esquire July 1960: 34. 451 Williamson does not specify where this product was advertised, but I conclude that it must be a British ad: “The historic beer is being shipped to Great Britain and is available in bottles and cans…” (Williamson, 168.) 452 Here it is called the “historic beer of Germany”: “In 1188 Duke Adolph III granted the city of Hamburg its own brewing rights. The rest is history.” 453 Williamson 169.

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So history becomes identified with a total mystification: there is a ‘symbol’ about which

we know nothing, except that it signifies this beer, and our only access to the beer is by

‘looking for the Black Knight on the label’. Action is located around the symbol, while

history is somehow suggested as being both knowable, and yet ‘obvious’: ‘the rest is

history’ implies that it need not be told, it stands so objectively and solidly on its own.454

Both the American and the British ad rely on certain historical facts to create an image and

historical associations to stress the beer’s value and heritage. They do not explain any real

connection, only giving a “happy explanation.”

A similarly selective and quasi-historical foundation is used in an ad for Würzburger

Beer, using the headline “1643 WAS A YEAR TO REMEMBER.” This attention-grabbing line

leads, as is common in these types of advertisements, to a more detailed explanation:

The Thirty Years War was coming to an end. A dry, dusty end; for the armies that had

warred upon the Bavarian lands had ravaged the wine cellars of Wurzburg… Meanwhile,

back at the castle, Prince Johann Philipp von Schonborn, troubled by conscience that the

good people of Wurzburg were so deprived of drink, had an idea! Why not build a Royal

Brewery? It was done, and late in 1643 there began to flow from the Wurzburger Hofbrau

a stream of golden deliciousness that has washed the thirst of the world for over 300

years! Today, enjoy a glass of the finest imported [sic] beer you’ve had in centuries…455

It is the same story of a nobleman giving a city the brewing privilege, which is not unique at all

in German history. But the tradition and age of the brewery as well as its story are meant to

impress American customers. The advertiser stressed its historical connection further in

subsequent years by altering the label and adding a castle on a hilltop as the prominent feature on

the bottle depicted in the ad: history sells.

“Max Schumann’s famous Hof-Brau-Haus” [sic] claims that it was “a place where lovers

of good German Food and Bier have been frequenting since before Prohibition,” thus invoking

elements of the American past. The beer sold at their establishment is, once again, described in

454 Williamson 168. 455 Würzburger Hofbräu, advertisement, Esquire May 1959: 42H.

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the usual style: “Founded in 1328 by the Monks of Holy Augustinus it is now privately operated

and owned for the past 100 years by the Wagner family.”456

History in the Making: Reunification

Current or recent events are often portrayed by advertisers as being historical to enhance

product appeal and can often function as a national identifier. The reunification in Germany in

1990 and the events that led to it in central Europe are a good example of how companies

quickly make use of the emotional and sensational power inherent in these moments. I argue that

the depictions presented below appeal to consumers similarly as nostalgia does because they

suggest to the viewer that soon this particular moment will be history. They tell the audience that

it can be witness to an event that it will always fondly remember. This technique turns the

present into nostalgia before it is even history. The perception of ongoing events can be greatly

altered by choosing highly selective imagery and creating calculated moods, which advertisers

do not hesitate to implement.

In an ad that was printed just one week after the official unification of the two Germanys,

Lufthansa invites passengers to come to the newly reunified Germany. Featuring the

Brandenburg Gate, the headline tellingly states: “Now open for business.”457 Marketers in the

tourism industry quickly detected the potential of this opportunity and created a number of ads to

convert viewers into tourists. Lufthansa’s print ad titled “Let us show you the new Germany,

now that there’s so much more for you to see” puts the message out very directly: “There’s never

been a better time to see Germany. Because now with the added attraction of the eastern states,

there’s twice as much to see.”458 The message does not really promise anything new, and the

large photo underneath the headline depicts the stereotypic German idyll, a church, some historic

houses, and a lake. A second ad with almost the same wording, titled “The New Germany,”

shows a young, smiling couple with binoculars below Neuschwanstein, which is located in

former Western Germany.459 Both ads reveal the slowness of change in the successful German

image; they tell the consumer that they can get their beloved product now with a bonus. Images

456 Hof Bräu-Haus, advertisement, New York Times 18 April 1933: 13. 457 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 10 October 1990: C13. 458 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 28 April 1991: CNA5. 459 Lufthansa/German Rail/KD/DZT, advertisement, New York Times 7 April 1991: XX25.

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from the eastern part are not used as they lack the recognition factor to connect to existing

schemata.

As American businesses, such as Coca Cola, Pepsi, McDonald’s, and Burger King,

poured into the Eastern Germany, they also employed images of deprived people finally

receiving the blessings of western consumer culture. “As dozens of children chisel away at the

cement,” Leslie Savan describes one Pepsi commercial, “a big graffiti peace sign hovers above

and, culminating the ad, a girl gives a guard a rose.” The voice-over explains why Pepsi should

be the customer’s preferred product, while Händel’s ‘Halleluja Chorus’ plays in the background:

“In this, the season of giving, the gift of freedom is the greatest gift of all.”460 While the

Deutsche Telekom usually does not reveal its country of origin in American advertising, one rare

example from its early campaigns shows Karl Marx with a wireless phone in a U.S. ad: “Who

ever managed to catapult an entire country’s telecommunications from the Stone Age into the

future?”461 It reverals not only the origin of Deutsche Telekom, but also shows the victory of

capitalism (“the future”) over communism (“the Stone Age”), giving this advertisement a

remarkably strong political and ideological tone.

Savan describes an AT&T “people spot,” in which “West Germans talk excitedly not just

about the wall coming down or their joy of seeing East German relatives, but their joy in

reaching their relatives over the phone.”462 The fragrance-producing company Quintessence had

a spot produced, in which a grandfather from Eastern Germany “crosses near the Brandenburg

Gate, and his four-year-old, West German grandson immediately recognizes him. As they

embrace, a teddy bear falls from Opa’s bag, and an East German guard picks it up for him.”463

Savan sees certain similarities in the analyzed commercials despite differences in technique:

Not only because all feature the Berlin Wall, children, graffiti, and/or skull-breaking

guards turned simpatico, but because most of these corporations view this ‘celebration of

freedom’ as their ‘holiday greeting.’ In each case, the company and its ad people talk

about how ‘excited’ they are to be ‘a part of history.’464

460 Savan 137. 461 Deutsche Telekom, advertisement, New York Times 5 September 1995: D3. 462 The conversation goes as follows: “‘And then I called my sister,’ one strapping lad says. ‘She couldn’t believe it. She hadn’t heard the radio, not the TV, nothing.’“ (Savan 138.) 463 Savan 138. 464 Savan 136.

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While the divided Germany and its reunification is the most prominent symbol of the

Cold War and its end, other countries in which revolutions and change of government, system or

regime took place are frequently used in advertising, stirring up emotion, satisfaction, and joy.

The U.S. phone company Sprint showed the power of “the human voice” in one of their

commercials, which related to voice activated dialing as well as protesters waving a Czech flag,

and a public speaker.465 The theme is that communication is powerful and can be, literally,

revolutionary. Keyishian discusses similar ads depicting General Electric’s contracts and

relationships with Hungary in 1990 and Japan in 1992.466

The advertisements show a certain disconnect that is common in advertising. The

American viewer most likely is in a completely different, revolution-free environment, sitting in

front of a television set, and perhaps does not even know much about the revolution in this

particular country, which may not even be specified. The only reason the advertiser uses it is to

create positive feelings and connect them somehow to its products, whether that is a soft drink, a

fragrance, or a telephone service. It is suggested that good deeds are done or supported by simply

consuming a company’s products. By the time the Super Bowl hits, the interest in revolutions

may have significantly declined, as the comedian Jay Leno reveals in a Doritos commercial:

“This guy writes: Because of this Berlin Wall thing, will there be enough Doritos tortilla chips to

go around for my Super Bowl party?” Leno answers: “Didn’t you understand the whole ‘crunch

all you want’ campaign? Hey, the day comes when we can’t make more than you can eat. That’s

when we hang it up, pal. Do you understand that?” The voice-over suggests to the viewer to “Eat

Doritos and enjoy the game!”467 This commercial reveals how quickly events are superseded by

new ones.

But some historical moments, images, and figures have become classic advertising tools:

the first step on the moon, the Wright brothers and their flight near Kitty Hawk, NC, certain

athletes and their glorious moments, famous people like Edison and Einstein. They are used

again and again, for any product from financial services to food or cars. A recent Bass beer

commercial claims that the company is not responsible for all the great historical moments, that

465 U.S. Sprint “New World,” advertisement, 1990. 466 Harry Keyishian, “’We Bring Good Things to Life’ / ‘We’re Always There’: The AdWorld of GE,” Advertising and Culture: Theoretical Perspectives, ed. Mary Cross (Westport: Praeger, 1996) 57-58. 467 Doritos “Jay Leno – Berlin Wall,” advertisement, 1990.

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they “didn’t tear down the Berlin Wall,” that they did not put a man on the moon, that they did

not help win any important horse races (“and we didn’t race into the history books”), but that

they do make a good beer (“Our passion is beer. Whatever yours is, reach for greatness”). In the

spot, people are seen crowding the top of the wall with the Brandburg Gate in the background,

climbing it, or hammering pieces from it. To add a funny element, the Bass employee fails all the

tasks and is too weak to properly hit a piece out of the Berlin Wall.468 A Nintendo print ad shows

its main video game character, Mario, sitting on the Wall, alluding to the fact that its video

games allow players to take on a wide range of imaginative roles.469

It is likely that the fall of the Wall will remain to be a potent historical moment used in

advertising. It has several advantages and is remarkably similar to other defining events. It

reveals a certain power structure: The fall of the East is one of the biggest advertisements for all

businesses: capitalism triumphed and proved to be the apparently good winner over an evil

system. These events give companies an opportunity to celebrate themselves and be able to show

their ostensible connection to values such as freedom, joy, success, and power. As many of the

other frequently used historical moments, these events signify a fresh start, something new and

exciting, and hope. The Wall is such a potent symbol that is very versatile, can be highly

personal, is emotionally charged, its fall has been regarded as generally positive, and it boasts

strong visual power. It is instantly recognizable and part of our personal memories and for the

younger generation already history.

3.3 Conclusion

Escapism is a common phenomenon in advertising. Both images from the past or distant

places create the sensation the viewer gets when viewing such advertisements. The use of

nostalgia creates what Harris calls an “emotional cushion,” which results in a certain double

standard used by advertisers:

468 Bass, advertisement, Spike TV 10 September 2004. 469 Nintendo, advertisement, (Lürzer’s Archive Online Services. Reference number: [3.0407]. <http://www.luerzersarchive.net> 12 January 2005).

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The public’s nostalgia provides one of the most fertile grounds for advertising. In the

ornamental details that lurk in our peripheral vision, it is possible to perceive the anxieties

and daydreams of a society still undergoing momentous changes from an agricultural to

an industrial economy. One of the primary functions of the aesthetics of consumerism is

to provide us with an emotional cushion, a form of camouflage, a credible disguise for a

culture that refuses to admit the truth about itself, that self-righteously insists on its own

anti-consumerism even while enjoying the luxuries and conveniences of mass

production.470

Nostalgia adds aspects of importance, grandeur, universal values, and transcendence to

advertisements and commodities: a product and its consumption is made larger and more

important than it in fact is.

A product or an advertisement can also take on its own meanings, which can enter

unintentionally into a culture: “Once commodities enter everyday life and are immersed within

the context of real social relations they take on new meanings and emotional valences – their

sign value is no longer simply inscribed on them by their advertisers. Commodities become part

of our life histories.”471 Advertisers often tap into apparently personal memories, such childhood,

relationships, special moments or places, and animals. Vacation and holiday memories both at

home and overseas are frequently invoked, also referred to as “destination marketing”: “Because

a product sampled on a holiday can arouse emotional memories when recalled, companies

promote heavily in destination marketing in prime holiday areas.“ For instance the U.S. division

of the German brewer Beck’s uses this technique because it believes that “if heavy promotion

induces people to sample Beck’s while on holiday, they will continue to buy it when back home

because they will associate it with pleasant times.”472

Oxoby points out that during the nineties nostalgia was one of the trends in advertising.473

From a rising interest in ‘retro’ fashion474 to music from previous decades, ‘old’ became popular

again. During the 1990s this nostalgia encompassed even the 1980s, a time which even the 470 Daniel Harris, Cute, Quaint, Hungry, and Romantic: The Aesthetics of Consumerism (New York: Basic Books, 2000) xix. 471 Goldman and Papson 119-120. 472 O’Shaughnessy and O’Shaughnessy 97. 473 Oxoby 49. 474 The German companies Puma and Adidas, which sell mainly sports clothes and equipment, have been exceptionally successful with their collection from the 1980s in the new millenium.

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younger generation had lived in and consciously experienced. The television station VH1, which

has a younger audience in their teens and twenties, released a series called “I love the 90s”475 in

2004, depicting ‘memories’ of popular culture, which most of even its younger viewers have

experienced themselves. In a world in which everything is always new, clean, and perfect, many

marketers offer the opposite: rustic looks, items made to intentionally look old (sometimes

referred to as shabby-chic), and items that had been sold years and decades earlier; in retro-style.

The Volkswagen Beetle is a prime example of old and yet brand-new, of life in the 60s and the

90s, all at once. In today’s popular culture, nostalgia can be lived because history can be

consumed and is constantly in the making. Ads showing the Berlin Wall, for instance, brought

nostalgic moments to viewers ‘in real-time.’ But such incisive events also break the routine of

solid stereotypes. The fall of the Wall “stands out as one of those rare occasions,” Trommler

asserts, “when the power of stereotyping between nations was momentarily revealed and

challenged.“476

While the goals and techniques of the advertiser are clearly crafted, the cultural byproduct

– disseminated stereotypes and contorted national images – is unimportant from a commercial

standpoint. It is however these depictions that shape, emphasize, define, and influence the view

of Germany and the Germans. They are one-sided, distorted, and simplified representations that

are often out of context. Advertising only offers glimpses at complex phenomena such as history

or social and regional makeup. It gives in to the tendency of fast consumption of culture and

shies away, due to the very nature of its medium and purpose, from depicting anything below the

surface.

475 It was preceded by similar shows depicting the 70s and 80s. 476 Frank Trommler, “Unification Policies and the German Image: Comments on the American Reaction,“ Transatlantic Images and Perceptions: Germany and America Since 1766, eds. David Barclay and Elisabeth Glaser-Schmidt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997) 353.

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4. The Typical German in American Advertising

Whereas the previous chapter deals with Germany as a country, in this chapter I explore

the depiction of the typical, or rather stereotypical German. As the discussion of stereotypes has

shown, characteristics of a nationality are condensed into a few, highly salient attributes, which

include aspects of physique, language, culture, and customs.

The following sections on the depiction of German food, beer, and festival culture, the

Germans’ clothing style, gender, and physical characteristics as well as the German language

show which triggers are used to signal “Germanness.” Furthermore, while the previous chapter is

solely concerned with Germany and the Germans, it is the German-Americans’ influence that has

shaped the following images and stereotypes. The last section, titled “The New Germans,” deals

with new developments and changes of these rigid manifestations of the typical German.

4.1 German Lifestyle: Food, Beer and Gemütlichkeit

German groups in America have contributed to its culture, and many traditions can be

traced back to this ethnic group. Nostalgia regarding German-Americans, thus, works very

differently from that regarding Germans and Germany; it is seen not as exotic but as an integral

part of America’s historical makeup.

The culture that German immigrants brought over to the United States flourished

especially in the Midwest. Festivals, beer gardens, music, and Gemütlichkeit became an image

closely tied to that of Germany.477 Totten agrees that these also constituted one of the most

striking differences between the German and the Puritan English immigrants. The ‘Heimat’

traditions are especially prevalent in the German settlement areas such as the northern Midwest

states.

Das kleinstädtische, gemütlich-familiäre Element, das aus dem Bild der deutschen

Einwanderer auf die Gesamtsicht ihres Vaterlandes in amerikanischen Augen übertragen

477 Leach 139-141.

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wurde, prägte sich im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert besonders durch die gemütvollen Formen

seiner Geselligkeit dem amerikanischen Bewußtsein ein. Gegenüber den

Angloamerikanern, von denen es hieß, daß sie kein anderes Vergnügen kannten als das

Geschäft, gehörten für die Deutschen zu den sauren Wochen auch frohe Feste.478

The roots of many other contributions and influences of German immigrants are mostly

forgotten, of which Christmas traditions and Easter celebrations are only the most prominent

examples. They are now part of mainstream culture, whereas the exotic and the different do have

more appeal when it comes to advertising.479 One ad combines several of these most typically

German experiences, which the visitor will encounter when visiting the promoted “Big 8 Cities”

in Germany: “gaily-dancing pink-cheeked, blond pigtailed lasses and sturdy yodeling lads; long

beards, longer pipes, and mammoth jugs of hearty beer; cobwebbed wine cellars; sauerkraut and

dumplings.”480

Food

Food is a very accessible part of a culture, making it easy to experience other cultures in a

convenient way. One does not even have to leave one’s country to experience quasi-authentic

German or foreign food. This characteristic leads to a simplification of cultural perceptions and

representations, and explains the abundance of food stereotypes used in advertising and

foodways.481

Food has always played an important role in the perception of foreigners; we are what we

eat. The Germans have long been referred to as “krauts,“ sometimes as “noodles.“ This is not

uncommon, as Americans have labeled people of foreign origin according to their native food, in

478 Totten 35. 479 Christmans traditions, however, are in a few cases explained or alluded to in ads by German companies. Beck’s claimed some years ago that Germany’s contributions to Christmas were the Christmas tree and their brand of beer. Lufthansa frequently described in their winter travel ads which other Christmas traditions have their origins in Germany, thus making Germany an original when it comes to winter or Christmas travel. 480 German National Tourist Office, advertisement, New York Times 25 February 1968: T6. 481 “Because food has become one of the foci of popular culture research and cultural studies research generally, the term ‘foodways’ has expanded to cover not just regional or ethnic cooking and cuisine or regional food festivals but the treatment of food and eating in popular media, film, and fiction and the increased importance of ‘fast food’ as an element of American culture.” (Sara Lewis Dunne, “Foodways,” Handbook of American Popular Culture, 2nd ed. vol. 2, eds. Thomas M. Inge and Dennis Hall. (New York: Greenwood Press, 2002) 689.)

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a simplified way, such as “frogs“ for the French.482 Food is also often used to label or identify

certain ethnic groups especially in advertising. Sausages and cabbage are often seen as

stereotypically German fare. But these foods are not inherently German; they are also consumed

in many other countries.

The origins of ‘typical’ German food suggest many differences in tradition and food

preparation that may have led to those stereotypes still prevalent today. Gabaccia, for instance,

describes some of the differences between the German and the English settlers in food

‘production’ and preparation.

Unlike the English settlers, Germans cooked on stoves rather than over the open fire, and

they were more likely to stew rather than roast native meats. They also devoted more

attention to their kitchen gardens – cultivating a wider range of cabbages and other

vegetables – and they ate less corn than their English neighbors.483

Totten contrasts German and French food: “Die deftige Hausmannskost, die von tüchtigen

Handwerkern und resoluten Hausfrauen zubereitet wird, erscheint besonders typisch deutsch im

Vergleich zu ihrem Gegenpol, der eleganten französischen Küche, die von einem Chef zubereitet

wird.”484 German food sometimes is, however, marketed as having metropolitan and

international flair.485

Another phenomenon in conjunction with food is the abundance and overindulgence

associated with the Germans. It can partly be attributed to the fact that German settlers generally

thrived as farmers in the United States. Pillsbury gives an explanation for the overindulgence:

“the Germanic tradition of the ‘groaning board,’ that is, serving family and guests more food

than they could possibly consume, also contributed to the heaviness of these meals and those

who consumed them.”486 Germans tended to stick to their native foods more than other ethnic

482 See below for a discussion of “kraut” as an ethnophaulism. 483 Donna R. Gabaccia, We Are What We Eat: Ethnic Food and the Making of Americans (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998) 29. 484 Totten 28. 485 For example in a restaurant called “Zum Zum”: “If you’ve never eaten at zum zum [sic] maybe you’re from Little Rock.” New Yorkers “know they’re getting the best of the wursts: bauernwurst, knackwurst, weisswurst, frankfurters. Any wurst they want, with red cabbage or sauerkraut and potato salad.” (Zum Zum, advertisement, New York Times 8 April 1975: 4.) 486 Pillsbury 41.

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groups, which led to their higher saliency.487 The attributes that have long been connected to

ethnic groups within the United States have not disappeared and were prevalent in many of the

analyzed advertisements.

Food can be employed for several reasons in advertising. It can be used as a way to label

an ethnic group in the same way a piece of clothing or an accent can instantly reveal a person’s

or a product’s origins, whether that would be a baguette or beret or a bratwurst or Lederhosen. It

can furthermore be a way of creating humor or ridicule.488 And then, it is certainly a product

itself that can be marketed as a delicacy, as ethnic, foreign food. Negra suggests that TV ads and

other texts “overvalue and exaggerate ethnic food as a sensual, reproducible sign of a mode of

ethnic kinship that is simultaneously mourned, romanticized, and nostalgically reenacted in

popular culture. Food stands in for a way of life our contemporary culture has largely left behind

and that we now identify with an American immigrant past and with cultures other than our

own.”489 Negra mentions food chains, such as Olive Garden, which serves Italian-inspired food

and so-called “comfort foods.” These ethnic foods, which are often depicted as natural, hand-

made, and slow, are often contrasted to the mass-produced, fast-consumed, and artificially

flavored ‘American’ food. This trend has also benefited the German cuisine, with “more than 40

percent of buyers having some relationship with German foods.”490 Perhaps due to this

popularity, McDonald’s marketed a “McBrat” in the late 1990s, a bratwurst with sauerkraut and

onion, in Wisconsin and Minnesota, two states with a large German ethnic background.

However, this is an exception, and traditional German food is not a mainstream and mass

product.491 Another advertisement revealing food stereotypes is titled “German Pizza.” It shows

a whole green cabbage, “Knackwurst,” Sauerkraut, caraway seeds, and a pizza topped with these

487 This sometimes led to alienation and ridicule: “In the early twentieth century, for instance, ethnic foods were regarded as suspicious signifiers of an inappropriate attachment to non-U.S. homelands.” (Diane Negra, “Ethnic Food Fetishism, Whiteness, and Nostalgia in Recent Film and Television,” Velvet Light Trap 50 (2002): 64.) 488 See below for a further discussion. 489 Negra 69. 490 Joanne Friedrick, “German Import Market Tries to Overcome Old Perceptions and Build a New Reality,” Gourmet News October 2003: 17. 491 An interesting, related example is the fast-food chain with the curious name “Wienerschnitzel,“ which does not sell fried pork chops as the name would suggest. The name refers to the main ingredient – Wieners – of the company’s products, which are actually hot dogs.

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ingredients: “You can make German Pizza by adding sliced knockwurst and sauerkraut (rinsed

and drained). Then sprinkle generously with caraway seeds.”492

More and more German food products are marketed in the U.S., which tend to be in the

following categories: sausages, beer, sauerkraut, candy, confections, pickled vegetables,

mustards, bread, wine, cheese, cold cuts, and cooking and baking mixes.493 When October

comes, many things are promoted as Oktoberfest items, predominantly beer and food: “The

Tastes Are Wunderbar! Ump-pah-pah on over to The Food Emporium’s Oktoberfest celebration,

where you’ll discover a fabulous feast of traditional German taste sensations … from wonderful

wursts to hearty hams and scrumptious cheeses and so much more.”494 Different types of meat

and sausages as well as beer are the most common types of German food displayed; Löwenbräu,

for instance, presents its beer in one advertisement next to a rather large, red, glazed, and very

fatty chunk of meat on one plate and a slice of it on another. In the backround three large beer

steins can be spotted. The text underneath this still life claims: “This is Löwenbräu. It is brewed

in Munich as it has been since the year 1383…”495

Such representations have been common since the beginnings of modern advertising, as

an early newspaper advertisement from 1912 for the Hofbräu-Haus, the “quaintest place in

America,” shows. It depicts a man in traditional attire on a scale, apparently wondering about his

weight. The foods praised in the advertisement add to the suggested abundance that a German

restaurant would offer: “The Loin of a Rice Fed Pig, roasted to a golden brown, with German

Knob Celery. Immensely fine! Or perhaps, in a cocotte, a rice fed Squab with New

Sauerkraut.”496 In 1912, of course, customers were not as concerned about weight issues as

today. And this marketing technique, however crude it may seem today, is still being used: “all-

you-can-eat” and “super-size” are widespread phrases in the American food industry’s marketing

campaigns.

492 1973 ad for “Chef Boy-ar-dee Pizza Mix,” which also offers recipes but no pictures for “Polynesian Pizza” and “Indian Pizza”: Jim Heimann, 70s: All-American Ads (Köln, Los Angeles: Taschen, 2004) 601. 493 Friedrick 17-19. 494 Food Emporium, advertisement, New York Times 21 October 1992: C24. See also: “Best of the Wursts! Celebrate this Oktoberfest with the most traditional of Germany’s most treasured treats … with wurst! Featuring calves and goose liverwurst, bloodwurst, bockwurst, knackwurst, bauernwurst, bratwurst, Black Forest Ham, Imported Bavarian Swiss, German Potato Salad, and Wisconsin Cheddar.” (Food Emporium, advertisement, New York Times 20 October 1993: C24.) 495 Löwenbräu, advertisement, Esquire August 1961: 106. 496 Hofbräu-Haus, advertisement, New York Times 27 April 1912: 1.

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German food sold in the United States or used in advertising does not resemble the

normal German diet of today, which is much leaner and healthier, more nutritional, and often

organic and meatless.497 An international food manager’s explanation: “There’s not a lot of

innovation, but then we’re not necessarily selling new items, but rather memories and

traditions.”498 Again, it is more a nostalgic image than the reality that is marketed to the

consumer.

Beer and Germany – Fame and Notoriety

The connection between beer and Germany’s image in the United States is a particularly

striking one. Certain historical developments have manifested this image in America. It was the

Germans who introduced a beer that was lighter than the English and Scottish ale.499 And

brewing was and is a rather complicated process, which benefited from the centuries-long

brewing experiences and traditions that the German immigrants brought along.500

In travel writings and similar accounts from the 19th century, Americans found that

drinking beer was very widespread and socially acceptable in Germany, especially during the

first four decades of the century before the temperance movement grew in the 1940s.501 Until this

time, however, the image of the German who consumes large quantities of beer had been noticed

and spread.502 The fact that German settlers in the New World often also continued their eating

and drinking habits and traditions seemed to prove observations like this one to be valid.

Many German immigrants opened not only breweries, but also saloons and beer gardens,

which catered to both German-Americans as well as a multi-ethnic clientele.503 The consumption

of beer and the other amenities sold, entertainment and recreation, became a popular pastime for 497 See: Friedrick 17; Emmerich 15-16. 498 Friedrick 18. 499 The Germans were the first to produce beer that did not have the problems of those produced before using an English method, brews which were “ill-tasting, cloudy, and without sparkle.” (W. J. Rorabaugh, The Alcoholic Republic: An American Tradition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979) 109.) 500 “Breweries,” Rorabaugh asserts, “required skilled labor, a major difficulty in a country where labor was expensive and maintaining a stable force impossible; it took years of apprenticeship to become a skilled brewmaster, and, as foreigners observed, Americans lacked a sense of craft…” (Rorabaugh 108.) During the 1840s, the first German lagers were produced in America, and the names of the breweries founded in the mid-19th century still reveal their founders’ German heritage: Schlitz, Pabst, Miller (Müller), Anheuser-Busch, Schaefer. Today, the German lager is still the standard of mass-produced beers. (Pillsbury 146.) 501 Dirk Karl Voss, “National Stereotypes About Germans in American Travel Writings, 1815-1914,” Diss. U of Oklahoma, 2000: 32. 502 Henry Adams wrote in 1859 that German food was “a diet of sauerkraut, sausage, and beer.” (quoted in: Voss 58, 63) 503 Gabaccia, We Are What We Eat 97-99.

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Americans of all ethnic backgrounds.504 Perhaps the effect of bringing different people together

and slowly uniting them is one of the reasons that beer gardens have retained their largely

positive image in American society and in advertising.

But beer also helped maintain different ethnic groups apart from others and helped them

retain their background. Burnham remarks that “there were cultural groups – particularly,

numerically important Irish and German ethnics – in which patterns of alcohol consumption cut

across class lines and provided important elements of group cohesion.”505 This of course led to a

more pronounced association of Germans and beer than had they been more integrated.

Festive settings and the popularity of beer, however, were one of the major causes for

temperance movements and eventually prohibition.506 The Germans fought vehemently against

prohibition, which had social and economical reasons, which certainly intensified the image of

Germans as consumers of large amounts of beer. Nowadays these differences in alcohol

consumption have long been gone: “Whereas the largest centers of per capita consumption

throughout most of the nation’s history were in Germanic settlement areas, consumption today

has little to do with ethnicity.”507 Another source that connects beer with the Germans is

Germany itself: no other country has more breweries (about one third of the world’s breweries

are located in Germany).

The question that is of importance for this topic is why the connection between beer and

Germany and the stereotypes resulting from this are invoked so frequently in advertising. First of

all, beer is one of the products to which the country of origin of the product is of importance to

most consumers.508 As discussed, beer making is very dependent on expertise, resulting in the

strong emphasis on tradition found in most beer advertisements. Furthermore, using the jolly

images of Germans and Germany in beer advertising takes the consumer’s view away from

drinking as a vice and diverts it to a traditional, time-honored view.509 The label “made in

Germany,” or “German beer,” seem to almost guarantee a superior product. Beck’s, which is

504 Gabaccia, We Are What We Eat 99. 505 John C. Burnham, Bad Habits: Drinking, Smoking, Taking Drugs, Gambling, Sexual Misbehavior, and Swearing in American History (New York: New York University Press, 1993) 55. 506 Gabaccia, We Are What We Eat 134. 507 Pillsbury 146. 508 See: Ira Wagman, “Wheat, Barley, Hops, Citizenship: Molson’s ‘I am [Canadian]’ Campaign and the Defense of Canadian National Identity Through Advertising,” Velvet Light Trap 50 (2002): 77-89. 509 On drinking alcohol as a vice, see also: Burnham 23-85. Also see the discussion of festival culture, especially the Oktoberfest.

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now the company with the largest market share of all German breweries, referred to its product

as “the Other German Beer”510 when it was still competing with other distributors, especially

Löwenbräu. This company asserted that German beer was in fact a superior and not a common,

lowbrow product: “If you run out of Löwenbräu … order champagne.”511

Many advertisements for German beer do not only stress that they are German, but also

that they are better than the other German beers, as if they were not competing with other

domestic or imported products: “Beers keep pouring in from all over the world; but the best beer

still comes from Germany, and the best German beer in America is Beck’s, the number one

imported German beer.”512 Even the most recent ads continue this theme. In an ad of the “Life

Beckons” campaign using questions and multiple choice answers, the term German is used three

times: “The number one German beer in America is: a) actually German, b) more popular than

the other German beers, c) Beck’s, d) all of the above.”513 A similar use of country-of-origin

references is found in the following similar spot, which personifies its product: “The thing to

remember about water is: A. It falls from heaven; B. It’s the source of life; C. Every little drop

dreams of being German beer when it grows up.”514

Beer is also an image frequently used in travel ads. Lufthansa promotes its connections

by simply showing a close-up of a glass full of beer. Into the dew that formed outside of the

glass, the following has apparently been ‘written’ by a finger: two dots connected by a straight

line. Over the first dot we can read “N.Y.,” over the second “Mun.” To make this clear, on the

bottom of the picture above the Lufthansa logo the ad states: “New York nonstop to Munich

Daily.”515 Similarly, LTU offers “Germany on a beer budget.”516 Beer is part of the German

image package, part of the perceived German lifestyle. It is also a vehicle of escape from the rut

and mores of everyday modern life.517 The fact that wine is not perceived to be a very German

product, even though it is more customary than beer in various parts of Germany, attributes to

510 Beck’s, advertisement, Esquire September 1965: 75; and Beck’s. Advertisement. Esquire October 1965: 143. 511 Löwenbräu, advertisement, Esquire June 1962: 61. 512 Beck’s “Pouring in,“ advertisement, 1989. 513 Beck’s “German,” advertisement, 2004. 514 Beck’s “Water,“ advertisement, 2005. 515 Lufthansa, advertisement, (Lürzer’s Archive Online Services. Reference number: [3.8608]. <http://www.luerzersarchive.net> 12 January 2005). 516 LTU, advertisement, New York Times 1 June 1986: XX26. 517 As can be seen in a spot in which all that three young American men are doing in Europe is partying and drinking. In the beginning one says “So, this is Europe;” after their week of spending their time only on nightlife, one man takes a picture of an older looking building and says: “Okay, good trip.” The commercial simplifies and dumbs Europe down to one point: drinking. (Budweiser “True – Eurotrip,” advertisement, 2004.)

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the stereotype of the German beer lover. This is reflected in the scarcity of German wine in

advertising.518

Festivals and Fairs

German festival culture is a related aspect frequently used by advertisers to boost sales

for tourism, food, beverages, crafts, and even even unrelated products. A mixture of social

gathering and marketplace, of leisure and business, festivals are communal events that serve as

bond-makers between otherwise unconnected people and allow them to escape from their daily

lives.

For the German settlers and immigrants to the United States this was of particular

importance. The tradition of fairs in America, according to Totten, can be traced back to 1701,

when the inhabitants of Germantown had the first “Jahrmarkt.”519 Bungert sees carnival, a type

of festival particularly cherished in Germany, as a “vehicle that offered a heightened sense of

Communitas as well as a moratorium from everyday life…” for the German-Americans.520 While

these festivals created strong communal bonds among the Germans, they also differed

significantly from the traditions and values of other ethnic groups. Certainly festivals and fairs

were highly visible manifestations and images of the lifestyle that many German-Americans

shared:

Mit ihren in der neuen Heimat gegründeten Gesangvereinen und der Tradition von

Bierfesten stellten die deutschsprachigen Einwohner einen Gegenpol zu den starken

puritanistischen Tendenzen in den damaligen Vereinigten Staaten dar und vermittelten

den Eindruck eines friedlichen und gemütlichen Kleinbürgertums, das sich gleichzeitig

durch positiv bewertete Eigenschaften wie Fleiß, Sparsamkeit, und Gründlichkeit

auszeichnete.521

518 One rare example: “The legendary Rhine wine of old Germany is one of the world’s greatest taste experiences. […] With an exquisitely fresh flavor that rivals fine German wines, RHINE GARTEN has a special California richness all its own.” (Gallo Wine: Heimann, 60s 53.) 519 Totten 27. 520 Heike Bungert, “’Feast of Fools’: German-American Carnival as a Medium of Identity Formation, 1854-1914,” Amerikastudien 48/3 (2003): 344. 521 Juliane List and Hans-Willi Nolden, Zerrbild Deutschland: Wie uns Engländer, Franzosen und Amerikaner seit der Wiedervereinigung sehen (Köln: Deutscher Institutsverlag, 1992) 71.

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The goods offered at these fairs and festivals suggest the previously discussed abundance of food

and drink in a favorable light. Furthermore, highly visible aspects of German traditions were

displayed in music, dancing, attire, and communication.

Festivals and fairs create a mixture of a peaceful, jolly atmosphere and an exotic element

while also suggesting inclusiveness.522 Companies use the time of late September and early

October for heavy marketing of both German and American beer and German food products.523

While many of these efforts are promotions and sponsoring rather than print or TV advertising, I

found frequent mentioning of the German festivals and festival culture in my research.

Tourism is another industry that especially benefits from this festival. “Come to the

laughingest, eatingest, drinkingest, dancingest, singingest folk festival in the world!” states an

advertisement headline for Lufthansa’s flight service to Germany. The event, “where time and

life are dedicated to well-being and bliss,” is displayed as a cockaigne, where everything

“becomes a carnival: parades and pageantry, fun and festivity, feasting on veritable tons of native

sausages and broiled chicken, millions and millions of flowing bumpers of the world’s best

beer.” The ad particularly addresses an American audience, showing that the Oktoberfest easily

fulfills one of the three unalienable rights: “There is dancing in the streets and no need for the

pursuit of happiness – because happiness is here and all around you.” The images shown include

an Oktoberfest parade, people in traditional clothes, a butcher selling sausages, a baker selling

pretzels, a beer maid with several beer steins, and a traditional trumpet player, who toasts with a

beer in front of a Maypole.524 The most frequent occurrences I encountered are the many

Oktoberfests everywhere in the U.S., which are often advertised in daily newspapers.525

The Food Emporium announces the Oktoberfest celebrations with a picture featuring the

classic stereotypes and imagery: a young, blond, smiling beermaid carrying beers and a

Gugelhupf, a traditional band with accordion, tuba, and trumpet, in the background snow-capped

mountains and church steeples. The image is made complete by the traditional clothes worn by

522 The prime example that is used most often is Munich’s Oktoberfest, which dates back to 1810. After World War II, German-American societies started organizing Oktoberfests in America, which helped rebuild a positive image of Germans and Germany. 523 Friedrick 18. 524 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 2 August 1965: 15. 525 E.g.: Astrojet Room/Oktoberfest, advertisement, New York Times 9 October 1964: 27 (“happy, stirring folk music” “Rollicking drinking songs … everyone joins in!”); The Glen Rock Inn, advertisement, New York Times 5 October 1980: NJ25. The Oktoberfest is also celebrated in Canada: “pack your lederhosen and check out Oktoberfest, a German Beer Festival that raises the roof in Kitchener-Waterloo” (Canada, advertisement, New York Times 24 September 1972: 62.)

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all, Bavarian flags, a banner in traditional font stating “Oktoberfest,” which is adorned with an

edelweiss flower. In the text to the right, German specialties are described, not necessarily

traditional Oktoberfest food, but more readily available food from all over Germany, from

canned herring filets to Bahlsen cookies, from potato salad to Erasco soups.526 Festival and beer

garden imagery is even used with rather unlikely products, for instance bottled water,527 or in

rather untypical locations such as an “Oktoberfest at sea.”528

A hotel with the telling name “McAlpin” invites visitors into their “Alpine Cellar” for

“Steins, Schnitzel and Sing-Alongs.” Following this alliteration, the potential customer is invited

into a stereotypical world, a Disneyland version of Germany: “Franzl Montan, singing host.

Vlado Wurmser and his Oom-pah-pah Band and the SINGING MAEDCHEN IN UNIFORM.

[sic] Slap Dances. Lederhosen. Schnitzelbank. Waltzes and polkas for dancing. Imported Beer on

tap.” Drawings of an attractive beermaid and a dancing Bavarian couple illustrate this attraction

right in the middle of New York.529 The girls in uniform are eerily reminiscent of Germany’s

military past and the stereotype of order and subordination.

One advertisement tries to explain, rather vaguely, what German Karneval is. It refers “to

the ‘foolish’ late winter days, a time when merry-making and fun are necessary to help spring

overcome the cold, cruel winter.” These celebrations include, according to the ad, parades, the

Karnival Society of Cologne, music by the “Oompah Band,” dancing and “Schunkeln,” and a

Karneval “Masked Ball.”530 The same restaurant offers these festivals year-around as

promotional attractions with very similar offerings. During “Lüchow’s traditional, once-a-year

Bock Beer Festival,” the restaurant will be “transformed into a giant, old-fashioned Bavarian

Beer Hall as thousands of revelers join us to honor the 700 year-old tradition of brewing the

strong, dark and potent Bock Beer.” The offerings resemble those of the Karneval and the

Oktoberfest, among others:

There’ll be Viennese waltzing and dancing to our own Victor Herbert string … exciting

polkas and other dances done to the unforgettable music of the legendary Lüchow’s

526 Food Emporium, advertisement, New York Times 18 October 1989: C26. 527 Aquafina, advertisement, VH1 15 July 2004. The commercial also shows other European nations’ drinking places. 528 Bahama Cruise Line, advertisement, New York Times 1 June 1986: XX26. 529 Hotel McAlpin, advertisement, New York Times 13 January 1970: 34. 530 Lüchow’s, advertisement, New York Times 8 February 1980: C18.

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Oompah Band … special menu items including a special Veal Sausage called,

appropriately enough, Bockwurst, which is served with hot mustard, big salty pretzels

and white radishes … plus, of course, barrels and barrels of hearty Bock Beer.”531

These advertisements display this aspect of German culture disproportionately and in a

simplified way, resulting in simply the goal of selling more beer, food, and flights. And any

festival will do to achieve this goal: from the May Wine Festival,532 the “Sommerfest”533 and the

“Schuetzenfest”534 to the more public “German American Steuben Parade,”535 all display

Germany’s more festive and traditional side.

Gemütlichkeit

The German word “Gemütlichkeit” is a notoriously difficult one to translate. It

encompasses a variety of attributes that are cherished in Germany. But due to its two suffixes

and the umlaut it is often used as a stereotypicaly German word and as a trigger for its country of

origin. Hence it is a suitable word for advertising, and can be found in a variety of ads for

different products.

Displaying its beer amidst an assortment of food, the Löwenbräu company offers a

possible explanation: “Wherever good food, good living and good companions meet, they

produce what Germans call ‘gemütlichkeit.’ Define it? You cannot. But you can experience it,

and in many ways.”536 The German National Tourist Office sees “good old Germanic

‘gemutlichkeit’ (loose translation: coziness)” also as a particularly positive German way of

living.537 The term “Germanic” connotes a certain historicalness and suggests that this

characteristic has a long tradition in Germany.

The term is also often used in conjunction with Bavaria, which fits in with the overall

image decribed above: “‘gemütlich’ means the kind of atmosphere in which you can relax. Or a

place is ‘gemütlich’ if it’s somewhere like Bavaria – with its mountains, lakes, art galleries and

531 Lüchow’s, advertisement, New York Times 29 February 1980: C20. 532 Which, curiously, is advertised in June: Lüchow’s. Advertisement. New York Times 3 June 1972: 2. 533 Lüchow’s, advertisement, New York Times 18 August 1972: 2. 534 First National Schuetzenfest, advertisement, New York Times 16 June 1895: 13. 535 German American Parade Committee of New York, advertisement, New York Times 20 September 2001: A22. 536 Löwenbräu, advertisement, Esquire June 1960: 4. 537 German National Tourist Office, advertisement, New York Times 10 October 1989: B13.

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happy people.”538 Lüchow’s promotes its “Sommerfest” as “AN UNFORGETTABLE

GEMÜTLICH EXPERIENCE!”539

As can be seen, there is generally the claim that one’s product offers a way to experience

the state that “Gemütlichkeit” stands for. One advertisement uses it without explanation, but

rather as a reference to Switzerland: The “’Gemutlichkeit’ Ranch,” which promises “relief from

the stereotyped ranch,” offers the “’gemutlichkeit’ of an authentic Swiss Chalet.”540 The fact that

the term is also attributed to Switzerland shows that often no differentiation between German-

speaking countries is made, which can be explained by the phenomenon of out-group

homogeneity.

Lufthansa even offers it in one advertisement apparently exclusively: “enjoy the special

sense of well-being in travel we call “Gemütlichkeit,” which you’ll find only on Lufthansa.”541

By trying to explain what this complicated and multi-faceted term means, the companies can

describe their products’ attributes and advantages.542 Whether one knows the term or not, it

certainly looks German and thus connects the perceiver with that image.

538 German Tourist Information Office, advertisement, New York Times 2 March 1958: XX8. 539 Lüchow’s, advertisement, New York Times 24 June 1972: 63. 540 Hamilton Park, advertisement, New York Times 28 September 1958: R6. 541 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 27 May 1963: 17. 542 See also below for a further discussion of foreign words in advertising.

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4.2 Beyond Clothes: The Germans’ Physical Appearance and Gender

Physical appearance is one of the most effective visual triggers for nationality and

country of origin in advertising. Many depictions reflect a folk culture that has long died out,

thus creating a connection to this golden past through the means of nostalgia. The physical

appearance of Germans in advertising is very stereotypical. The external attributes allow for

instant recognition of a person’s home country and have “long been a favorite technique of

advertisers.”543 Stereotypes, as has been discussed, force the perceiver to instantly categorize

people into certain groups: “Most stereotyped groups can be differentiated by their

appearance.”544 The outgroup homogeneity in the case of the Germans is largely determined by

the image of the traditional Bavarians.

Clothes and physical appearance are, on a visual level, the quickest triggers for such a

grouping process and are thus frequently used in advertising: in a 30-second or even 15-second

spot there is not much time to convey nationality in detail, and print ads rely on quick

recognition and a certain connection between visual images and text.

But besides instant recognition, depictions using native costumes, however accurate they

may be, satisfy what Rashap calls “an American need for foreign experience and armchair travel

without really challenging any assumptions about significant cultural variation.“545 Native

dresses let people appear to be genuine, friendly, to have values and morals, and make them non-

threatening because there is often a notion of inferiority of those not dressed in modern clothes.

People in native dresses may appear to be a bit naive, rustic, and backwards yet gentle, or merely

exotic and interesting; to some perceivers perhaps there is a comic element if they see Bavarians

clad in Lederhosen. Whatever the perception may be, native clothes often incite positive feelings

in the perceiver for a number of reasons and are thus often used in advertising.546

543 Amy Rashap, “The American Dream for Sale: Ethnic Images in Magazines,” Exhibition Catalogue: Ethnic Images in Advertising (Philadelphia: Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies, 1984) 10. 544 Leslie A. Zebrowitz, "Physical Appearance as a Basis of Stereotyping," Stereotypes and Stereotyping, eds. C.N. Macrae, C. Stangor and M. Hewstone (New York: Guilford Press, 1996) 79. 545 Rashap 11. 546 Trade cards already made frequent use of native clothing styles. (W. Duke Sons & Co. Cigarettes, advertisement, 1888. (Emergence of Advertising in America: 1850-1920. Item number: D0005-13. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/eaa/tobacco> 22 February 2005).)

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There have been and still are two general physical types of Germans: the bigger, jolly,

dumb, beer drinking, feasting type and the slender, tall, well groomed, and more intelligent type.

While this is true for both genders, German men are generally depicted more frequently than

women, a trend which has not changed much during the past decades: “Das Bild der deutschen

Geschichte und Kultur in fremden Augen ist rein männlich bestimmt. Es fehlt an vertrauten

Gestalten und Symbolen, die daneben das weibliche Element vertreten.“547 In general, German

men and women were often believed to be plump and rather unattractive. In the 19th century this

was a common impression of Germans, and it was often noted that they lacked refinement and

elegance.548 While these stereotypes are very persistent, a new type of German is slowly

replacing these older physical depictions.

German Men and Lederhosen

It has been discussed previously that many Germans are shown as rather corpulent and

over-indulgent. This depiction sends out a mixed message of Germans ranging from disgusting

and extreme to funny, harmless, and jovial. While the big German is hated, he is also admired for

his ability to enjoy himself. This mixed attitude, which has long been established in America,

cannot be found in advertising. The big Germans are depicted as non-threatening, funny, perhaps

in a somewhat condescending way, but they are overall amiable and enviable. After all, a product

needs to be sold. It is also interesting to note that most Germans presented in advertising are

older, while younger Germans are less frequently shown.

Clothes can be, concerning the bigger German type, equated with native costumes,

usually of southern German origin. The stereotypical triggers are almost always Lederhosen and

a Tyrolean hat, which instantly distinguish the Germans not only from Americans, but also from

other nationalities.549 Many early trade cards already used Lederhosen as a typical visual marker

for Germans. Since then this piece of clothing has been used in promotions for a variety of

547 Totten 187. 548 Voss 59-62. 549 “Eine andere Tendenz als die Zuordnung eines allgemein verbreiteten Zuges zu einem besonderen Volk steckt in der Ausbildung des deutschen Lederhosentyps. Einmal ist die Überbewertung des Auffälligen zu verzeichnen. In der grauen Gleichmäßigkeit der europäischen Kleider fallen nicht nur Lederhosen, sondern auch Schottenröcke oder Baskenmützen besonders auf. Solche Kleidungsstücke werden deswegen als typisch angesehen, obwohl sie zahlenmäßig nur relativ selten angetroffen werden. […] Zum anderen läßt sich beim Bier- und Lederhosenstereotyp das Phänomen feststellen, daß atypische Sondergruppen das Bild der Gesamtheit prägen.” (Koch-Hillebrecht 138-140.)

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products. Traditional clothes can invoke the country-of-origin effect, a common occurrence in

beer advertising. The simple message comes down to the formula: Lederhosen signify Germans,

this signifies German beer or at least German heritage, which signifies superior beer and thus

more sales. In a 1957 Schlitz beer advertising series, featuring a “Schlitzecue,” “Schlitznic,” and

“Schlitzquerade party” in different ads, in each picture a man in Lederhosen and a woman in a

dirndl among other attendees are shown. Implicitly the advertisers hint at the company’s origins,

a technique frequently used by breweries of German or German-American provenance.550 Ads

for many different products use German traditional clothes, from the offering “summit sound”

stereo HI-FI systems551 to the frequent restaurant and Oktoberfest ads.552

Ethnic clothes have been advertised by several companies in the U.S. They can function

as a statement of distinction, tradition, and heritage, as can be seen in a 1956 advertisement for

school clothes, titled “hand me down my alpenstock … I’m yodeling back-to-school.”

Advertising a fashion style for apparently upper-class boys, Gimbel’s promotes this line of

clothes as the latest fashion: “we’re flipping our Bavarian beanies over the new back-to-school

clothes for the class of ’56. The view this year is definitely alpine with loden cloth.” One of the

feature items are the “loden duffle coats for boys.” The offered outfit is “practically the uniform”

in “Tyrol,” but the claim that the clothes have been imported from Bavaria reveals again that the

whole Alpine region is seen as one and that details are not important in these matters: Tyrol is

located in Austria, southern Tyrol in Italy, whereas Bavaria is part of Germany. The rather

simple drawing left of the text features a boy in such a coat, wearing a Tyrolean hat. In the

background there are snow-capped mountain peaks and a hill with what appears to be a school: a

sign stating “schule” is located on the right of the boy.553

Another advertisement by Continental Imports praises the practicality and superior

quality of its “Genuine Bavarian Lederhosen”: “These world-famous knee-length leather pants

can now be shipped direct to you from Bavaria. Lederhosen are ideal for camping and all

outdoor sports, suitable for any age, both sexes.” As an optional item the “[m]atching braces with

550 A good example is the drawing of a male in lederhosen and Tyrolean hat holding a beer in a 1937 Pabst ad: (Pabst, advertisement, <http://www.gono.com/beermagazineads/pabst/pabst.htm> 26 October 2004.) 551 Phonola. Advertisement. Esquire December 1961: 102. 552 Representative is the Valley Stream Park Inn advertisement, in which it is claimed that “waiters and waitresses clad in authentic Alpine costumes”: Valley Stream Park Inn/Octoberfest. Advertisement. New York Times 22 September 1974: 117. 553 Gimbel’s, advertisement, New York Times 19 August 1956: 96.

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stag-horn medallion” make the outfit even more authentic.554 Lederhosen are, however, rather

more ridiculed than praised. Wallachs, for instance, describes this clothing item as “leather-

shorts-cum-harness” and “Yodel Britches.”555 In an ad by Meyrowitz discussing different styles

of glasses, the fourth is described as “[a]nother arresting metallic frame from Germany. A giant

leap forward from lederhosen and those funny little hats.”556

Other German traditional clothes are rare. Occasionally historical clothes are used in

some ads,557 while regional styles outside of Bavaria are seldom shown. Lufthansa presents an

old man with a felt hat and long, bushy white beard as a “Citizen of the Black Forest.”558

Another ad shows a similar “Black Forest” person with a long pipe.559 This information suggests

that the outer appearance shown is the norm in this part of Germany. Other clothing styles

typically depicting Germans, such as the Nazi and the Prussian military uniform,560 are less

commonly found.

German Women

The female version of the male type described above complements many of its

characteristics. In the analysis of the ads I encountered two general types: the German “hausfrau”

and the young German woman as a sex symbol.561 Both types share that they wear the

“traditional” German/Bavarian garments, the dirndl.

The type of the German “hausfrau” has been and is a common stereotype of German

women. In a 1966 survey the question following question was posed: “Wie würden Sie eine

typisch deutsche Frau beschreiben?” The answers support this kind of image of German women:

33 percent claimed “schwer gebaut, breit, dick, untersetzt, plump, pausbäckig,” 24 percent

“hellfarbig, blond, hell, blaue Augen, nordisch,” 24 percent “schwer arbeitend, fleißig, ehrgeizig,

sparsam, genügsam,” and 20 percent “gute Hausfrau, gute Ehefrau/Köchin, Mutter, häuslicher

Typ.”562 Totten describes the image similarly.563 In advertising, the “hefty hausfrau,” as this type

554 Continental Imports, advertisement, New York Times 1 May 1966: 306. 555 Wallachs, advertisement, New York Times 29 June 1964: 18. 556 Meyrowitz, advertisement, New York Times 5 October 1972: 43. 557 E.g.: Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 24 September 1972: XX26; Stroh’s “Europe,” advertisement, 1981. 558 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 17 May 1965: 32. 559 German National Tourist Office/Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 26November 1972: XX29. 560 E.g.: Stroh’s “Europe,” advertisement, 1981. see also chapter 6 for a further discussion of this issue. 561 Totten mentions two similar types of German women, the Gretchen type and the Valkery type: Totten 187-188. 562 Koch-Hillebrecht 75.

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is sometimes referred to, is usually the older beermaid, carrying several large steins of beer.564 In

advertising this type is, however, not depicted nearly as often as the younger woman type.

German women in advertising are no exception to the general trend of women in

advertising being depicted as young, slim, good-looking, sensual, and sexual. Their prime

function in advertisements is to enhance or present the product, which gives the impression in

advertising that most German women work as beer maids.565 Following the general trend of

sexist and stereotypical depictions of women, the function of these types is to fulfill male sexual

fantasies. In a Beck’s print advertisement, a forward-leaning woman in a green, pink, and white

Dirndl offers the consumer the company’s beer.566 The New York Sheraton Hotel advertises the

grand opening of “Sally’s Schnitzelhaus und Spätzlefactory Featuring Sally’s Big Bavarian

Buffet und Bierfest.” The drawing of the beer maid shows the stereotypical attributes of German

women: pigtails, blond hair, carrying beer, an ample bosom, deep cleavage, slim, and young.567

The stereotype persists until today, which can be seen especially in the St. Pauli Girl image,

which has changed over the decades to meet modern tastes but has retained its sexual innuendo.

Also referred to as “Germany’s fun-loving beer,” it is targeted at younger men.568 Even though

the beer maid, the company’s logo, is a drawing depicting the above mentioned characteristics,

every year a real woman that resembles this character is chosen in a pageant. The company also

conducts promotions through its website, where visitors can vote for the best commercial569 or

view outdoor and bus stop ads.570 All images used revolve around the central theme, the

company’s “spokesperson” and name-giver, the bar maid “St. Pauli Girl.”

If the sexual and provocative aspect is absent, servitude and passiveness is often

displayed. For example, a Macy’s Oktoberfest ad, which mainly praises German cheeses, such as

“Bruder Basil” and “ButterKase [sic],” shows a young woman behind a large cheese platter with

apples and beer. The woman seems to complement the scene as do the mountain range and the

563 “Als Nebenprodukt der gängigen Ansicht, daß die deutschen Männer ungewöhnlich leistungsfähige Esser sind, ist man sich über die Jahrhunderte einig geblieben, den Ruf der deutschen Frau auf ihre Leistungen als Köchin und Haushälterin zu beschränken.” (Totten 26). 564 E.g.: German National Tourist Office/Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 26 November: 1972: XX29. 565 E.g.: Food Emporium, advertisement, New York Times 18 October 1989: C26. 566 Beck’s, advertisement, Esquire November 1965: 156. 567 The New York Sheraton Hotel, advertisement, New York Times 22 May 1978: C16. 568 E.g.: “The hottest girls always travel in packs. Some just happen to be in six packs.” (St. Pauli Girl, advertisement, Maxim August 2004: 167-168.) 569 St. Pauli Girl, advertisement, <http://www.stpauligirl.com/TheNews/eAds.php> 14 November 2004. 570 St. Pauli Girl, advertisement, <http://www.stpauligirl.com/TheNews/Ads.php> 14 November 2004.

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castle in the background.571 A 1953 ad, which is disguised as the “Travel Picture of the Week,”

shows two young women in traditional attire and hats in a similar manner: “These two German

girls,” the text explains, “admire some Spring blossoms which appear in Germany much earlier

than in our part of the world.”572

In older advertisements, German women have very often been shown with food, based on

the discussed image of the German housewife. This depiction of female Germans invokes

aspects of nourishment and caring, and reveals a more regressive, passive, and more traditional

and outdated image of women. Koch-Hillebrecht argues that the image of young German women

is more favorable than that of men. He discusses a 1968 Lufthansa campaign that included

women in their ads. “Die Lufthansa-Stewardessen zeigen sich in den Anzeigen von ihrer

weiblichsten Seite...”573 The Lufthansa ad clearly shows the role of women as server, housewife,

and mother: “Because when we know that a number of babies will be aboard, we’re going to add

a baby stewardess to our regular cabin crew. That way, baby has a baby sitter, mother has a

mother’s helper and you have a stewardess who isn’t warming milk when you want a cold beer.”

Such depictions are found less and certainly less overtly in more recent advertisements.

The clientele for many of the products mentioned above – beer, flights for businessmen –

is male, and the way German women are shown caters to male fantasies, wishes, or even

subconscious longings. It is interesting to note that I have not encountered one advertisement in

which German men are shown as serving: they either produce a product or they enjoy life and

indulge in drink and food. Other types of women do not stand out as clearly, but do exist in

advertising. German models, as discussed above, certainly represent one’s country but even more

so a more international consumer world in which beauty transcends national boundaries. German

women wearing common, everyday attire are rarely found in advertising.574

The image of Germany is clearly male-dominated, for several reasons. A more traditional

understanding of gender roles was a concept German immigrants brought with them to America.

“The traditional German American family,” Rippley asserts, “was essentially patriarchal with

women assuming subservient roles.“575 The view of “German-American hausfrau” is ambiguous

as she “was considered a role model because of her many virtues, but she was also considered to

571 Macy’s, advertisement, New York Times 17 October 1984: A6. 572 German Tourist Information Office, advertisement, New York Times 1 March 1953: X27. 573 Koch-Hillebrecht 150. 574 E.g.: German National Tourist Office/Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 26 November 1972: XX29. 575 Rippley 715.

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be willingly subject to her husband.”576 In this dialectic depiction, she resembles both the

positively charged characteristics as well as the negative associations generally brought in

connection with German men. Besides this cultural explanation, the world of advertising tends to

present products to appeal to potential consumers: “Die Exporterfolge der Deutschen sind

typisch männliche Produkte: Röhren, Autos, Stahlwerke, Bier.“577

4.3 The German Language

The German language is far from new in American advertising. Many early

advertisements were in fact in German, sometimes completely, sometimes in conjunction with an

English version of the text. As English began to dominate American speech, German faded out

and only few remnants have remained in advertising. Many German words are known by

Americans, and some have even become part of English, such as “hinterland,” “gesundheit”578 or

“kaputt.”579 But the use of German words in advertising goes beyond these commonly known

terms. This section is both an attempt to group certain German expressions and phrases used in

American advertising and to discuss why they are used in the respective advertisements.

Presenting and ridiculing the German language and the Germans’ distinct accent has a

fairly long tradition. The Katzenjammer Kids, the “widely-circulated cartoon series” which

“lampooned German authoritarianism and had the German characters murder the English

language,”580 debuted in 1897. Leab praises the cartoon’s language as an “effective use of an

Anglo-German pidgin.”581

Language is important for the transmission of culturally shared stereotypes, whether that

is on an interpersonal or a mass communication level. Maass and Arcuri confirm that “it seems

unlikely that the specific content of a stereotype (Germans are efficient and authoritarian, women

576 Daniel J. Leab, “Deutschland, USA: German Images in American Film,” The Kaleidoscopic Lens: How Hollywood Views Ethnic Groups, ed. Randall Miller (Englewood, N.J.: Jerome S. Ozer, 1980) 158. 577 Koch-Hillebrecht 151. 578 Nyquil, advertisement, History Channel 3 January 2005; Volkswagen, advertisement, (Lürzer’s Archive Online Services. Reference number: [5.0343]. < http://www.luerzersarchive.net> 12 January 2005). 579 For example in a Lufthansa ad: “the coffee-machine was kaputt.” (Koch-Hillebrecht 241.) 580 Allen L. Woll and Randall M. Miller, Ethnic and Racial Images in American Film and Television (New York: Garland, 1987) 222. 581 Leab 159.

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are dependent and other-directed, Italians are hospitable and lazy) can be transmitted without

linguistic labels.”582

Food

It is not uncommon that non-speakers of a particular language know words depicting

food. The importance of foreign and ethnic food in general and German and German-American

food in particular have been described above. This is reflected in a number of German terms that

are commonly used in American advertising. Not surprisingly a German cookbook advertisement

makes extensive use of these, grouping some in alliterations and others randomly:

Ach! Das ist wunderbar! Himmlisch! Here is a succulent parade of German dishes that

will drive even a first-year cook into the kitchen – and a trencherman out of his mind.

Hundreds of fantastische soups and sauces, kuchens and krauts, schnitzels and strudels,

pastries and puddings, fish and vorspeisen. Und such meats und geflügel and wursts! And

things to dunk in and with! All culled from Hausfrauen and hamlets, Bierstuben,

Konditoreien and grand hotels. […] Included: enticing notes on eating customs, and a

dumpling-noodle-potato section that makes calorie counters forget how. Nicht wahr? 583

It is interesting to examine the italics, which are used for some German words, while others

blend in with the rest of the text. The terms in italics are also capitalized according to German

noun rules, while the others are not.584 The mixed use of both languages is also apparent in an ad

suggesting in German: “Beginnen wir mit einer Vorspeise.” Because this would not be

understood by a majority of potential customers it is translated below in parantheses: “(Let’s start

with an Appetizer).” All the following “Spezialitäten” are in German with an English translation

underneath. The capitalization in the phrase “200 Köstliche entrees” shows that this grammatical

feature of the German language, even though it is used here incorrectly is very recognizable and

thus occasionally used even when it is not correct.585

582 Anne Maass and Luciano Arcuri, "Language and Stereotyping," Stereotypes and Stereotyping, eds. C.N. Macrae, C. Stangor and M. Hewstone (New York: Guilford Press, 1996) 196. 583 The German Cookbook, advertisement, New York Times 21 November 1965: BR27. 584 Other grammatical phenomena, or “mistakes,” such as the s plural and the endings are described below. 585 Lüchow’s, advertisement, New York Times 21 January 1972: 2.

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Food related words seem to be acceptable in a foreign language, even if the meaning is

not clear or obvious to some consumers. Lufthansa, for instance, offers “Torte.”586 A restaurant

ad proclaims that “[i]t’s Berliner Gemütlichkeit und Gastfreundschaft Time” because the “Old

Berlin Festival” is celebrated.587 While “Gemütlichkeit” is known by many (see chapter above),

Gastfreundschaft could be inferred or regarded as similar to “Gemütlichkeit.” Because it is a

long compound it gives the impression that it is a typically German word. A “Prosit” is

pronounced in the ad, a common phrase that is known in several languages by most consumers.

It has been used very often in advertisements, sometimes explained588 and sometimes not.589 A

follow-up translation is a common practice to avoid confusion: “Our Oktoberfest… It Always

Means Köstlich, ‘Delicious,’ in Every Aisle!”590 Several food words of course have become part

of everyday language, such as beer steins,591 bratwurst (“brats”) or sauerkraut.

Mistakes and Grammar

The examples mentioned above already revealed that the German language is rarely used

correctly. But as the majority of the consumers does not notice it, this aspect is not important to

advertisers. Hagedorn, who deals with different types of comedy and their depiction of Germans,

assesses that “accuracy is of little importance, both in terms of the German language and

German-speaking culture.”592 I think that the same is true for advertising.

An Oktoberfest ad’s headline “Ja Das Ist Ein Oktoberfest!” sounds awkward and uses

English capitalization rules for headlines. The following attractions pointed out all use the same

article (i.e. neuter, singular): “DAS FOOD!” “DAS MUSIC!” “DAS SONGS!” “DAS BEER!”

“DAS WINE!,”593 while Becks’s proclaims: “New! Das Longneck.”594 This dominant use of the

neuter article is commonly found, even though sometimes the masculine or feminine forms are

586 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 26 October 1965: 28. 587 Peacock Alley Restaurant, advertisement, New York Times 2 November 1972: 2. 588 “Prosit! Bottoms Up!” explains an ad for Christmas gifts and beer steins. (Gimbels, advertisement, New York Times 8 December 1957: 139.) 589 German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, Country Life May 1938: 114. (“ein prosit”). 590 Food Emporium, advertisement, New York Times 20 October 1999: F16. 591 One brewery removed it even further from its original German meaning: “Schlitz in ‘Steinies’,” referring to their new brown bottles; Heimann, 30s 76. 592 Julie Hagedorn, "A New German Stereotype: Images of Germans in American Pop Culture," Images of Germany: Perceptions and Conceptions, ed. Peter Daly (New York: Peter Lang, 2000) 174. 593 Astrojet Room/Oktoberfest, advertisement, New York Times 9 October 1964: 1. 594 See Babej’s article.

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used.595 Endings are commonly simplified, as in “Der Neu Lexus RX 330.”596 Also noteworthy

is the anglicized version of “Knackwurst,” which becomes “Knockwurst” and is the common

form in English now.597

The construction of the plural according to English grammar rules is also common, as in

“Meistersingers”598 or “wursts.”599 Even though not correct, it can easily be identified as a plural,

which the more complicated German plural construction would not permit. In this case, plural

and singular would even be the same, only distinguishable by a German article. Sometimes

whole phrases are grammatically incorrect: “Willkommen nach Deutschland.”600 Calling the

addressee “Fraulein,”601 a term well-known in the United States, is antiquated, but it clearly

shows that the target group of the ad is mainly female. And finally, as in comedy, random, and

meaningless phrases are compiled for mere effect: “Well, Ach du lieber and slap our lederhosen”

begins an advertisement for German clothes.602

Other advertisements depict Germans whose command of English is not perfect. One

commercial playing with English idiomatic expressions shows an apparently sick American in a

dark hotel room in Germany. A knock on the door is heard, followed by a voice with a slight

accent saying “room service.” The hotel employee is told to come in, who replies to a sneeze:

“Gesundheit! Nyquil; you sleep great; sleep like … lumber; like the … infant.” The sick man

does not understand him, until the German says: “sleep like … home?” This results in the guest

imagining being at home in his lit bedroom with his wife, resting and being happy. The spot

concludes with the swallowing of the advertised medicine.603 The correct idiomatic expressions,

of course, would have been “sleep like a log” and “sleep like a baby.” This use of language and

the contrasting settings of the dark hotel room and the lit bedroom at home create a sense of the

Other, which is then juxtaposed with the self. The advertised product is presented as the solution

595 The Katzenjammer Kids already used German articles for the characters’ names: “die Mama,” “der Captain,” and “der Inspector” (Leab 159.) 596 Lexus, advertisement, <http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~haroldfs/popcult/handouts/adverts/ueber/ueberauto.html> 9 November 2004. 597 Astrojet Room/Oktoberfest, advertisement, New York Times 9 October 1964: 27. 598 German Railroads Information Office, advertisement, Country Life May 1938: 114. 599 Food Emporium, advertisement, New York Times 21 October 1992: C24. 600 The correct term would be “Willkommen in Deutschland,” as the preposition “nach” indicates direction. (Busch Gardens, advertisement, New York Times 22 May 1977: 222.) 601 “Fraulein, The Marketplace is having an Oktoberfest you’ll never forget.” Macy’s, advertisement, New York Times 17 October 1984: A6. 602 Gimbel’s, advertisement, New York Times 19 August 1956: 96. Please note the use of capitalization again. 603 Nyquil, advertisement, History Channel 3 January 2005.

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to escape the foreign, unknown, and unwanted state; the discomfort is linked to the Other. In this

advertisement the sense of alterity is created mainly through language.

New Word Creations

Advertising is well known for inventing new words, altering existing words, or generally

playing with language. Therefore it is not surprising that also new German or German-English

words are created. One of the most common and easiest practices is compounding, a common,

highly salient phenomenon in the German language. In his well-known take on the German

language, Mark Twain referred to German compounds as “alphabetical processions,”604 alluding

to their length but also to their versatility.

The most frequent compounds are derived from the German word “wunderbar,” which is

itself a common sight in American advertising: whether “The Tastes Are Wunderbar,”605 or

“Germany is Wunderbar.”606 The German “wunder” and the English “wonder” are a minimal

pair, they only differ in the second letter and look quite similar: “Germans have a word for

wonderful – it’s wunderbar!”607 “Wunder” and “wunderbar” are easily recognizable; they are

foreign and yet not too alien, which can explain their popularity in advertising.

The creations generally have the same pattern: “wunder” precedes the English word that

is being intensified and enhanced. This leads to labels such as “Wunder rivers” (the image shows

what appears to be the Rhine), “Wunderhotels,” as well as “Wunderbiking.” There seems to be

no end to “wunder”-compounds: “And Germany is filled with wundervalues, especially our

Wunderpackages and WunderAdventures.”608 A similar advertisement adds to the above that

there is “WunderArt” and an offered “Wunderbuggy Tour” in Germany.609 Audi sells

604 Twain 611. 605 Food Emporium, advertisement, New York Times 21 October 1992: C24. 606 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 15 March 1987: 411. Also the long-time slogan of the German National Tourist Office. (e.g.: German National Tourist Office, advertisement, New York Times 16 March 1986: 409.) 607 German National Tourist Office, advertisement, New York Times 29 March 1981: AS9. 608 German National Tourist Office, advertisement, New York Times 29 March 1981: AS9. 609 German National Tourist Office, advertisement, New York Times 3 January 1982: SM27.

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“wundercars”610 and German trains are better boarded with a “Wunder Card.”611 It seems that the

wildest creations are possible, and even the spelling differs from case to case.612

Another interesting compound involves über, as in Nietzsche’s “Übermensch,“ which

was later used by the Nazis and since then is connected to Germany’s Third Reich. The prefix

über, or uber, has entered the English vocabulary and generally signifies superiority, as can be

seen in a Lexus ad which features a fictitious car magazine called “ÜBER AUTO.”613 In it the

new Lexus is displayed as superior, and the ostensibly German magazine suggests that if the car-

and perfection-loving Germans are impressed, it must be a good product. In a way the Japanese

carmaker uses the German country-of-origin effect for its product. The most direct way is to

introduce the company’s name as a German word itself, even if it is not one. The brewing

company Beck’s claimed in several commercials: “the word around town is German: Beck’s.”

Using foreign words in advertising has several advantages. It elicits international prestige

and invokes the country-of-origin effect by choosing words that appear to be German, that are

“typically” German. Ryder et al. list four patterns and characteristics that can be expected to be

found when foreign words are used in an advertisement: firstly, “the use of any language will be

limited to products that are clearly connected to that stereotype.” The German language, for

example, is “used to emphasize a product’s technological quality.” Other products, such as food,

equally pertain to high quality and expertise. “Second, since the meaning of the actual words

used is not important, there will be no effort to use commonly understood expressions, nor will

the expressions be translated. Third, since the meanings of the foreign words are probably

unknown, the words will not appear as part of the informative text in ads.” Their function, then,

is to get the consumer’s attention or display peripheral information. “Fourth, since the consumers

aren’t fluent in the language from which the foreign terms are taken, and often the advertisers or

producers of the product aren’t either, ungrammaticality will be acceptable and, in fact, usually

unnoticed.”614 It is important, however, that the word is clearly recognized as being “German.”

610 Audi, advertisement, New York Times 5 December 1997: A23. 611 German Rail, advertisement, New York Times 11 March 1984: AS63. 612 “WunderHotels” (German National Tourist Office, advertisement, New York Times 16 March 1986: 409.) compared to “Wunderhotels” (German National Tourist Office, advertisement, New York Times 29 March 1981: AS9.) 613 The fake nature of the magazine is only shown by the small disclaimer “fictional“ at the bottom of the page. (Lexus, advertisement, <http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~haroldfs/popcult/handouts/adverts/ueber/ueberauto.html> 9 November 2004.) 614 Ryder 319-320.

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The examples I have given above all confirm these patterns. The first aspect, the display

of certain characteristics, can be seen in the use of the terms “Fahrvergnügen” and

“meisterstück”:

Because of their modern connotations, both German and Japanese can also be used to

convey an impression of scientific or engineering excellence, as in the Mazda campaign

promising Kansei engineering or the Volkswagen campaigns using Fahrvergnügen. The

Mont Blanc ad for its Meisterstück pens is another example; few people know that

meisterstück means ‘masterpiece,’ but its identification as a German word, based in part

on the umlauted ü, ensures an evocation of fine engineering.615

The term Meisterstück is also reminiscent of the medieval guild system, which placed a high

value on precision, perfection, and craftsmanship. These traits, deemed very German as

previously discussed, culminate in the German term for masterpiece, which the journeyman had

to produce in order to receive the title of master of his trade. Thus the product shown embodies

the highest quality, artfulness, and perfection.

Ryder et al. also note that a second Mont Blanc ad using the French solitaire instead of

Meisterstück with a slightly different pen changes the focus of the advertiser’s message to an

emphasis of style rather than fine engineering.616 It is interesting to note that in Great Britain

Audi used the same technique with the phrase “Vorsprung durch Technik” in its 1984 ads

depicting German stereotypes.617 The slogan was not, however, used in the United States.

Even though the compound Fahrvergnügen,618 and for that matter also Meisterstück,

could be easily translated into English, the German usage creates curiosity among consumers:

“Interest can be attracted by something unusual, something very attractive, or by the activation of

the perceptual vigilance mechanism.”619 The umlauts, long compounds, or other particularly

German features, such as “ß” can activate the viewer’s interest and perception. Uncommon

615 Ryder 320. Advertisement displayed on page 321. 616 Ryder 323-324. 617 See: Mark Robinson, 100 Greatest TV Ads (HarperCollins: London, 2000) 49. 618 Its pronunciation is transcribed as “Far-fair-gnu-ghen.” E.g.: Volkswagen, advertisement, New York Times 2 February 1990: A7; Volkswagen, advertisement, New York Times 9 February 1990: A15; Volkswagen Passat, advertisement, New York Times 13 March 1990: A12; Volkswagen, advertisement, New York Times 6 March 1990: A15. The term can also be found on several stickers, posters, decals, and other collectibles. 619 Ryder 312.

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consonant clusters, such as ''hrv'' and ''rgn'' in Fahrvergnügen, are hard to decipher because of

the difficulty of where one should make the syllable breaks. But advertisers have to be careful

when using foreign words, as they may also cause confusion and frustration and take away the

attention from the actual message. “Thus, while a foreign word may break the attention barrier

and attract interest,” Ryder et al. state, “its unusual nature and unexpected appearance in the text

may cause a discrepancy between the meaning intended by the sender and the meaning attributed

by the receiver.”620

The use of a foreign language is a way to invoke the country-of-origin effect without

specifically stating “made in Germany.” Some products may not have been produced in

Germany. For example, some German car companies produce their vehicles in the United States,

thus a direct claim cannot be made but can be implied by using foreign words.621 But even when

produced in Germany, showing can be more advantageous than telling.

The frequent use of umlauts has already been mentioned, and some ads use several to

emphasize the country of origin, as can be seen in an advertisement for the “Hof Bräu-Haus,“

which uses the terms “Augustiner-Bräu München,” “gegründet,” and “gemütlicheit.”622

Oftentimes it is part of the company name itself, especially in German brewery names including

“bräu.”623 A second technique is the use of words that are very similar, as the discussion about

wunder-compounds above showed. Similar German words are, for instance, “schule”624 or

“Familie.”625 An advertisement about language tapes called “Schau ins Land” claims to offer

“Aktuelles, Kultur, und Schlager!”626 The use of similar words also gives the perceiver a feeling

of being sophisticated and knowledgeable, while difficult terms like “Fahrvergnügen” arouse

curiosity.

Sometimes many languages are used to show a company’s internationality and

competence. The car rental company Avis, for instance, translates its slogan “We try harder” into

several other languages, including German (“Wir geben uns mehr Mühe”).627 It implicitly tells

620 Ryder 313. 621 Ryder 313. 622 Hof Bräu-Haus, advertisement, New York Times 18 April 1933: 13. 623 E.g.: Meisterbräu, advertisement, Beer Advertising of the 80s, New York: London International Advertising Awards, video recording, 1990-99. 624 Gimbel’s. Advertisement. New York Times 19 August 1956: 96. 625 Food “Served Familie Style”: Lüchow’s, advertisement, New York Times 18 August 1972: 2; “Served Every Nite in Familie Style”: Lüchow’s, advertisement, New York Times 24 June 1972: 63. 626 Schau ins Land, advertisement, New York Times 11 February 1990: BR23. 627 Avis, advertisement, Esquire June 1966: 6-7.

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the consumer that the company also rents cars in other countries and has local knowledge.

Another example is a consortium of international hotels, which states: “Ein Anruf, 255 leading

hotels.” It translates in smaller print in parantheses: “One call, 255 leading hotels.”628

Most often, however, it is not of importance for the advertiser whether the consumer

understands the language or not; all he or she has to comprehend is the message. Two recent,

quite similar Beck’s commercials exemplify this view of language explicitly. The spots start

completely in German, which is eventually blurred and faded out as the English voice-over

explains that knowing German is not important. What is important, according to the advertiser, is

that the consumer needs to understand the superiority of the product, based on its country of

origin:

Seit 1873 wird Beck’s strikt nach den Richtlinien des deutschen Reinheitsgebotes von

1516 gebraut. Es sind die Qualität der Zutaten … You don’t have to understand German.

All you need to know is A. You are not in Germany; B. Germans understand beer. The

number one German beer in the world.629

Typeface and Pronunciation

Typeface can function as a trigger for nationality in visual texts in a similar way as

accents can in spoken language. The attribute “German” is often connected to fonts such as

“Cloister Black,” “Luthersche Fraktur” or “Neue Luthersche Fraktur.” The predominant color is

black and letters are often richly ornamented. Frequently the inital letter of a word, phrase, or

text is an elaborate representation of one of these fonts.630 Their use in advertisements not only

connects the product with Germany but also adds a dimension of age and history.631

Parts of the German language, of course, are pronunciation, intonation, and accents. The

deliberate use of accents in advertisements works both ways, that is to say both the English

628 The Leading Hotels of the World, advertisement, New York Times 22 November 1989: C3. 629 Beck’s “Understand 2,” advertisement, 2005. The other spot differs slightly in both visuals and text: “Seit 1873 wird Beck’s strikt nach den Richtlinien des deutschen Reinheitsgebotes … You don’t have to understand German to … Es sind die Qualität … All you need to know is Germans are willing to compromise on … A. Nothing; B. Nothing; C. All of the above. The number one German beer in the world.” (Beck’s “Understand 1,” advertisement, 2005.) 630 E.g.: New York State, advertisement, New York Times 19 March 1967: SM75. 631 E.g.: Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 6 June 1971: XX34; Peacock Alley Restaurant. Advertisement. New York Times 2 November 1972: 2.; Asbach Uralt, advertisement, Esquire May 1959: 42F.

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language spoken by Germans as well as German spoken by Americans. The latter is used less

frequently, as an American accent in spoken German is often not perceived by non-speakers of

German, which the majority of American consumers are. A Honda ad, for instance, depicts a

German language lesson632 to promote its advantages over German competitors. A male voice-

over with an obviously non-German, American accent introduces the German word, which is

then translated by a female voice-over: “stilvoll – stylish; kraftvoll – powerful; was für ein Auto

ist das? – what kind of car is this? […] wie haben sie das geschafft? – how did they do it?”633 But

several sounds are used that can be perceived as highly salient features of the German language,

such as the “scht-sound,” which is a combination of the postalveolar voiceless frikative [ ] and

the alveolar voiceless plosive [t], the uvular German “r,”634 the vowels unnaturally stretched

vowels and the semi-vowel/glide [w] which is always pronounced as the labio-dental fricative

[v].

Diamant transcribes a 1955 commercial for S.O.S. Magic Scouring Pads, in which three

characters “dressed in Wagnerian costumes” discuss this dishwashing device. The theme created

by the costumes is further enhanced by the accents and expressions used by the actors. The open

[w]-sound as in “why” is always pronounced as the labio-dental [v] and the [ ] is pronounced as

[d].635 The grammar is not always quite correct. German expressions and names (“Achtung,”

“und,” “wunderbar,” “Hilda”) and once again stereotypically German food enhance the overall

German/Germanic theme: “Look, ve got here… ve got the burned-on sauerkraut dere. Und ve

got the scorched vienerschnitzel. All of it’s a mess!” After about 40 second the actors start

singing.636

In a recent commercial for Sam Adams beer, a blonde barmaid uses an accent that is

more difficult to assess, and could be that of a speaker of either German or a Slavic language.

Many consonants are pronounced voiceless, and the features identified above are also applied in

this commercial.637 The ambiguity of the bartender’s origin allows the viewer to decide where

632 At first a CD labeled “Language 1.2.3… GERMAN” is inserted into a car’s CD player, followed by a voice-over stating: “Lesson one.” 633 Honda Accord, advertisement, 2002. 634 I did not find any commercials that used the /r/ in southern German, which is pronounced dental-alveolar. 635 The difficulties that Germans often have with the English voiced [ ] and voiceless [ ] dental fricatives (“th” sound) are often hinted at by the use of the the voiced alveolar plosive [d] or the alveolar fricatives [s] and [z]. 636 Lincoln Diamant, Television's Classic Commercials: The Golden Years, 1948-1958 (New York: Hastings House, 1971) 133-135. 637 Samuel Adams/House of Beer, advertisement, 2004.

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she is from, but in either way she is from a country that is known for having a strong beer

tradition.

German-American accents are also sometimes used. The German heritage is obvious to

the American audience when they hear phrases such as “Ya hey der!”638 Another common

occurrence is the use of a British accent in commercials by Germans. Not only does it emphasize

a European background, but it also adds an element of sophistication.639 Accents, although

rarely, sometimes are also used in print advertising. Then the orthography is altered to shows the

difference in pronunciation: “Fasstensietbeltz!”640

4.4 The New Germans

Even though many depictions of the Germans have not changed over decades, new

images appear and slowly change existing stereotypes. Campaigns by the car manufacturer

Volkswagen and the brewing company Beck’s, which exemplify these updated representations of

Germans, are analyzed in this section.

Volkswagen’s advertising campaigns in the U.S. are well renowned for their innovation,

particularly their dismanteling of stereotypes. One of the problems after the war was to sell a car

connected to Hitler in America.641 Some of the Doyle Dane Bernbach (DDB) Volkswagen ads

were “remarkably free of content,”642 especially the 1961 ad that consisted simply of a blank

page with only one sentence on the bottom of the page reading “We don’t have anything to show

you in our new models.”643 Many DDB ads, such as the famed “Lemon” and “Think Small” ads,

are regarded as classics that revolutionized advertising. Their technique is simple and from

today’s standpoint nothing special: “Instead of superlatives and subtle promises of virility and

638 Budweiser, advertisement, <http://www.vikingbrewing.com/breweriana.htm> 16 November 2004. 639 E.g.: Volkswagen “Take a Fast Look,” advertisement, 1982; Porsche “Valets,” advertisement, 1997. 640 Lexus, advertisement, <http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~haroldfs/popcult/handouts/adverts/ueber/ueberauto.html> 9 November 2004. 641 Hence Bill Bernbach’s famous quote: "How to sell a Nazi car in a Jewish town." (Rietig) 642 Vernon Padgett and Timothy C. Brockm, “Do Advertising Messages Require Intelligible Content? A Cognitive Response Analysis of Unintelligible Persuasive Messages,” Nonverbal Communication in Advertising, eds. Sid Hecker and David W. Stewart (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1988) 185. 643Padgett and Brockm185.

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romance, the VW ads disarmingly admitted failings and gave facts in straightforward prose,

sometimes with a ‘klitchik’ at the end to sum up the case and leave the reader smiling.”644

The displayed honesty about the Beetle’s design645 and its technical limitations646 and

straightforwardness647 appealed to a generation that was tired of exaggerations and empty

promises, both addressing established conservatives as well as radical hippies. The generation of

the anti-war, emancipation, and civil liberties movements adopted the German cars, the Beetle

and the Minibus, as its symbols.

Appealing to young people has remained a strong focus of Volkswagen until today, often

challenging the established world and thus existing stereotypes. In one commercial, two young

men drive around doing nothing in particular. They see an old armchair and pick it up. The

voice-over sums up the young 90s generation’s mood: “The German-engineered Volkswagen

Golf; it fits your life – or your complete lack thereof.”648 The song “Dadada” by the German

band Trio, which is played in the background, was a hit in Germany during the 1980s. Previously

unknown, the song sold widely in the U.S. after the commercial aired, showing the connection of

advertising and other forms of popular culture. It was a car advertisement that brought a piece of

German popular culture, a prime example of German the “Neue Deutsche Welle,” to an

American audience.

The ad is in tune with the new generation’s lifestyle and a contrast to the common

marketing techniques to young people: “Perhaps the most striking aspect of many television

commercials is the amount of energetic activity that goes on, often to the accompaniment of

frenzied rock music. People walk with brisk strides, they engage heavily in outdoor sports, they

are passionate exercisers.“649 The commercial shows that many young people like to be lazy or

just be idle, and that they do not like to be stereotyped. Messaris distinguishes different styles for

different age groups: “Ads for high-status, luxury products occasionally feature a spare, tightly

644 Fox, The Mirror Makers 257. 645 The design never really changed, which was admitted rather than revealed (E.g.: Volkswagen, advertisement, Esquire November 1963: 81.); “Ugly is only skin-deep” (Volkswagen, advertisement, Esquire June 1966: 11.); “Ugly as ever. Beautiful. Just beautiful.” (Volkswagen, advertisement, Esquire October 1968: 8.) 646 “Heard any Volkswagen jokes lately?” (Volkswagen, advertisement, Esquire January 1963: 25.) 647 “A Volkswagen can go forward and backward It can go fast or slow It can go uphill, downhill and turn around – Isn’t that wonderful?” (Volkswagen, advertisement, Esquire August 1963: 2.) 648 Volkswagen “Dadada,” advertisement, <http://media.eurotuned.com/vwcommercials_nolinking/Golf-dadada.mov> 19 January 2005. 649 Bogart 84.

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ordered style, whereas the style of youth-oriented ads is often deliberately loose and anarchic.”650

Volkswagen has managed to renew its image to appeal to successive younger generations,

pointing out in many ads that German engineering is hip.

This modern image is reflected in a variety of commercials, some of which have been

controversial. It has been speculated that the two car salesmen, who appear in a number of 2002

TV commercials,651 are homosexual. In one spot, for instance, one of the two salesmen is dressed

in a bridal gown and throws flowers over his shoulder.652 Other ads play with traditional gender

roles.653 Another interesting trend is the emergence of an international youth culture, in which

national boundaries and differences seem to disappear.654

In a similar fashion, Beck’s markets its beer to the younger generation. While many seem

rather universal and unspecific with respect to nationality, some show the Germans in a new

light. In one Beck’s Light commercial, a blonde, young, traditionally clad beer maid brings

elaborately ornamented beer steins with pewter lids to four male customers, who according to

their clothes are also native Germans or rather Bavarians. The German folk music, which is

played in the background, stops when the waitress takes away two steins and her belly with a

tattoo featuring a peace sign and flowers is revealed. One of the four men looks at the tattoo in

disbelief, but then quickly smiles at the waitress. The voice-over clarifies the situation with a

pun: “It seems Germany’s got a taste for America.” This, of course, refers to both sides;

Germany sells a special beer, a special taste in America, and in return the Germans absorb some

cultural phenomena from the U.S., which are only vaguely alluded to. Whether it is the tattoo

itself or its message, love, peace, and flower power, has to be judged by the viewer. The visual

consists of a Beck’s bottle, under which the text “Germany’s lighter side” is displayed.655

Another exemplary commercial presents a young blonde woman with pigtails and

wearing a dirndl, who jumps on an alpine meadow. The beginning is almost exactly copied from

th opening scene “The Sound of Music,“ a movie that has shaped the image and stereotype of

German-speaking people for decades. The effect is similar as that of the previous ad: the music

stops, she jumps up and catches a frisbee, the music becomes more modern, and she throws the 650 Messaris 82. 651 E.g.: Volkswagen “Yard Sale,” advertisement, 2002; Volkswagen “Reverb,” advertisement, 2002. 652 Volkswagen “Bride and Groom,” advertisement, 2002. 653 E.g.: Volkswagen Jetta “Babysitter,” advertisement, 2003. 654 E.g.: Volkswagen Cabrio “Pink Moon,” advertisement, 2001. The spot, in which young people drive through the night in a convertible, also aired in Germany. 655 Becks “Steins,” advertisement, 2001.

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frisbee under her leg. The visual and voice-over are identical, reminding the viewer that while

the Germans bring their beer expertise to America, they in return take on throwing a frisbee and

being less traditional.656

A more modern, updated image of Germany is certainly on the rise. New textbooks in the

U.S. show a more balanced and authentic picture of Germany,657 and within the younger

generation, the Germans have gained a reputation concerning important issues, such as design,

music, and environmental issues. Hagedorn, who analyzes this new German image in the United

States, lists three major characteristics of the new German stereotype:

The first characteristic may be described as a hyperawareness of the absurdity and

inaccuracy of the old stereotype. The second characteristic is a tendency to mock, mimic

and deride those people who still believe in the old stereotype. The final characteristic is

exemplified by the success of individual writers and performers in inventing brand-new

comedic German caricatures based on more contemporary considerations and images.658

These arguments are reflected in some of the modern advertising campaigns. While stereotypes

are still found, they are increasingly addressed, challenged, ridiculed, and exposed.659 Some of

the more recent depictions may in the future take their place: the lederhose is replaced by the

black turtleneck, while the rotund body type makes way for the slender German. So far, old

stereotypes and newer, trendier images of the Germans coexist in American advertising.

656 Becks “The Hills Are Alive,” advertisement, 2001. 657 Mark Webber, "Plus ça change ...? Images of Germany and the Germans in North American Textbooks of German," Images of Germany: Perceptions and Conceptions, ed. Peter Daly (New York: Peter Lang, 2000) 185-208. 658 Hagedorn 173-174. 659 See also below for further ads in this category.

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4.5 Conclusion

I have broken down the nostalgic triggers and imagery used in advertising into different

categories. The lines between these, however, are by no means as clear-cut as the analysis above

might suggest. Most advertisements I encountered use in fact several of these techniques for the

greatest possible effect. A few examples are therefore described in this concluding section.

A multitude of ‘typical’ images, a collage of Germany, is often used rather than merely

single photos. A German Rail ad shows several of Germany’s wonders, including a tower, a

Fachwerkhaus with two traditionally-clad women in front of it, a young, blond, stout waitress

with several beers, who is also in traditional attire, a river (probably the Rhine because it is

specifically mentioned in the text) with a castle sitting on top of a nearby hill, the Cologne

cathedral, and a German Rail train in the very center of all these images. The ad also uses

language, in this case the “Wunder”-compound: all of the above mentioned wonder can be

experienced through the “Wunder Card.”660

But to discover Germany one does not have to leave the U.S., according to one ad. It

offers the standard version of Germany, “the one-day Europe,” right in America in a Disneyland-

style fashion:

“Willkommen nach Deutschland.

Step aboard a cruise ship named Lorelei for a trip up the Rhine. Pick a steady mount for a

turn on our antique carousel. Then cross a fantastic bridge into a world you’ll have to

believe.

It’s called Oktoberfest. And it’s one festival that never stops.

Here you can take your pick of two speeding roller coasters, a monster of a ride […], and

a German wave swinger […].

Cap off the day with a visit to Das Festhaus – the biggest festival hall this side of Munich.

You can sing along with 2,000 other revelers as tubas blare, dancers twirl and everyone

has the time of their life.

It’s gemütlichkeit!

660 German Rail, advertisement, New York Times 11 March 1984: AS63.

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It’s wunderbar! And it’s all on this side of the Atlantic.”661

The image displayed in the middle of the ad shows men and women in dirndls and Lederhosen

and other traditional attire, a brass band, and a large, half-timbered house.

These artificial, Germany-themed places of escape are not so rare, which the many

restaurant and Oktoberfest ads discussed above show. Similarly, the Bavarian Inn in

Frankenmuth in Michigan caters to all German/Bavarian needs,662 also referred to as

“Michigan’s Little Bavaria” offering a “Cheese Haus” and restaurants called “Oma’s” and the

“Ratskeller.” The resort is loosely based on a Bavarian village.663

Radio advertisements are predetermined to rely on language instead of visual imagery.

The depiction of a brewer’s German heritage in the following radio ad is created by a German-

American accent664, several German words and cultural allusions (e.g. gender, alcohol

consumption):

Augsburger Oktoberfesten

dat’s mein beer and

once a year and

stehen up and late and burpen

mein Oktoberfesten Ja!

Augsburger Oktoberfesten

Not getting any rest and

Comin’ home and singin’ loud and

Wakin’ up die frau der haus and

She say Schnitzel where you been and

Hit my noggin’ with a rollin’ pin

661 Busch Gardens, advertisement, New York Times 22 May 1977: 222. 662 See: Mary Ann Tasoulas, “A Breed Apart: Independently Operated Restaurants that Gross $10 Million-Plus in Annual Sales Are in a Whole Different Realm,” Restaurant Business 15 October 2000: 88-90. 663 Bavarian Inn Lodge, advertisement, <http://www.bavarianinn.com/Images/brochure.pdf> 13 September 2004. 664 E.g.: “Schweetie;” “ze way;” “vere;” German “r”: see above for a linguistic analysis of features of the German accent.

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I got such a head-a-poundin’

House is goin’ round and round and

Little Sweetie got a temper

My bell ringin’ ‘til December

Ach, it’s just the way things are

At least the beer is wunderbar

Can’t be beat in east or westen

Augsburger Oktoberfesten.665

The spot reveals the mixing of two cultures through the intertwining of both languages. Its

regional appeal notwithstanding, it includes a variety of stereotypes of Germans. Besides the

obvious Oktoberfest, food, and beer references, the domesticity and stoutness of the woman

match existing German stereotypical schemata.

TV commercials also used a multitude of references. A good example is a well-known

spot by the Stroh’s brewery which aired during the Super Bowl of 1981.666 The scene takes place

on a square in a German town of massive stone buildings with steep red roofs and half-timbered

houses. People are dancing in large numbers, music is heard, flags are flying and a festival is

celebrated in honor of the arrival of a new American beer. An American couple that apparently

happens to visit this town as tourists asks a corpulent older man with a mustache in clothes and

hat reminiscent of Bavaria: ‘Pardon me, what’s going on?’ The German answers in thick accent:

‘Oh, it’s a wonderful day for ze town. A great beer is coming all ze vay from America. And here

it comes.’ Two men in older black German police uniforms667 open the gates for a beer truck,

which is clearly not German, to enter the town square. Music for brass instruments, often

referred to as oompah music, follows the resounding fanfares that announce the beer’s arrival.

The American woman wonders why everybody makes “all that fuss over Stroh’s.” Her

spouse takes a picture and carelessly responds “Don’t surprise me none!” The commercial ends

showing several townspeople and the truck driver raising toasts and drinking together. A young

blonde woman gives the driver a kiss on the cheek. The clothes of several characters are

665 Augsburger Oktoberfest Beer, advertisement, 1994, <http://www.vikingbrewing.com/breweriana.htm> 16 November 2004. 666 Stroh’s “Europe,” advertisement, 1981. 667 They wear so-called “Tschakos” on their heads, which are uniform caps worn by German police that were mainly worn by German police officers before the end of World War II.

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interesting as they depict a more historical than contemporary Germany. The young woman and

the fanfare players wear clothing reminiscent of the Middle Ages, the two gate-openers wear

uniforms that are decades old and remind the viewer of pre-World War II times, and a bearded

man wears a Prussian or German uniform identifiable by the ‘Pickelhaube,’ or spiked/piked

helmet, which has become to symbolize German militarism especially during World War I. The

Germans shown are clearly not those of 1981 but of previous decades and centuries. If the

commercial did not state it otherwise, one would assume that the people were celebrating

Karneval. But the advertiser just employs almost any technique and stereotype to depict the

Germany and the Germans that are best for selling its beer in America: a contemporary and

historical fantasyland that conjures nostalgic and reminiscent feelings, a culture that solely

consists of festivals and beer consumption, people that wear traditional and historical clothes

even in 1981, and condescending images of silly and corpulent Germans with thick accents. In

the U.S., “Bavarian culture is regarded as synonymous with all German culture, even though

Bavarian customs and language are confined to the regional state of Bavaria and its capital,

Munich.”668 This can be explained by the previously discussed phenomenon of out-group

homogeneity

Slowly, this older stereotype is changing, making way for a more sophisticated, slender,

male German, often clad completely in black with a turtleneck. The German food industry, for

instance, is battling outdated food stereotypes and tries to convey more “youthful images” of

German cuisine, for instance by using “[m]ore appropriate images in-line with the modern

German society.”669

668 Rippley 713 669 Anna Wolfe, “New Chief Focuses On CMA Image,” Gourmet News January 2003: 1+.

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5. Germans and Germany as Friend and Foe

The relationship between Germany and the United States has been a friendly one for a

long time, surviving two world wars and several crises. This can certainly be attributed largely to

the closeness of the two cultures; German immigrants to the United States have had a strong

influence on American life, which can still be seen in the many originally German traditions that

survive in the country. The arrival of eight German settlers at Jamestown in Virginia in 1608 is

often seen as the start of the history of German-Americans. Mennonites from southwestern

Germany sailed on the Concord to Philadelphia in 1683 and settled mainly in the Middle Atlantic

colonies. The first permanent German settlement was Germantown in Pennsylvania, established

in the same year.

Most German-Americans steered clear of politics670 and focused primarily on farming

and manufacturing, in which they excelled. Generally the image of the German immigrants was

positive, revolving around their peacefulness, success, and industry. Even though many poor

Germans arrived during the second half of the nineteenth century, most belonged or soon moved

up to the middle class. The positive image of the Germans resurfaced after both world wars, and

the negative image was replaced after 1945 almost completely and very quickly by that of the

Soviet Union and its satellite states. Western Germany was quickly embraced as a partner, ally,

and friend. It represented Western democratic, capitalistic values, and through the fast-paced

reconstruction and the “Wirtschaftswunder,” the econonomic miracle, it exemplified the

advantages of the West and was seen as a direct contrast to the GDR. Thus the BRD represented

values such as increase in prosperity by one’s own deeds, willingness to perform, democracy,

free will, importance of the individual, and federalism – values that are also highly esteemed in

the United States. The success of Western Germany was also the success of America, thus

forging a strong bond between the two countries and a heightened interest on both sides.671 East

and West German symbols were largely tied to the economy:

So haben sich die beiden Teilstaaten in der postfaschistischen Ära gleichermaßen, wenn

auch auf unterschiedliche Weise, mit vorgeblich unpolitischen Ersatzsymbolen für ihren

670 See: Rippley 716. 671 Despite this interest in the country, however, Germany is only one out of many partners for the Americans, while the United States is the significant other for Germany: culturally, politically, and economically.

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Weltmachtanspruch begnügen müssen. Mit den Identifikationszeichen einer freizügig

florierenden Wohlstandsgesellschaft und führenden Exportnation und einer

polizeistaatlich reglementierten Sportgroßmacht: mit VW-Golfs und mit

Goldmedaillen.672

Besides a generally very friendly and positive relationship between America and

Germany, both countries were fierce enemies in the two largest military encounters, World War I

and II, which led to unprecedented animosity between the two countries. Totten notes that this

contrast, the friendship, and the instant hostilities resulted in previously unknown efforts of

propaganda and denigration:

Die Amerikaner haben stets die Deutschen als einen selbstverständlichen Teil ihrer

eigenen Umwelt empfunden. Im Grunde war es gerade dieses Bewußtsein der

Verbundenheit, das in den Jahren der beiden großen feindlichen Auseinandersetzungen

nach 1917 und 1941 so heftige propagandistische Anstrengungen gegen Deutschland in

den Staaten notwendig machte.673

The media played a crucial role in the mobilization of the home front, and led not only to hatred

and condemnation of the Germans but also to discrimination against German-Americans.674

Oehling, contrasting Germans and German-Americans, remarks: “Condemnation was based on

guilt-by-association, the association being the tenuous ties of ancestry and national origin – not

the characteristics believed to have been always and previously inherent in the German-

American.”675 The political, military, and social events led to a further assimilation of large parts

of the German populace in America and a sharp decline of the German-American subculture.

During World War II, the image of the evil German, of the ugly German, reemerged. Its

characteristics have largely been formed, defined and spread through movies, but could be found

672 Peter Reichel, "Die Häßlichen Deutschen - Extrem Schönheitsbedürftig," Die Hässlichen Deutschen? Deutschland im Spiegel der Westlichen und Östlichen Nachbarn, ed. Günter Trautmann (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1991) 331. 673 Totten 23. 674 See Timothy J. Holian’s The German-Americans and World War II: An Ethnic Experience for a further discussion. 675 Richard A. Oehling, “The German-Americans, Germany, and the American Media,” Ethnic Images in American Film and Media, ed. Randall M. Miller (Philadelphia: The Balch Institute, 1978) 52.

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in advertising as well. Even more than during World War I, these propagandistic messages were

also part of commercial, not only political advertising. “Political messages,” Bogarts notes, “are

a small part of all advertising, but they have a disproportionate share of advertising’s impact on

society.”676

Less overt animosity towards Germans is also displayed by competitors677 and business

rivals, but is not as widespread. More often found is the technique of ridicule, which has been

frequently used since the first days of modern advertising in the nineteenth century.

5.1 The Business Partner

The positive economic connection between Germany and the United States is often

stressed in advertising, reflecting the close relations of Germans and Americans. Not without

pride, United Technologies emphasizes the importance of sound economic relations when it

claims: “The Marshall Plan built an economy so strong and so attractive that people knocked

down the Berlin Wall to get to it.”678 The statement stresses that it was the active financial

engagement of the American side that made war-torn Germany, at least the western part, into a

prosperous industrial nation again; it leaves out the contributions on the partner’s side. This is

also true for the claim that it was the lack of prosperity that brought the people of eastern

Germany and Europe to start a revolution; left out are the ideas of political and social oppression.

The ad shows that the partnership with Germany is a powerful public relations tool as it was

mainly America that helped Germany prosper. The point of view shown is clearly the American

perspective.

One aspect of the fruitfulness of the successful partnership of the two countries is the

closeness of the two cultures. Emmerich discusses the similarities of WASPs, White Anglo-

Saxon Protestants (the most influential group within U.S. society), and of Germans as perceived

by Americans have in common: “solid, verlässlich, etwas langweilig, technisch begabt, kulturell

erstrebenswert, nicht unbedingt ein Freund, jedoch auch kein Feind, sondern ein Partner, auf den

676 Bogart 86. 677 For instance as sport rivals; e.g.: PowerBar “Live like Lance – Big German,” advertisement, 2004. 678 United Technologies gives this example to show its expertise in crisis regions: “From China to Russia to Latin America, we don’t just do business – we live there.” (United Technologies, advertisement, New York Times 25 June 1997: D7.)

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man sich im Allgemeinen verlassen kann.”679 The image of the militaristic German and Nazi has

largely been replaced by a more positive image: diligent, intelligent, practical, decent, brave.

Those traits, generally valued in American society, are of course ideal for Germany as a partner

and an ally.

An interesting phenomenon is the existence of so-called bi-national products, which

emerge more and more often. Hybrid companies, such as DaimlerChrysler, have the strategic

advantage of drawing their images from both national backgrounds. It is especially powerful

when depicting the positive aspects of bi-national collaboration. Two TV commercials,

emphasizing the parental corporate merging of the German-American DaimlerChrysler, stress

similarities and unique national strengths. One such shared strength is scientific ingenuity,

represented by the brightest scientists Einstein and Edison. The voice-over explains that the

cooperation naturally must lead to even higher results:

A German named Einstein showed us the universe in a whole new light. An American

named Edison turned it on. And putting American and German minds together is bringing

a new level of quality to Chrysler, one of the proud American brands of

DaimlerChrysler…680

A second ad emphasizes the unique strengths which are depicted as complementing each other.

After the text “DREAMED IN AMERICA” is shown on screen, still shots of the exterior design

elements of the advertised vehicle, the Crossfire, are presented, accompanied by a mysterious

silence with sparse sound effects. The sequence introduced by the text “CRAFTED IN

GERMANY” constitutes a contrast, followed by images of workers, an engineer, and high-tech

production processes in abruptly moving short sequences. The different mood is underscored by

very powerful music. The spot, which is filmed completely in black and white, concludes with

the text “TURNING HEADS EVERYWHERE,” showing smooth, fast driving scenes.681

The ostensible strengths of the two countries of origin are emphasized: the Americans are

in charge of lifestyle, image, design, and emotion, while the engineering is the Germans’ sphere.

The hybrid production process is presented as strength, and the partnership is highlighted.

679 Emmerich 44. 680 Chrysler “Einstein & Edison,” advertisement, 2002. See also chapter 3.4. 681 Chrysler “Dreamed in America,” advertisement, 2003.

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But the Germans, or other economic partners for that matter, are not always represented

as equals. A United Parcel Service (UPS) advertisement shows 12 different people representing

their country. Each can be easily identified by the stereotypical nature of the images. The one

subtitled “West Germany” features a mustached man, who is a bit rounder and older than the

others, wearing a hat and a traditional suit (“Trachtenanzug”).682 O’Barr analyzes the

advertisement in detail, and comes to the same conclusion as that of the United Technologies ad:

The UPS international delivery network interlinks the twelve separate individuals, but

only to an American sender or business. There is no hint whatsoever that the man in Italy

can exchange letters with the woman in Japan or that the Australian rancher can send his

parcel to the English businessman, although this may be possible by routing them through

the United States. The UPS network is depicted as an American network that articulates

each of these countries with the United States. The relationship is international from an

American perspective, but it is not global. America stands at the center of an international

shipping system, but links of the various countries are always back to or through the

center.683

The type of clothing indicates that the German partner is presented as inferior and not in control.

This depiction along with the abundance of other nationalities reveals that the American side is

dominant.

682 O'Barr 75. 683 O'Barr 75.

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5.2 German Products and American Culture

German companies often use inherently American themes in their advertising efforts in

the United States. These ads create a connection between the German product and the target

audience’s culture for several reasons. It may lessen negative aspects of the country-of-origin

effect, which can, as has been shown above, limit interest in the product. It may also show the

friendship between Germany and the U.S. Partly due to the fact that Germans shaped the United

States considerably and vice versa, values and preferences that the two countries share abound:

from the love of cars and nature to customs and traditions.

Love of Cars

The Volkswagen Beetle is an American pop icon,684 representing the strong economical

post-war relationship between the United States and Germany. The humble car, initially seen as

‘Hitler’s car,’ came to the U.S. in 1949 and was not popular at first. It became a huge success,

however, after one of the most important and successful advertising campaigns transformed the

small car’s image. It has been shown above that it has become the car of a generation685 and

constitutes common cultural knowledge in America and beyond. One memorable print

advertisement shows the car next to an empty Coca Cola bottle, emphasizing the car’s

international ubiquity and reputation as the text below the images states: “2 shapes known the

world over.”686 It also creates a common ground by stressing both nations’ similarities.

A newer TV commercial stresses the positive features of the “German-engineered

Volkswagen,” such as the voluminous trunk and the spacious back seat. The ad makes a double

connection: “Weimaraners687 come from Germany” leads to the conclusion: “Maybe that’s why

they like driving so much.”688 Thus, Germans like driving so much that it even extends to their

dogs. The assumption is that the American viewer shares this love for an automotive lifestyle as

684 See: Mamiya 19-44. 685 Some ads allude to the first Beetle’s link to the 60s civil rights and ‘flower power’ movements. The newer Beetle has changed with time, offering “Less flower” and instead “More power.“ (Volkswagen, advertisement, <http://media.eurotuned.com/vwcommercials_nolinking/Beetle-less-flower-more-power.mov> 19 January 2005.) 686 Heimann, 60s 195. 687 Named after the Grand Duke of Weimar, Charles August. 688 Volkswagen, advertisement, <http://media.eurotuned.com/vwcommercials_nolinking/Jetta-dogs.mov> 19 January 2005.

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well as pets. Mercedes alludes to the Americans’ traditional connection to mobility, speed,

openness to new experiences, and innovation in an advertisement in which the promoted vehicle

is seen driving next to a typically American, very long, steam-powered highspeed train, which

enabled the opening of the West and introduced an age of mobility.689

The similarly successful strategy of flattery is employed in a BMW commercial, which

shows a car driving though the rugged landscape of the West, shot in black and white. In

intervals the following messages are presented:

“Drive-thru restaurants.”

“Drive-thru dry cleaners.”

“Drive-thru weddings.”

“God bless America.”690

The ideal and the reality of an automotive lifestyle are contrasted, the former visually and the

latter textually. The visual imagery exclusively consists of scenes of driving through vast nature

and stands in contrast to the textual message. The unseen side of America – civilization and

culture – are presented through the text. This side, though visually rather unappealing and

therefore dealt with in a more abstract manner, is needed to convey the necessity of a car and the

cultural contrast between Germany and America. Augmented by the last phrase, “God bless

America,” the ad not only invokes patriotic feelings, but also reveals that the foreign company

understands the consumer’s culture.

Being American

Through advertising, foreign companies can reassert their allegiance to America,

sometimes resulting in competition among such businesses.691 Negative stereotypes of the

competitors’ country of origin are a frequently used technique in these comparative

advertisements, with the goal of discrediting the competition. Savan describes one such TV

commercial between the traditional rivals in the automobile market, Germany and Japan:

689 Mercedes “Steam Train,“ advertisement, <http://www.merkleyandpartners.com/advertising/print.html> 2 May 2004. 690 BMW “God Bless America,” advertisement, 2001. 691 See also chapter 7.2.

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In a new spot for Volkswagen (of all carmakers!), a big, friendly white guy carries on

about how Nipponese car prices are rising higher, illustrated with a small Japanese man,

baffled and rendered silent, rising slowly off the ground. The white guy waves off the

floating Yellow Peril with a cheerful ‘Sayonara!’692

By using racial, physical stereotypes, the two competitors are instantly recognized: the larger

Caucasian man is the German; the small Asian man is Japanese. The former represents not only

steady prices but also solidity and commitment, whereas the latter is portrayed as unreliable and

wavering. The ad reveals arrogance and notions of racism and dominance, which are better

avoided by a company with connections to Germany’s Nazi past. Furthermore, the spot

exemplifies how important the factor nationality is, especially in the car industry; automobiles

are symbols of national pride, and companies are rarely regarded as disconnected from their

origin. The target audience of the spot is most likely Caucasian Americans with little regard for

political correctness. The imagery suggests ties between Volkswagen and America through the

“big, friendly white guy;” Savan comments that this is “how the German Volkswagen proves it’s

American.”693

A Beck’s campaign already introduced above in the chapter on the new Germans also has

several elements which prove the Germans’ Americanness. The company’s executive, John

Lennon, thinks that the campaign “is a slice of Americana from a German perspective. It’s

merging of Old World taste with new world style.” The approach in this field is customarily

emotional appeal: “the new Beck’s Light campaign touches the heartstrings, which is what beer

advertising in the U.S. needs to do.”694 Two spots of the campaign highlight two prominent,

salient aspects of American culture, bowling and music.

Filmed from below, two men behind an instrument for land survey discuss measurements.

While the clearly German accent used in the question “vat is ze calculation?” quickly exposes

the two men’s origin, their physical attributes underscore the common stereotype. Both wear a

shirt and tie with pens in the shirt pocket, appear clean and proper, have short, blond hair combed

692 Savan 233. 693 Savan 234. 694 Mike Beirne, interview with John Lennon, “Beck’s Exec John Lennon Bringing New Consumers, Awareness to Brand,” Brandweek 2 July 2001: 11.

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over to the side, and wear black-rimmed glasses. In the following sequence, shot from the side,

the other man looks through the instrument and answers with a similar accent “eighty-nine point

zree degrees.” The first comments on this observation with the stereotypical “excellent,” lifts a

bowling ball and hits a strike, knocking down all pins. The subsequent reaction of the two is in

sharp contrast to the unemotional and scientific previous proceedings. They shout “yeah” several

times, make victory gestures with their arms and closed fists, and give each other ‘high fives’

with both hands above their heads. After the voice-over concludes “It seems Germany’s got a

taste for America” and the text beneath the beer bottle hints at “Germany’s lighter side,” the two

German bowlers are seen again, still being overly excited with their success. One of the two

throws the bowling ball with force directly onto the floor, resulting in a large crack in the

wooden floor of the bowling alley.695

The commercial plays with existing stereotypes by means of contrast and twist. The

stereotype that Germans are unemotional and overly rational is resolved by showing that there is

another side to the Germans. It is stressed that for the most part both cultures are similar, and that

the differences are minor as well as interesting and perhaps quirky. The gestures, the emotional

outburst of joy and success as well as the setting, the game of bowling, are deemed American,

while the German traits are precision, perfection, and careful calculations. Whether intended or

not, the violence that the bowlers’ success results in, however, conjures up the aggressiveness so

often associated with the Germans.

In the second commercial, a band of three men clad in traditionally Bavarian clothes are

seen on a wooden stage, which could be either in Germany or the U.S. The origin of the band,

however, is instantly recognizable, also due to the fact that they announce their music in

German: “eins, zwei, drei.” They play the song “Wild Thing” using an accordion, a tambourine,

and an idiophone. The scene could not be more stereotypical. One player throws away his

idiophone/spoons to start a knee-slapping dance, and a fourth musician is seen off-stage when he

starts playing his tuba. The lyrics allow for the use of the standard accent repertoire. The phrase

“Wild thing, I think I love you” contains the “w,” two “th” sounds, and “love” is pronounced

very open and longer than usual.696

695 Beck’s “Bowling,” advertisement, 2001. 696 Beck’s “Polka Band,” advertisement, 2001.

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Again, the goal is to show connections between the Germans and America, which is

achieved by mixing to music styles. And yet, while the often covered song “Wild Thing” might

seem inherently American, it was made popular by The Troggs, a British band from the town of

Andover in southern England, in 1966. The song, however, was and remains to be very popular

in the U.S.

Sometimes ways of showing one’s connection to America are more straightforward, as a

Volkswagen advertisement titled “Made in U.S.A.” exemplifies. It suggests that the car is

produced in the United States, which is a selling advantage because it is perceived to create jobs

at home. But the advertisement actually refers to a VW that is made of spare parts to instruct

mechanics in order to convey that proper servicing in the United States can also be expected for

an imported car. This information, however, can only be gathered from the small, longer printed

text, which probably the majority of magazine readers do not perceive. The ad misleads

consumers to think that all VW Bugs are made in the United States.697

Customs and Traditions

The customs and traditions that German immigrants introduced to America have been

described above. They constitute a shared identity of Germans and Americans, of which

advertising makes occasional use. A Lufthansa print advertisement, for instance, reminds the

audience of the many German Christmas traditions now generally practiced in America. The

headline states: “What makes us think you’ll have more winter fun in Germany? Just remember

who introduced the Christmas tree.” The text below picks up on this theme and adds the

contribution of carols.698 The photos illustrating the ad show a horse-drawn sled and a very large

Christmas tree, among other images.699

Thanksgiving, a very important American holiday, is also a suitable topic in advertising.

Alluding to the ample portions of food and beverages consumed during this holiday as well as

the social aspect of gathering around a long table, a 1969 Lufthansa advertisement shows several

people enjoying large steins of beer in a spacious beer tent. The headline states: “Oktoberfest is a

697 Volkswagen, advertisement, Esquire December 1963: 45. 698 “Even Christmas will seem more festive in the land that introduced both the Christmas tree and some of your favorite carols.” 699 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 26 October 1965: 28.

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little like Thanksgiving Day. But it takes 16 days to celebrate.”700 The ad picks up on the

popularity of Thanksgiving, a festival of indulgence, tradition, and connection, and appeals to the

audience because Germany promises another, similar festivity, but promises even more of it:

more than two weeks of it. Another thought behind the ad is that the audience can easily connect

with the created imagery; after all, there is no American without a clear picture of what

Thanksgiving is all about. Thus the Oktoberfest seems less remote, less frightening to the

perceivers, but something that they understand and cherish, only a little different. This bridge,

which the Beck’s Light commercials also create, emphasizes the friendship, the shared identities,

and the multitude of similarities of Germans and Americans.

References to other American traditions and rituals are frequently found in advertising by

German companies. From football rivalries701 to the nursery rhyme of the “ol’ Lady that lives in

a shoe”702 and “Superman”703, many themes are employed to lend a more American touch to the

foreign products.

The Pastoral and Love of Nature

The pastoral ideas and a love of nature are also common grounds of American and

German thought. The Audubon Mercedes ad, introduced above, invokes the pastoral theme and

alludes to the quest for the simple life, nature, and tranquility.704 The advertising technique of

using such imagery is also used frequently in ads for German cars. In one spot, mundane,

narrated driving directions are depicted as a poetic, scenic description with corresponding visuals

that show wonderful scenes of landscape.705 Ordinary routes through the United States are

presented as idealized depictions of traveling America in other advertisements.706 Driving is

700 Lufthansa, advertisement, 1969. Personal vollection. 701 Mercedes-Benz ML-350 “Football Game,” advertisement, 2004. 702 1967 Volkswagen print ad: “The ol’ lady finally figured out what to do. Volkwagen not only holds about twice as much as other station wagons, but it’s economical to keep up, too. (And the people in the hat next door thought she was crazy.)” (Heimann, 60s 253.) 703 A 1968 Volkswagen ad, titled “Superwagon,” shows the front, the ‘face’ of a minibus in the colors (blue with yellow and red) of the Superman costume. (Heimann, 60s 261.) 704 Mercedes “Audubon,“ Advertisement, <http://www.merkleyandpartners.com/advertising/print.html> 2 May 2004. 705 BMW 7 “Directions,” advertisement, 2002. 706 Volkswagen Jetta Wagon TDI “Buffalo to Nashville,” advertisement, 2002; Volkswagen Jetta Wagon TDI “New Orleans to Sarasota,” advertisement, 2002.

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often portrayed as a means of achieving independence707 and establishing a connection with

nature.708

“As Judith Williamson argues in her tour de force structuralist analysis of modern

advertising,” Green concisely summarizes,

the power of modern, technologically based civilization rests in its ability to define the

terms of life so that the constructed world of modern life becomes the norm, becomes

‘natural.’ Thus, the terms of opposition between nature and culture in the pastoral

archetype, in which nature is the privileged term, are reversed. Culture becomes nature,

and nature becomes subsumed in culture; with this reversal, the pastoral ideal becomes

accessible only through the ministrations of culture.709

He continues that this contrast is very often found in automobile advertisements, especially in the

ever more popular offroad vehicles,710 which are predominantly purchased by city dwellers.

Advertising creates an image of individuality, freedom, adventure, exploration, and of breaking

out of the ordinary.

5.3 The Evil German

This section mainly deals with American war advertising. Not surprisingly the Germans

are prominent in many ads of the time and generally the Germans are shown in a negative way.

While many advertisers are companies which profit from the consumers’ feelings, also

government ads, or public service announcements are included in the examination here because

they complement the general picture of the time. Finally, the few references found in more recent

advertising show that the image of the evil German has subsided significantly over time.

707Audi’s slogan, for example, has been “Never follow” for several years, underscoring the main message of independence and freedom (e.g.: Audi “Forget All the Rules,” advertisement, 2002.). 708 E.g.: Audi “Jar,” advertisement, 2002. A man drives his convertible and collects the passing air in a glass jar, which he brings home to his father. 709 Green 31. 710Green 33-35. Also: Harris, Cute, Quaint, Hungry, and Romantic 201-205.

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The image of the evil German in America did not emerge during the Third Reich.

Already during the war of Independence, mercenaries from the German territories, also referred

to as Hessians, constitute more than just a concrete negative image of Germans:

The collective memory of Hessians is alive in the United States. The role of the ‘German

mercenaries’ in the grand narrative of U.S. historiography is that of an emblem for the

oppression by the old regime as well as a counterpoint to the openness and boundless

opportunities of the new one.711

This view, however, has been counterbalanced by the support of General Baron von Steuben of

Prussia and his popularity; the annual Steuben Parade in New York still commemorates his aid to

the Americans during the Revolutionary War and German-American friendship in general.

Totten asserts that the Germans were not regarded as militaristic during the eighteenth and

nineteenth century.712 A positive perception of the Germans has often constituted an antipode to

the evil Germans.

Other events during the nineteenth century also led to anti-German sentiments. In the

Southern States, Germans were unpopular because of their strong involvement in abolitionist

movements. The depressions of 1870s and 1890s in the U.S., which occurred during a time of

prosperity and growth in Germany, led to animosity and resentment but extended also to other

ethnic groups as is common during times of economical crises. Negative feelings towards

German-Americans and Germans stemmed also from the jovial lifestyle, which was looked

down upon by Puritans and other strict groups. These occasional outbursts of negative attitudes,

however, are far from the image of the evil German, which surged during World War I and

reappeared in an intensified form during the second World War, which is reflected in the

abundance of propaganda efforts.

Propaganda is shares many but not all characteristics of advertising. It did not have a

negative connotation initially: “The word has long been associated,” Lester reports, “with the

thought-control techniques used by totalitarian regimes, but critics have expanded the definition

711 Christof Mauch, “Images of America – Political Myths – Historiography: ‘Hessians’ in the War of Independence,” Amerikastudien 48/3 (2003): 422. 712 “Im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert galten jedoch die Deutschen keineswegs als Prototyp des Soldaten. Sie erschienen vielmehr als friedliche Bürger, die ihre Ruhe haben wollten.” (Totten 36.)

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to include many of the persuasion techniques utilized by all governments and large corporations

to persuade an unsuspecting public.”713 In this sense propaganda is a form of political

advertising. A more modern definition refers to propaganda as “the systematic attempt to

influence emotions, attitudes, opinions, and actions of specified target audiences for ideological,

political, or commercial purposes through the controlled transmission of one-sided messages via

mass and direct media channels.”714

The lines between propaganda and strictly commercial advertising are by no means clear-

cut. It will be shown below that especially during the world wars governments and the war effort

had significant impact on advertising messages that often appear to be more propaganda than

product marketing. In general, the role of propaganda in America has traditionally been

somewhat smaller than in other countries. “Despite the continuing role played by commercial

advertising and political propaganda in defining our national institutions, Americans by and large

bear a traditional antipathy toward the idea (if not the practice) of propaganda.”715

Of Huns and Krauts

The image of the Germans as huns emerged during World War I and is closely connected

to Emperor Wilhelm. In his famous speech of 1900, the ‘Hunnenrede,’ he told German troops,

before their deployment to suppress the Boxer rebellion in China, not to take any prisoners or

show any mercy.716 This ethnophaulism is thus tied to the ostensible brutal acts of German

soldiers, which helped mobilize the home front and public support in America during World War

I. “The Germans (or Huns) were represented by grotesque, animal-like features and hulking

frames. These distorted caricatures attempted to villify and degrade the enemy. Enemy leaders

were portrayed as monsters and enemy soldiers as villainous or pathetic.”717 Posters designed to

boost support for the war among the American populace tied this term to very graphic depictions

of German soldiers, and the word hun itself was also a common sight in newspaper and

magazine advertisements.718 The term ‘ugly German,’ also frequently used, stems from such

713 Lester 64. 714 Nelson 1329. 715 Nelson 1328. 716 “Pardon wird nicht gegeben. Gefangene werden nicht gemacht.” 717 Shawn Aubitz and Gail F. Stern, “Ethnic Images in World War I Posters,” Journal of American Culture 9/4 (Winter 1986): 85. 718 E.g.: Truly Warner/The Fourth Liberty Loan, advertisement, New York Times 12 October 1918: 2; Everybody’s Magazine, advertisement, New York Times 28 June 1918: 6. (“Cardinal Mercier, brave Prince of the Church,

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representations of barbarism.719

The term ‘kraut,’ resulting from the hearty diet rich in different types of cabbage, was

frequently used during and after World War II. The term ‘kraut’ quickly turned into a term of

endearment for the Germans and assumed more and more positive connotations.720 Popular

culture picked up on the catchword721, which can be found in advertisements with reference to

German food722 or more generally, anything German.723

The Ugly German

Representations of the ugly German are numerous during both world wars. A winning

poster of a competition depicts a vicious-looking German soldier with a spiked helmet walking

amidst ruins. He holds a rifle in one hand and a bloodstained knife in the other, with the blade

down. He is presented as a predator without any form of humanity, lacking the ability to reflect

or contemplate. It appears that he cannot be talked to and that brute counterforce is the only

solution. The message is sent that the ugly German is not to be pitied, understood, or reasoned

with, making it much easier to hate the Germans. The solution offered by this particular

propaganda message seems simplistic compared to the presented threat and reinforces the

contrast of beast and civilized person: “Help stop this” and “Buy W.S.S. [war savings stamps] &

keep him out of America.”724 Referring to this individual soldier (“him”) creates a concrete focus

point and identification for the audience, which gives a stronger sense of influence and urgency

to said savings stamps.

World War II advertising brought even more sophisticated imagery of the ugly German.

The evil German soldiers are shown in dark, vicious, inhuman poses. Looking grim, they scare

the reader who is asked to buy “extra Bonds this month” in an exemplary ad. Two soldiers,

standing up to Germany like a dauntless old lion, defies the worst the Hun dare do in Belgium.”); Funk & Wagnalls Company, advertisement, The Literary Digest 12 October 1918: 42. 719 See also: Paul P.Somers, Jr., “Krauts Hinaus: Graphic Stereotypes of German-Americans Before and During World War I,” International Journal of Comic Art 2/2 (Fall 2000): 191-205. For depictions of the huns in war posters, see also: Aubitz and Stern 83-98. 720 See: Jarausch 154. 721 For instance as in “Krautrock.” 722 For example “The Little Kraut restaurant.” (The Little Kraut, advertisement, New York Times 15 May 1983: 597.) 723 In one ad for “international” Cabbage Patch Kids collectibles, “Baby Bavarian ‘Sauerkraut Kid’ Dolls” described: “They […] come from a small orphanage in Bavaria, Germany” and are “made of the finest PVC.” It reassures the consumer that the “[c]lothing is hand crafted in Germany and varies with each doll.” (First Impressions, advertisement, New York Times 3 March 1985: LI4.) 724 W.S.S., advertisement, Literary Digest 1 June 1918: 38.

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whose eyes are hidden by the shadow created by their helmet rims, look cruelly at something

outside the picture. This simpler setup, compared to the World War I ad, stimulates the viewer’s

imagination and is thus much more effective. The threatening message, “[i]f they win, only our

dead are free,” enhances the imagery and lends an extra touch of evil and ugliness to the

scene.725 Little details such as the small swastikas on the typical “Stahlhelm,” which symbolized

German military aggression726, the closed lips and shape of the mouth, and the lines and wrinkles

on the faces enhance the overall image of the ugly, mean Germans.

Many times showing only the deeds of the ugly Germans sufficed to achieve the expected

results. Often the inhumanity was not connected to the Nazis but their victims. In a long plea, an

ad by the “Emergency Committee to Save the Jewish People of Europe” to the American people

asks to “HELP Prevent 4,000,000 People from Becoming Ghosts.” It claims that “Stalin,

Roosevelt and Churchill pretend nothing is happening” and places the burden also on those that

look the other way; which includes Germans as well as Americans.727 As more and more of the

horrible crimes of the Holocaust became public, paid messages that asked for help for the

survivors were not uncommon.728 Such pleas to help the survivors kept the memory of the

horrible crimes of the Holocaust alive, but move the focus away from the German perpetrators to

the victims.

Scare Tactics

One major technique of World War I and II advertising in the U.S. are scare tactics. If the

ads intimidate the perceiver, he or she tends to find a solution against the threat – which is

generally supplied by the advertiser, ranging from buying war bonds to saving resources or

725 Northwest Airlines, Inc. “If they win, only our dead are free,” advertisement, Portland, Oregon Journal 1943. (Ad Access. Item number: W0208. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/adaccess> 22 February 2005). 726 It replaced the traditional leather spiked helmet in 1916 as it protected much better against the threats of modern warfare. The symbolism was also carried over, representing German aggression. Thus the design was discontinued after World War II and not used for soldiers in the Bundeswehr to avoid such connections. 727 Emergency Committee to Save the Jewish People of Europe, advertisement, New York Times 5 November 1943: 14. 728 For example, a 1947 ad by “United Jewish Appeal” reminds the public of the horrors of Hitler’s plans. The picture shows a baby held upside down by someone wearing what appears to be a white lab coat, and black leather gloves; barbed wire is seen through the window. On the baby’s back, the letters “DP” are clearly visible. The ad, which is titled “Born Branded,” explains that it stands for “Displaced Person”: “In this case, it stands for a new-born child whose parents have survived the hideous scourge of Hitlerism. The years in Belsen, Buchenwald, Dachau, Oswiecim. The gas chambers and the mass graves. The cold. The hunger. The sickness. They have come out of the long night of terror, in which six million of their people were murdered. With your help, they have survived. They still live.” (Advertisement in: Jim Heimann, 40s: All-American Ads (Köln, Los Angeles: Taschen, 2001) 757.)

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supporting a particular brand or industry. However successful this mode of advertising may be, it

surely creates extremely negative images of the adversary, resulting in unfounded fears. These

ads also fostered an atmosphere of threat and suspicion.

A print ad called “SPIES & LIES,” which was paid by the Willys-Overland automobile

company, features two women chatting and a suspicious-looking man listening in on their

conversation. The text explains why everyone has to be concerned:

German agents are everywhere, eager to gather scraps of news about our men, our ships,

our munitions. It is still possible to get such information through to Germany, where

thousands of these fragments – often individually harmless – are patiently pieced together

into a whole which spells death to American soldiers and danger to American homes.

Then different tips on how to avoid this are given:

Do not become a tool of the Hun by passing on the malicious, disheartening rumors

which he so eagerly sows. Remember he asks no better service than to have you spread

his lies of disasters to our soldiers and sailors, gross scandals in the Red Cross, cruelties,

neglect and wholesale executions in our camps, drunkenness and vice in the

Expeditionary Force, and other tales certain to disturb American patriots and to bring

anxiety and grief to American parents.

And do not wait until you catch someone putting a bomb under a factory. Report the man

who spreads pessimistic stories, divulges – or seeks – confidential military information,

cries for peace, or belittles our efforts to win the war. Send the names of such persons,

even if they are in uniform, to the Department of Justice, Washington.729

The culture of fear that is being created draws from deep human anxieties and undermines civil

society. Even though the ad tries to tell the reader that it is the Germans, in fact it is the

advertiser who creates the threat, resulting in corrosion of the social fabric. As a self-fulfilling

prophecy, an atmosphere of suspicion and intimidation is created by messages such as this one,

729 United States Government Committee on Public Information / The Willys-Overland Company, advertisement, Literary Digest 8 June 1918: 48-49.

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not the spies. It certainly heightens the effect by showing the spy with two average, civilian

women, a scene which seems to be rather unrealistic.

Another ad that encourages the purchase of war bonds juxtaposes preconceived notions of

German (high) culture with the ostensible reality. Titled “This is Kultur,” the picture at the top of

the ad shows German soldiers, easily identifiable by the spiked helmets, committing war crimes

such as pillage, murder, and rape.730 The text explains that Germans are the opposite of the

civilized, allied nations: “There is no sharper contrast between German Kultur and the

civilization that our forefathers died for, than the difference in attitude of the two civilizations

towards women and children.” It warns of the “savage, bestial revenge upon its [Belgium’s]

defenseless women and children.”731

Commonly used is the fear of the Germans taking over America. An American

Locomotive ad of 1942 presents a towering Nazi judge with a monocle, flanked by two soldiers,

under swastika flag. He looks down from behind a massive lectern at the position of the viewer.

The low angle view stresses the position of the judge’s power, which is a common technique

used in propaganda. A shadow of a person is seen on the lectern, giving the viewer the

impression as if he or she were the accused. The ominous text underlines the bleak picture: “This

is a Nazi court. Maybe none of us will ever have to face one … we hope.”732 A similar image

shows a lineup of Americans.733

Simliarly, another ad by the same company shows a bald Nazi officer examining three

women in an interrogation room. The viewer is frightened because the scene is hypothetical as

this is what would happen if the Germans were not stopped. The headline, “A High Honor for

your Daughter,” intrudes the personal space and causes fear.734

The Germans under Hitler: Victim or Enemy?

While Germany was undoubtedly considered America’s enemy in World War II, its

people were not always seen as enemies but as victims themselves or at least passive citizens

who were not necessarily considered enemies. The ambivalent picture deducted from various

advertisements of the time reflects these two different views.

730 Picture: “from a lithograph, drawn on the stone by George Bellows” 731 The Goodyear Tire & Rubber Company, advertisement, The Literary Digest 5 October 1918: 73. 732 Advertisement in: Heimann, 40s 665. 733 F. Fox 57-58. 734 F. Fox 50-51. (image pages not numbered)

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Two exemplary advertisements are analyzed here to illustrate this approach. The Texas

Company portrays the average German civilian as a concrete and direct enemy:

Thousands of miles away in a suburb of Berlin is your adversary. He is the man behind

the German military machine. He sharpened the brutal bayonets. He built the murderous

Messerschmitts. He celebrated the cruel destruction of Warsaw and Rotterdam. He is the

man on the home front in Germany, the buyer of Deutsche War Bonds, the worker, the

man-in-the-German-street.

The ad continues giving general tips on how to fight the war on the home front, such as

conserving goods and energy. The conclusion shows the gist of the ad: even civilians fight in this

war, and there are no innocent, passive Germans. “By doing all these things you give our boys

the beef and rubber and the gasoline they need to drive their battle-wagons right up to the front

door of that opponent of yours … the man-in-the-German-street.”735

A print advertisement of the previous year shows a “goose-stepping” soldier, asking the

reader: “…wonder what a ‘goose-stepper’ thinks about?” The response shows his interior

monologue, which reveals the ingrained ideology and lack of genuine thought processes of an

indivual. “Left … right … don’t think … left … right … don’t think. The Fuehrer thinks for us.

Victory soon. Americans soft. Their tanks no good, planes no good. The Fuehrer says so. Left …

right … don’t think.” The ad reveals that constructive contemplation would show the

senselessness of the regime’s and ideology’s wrongfulness: “No, Hans, don’t think, or you’ll

falter.”736 In this case, the blame is put on the individual, the soldier, the citizen, who stubbornly

submits to the rule of the government and thus is guilty of its effects.

As an indication of the view of the German people as the enemies, the terms “German”

and “Nazi” have been often used interchangeably.737 Many accounts make no clear distinctions

between brutal SS officers and soldiers and passionate party members on the one side and the

parts of the population that endured rather than supported the regime. The passivity and

inactivity of the German people, in one view, makes them just as guilty. This image has survived

735 The Texas Company, advertisement, New York Times 30 March 1943: 13. 736 Advertisement in: Heimann, 40s 738. 737 Paul Monaco, “Stereotypes of Germans in American Culture: Observations from an Interdisciplinary Perspective,” Amerikastudien 31 (1986): 406-07.

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in parts until today: “der Deutsche als klassischer Untertan nach ‘oben,’ herzloser Machtgenießer

nach ‘unten’ […] und unberechenbarer Agressor nach außen; brutal, kalt, arrogant, unfreundlich,

gehorsam.”738

Many other ads, however, point out the Germans as victims of oppression or at least as

having a human side. One advertisement by Cutler-Hammer shows a poor peasant family, easily

identifiable as German as the boy wears a swastika armband. The scene’s bleak tristesse is

created by the winter weather seen through the window and the barren room, which features only

few items including a portrait of Adolf Hitler. The text explains that this family of farmers takes

parts home from a factory to assemble, making “slave wages.” It continues to warn the American

readers that this might be their fate, too, creating an identification with the Germans: “The

wonders of the ‘American Way’ of making things by machine to get low costs without low

wages must be victorious now or Hitler’s substitute is the pattern for your future and your

children’s future for generations to come.”739 A 1944 North American Aviation advertisement

praises the advantages of the North American P-51 Mustang Fighter by showing a note in

German which describes and warns of this attack plane.740 While it seems to only show the

American’s superiority, it also shows insights into the fears on the other side. Views such as

these humanize the enemy and allow them to appear less evil.

Most war advertisements specifically address Adolf Hitler himself, depicting him and not

the Germans as the real enemy. Leland Electric proclaims in 1944 that “Hitler’s U-boats are

doomed.”741 An ad for cooking fats suggests to “[d]rop explosives on Hitler,”742 the Philco

Corporation warns the Hitler by stating “Time is Short, Adolf!”743 and Veedoll advertises with

the headline: “Target for Tonight […] Hitler’s glass jaw.”744 Another advertisement shows a

Hitler who has not learned from previous mistakes. A towering Hindenburg tells him: “Don’t say

I didn’t tell you!” The text below states “Now history is repeating itself for Hindenburg’s

successor!” and is the central message of victory for the Allies.745 Sometimes the Axis rulers are

738 Krampikowski 54. 739 Advertisement in: Heimann, 40s 683. 740 Advertisement in: Heimann, 40s 716. 741 Advertisement in: Heimann, 40s 700. 742 War Production Board “Free! Bomber Trip to Berlin,” advertisement, Times 1943. (Ad Access. Item number: W0067. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/adaccess> 22 February 2005). 743 Advertisement in: Heimann 40s, 650. 744 Advertisement in: Heimann 40s 683. 745 Advertisement in: Heimann 40s 662.

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also included, showing that they need to be punished746 or that that Germany does not have the

resources that America has: “Oil is dandy for drowning.” The latter shows an oversized Hitler in

the sea being shot by fighter planes and pushing down on the heads of Mussolini and the

Japanese emperor.747 Even post-war references often address Hitler directly as the enemy and not

the Germans as a people.748

The Enemy and the Home Front

On the American side, advertising played an important role in mobilizing and energizing

the home front. Many ads contained tips on conservation or encouraged production and

investments in war bonds or stamps. During World War I such messages were already used, as

an ad for the “Soldier’s Service Dictionary” shows: “Ready for the Huns - and for His French

Comrades, Too.” It encourages relatives and acquaintances to buy one to help with the war

effort: “Get a copy for YOUR Soldier or Sailor friend – he needs it.”749 The ad shows the hybrid

nature of such messages that were both patriotic and war-supporting as well as promoting a

certain product or boosting a company’s image.

World War II brought about a large number of such patriotic sales marketing techniques.

While some suggest a more direct influence of civilians – one ad shows an American civilian in

shirt and tie with a bayoneted rifle about to kill a German soldier lying on the ground750 – most

are less martial in nature. Common were messages of conservation of goods such as kitchen

fats.751 Two exemplary ads by Texaco from the year 1943 show the possibilities that civilians

have to help defeat the enemy: “Here in America, millions of peace-loving citizens are willingly

skimping on food […] going without gasoline … working and investing their savings to defeat

you [Hitler].” The population is addressed as having a large effect on the outcome of the war:

“Our armies have just begun to show their real strength. Our civilians are setting new records of

production.”752

746 “Belt ‘em One!” (Advertisement by Hickory Belts in: Heimann, 40s 367.) 747 The ad describes Kopper’s Oil’s contributions in furnishing the oil industry and producing aviation fuel for the Americans. Advertisement in: Heimann, 40s 724. 748 “Hitler’s plan to attack America”: CNN, advertisement, New York Times 5 October 1999: A25. 749 Funk & Wagnalls Company, advertisement, The Literary Digest 12 October 1918: 42. 750 Beech-Nut Packing Co. “You Can Put A Nazi Out Of The War!” advertisement, New York Times 1943. (Ad Access. Item number: W0329. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/adaccess> 22 February 2005). 751 American Weekly “Nazi-Jap Eraser,” advertisement, American Weekly 1943. (Ad Access. Item number: W0064. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/adaccess> 22 February 2005). 752 Advertisement in: Heimann, 40s, 738.

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The second advertisement’s text poses several questions: “When … will the thundering

battlefields suddenly become silent? When … will the dazed captives be led from the prison

camps? When … will mothers see their sons again, wives greet their husbands, happy crowds

throng the streets, cheering and singing? When?” Similarly, the importance of the war effort at

home by civilian individuals is stressed. “It depends on you. Fighting will win the war … but no

army can win a total war without total support from the folks back home. You can help by

buying war stamps and bonds … by conserving food … and gasoline … and rubber.”753 The

former ad illustrates its point by a color image of a crucifix-form wooden grave marker that

resembles a dead German soldier raising his arm to greet Hitler, the latter shows the German and

Japanese flags and a sword and mace in a trashcan.

Another category highlights the products built in America with the intention of improving

a company’s image or indirectly advertising for related, civilian products. This widespread type

of advertising is used to promote such diverse products as Scotch Tape754, oil755, electronics756,

radar systems757, music machines758, and sprinkler systems759. Government programs such as war

bonds, war loans, and stamps helped raise money for the war effort. The populace was

encouraged to support these as much as possible through ads both by government-related

institutions760 and companies that sponsored those messages or included them in their own

promotions.761

753 Advertisement in: Heimann, 40s 738. 754 Advertised in 1943, in: Heimann, 40s 759. 755 1943 advertisement by the “Tide Water Associated Oil Company” in: Heimann, 40s 683. 756 Westinghouse Electric & Manufacturing Co. “Where a speck of dust could hide a Nazi airdome,” advertisement, Time 1942. (Ad Access. Item number: R0436. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/adaccess> 22 February 2005). 757 Westinghouse Electric & Manufacturing Co. “What Goes On Under a Nazi Pilot's Cap?” advertisement, Science 1943. (Ad Access. Item number: R0453. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/adaccess> 22 February 2005). 758 Wurlitzer “Yankee Doodle In Berlin!” Advertisement. Sunday News 1944. (Ad Access. Item number: W0204. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/adaccess> 22 February 2005). 759 Already advertised in World War I. (Grinnell Automatic Sprinkler System, advertisement, The Literary Digest 12 October 1918: 63.) 760 E.g.: U.S. Treasury Dept. “Now For The Big Push!” advertisement, Salt Lake Telegraph 1944. (Ad Access. Item number: W0216. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/adaccess> 22 February 2005).; U.S. Government Security Dealers Group. “Now Help Them Hit The Nazis From the Beaches to Berlin,” advertisement, New York Herald Tribune 1944. (Ad Access. Item number: W0378. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/adaccess> 22 February 2005). 761 E.g.: James Hanley Co. “This Is No Time To Let Go!” advertisement, Boston Evening Globe 1945. (Ad Access. Item number: W0234. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/adaccess> 22 February 2005).

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Modern References

Today’s image of the Germans rarely contains aspects of evilness and hostility.

References to German atrocities during World War II, are, however still numerous.

Predominantly movies, such as The Marathon Man, Julia, Sophie’s Choice, The Boys from

Brazil, The Odessa Files, and Indiana Jones, but also TV series, for example Hogan’s Heroes,

and other types of media and popular culture are still frequently based on this time period.762 In

several films the Nazis are used to critize existing problems within America.763

In advertising as well, references to the evil Germans are occasionally used. Today’s

Germans, however, seem to be detached from the Germans of the past. After the war the image

changed rapidly and was superceded by the Soviets: “So wurden aus den ‘verabscheuten

Deutschen’ des Weltkriegs und der Konzentrationslager über die Zwischenstufe der

‘bemitleideten Deutschen’ der Care-Pakete die ‘rehabilitierten Deutschen’ der Luftbrücke.”764

An ad for the Holocaust Museum accuses not Germany per se, but general inhumanity that is

detached from nationality. Even though the images of concentration camp inmates might conjure

old hostilities, the enemy is clearly stated: “Neo-nazis distinguish themselves with shaved heads

and tattoos. Ironic, isn’t it?” To avoid anti-German sentiments, “Richard von Weizacker, a

renowned German writer” is quoted: “Whoever closes his eyes to the past becomes blind to the

present. Whoever does not wish to remember inhumanity is susceptible to the dangers of new

infection.”765

A greater sensitivity can also be seen in an ad for an NBC show. It claims that “[t]wo

barriers separate Germany today,” that between the eastern and the western part of Germany, but

also between father and son. A change of generations, between whom there is a “barrier of

silence,” is portrayed also as a changing Germany. The advertisement promises that the viewer

“will listen to sons who are beginning to ask questions and to fathers who are at pain to answer

them.”766

762 As a matter of fact, these movies and shows themselves of course were advertised, thus perpetuating the images even to those that did or do not watch them. (See for example an ad for the movie “Battle of the Bulge” in: Heimann, 60s 568.) 763 Thomas Reuther, “Demokratie auf dem Prüfstand: Amerikanische Deutschlandbilder,” Die USA und Deutschland im Zeitalter des Kalten Krieges 1945-1990: Ein Handbuch. Vol 2, ed. Detlev Junker (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 2001) 793. 764 List and Nolden 73. An exemplary advertisement of the truck company “White” can be found in: Heimann, 60s 276. 765 Advetisement in: Warren Berger, Advertising Today (New York: Phaidon Press, 2001) 319. 766 NBC, advertisement, New York Times 15 June 1962: 54.

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The Nazis certainly are a formidable symbol of evil itself, and as an antipode they are

often used to show the strength, support, and unity of the American people. The world wars were

a time of uncertainty and tumult of which some ads remind the viewer. Goldman and Papson

analyze such an advertising strategy:

Merrill Lynch created scenic reenactments of going off to World War I and coming back

from World War II to inject itself at the core of American Patriotism. The WWI ad

provides a narrative backdrop to signify not only how Americans can count on this firm

during times of conflict and difficulty, but also to signify how America and Merril Lynch

have grown up together though the 20th century.767

In recent years, advertising for computer and video games has increased vastly, and as some

content deals with World War II, these images are conveyed even to non-gamers. Sometimes the

imagery is particularly disturbing, for instance in a commercial for the first-person shooting

computer game “Medal of Honor” in which German machine gunners are seen from behind

firing at the Americans storming the beaches of Normandy.768 Those war images, which

minimize the human suffering, have entered popular culture.

Politics

Michael Janofsky writes in the New York Times that political controversies and

advertising increasingly use Nazi imagery:

Since World War II, the murderous acts of Germany’s Third Reich have been generally

held as a benchmark of atrocity and, as such, a wholly inappropriate comparison for

almost anything else. But as hyperbole grows at alarming rates, obscuring political issues

more and more, the civility of public dialogue has begun breaking down in the race for

attention.769

767 Goldman and Papson 137-138. 768 EA Games “Medal of Honor Frontline - D-Day,” advertisement, 2002. 769 Michael Janofsky, “Increasingly, Political War of Words Is Fought With Nazi Imagery,” New York Times (Late Edition, East Coast) Oct 23, 1995: A12.

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It is important to stress that no clear references to Germany but rather to totalitarianism in

general are made. Germany, however, cannot be completely disconnected and is therefore

discussed here. One example Janofsky notes is that of in a campaign for a sheriff’s position,

“Ken Barnett for a time criticized Mr. Cassell [the opponent] in a television commercial that

showed Mr. Cassell’s picture beside Hitler’s and called Mr. Cassell’s deputies ‘goose-stepping

Gestapo’.” The two-minute commercial, which ran for nearly a week, also showed a scene from

the film “Schindler’s List” in which the commander of a concentration camp shoots an inmate in

the back of the head for no reason.”770 This phenomenon is not limited to regional advertising;

also on a national and international level such references are not uncommon. The organization

“MoveOn.org” hosted a competition for commercials that were meant to attack George Bush

prior to the 2004 presidential elections. The winning spot was to be shown on national television.

One spot posted on the website compared President Bush to Hitler, and was only removed after

an outburst of resentment and anger from the press, the public, and various organizations such as

the Anti-Defamation League. Although the commercial is no longer available for study, the

Republican Party website describes it as follows:

Script 1:

GRAPHIC: Nazi Flags In A Parade

GRAPHIC: Hitler HITLER: (Speaking In German)

CHYRON: A NATION WARPED BY LIES

GRAPHIC: German Troops Marching

GRAPHIC: Hitler In Car In Parade

GRAPHIC: German Troops Marching

CHYRON: LIES FUEL FEAR

GRAPHIC: German Tanks

CHYRON: FEAR FUELS AGGRESSION

GRAPHIC: German Artillery Firing

GRAPHIC: German Planes Dropping Bombs

GRAPHIC: German Tanks Firing

CHYRON: INVASION

770 Janofsky A12.

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GRAPHIC: German Tanks Rolling Down Street

CHYRON: OCCUPATION

GRAPHIC: Hitler With Hand Raised

BACKGROUND: Sig Heil! Sig Heil!

CHYRON: WHAT WERE WAR CRIMES IN 1945

GRAPHIC: President Bush With Hand Raised At Inauguration

BACKGROUND: Sig Heil! Sig Heil!

CHYRON: IS FOREIGN POLICY IN 2003

CHYRON: SPONSORED BY MOVEON.ORG

Script 2:

GRAPHIC: Pictures Of Hitler

HITLER: (Speaking In German)

CHYRON: We have taken new measures to protect our homeland,

GRAPHIC: Pictures Of Hitler

HITLER: (Speaking In German)

CHYRON: I believe I am acting in accordance with the will of the Almighty Creator,

GRAPHIC: Pictures Of Hitler

HITLER: (Speaking In German)

CHYRON: God told me to strike at al-Qaida and I struck them,

GRAPHIC: Pictures of President Bush

HITLER: (Speaking In German)

CHYRON: and then He instructed me to strike at Saddam, which I did.

CHYRON: SOUND FAMILIAR?

BACKGROUND: Cheering German Crowd771

The topic also reemerges when political action by Germany is inappropriate or too reminiscent of

World War II. Titled “German Guns, Jewish Targets,” an advertisement against German

weapons sales to Saudi Arabia in the 1980s exemplifies such usage.

771 “MoveOn.org Should Apologize for Ads Comparing Bush to Hitler Second Ad Posted on MoveOn.org Web site Also Compares Bush to Hitler,“ 20 April 2004. <http://www.rnc.org/News/Read.aspx?ID=3764>.

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A generation after Hitler, German arms again imperil Jewish lives. The government in

Bonn is planning a massive sale of warplanes, tanks, missiles and other weapons to Saudi

Arabia, sworn enemy of Israel. […] To the Jewish people, Germany carries a special

responsibility, a legacy of the Nazi era. Selling military hardware to Saudi Arabia, which

participated actively in in all of the Arab wars against Israel, would make a mockery of

Germany’s obligations.

It advises Chancellor Kohl of Germany and President Reagan and Secretary Shultz that “Jews

must never again be the targets of German weapons.”772

Scientology also used references to the Holocaust and persecution based on religion in

Germany during World War II in the New York Times. The ads compare the situation of the 30s

and first half of the 40s with Germany’s debates about denying Scientology religious status

during the 90s. Titled “Practicing Religious Persecution,” the first one shows the word

“Germany” and a picture of German Federal Minister Claudia Nolte. Two similar stories are

presented to the left of the photo, linking past and present persecution.

Germany, 1933: A little Jewish girl who had been called a pig for several days in

succession refused to go to school anymore. Boys and girls who used to play with her,

turned their backs on her. The teachers showed her frozen faces – they would lose their

posts if they did not.

Germany, 1994: The two children of a Scientologist were banished by the rest of the

school and a sign placed in front of the children’s playground stating that Scientologists

are not wanted.

More similarities are presented by contrasting Nazi quotes with quotes of German politicians

during the 1990s, hinting at ostensible parallels. The answer to the question why German

officials discriminate against Scientologists is that “[t]here is no legitimate reason, just as there

772 Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, advertisement, New York Times 5 March 1984: B10.

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was none for the persecution of the Jews. And, let us not forget, Germany has no tradition of

religious freedom.”773

Other advertisements of the “International Association of Scientologists” are designed in

the same fashion. One titled “Denigrate…Then Exterminate,” desribes “German Hate

Propaganda – 1994.” Discussing informational materials by the “Junge Union” which contain

anti-sect and anti-Scientology messages and a letter sent to Scientology Hamburg by a Neo-Nazi

group called “Propaganda Ministry Berlin – SS State Protection Department,” the ad accuses an

atmosphere of hate and discrimination and compares it to the Third Reich.774

Another Scientology advertisement accuses Germany of human rights violations in

Germany, giving other specific examples: “For the first time since the end of the Hitler era it has

become the focus of attention of international human rights groups decrying the surge of

incidents of discrimination and violence against minorities and foreigners in Germany.” Even

though it attests that “[t]he majority of the Germans detest these atrocities,” it also points out that

“the facts show that the attitude of German officialdom tolerates and even encourages it.” This

and the other ads are aimed to raise awareness of these issues and warns of a fall-back to

intolerance of minority and religious groups: “We have exposed the rise of intolerance in

Germany through advertisements in this newspaper because of the staggering evidence of

discrimination and violence against minorities, including German Scientologists – law-abiding,

industrious and peaceful citizens.”775

Germany is clearly presented as one that has not learned from history and that still

nurtures discrimination, prejudice, and injustice. These ads reveal that connections to the past

have not been forgotten and are still an important component of Germany’s image even decades

after the end of World War II and the fall of the Third Reich. Referring to the Nazi past is a

powerful tool in the hands of advertisers, as it triggers very emotional responses.

Another niche in advertising in which references to the Nazi past are displayed is the

book industry. Even before the outbreak of the war776 and during it777, images and messages

773 International Association of Scientologists, advertisement, New York Times 22 November 1996: A15. 774 International Association of Scientologists, advertisement, New York Times 19 December 1994: A15. 775 International Association of Scientologists, advertisement, New York Times 24 October 1994: A13. 776 E.g.: “The story of the awakening of a Nazi”: “Blood and Tears.” The ad indicates the discrimination and horrors of the regime: “If you are interested in behind-the-scenes Germany read this novel of a Hitler enthusiast who, in finding his idol with feet of clay, discovers what an ‘enemy’ of Hitler faces.” (D. Appleton-Century Company, advertisement, New York Times 22 July 1934: BR15.)

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were conveyed through book publishers and their advertisements. Also subsequent marketing

uses this powerful topic to sell books. A 1965 ad for religious books shows Stalin, Hitler, and

Mao Tse-tung and explains “[w]hy the Godless hate these books”: “Great Books contain the

great truths that are fatal to dictators, vital to religious men and women everywhere.”778 These

and other books are presented as an important part in a pluralistic, democratic society, as they

contain content and opinions that are suppressed by oppressive regimes. This statement also

indirectly refers to book burnings that are a common technique of authoritarian rulers, and is thus

appealing to the consumer because he or she values and appreciates the right to purchase and buy

these books.

A popular fiction and non-fiction genre often advertised is that of untold secrets and

behind-the-scenes revelations.779 The fascination of the topic stems from a desire to learn about

the unknown, an interest in history, and a certain attraction to frightening topics much the same

way that people are interested in horror stories; the alleged reality of the depicted material only

increases the consumer’s interest. Marketers frequently show swastikas and use ominous

language to increase the appeal and thus sales.

While many of these books are removed from post-war Germany, occasionally they refer

to the possibility of present-day Germany’s return to an authoritarian regime. For instance the

book “Return of the Swastika?” fires up such fears: “Recent opinion polls … show that a whole

new generation of Germans sees the Nazis as figures of romance.”780

The problematic side of these advertisements is that they influence public opinion by

reaching even those who do not read those books because they get pieces of information by

looking at these attention-getting messages. The ominous titles and the deliberately frightening

and independently uncommented assumptions and suggestions not only keep the memory of the

777 For example one ad for “Twilight in Germany” shows a death squad and reports of the fight between the Nazis and Germany’s citizens. “Insinde Germany today Nazism is fighting an unbeatable foe – the creeping terror that daily tightens its grip on the minds of the German people, the terror that foreshadows internal collapse.” The ad, which also promotes conserving resources (“paper packs a war punch! Conserve it! Salvage it!”), depicts the German people not only as the enemy but also as a victim of the regime’s oppressive rule. (Collier’s, advertisement, New York Times 1 September 1944: 26.) 778 Heimann, 60s 478. 779 For example: “The Night of Long Knives” (Harper & Row, advertisement, New York Times 9 July 1972: BR10.), “Hitler’s Secret Book” (Doubleday Book Shops, advertisement, New York Times 9 February 1962: 13.) and “The Man with the Miraculous Hands” about Heinrich Himmler (Farrar, Strauss & Cudahy, advertisement, New York Times 26 February 1961: BR21.) 780 David McKay Company, advertisement, New York Times 2 February 1969: BR19.

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horrors alive but also increase the negative picture of a Germany that has not learned from its

past.

Apple’s “1984” and Authoritarianism

One of the most famous commercials is Apple’s 1984 advertisement shown at the 23rd

Super Bowl in 1984, partly due to the fact that it was only aired that one time. Using an

intertextual approach, the title 1984 instantly invokes the fear of totalitarian regimes because of

George Orwell’s well-known novel with the same title. In the beginning of the commercial the

number is shown, followed by images of storm-trooper figures guarding monotonous inmates.

Only one person, a blonde woman clad in red and white, is different. Ultimately, we see the

inmates in front of a big TV screen, which the blonde woman destroys with a sledgehammer.

The inmates are baffled, and a textual message informs the viewers that 1984 will be the year

that a new computer will be introduced (The Macintosh).781 The images presented are startling,

shocking, and provocative. The commercial was in fact only shown once during the Super Bowl,

but re-appeared often later in discussions and reports about advertising, and, more specifically,

Apple. The message itself is not too difficult to understand, the more interesting question for this

topic is why these pictures work, why they are chosen, and what part Nazi Germany may have to

do with it.

Berger argues that the blonde represents the Macintosh and Apple and the guards

represent IBM, Apple’s larger competitor at the time (nowadays this opponent would be

Microsoft, which has often been caricatured as the Big Brother that is watching/controlling us). It

is evident that most people sympathize with the blonde woman782, and therefore be more inclined

toward Apple. “One acts not so much to gain pleasure (though that beautiful blonde attracts us)

but to avert pain - Big Brother and the dystopian world (IBM) that he represents.”783

This fear of oppression and totalitarianism is an important component of American

society. “[N]umerous studies of political psychology show Americans to be still outstanding in

their anti-authoritarianism, with no deep psychic need to submit themselves to higher political

authority, and a continuing propensity to assert their rights to personal autonomy over public

781 Apple Macintosh, advertisement, <http://www.apple.com/hardware/ads/1984> 1 January 2005. For a more detailed description of the advertisement see: Berger, Manufacturing Desire 43-56; Twitchell 184-193. 782 Twitchell argues that because she is strong, athletic, independent and liberated “she is, in terms of the 1980s, empowerment and freedom.” (Twitchell 190.) 783 Berger, Manufacturing Desire 55.

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control.”784 The concepts self-reliance and independence constitute an antipode to

authoritarianism, which makes images of Nazis or other authoritarian regimes a powerful tool to

convey these concepts.

While the storm troopers invoke this fear, it is not the overt, physical oppression of the

guards but rather the omnipotent media that threatens, represented by the large TV screen that

casts a spell on the inmates. The screen is filled by a male face, telling the viewers: “We are one

people, with one will, one resolve, one cause…” The propaganda lingo is very well known, not

only, but in large parts through Nazi party rallies. When the screen bursts, the inmates do not

jubilate or even show any emotion but stare in disbelief. They do not know what to do or think

without this screen. So there are two forces of oppression, a more physical one on the one hand,

and propaganda on the other. Whatever an individual may see in the ad, fear is invoked on

various levels: loss of control, individuality, freedom, power, free will, and pursuit of happiness.

In short, loss of essential American values and achievements.

The role of the blonde is that of the underdog, also an important phenomenon found

throughout the American popular culture. The blonde woman represents willpower, initiative,

rightiousness, courage, and bravery. She may be weaker (this can be argued for or against as a

gender stereotype) but she prevails and ultimately suceeds.

Of course there is irony in this commercial: a victory over the power of the media is itself

depicted at the Super Bowl, a media spectacle that draws the majority of Americans in front of

their TV screens, and during which the airtime of advertisements is the most expensive. The

irony is heightened that we escape some kind of control by purchasing a computer from another

corporation, even though it is smaller than the other one. Furthermore, buying a computer seems

to be a doubtful way to escape control of technology. Thirdly, one of the messages is to escape

persuasion and manipulation. A commercial, though, is a form of persuasion and in some cases

manipulation itself.

Using only certain images without being specific is one of the powerful devices used in

this advertisement. The not clearly defined pictures invoke fears that already exist in us, and

individuals will fill these vague images with more defined ones of their own. Depicting

actualities such as German SS-squadrons would undermine this technique because it would not

784 Alex Inkeles, “National Character: A Key to Understanding the USA,” Understanding the USA: A Cross-Cultural Perspective, ed. Peter Funke (Tübingen: Narr, 1989) 163.

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leave room for our own personal imagery.785 That is, in my opinion, one reason why there are

comparatively few specific references to the Nazis in post-World War II advertising.

5.4 The German Business Rival

Nationality plays an important role when companies are perceived to be chief competitors

in a certain field of business. Especially to counter the country-of-origin effect, rivalries between

companies often depict nationality rather than individual businesses. With this type of

advertising, a competitor justifies or asserts its products despite the country-of-origin advantage

of the competitors, which is implicitly acknowledged. While this was often part of wartime

advertising,786 it has increased during the post-war years as more and more imports were shipped

to the United States.

Two spots by the Japanese luxury car brand Lexus address the effects its cars’ advantages

have on German carmakers. The setting indicated in the first spot, “Bavaria GERMANY,”

suggests the carmaker BMW. In a large, filled convention hall hinted at as the

“[Kon]ferenzzentrum Bayern,” the speaker praises and acknowledges the Japanese achievements

in a clearly German accent: “Ladies and Gentlemen, the offensive of technology has begun.

Observe: laser-guided, adaptive cruise control, a rearview camera, suspension that lowers at

speed, headlights that turn to illuminate your path and curves…” At this point, a man older than

the speaker who seems to be the head of the company or division harshly interrupts the presenter

in German: “genug!” Then he adds the translation in a gentler tone (“enough”), and asks after a

pause of silence: “so, what do we do now?”787 The atmosphere, which is underlined by the use of

black in the commercial, conveys the dismal outlook of the company in recognition of the

ostensibly superior products of the rival.

A second commercial, which suggests Mercedes with the line “Stuttgart GERMANY,”

presents a man who is probably also in his 60s answering the phone in his office. The nationality

785 "[T]he relative obliqueness of the Macintosh ad's visual syntax can be considered doubly advantageous. On one hand, it enabled the ad to suggest a message that could not be expressed more openly; on the other hand, by stimulating viewers and media commentators to spend more time thinking and talking about the ad, the ad's obliqueness may have increased the likelihood that the audience would arrive at the implied message on its own - and that this message would make more of an impression." (Messaris 167.) 786 “Kodak optical systems for fire control destroy the legend of ‘German supremacy in lens making” (Kodak 1944) in: Heimann, 40s 706. 787 Lexus RX 330 “Bavaria, Germany,” advertisement, 2003.

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is once again emphasized by the accent and a few German words: “Heinrich! Ja…” Slightly

alarmed, he responds to the caller that he will “be right there.” In the following sequence he

walks along long, dark, black and white, sterile hallway, looking into various rooms in which the

engineers assert the dismal outlook he and the company are apparently facing. In the first room

he sees engineers examining the new Lexus, who state, also in a German accent: “they have left

little room for compromise.” The second two, who due to their sunglasses conjure images of mad

or evil scientists, admire technical specifications.788 Aggravating the atmosphere, the engineer in

the third room only looks at his superior and then down in shame.

In the last scene, a young female secretary tells the man ominously that “they’re waiting

for you” as he walks toward two doors. During the spot, sad music underlines the tristesse and

hopelessness of the man, who stands for the company at large. The dismal outlook culminates in

his apparently frightening walk ahead towards and through the doors, where he probably faces

the board of directors or his superiors.789

Both ads depict German companies, and through this also give insight into negative, dull

German cultural patterns. The world these German employees work in is dark, colorless, and

devoid of cheerfulness. Emphasizing gender stereotypes, all employees are middle-aged or older

men, with the notable exception of the secretary and the woman next to the superior in the first

spot. The negative stereotypes and images convey a more traditional Germany, favoring strict

hierarchies and the absence of gentleness and cheerfulness reminiscent of the dark side of

German culture. Similarly, the previously discussed “Überauto” print advertisement depicts a

Germany in defeat by hinting at stereotypically negative aspects of the Germans’ tendency to

perfection.790 A recent Subaru ad resembles a matching exercise, with drawn lines linking the

following pairs:

“faster than” with “Porsche Boxster[;] BMW 330XI[;] Audi A4 Quattro”

“corners better that” with “BMW 530I[;] Audi TT Quattro”

“0-60 MPH” with “5.8 seconds”

788 The first states: “Headlights that turn on curves” and the second answers “impressive.” 789 Lexus RX “Stuttgart, Germany,” advertisement, 2004. 790 Lexus, advertisement, <http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~haroldfs/popcult/handouts/adverts/ueber/ueberauto.html> 9 November 2004.

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“Germany” with “in mourning”791

The depiction shows the high level of national identification that cars constitute. It has been

shown that automobiles are an important part of people’s identity in Western cultures, which

explains why such attack ads also incorporate such national imagery.

Manganaro discusses a commercial in which Chrysler’s luxury car LeBaron (the name

itself suggests that it is marketed towards buyers of foreign cars) is compared to those of

Japanese and German origin. At first the yen burns, with soft music in the background. The

average price of a Japanese luxury car is displayed, followed by the Deutsche Mark, which also

burns. Once again, the average price for a German luxury car is displayed. Then the voice-over

remarks that the LeBaron is much cheaper: “Introducing luxury for people who don’t have

money to burn.” Manganaro stresses the xenophobic nature in ads like this Chrysler spot,792

which I believe is inherent in all the advertisements discussed in this section.

Volkswagen’s Critique of Mainstream America

German companies rarely deride or ridicule companies of other nationalities793 or even

their American competitors. To stress its straightforward sales techniques, Volkswagen for

instance attacks widespread American marketing approaches: big signs and large promises. An

exemplary ad of the year 1964 shows a blue VW Beetle with many differently colored flags and

signs on it, stating “Save-um!”, “Come in for pow-wow!” and “Heap big trading bee!”

Underneath this overladen car Volkswagen’s opinion is displayed: “Ugh.”:

This is an awful picture of a Volkswagen. It’s just not us. We don’t go in much for

trading bees or sales jamborees or assorted powwows. Maybe it’s because we don’t quite

understand the system. We’ve never figured out why they run clearance sales on brand

new cars. If there are cars left over every year, why make so many in the first place? And

how come the price goes down, even though the cars are still brand new? How does the

791 Subaru, advertisement, Newsweek 5 July 2004: 32-33. A television advertisement by the same company delivers the same message: “somewhere in Germany an engineer weeps.” (Subaru, advertisement, CNN 31 August 2004.) 792 Manganaro 22. See also: Chevrolet Celebrity Eurosport “High Priced German Roadcar,” advertisement, 1987. (The car “has many of the same features of the high-priced German roadcars. Except one: their high price.”), and: GMC Yukon “Not German, Not Japanese,” advertisement, 2004. 793 See above: Savan 233-234.

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poor guy who bought one last week feel about this week’s prices? Imagine what a

problem it must be to keep enough parts on hand when they’re always changing. And for

the mechanic to keep track of what he’s doing. It’s all very confusing. Either we’re way

behind the times. Or way ahead.794

Picking up on sentiments prevalent in the 60s, a 1969 ad derides another aspect of

American life: suburbia. In a typical street in with neat, clean, rows of houses, the ad shows red

and white VW Station Wagons parked in front of each:

If the world looked like this, and you wanted to buy a car that sticks out a little, you

probably wouldn’t buy a Volkswagen Station Wagon. But in case you haven’t noticed,

the world doesn’t look like. [sic]

So if you’ve wanted to buy a car that sticks out a little, you just know what to do.795

In the same fashion, a TV spot critiques and caricatures the extraordinary changes in American

car design by showing them in simple black and white drawings:

They get longer – and shorter; and longer again; one year fronts look like backs, then

backs look like fronts; you remember fins, don’t you? And chrome everywhere; here, and

here, and here; one-toned cars were out; three tones – they were the thing; we still don’t

know about headlights: are two enough? Four? Six? Eight? And then, there is the

Volkswagen, homely as ever. But everything in it keeps changing. The brakes, the clutch,

the transmission; the engine has been improved hundreds of times. Some cars keep

changing and stay the same. But Volkswagen stays the same and keeps changing.796

Warlaumont sees a personification of social values in such Volkswagen advertising.

794 Advertisement in: Heimann, 60s 215. 795 Advertisement in: Heimann, 60s 261. 796 Volkswagen, advertisement, Automobile Advertising of the 60's. New York: London International Advertising Awards. Video Recording, 1992.

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At a time when Americans were in love with the streamlined, tail-finned, ultra-long

American automobile powered by rocket engines, dynaflow, and the ultimate in

horsepower, the Volkswagen – slow, small, and ugly – came on the scene to personify

social values. The ads captured this change, positioning the Volkswagen as an alternative

to large American cars and as a way to simplify life.797

The addressee of these two advertisements is clearly not the mainstream customer, but someone

who tries to take a stand against the established mainstream culture. It appeals to a niche market,

which drew its customers mainly from the younger, rebelling generation and which tended to be

disillusioned and politically more liberal.

5.5 Germans as Objects of Ridicule

Ridiculing whole ethnic or national groups, including the Germans798, has been a part of

American culture since the first groups of immigrants arrived. It is widespread throughout the

world, and besides the negative implications of the phenomenon, it can also function as an outlet

for intergroup tensions and help people that have completely different backgrounds, cultures, and

languages accept each other.

Derision of ethnic groups in America was already common in early advertising. English

and American trade cards often depicted Germans as rotund and generally male, often with beer

steins and a memorable accent.799

World War I brought about a number of ethnophaulisms, as “[r]enaming became a

popular pastime: sauerkraut became ‘liberty cabbage,’ hamburgers became ‘liberty sandwiches,’

German measles became ‘liberty measles,’ and of course dachshunds became ‘liberty pups.’”800

797 Warlaumont 184. 798 For jokes involving Germans and their characteristics see also chapter 8 “Slurs International: Folk Comparisons of Ethnicity and National Character” in: Dundes 96-114. 799 E.g.: Trade Card. <http://www.tradecards.com/scrapbook/ethnic/014.17.html> 26 October 2004. See also the discussion of trade cards in chapter 1.1 for further details on parodies of Germans. 800 Leab 163. Such renaming is still sometimes used during times of animosity, for instance replacing “French fries“ by “freedom fries“ before and during the Iraq War of 2003. Picking up on public sentiment against the anti-war stance of France (and Germany, too, by the way), this clever marketing trick was televised nationally on the news and entered as a term into popular culture much the same way the term “Krauts“ did.

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Minimizing the enemy was another technique of depicting the enemy as weak and harmless.801

This extended even into post-war years802, as the German enemy turned into a friend and ally and

the Nazis entered popular entertainment culture. The TV series Hogan’s Heroes, which is often

cited by researchers of German stereotypes, was even the background for a few commercials. In

a Federal Express spot two employees discuss the show: “‘Schultz never knew there were

tunnels?’ ‘He didn’t wanna know.’ ‘He knew nothing.’ ”803 The last phrase is pronounced with

the thick accent of the German character of the series. Kiley reports another intertextual

reference:

In one memorable TV spot, Deutsch’s [advertising company] creative team produced an

ad that seemed like the voice-over was talking about a BMW when it was really a Pontiac

Bonneville. The voice-over was German actor Werner Klemperer who had played Nazi

Colonel Klink in the TV series Hogan’s Heroes.804

As I have already alluded to above, poking fun at the Germans is often found in

conjunction with advertisements for beer. To illustrate which sides of Germanness are ridiculed,

a number of commercials by Beck’s, Löwenbräu and Miller are discussed here. The Beck’s spots

of 1999 each expose a stereotypical German weakness in order to heighten their brewing skills

and history in contrast. All spots end in an exaggerated voice-over exclaiming that “Germans

don’t do [comedy/laid back/romance]. They do beer. Becks’s: The best of what Germans do

best.” Even though the producer of the product is German, the ridiculing is thought to increase

the general image of the largest beer importer from Germany.

Two similar commercials deal with the stereotypical lack of humor, both featuring a

German stand-up comedian dressed in a suit and tie. He walks on stage at a club and delivers his

one-liners: “Good evening, ladies and germs. I just flew in from Berlin, and boy, are my arms

tired”805 and “Good evening, ladies and germs. How many engineers does it take to change a

801 E.g.: War Bonds “Christmas Sock of 1943,” advertisement, Silver Screen 1943 (Ad Access. Item number: W0171. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/adaccess> 22 February 2005). 802 E.g.: Asbestos advertisement of 1948 in: Heimann, 40s: 508. 803 Federal Express “Hogan’s Heroes,” advertisement, 2001. 804 David Kiley, Getting The Bugs Out: The Rise, Fall, and Comeback of Volkswagen in America (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 2002) 185. 805 Beck's “Comedy/Berlin,” advertisement, 1999.

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lightbulb? None, if manufactured correctly.”806 After an embarrassing silence, one audience

member manages applause. In both ads the comedian adds: “Thank you, I’ll be here all the

week.”807 While displaying lack of humor is the obvious goal, the second joke is also of further

interest. It reduces Germany into its main advertising components, as is common in the tradition

of the “lightbulb jokes”808: engineering perfection and beer.

A third spot features a theater scene. The actress, standing on a large white cube,

exclaims in German: “Romeo, oh Romeo, warum denn, Romeo? Verleumde deinen Vater,

deinen Namen, willst du das nicht? Schwör dich zu meinem Liebsten.”809 Her gestures and

mimic are very clumsy, monotonous, and unpassionate, and her voice and intonation reveal a

lack of emotion and romance. The addressee, Romeo, does not talk at all. He is a mime, who

hides behind a black ball on stage and who awkwardly puts his hands on his chest, simulating his

feelings and his broken heart. The stage is in black and white, devoid of color, which emphasizes

the lack of the performance’s emotion in this scene. This avant-garde, “artsy” theater setting

ridicules Germany’s changing and progressive art scene. Lack of romance is a stereotype that the

Germans share with other north European nations, such as England or the Scandinavian

countries. What makes this setting so German is the addition of language, clumsiness, and a

cultural setting that is controversial and difficult to understand.

The fourth and last Beck’s commercial discussed here draws its imagery from similar

sources. A man is seen in a sterile room decorated in modern high-tech style. He inserts a CD

that states “Das <Kalm>” [sic] into a CD player and follows the audio instructions: “Assume the

comfortable position. Relaxation is achieved through extreme focus. Commence relaxation:

Now!”810 While this soft-spoken speech is enhanced by soothing music, the last imperative

(“Now!”) is pronounced harshly and authoritatively, interrupting the background music.

The tools used here are again a sterile, colorless, unemotional, black and white setting

and playing with language and accents.811 More important than the apparently non-existing

806 Beck's “Comedy,” advertisement, 1999. 807 The definite article resembles a direct translation from German, whereas in the correct phrase the article would be omitted (“all week“). The small mistake adds to the character’s awkwardness. 808 For these “lightbulb jokes“ and similar ethnic and national jokes, see: Dundes. (Chapter 8 “Slurs International: Folk Comparisons of Ethnicity and National Character”: 96-114.) 809 Beck's “Romance,” advertisement, 1999. 810 Beck's “Laid Back,” advertisement, 1999. 811 For example the use of German articles (“das“), the changing of “c” to “k” and using English words as foreign words (“Kalm”), the inappropriate use of the direct article in English (“assume the comfortable position”), awkward, non-colloquial words (“commence”) and almost any pronunciation difficult for German speakers.

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ability of Germans to relax is, in my opinion, the authoritarian message linked to the Germans:

they have to be told what to do, even when they have to relax. The means here are not a

totalitarian ruler but technology and the media, which can impose similar restrictions and dictate

as the “1984” spot has shown.

The campaign was dropped after initial reactions were not favorable. Apparently not

hitting the right tone and exaggerating stereotypes too much led to its failure. Van Munching

explains the unpopularity by the spots’ silliness: “Meant to be a winking agreement that maybe

Germans aren’t known for their sense of humor or their ability to relax, the campaign was

undone by an over-the-top voiceover […] and became an impenetrable Hans-and-Frans [sic]

skit.”812 In an interview, the Beck’s executive John Lennon explains that it did not aim at target

consumer groups of the product:

There was a lot of negative [sic] in the former campaign, which was a little offensive. We

have a lot of German Americans in this country, especially avid Beck’s drinkers in the

Midwest, who found [the] campaign did not ring true with them. That humor was very

sophisticated and highbrow…813

Khermouch, however claims, that the “striking, expressionistic ‘best of what Germans do best’

campaign” was “admired even by rival marketers.”814 Even though the campaign was not

economically successful, it reveals a cultural impression about stereotypes of Germans, but also

a certain resentment of such oversimplifications. The light beer campaign that followed softened

the approach and integrated more favorable sides of Germans into its commercials.815

In a similar fashion, the German brewer Löwenbräu took a spin on the stereotype of

older, folkloristic southern Germans in a print campaign of the late 90s. Three ads depict the

above-mentioned lack of romantic tact and instinct combined with an even greater appreciation

of beer. While all the pictures are black and white, the text and the company’s logo are not. The

812 Philip Van Munching, “The Devil’s Adman,” Brandweek 25 September 2000: 90. A similar reference to those skits is made in a spot depicting a live cooking show (“Turn up the heat with Hanz [sic]”) reminiscent of the Hans and Franz characters. The presenter’s German accent, use of of the word “Ja” and grammatical mistakes, his feminine gestures and behavior, his silly jokes, and his mistakes poke fun at this character. (Dupont Teflon “Hans,” advertisement, 2003.) Hans and Franz are characters from the comedy show Saturday Night Live. 813 Beirne 11. 814 Gerry Khermouch, “Beck’s Looks To Energize Marketing,” Brandweek 17 July 2000: 5. 815 See previous chapters.

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message next to an image of two older men holding large steins of beer and an older woman in

the middle states: “We share everything at Oktoberfest, except our Lowenbrau.”816 The other ad

shows a married couple with the statement “My wife won’t talk to me. That’s OK my

Lowenbrau will.”817, and the third depicts a rotund man with the phrase “I like my Lowenbrau

like my women. Big and easy to pick up.”818 One advertisement of the same campaign depicts

the Germans’ connoisseurship of beer and awkward sense of humor, as an even larger Bavarian

male is presented next to the line “It only comes in bottles, cause cans are for tuna.”819 This

series of advertisements again emphasizes a dominant role of males in German society and an

objectification of women.

The GDR has played almost no role in advertising. One exceptional 1980s TV

commercial for “Miller Lite” beer, however, depicts both East German and Soviet stereotypes, as

not only the initial text blended in indicates: “‘Helga’ Piscopo Ex-East German Swimmer.”

Three women, who are played by men wearing wigs and unappealing dresses, stand at a bar

counter and talk into the camera. It is obvious that the East German female swimmers are

ridiculed here. The man in the middle, who is said “Helga Piscopo,” talks with a heavy German

accent:

Well I used to compete for girls’ swim team of East Germany; my comrades and I always

loved to come to America; we love the stylish clothes and late-night TV; but most of all

we love the Miller Lite; and it’s truly superior beer, not only tasting great but also less

filling, which is very important to comrades and I so to keep the girlish figure.820

816 Löwenbräu, advertisement, (Lürzer’s Archive Online Services. Reference number: [5.9733]. <http://www.luerzersarchive.net> 12 January 2005). 817 Löwenbräu, advertisement, (Lürzer’s Archive Online Services. Reference number: [5.9734]. <http://www.luerzersarchive.net> 12 January 2005). 818 Löwenbräu, advertisement, (Lürzer’s Archive Online Services. Reference number: [5.9734]. <http://www.luerzersarchive.net> 12 January 2005). This advertisement differs from the one quoted in the previous footnote, even though it shares the same reference number, which are not unique in Lürzer’s Archive. 819 Löwenbräu, advertisement, (Lürzer’s Archive Online Services. Reference number: [5.9733]. <http://www.luerzersarchive.net> 12 January 2005). This advertisement differs from the one quoted in the previous footnote, even though it shares the same reference number, which are not unique in Lürzer’s Archive. 820 Miller, advertisement, Beer Advertising of the 80s, New York: London International Advertising Awards, Video Recording, 1990-99.

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Each statement is confirmed by the others shouting “Ja.” As the bartender comes by with more

beers, Piscopo yells: “yeah, cute, huh? Ja! Ja!” The scene culminates in Piscopo lighting a cigar

and everyone laughing obnoxiously.

The three “East German swimmers” are clearly men, as they are muscular, have hair on

their chest, and deep, loud voices. Female athletes from Soviet countries, especially the GDR,

who allegedly took performance-enhancing drugs frequently and thus brought about an

imbalance of hormonal levels, are ridiculed here. These practices often resulted in an inability to

bear children, physiological and psychological problems, and most notoriously in deeper voices

and a more muscular physique.

Many other common stereotypes are object of derision, from the Germans’ language and

accent and their love of beer to their obnoxious, yet self-confident behavior. While the image of

the ugly German is presented quite literally, so is their alleged love for America.

5.6 Conclusion

The extraordinary relationship of Western Germany and the United States that quickly

followed World War II is also reflected in American – and in fact German – advertising. From

the first big boost of German popularity during the Berlin airlift, a popular advertising motif821,

German-American friendship has prospered and been used, if rather rarely, in American

advertising as well. The advertisements discussed in this chapter reveal that they generally seek

to portray shared characteristics and values, from a love of cars and nature to a common interest

in prosperity and production.

In the previous chapter another type of friendship, that of American tourists and their

German hosts, has been discussed. The overall message is that Americans are particularly

821 Praising GCA radar landing systems, one advertisement for example refers to the “2295 blind landings on GCA at Tempelhof.” It shows three German children at the Tempelhof Airdome, watching the Americans deliver much needed supplies. (Gilfillan “Operation Christmas,” advertisement, Time 3 January 1949. (Ad Access. Item number: R0488. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/adaccess> 22 February 2005). Another ad uses the success in Berlin to promote its air freight services in America. (American Airlines, Inc. “‘Berlin Airlift’ in Your Own Home Town!” advertisement, Saturday Evening Post 1949. (Ad Access. Item number: T1781. <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/adaccess> 22 February 2005).)

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welcome in Germany.822 Travel ads also play with the little differences and similarities that make

German-American relations interesting, as this print advertisement exemplifies:

We are hefty barmaids who can carry up to 16 steins of beer at a time and we are

salesgirls who ought to be in Hollywood. Some of us speak dialects few of us can

understand, and many of us speak English that is as American as apple strudel. We’re

patient, polite people with some of the wildest night life in Europe and some very

majestic opera. We live in cities that haven’t changed since the Middle Ages and in cities

that weren’t there 20 years ago. And we have mountains and forests and villages that

have been there forever.823

Certainly the combination of sameness and otherness is the aim of these ads. While something

different and desired is presented, showing close ties to the United States always ensures that the

presented image is not too exotic or alienating.

The image of the Germans has always been an ambiguous one. Interactions between

America and Germany have spawned such negative representations as the infamous Hessian

mercenaries, Prussian militarists, and the Nazis. All of these have had a powerful impact on the

perception of the Germans as evil or ugly in America.

In advertising, there have been surges of such depictions during both world wars, but they

quickly abated soon thereafter. During these wars, advertising campaigns were politically

motivated and often contained imagery and texts that helped build up public resentment of the

Germans and helped spark patriotic feelings and support for the war effort. The propagandistic

content often displayed the Germans as monsters devoid of feeling who commited brutal war

crimes, often resulting in increasing fears of a personal threat to Americans. On the other hand,

the Germans in World War II advertising were also frequently depicted as victims of a

totalitarian regime. Most ads, however, simply used the antagonism to show the advertisers’

expertise in a certain field and their patriotic commitment.

As images of the Soviet Union replaced those of the Nazis as the enemy, favorable

822 Titled “If you’re a discerning traveler… Germany’s the place to be!”, one print ad states: “As an American in Germany you will feel wanted, and especially welcome. The people’s warmth and friendliness make it that way […]. Ask any American who’s been there.” (Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 15 June 1964: 26.) 823 German National Tourist Office/Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 26 November 1972: XX29.

205

images once again resurfaced and only rarely can such negative advertisements be found in

subsequent decades. As the analyzed advertisements of movie, book, and computer game

producers as well as the Church of Scientology exemplify, images of Germany’s infamous past

do reappear from time to time. The Germans are also ridiculed at times as robot-like engineers or

emotionless bores who are known only for their beer. As did early depictions in trade cards,

more recent advertisements play with long-ingrained stereotypes, thus revealing a certain level of

otherness and resentment that has not completely vanished from perception of the Germans in

America.

206

Conclusion

In this dissertation I have created a collage of the depictions of Germans and Germany in

American advertising. The study led to a number of conclusions, some of which were surprising

while others supported my initial assumptions.

While the number of ads connected to Germany is rather small in comparison to the total

number of ads, it was surprising that I encountered such an abundance of material. The initial

guess of dozens turned into hundreds of advertisements during the compilation and research

period. There are most likely many more relevant advertisements, providing rich materials for

future research on this topic. The topos of Germans and Germany has been used since the

beginnings of advertising in the United States and I have encountered it still frequently in recent

ads that were aired and printed during the writing process of this dissertation.

The types of products that Germans and Germany are commonly employed for in

advertising met the expectations. The automobile, tourism, as well as the food and beverage

(predominantly beer) industries, are the ones that most frequently employ German images. It is

interesting that it is German companies themselves and their American subsidiaries that often use

stereotypes that might be very simplifying if not offensive. Advertisers such as Beck’s,

Lufthansa, or Volkswagen were among those that most often used explicit references to

Germany. The majority of German companies exporting goods to America, however, avoid any

references to their country of origin. For big corporations such as Bayer, Krupp, or Siemens, a

national label would counteract their international image. Brands such as Puma, Adidas, or T-

Mobile do so because Germany does not represent modern lifestyle or cutting-edge

technology.824 In the marketing world, Germany and the Germans are depicted by a limited

number of established images and stereotypes, which add to the overall prestige of a product or a

company. It is interesting to note that, with a few exceptions, many American companies with

German roots such as Budweiser 825 or Heinz826 do not show their heritage. This allowed and

824 Cf.: Rietig. 825 Adolphus-Busch, founder of Anheuser-Busch, “could have touted German culture and expertise in advertising his Budweiser beer. Instead, German references in Anheuser-Busch trade materials disappeared after 1890 (although they briefly reappeared again during Prohibition).” (Donna R. Gabaccia, “As American as Budweiser and Pickles? Nation-Building in American Food Industries,” Food Nations: Selling Taste in Consumer Societies, eds. Philip Scranton and Warren Belasco (New York: Routledge, 2001) 181.)

207

allows these companies to not only be seen as genuinely American, one of their trademarks still

today, but also to reach broad markets and grow considerably by inclusive rather than exclusive

marketing techniques.

An important finding of this dissertation is the temporal distribution and changing

depiction of Germans and Germany in American advertising. The two world wars mark

important breaks also in advertising history. They brought about a barrage of politically charged

propaganda that could not be found in previous or following time periods. I found that the post-

war years were missing Germans and Germany almost completely, partly due to the lack of

German imports as well as a political and social reorientation period. Starting in the sixties,

German motifs began to be slowly re-introduced into American advertising culture and have

since then grown to a fairly stable element since the 1980s. With the exception of the propaganda

period, depictions have remained largely positive.

In this dissertation I showed that even though all these depictions are used to increase the

market value of a product and increase its sales, they also perpetuate stereotypes and create new

images of the Germans and their country in very powerful ways, perhaps more so than the news

media or literature currently does. Advertising, Bogart writes, “is a pervasive, intrusive element

of media content, fragmenting communication and purveying messages that go beyond direct

persuasion on behalf of whatever it sells.”827

Rather than presenting empirical data, I am more concerned with the possible impact of

such presented depictions of Germany and the Germans in this dissertation. Gast summarizes the

image of the Germans and Germany as presented by advertising as follows:

So wird auch in der Werbung ein ambivalentes Bild der Deutschen und Deutschlands

unterschwellig vermittelt: Gefährliche, intelligente Technologie, die unglaubliche

Ingenieurleistungen erbringt, aber diese häufig unmoralisch einsetzt - und der gemütliche,

behäbige Romantiker, der in mittelalterlichen Kleinstädten wohnt, gern Bier trinkt,

usw.828

826 Gabaccia, As American as Budweiser 181. 827 Bogart 65. 828 Gast, Das Deutschlandbild im amerikanischen Fernsehen 262.

208

In my opinion this summary is somewhat exaggerated. It is true that the German image is a two-

sided one, including the aggressive, cunning, often evil German and his romanticized, nostalgic

opposite. But dangerous technology, which may be used for immoral purposes, is, in my view,

not even sublimally conveyed. Such depictions were certainly common during wartime

advertising, but quickly abated after the world wars ended. I do agree with Gast’s analysis that

technology is predominantly shown and that certain authoritarian themes can, if infrequently, be

found. Totten argues a bit differently in that there is a clear negative image of the Germans, yet a

completely positive notion of this does not exist:

Die Karikatur des bösen Deutschen kann mit wenigen Strichen das deutsche Problem von

hervorstechenden menschlichen Eigenschaften ableiten. Den deutschen Idealtyp in

fremden Augen gibt es dagegen in dieser Klarheit nicht. An seiner Stelle müssen wir mit

einer deutschen Ideallandschaft vorliebnehmen.829

In my opinion this “Ideallandschaft” does, especially in advertising, include not only Germany

but also the romanticized German. This is due to an intensive use of nostalgia in advertising in

general and to the ethnic make-up of the American population. Americans claiming German

heritage constitute the largest ethnic group in the United States:

Das von vielen Mitgliedern geprägte Brauchtum beschränkte sich aber meist auf Steuben

Day-Paraden, Oktoberfeste, und das Schwärmen für ‘typisch deutsche’ Utensilien wie

Lederhosen und Sauerkraut. Selten nahm sie die Form aktiver Auseinandersetzung mit

den politischen und sozialen Verhältnissen in der Bundesrepublik an.830

I found that this trend is certainly reflected in advertising as well. This presentation of Germany

allows for easy access to a simplified, romanticized German culture that, if it has ever existed at

all, does not take into account a contemporary Germany.

829 Totten 204. Similarly, Koch-Hillebrecht notes that a well-defined, positive image is largely absent in the perception of the Germans: “Vom Image der ‘Dichter und Denker’ hingegen, das unserem Selbstbild so ungemein schmeichelt, ist in aller Welt nur wenig spürbar.” (Koch-Hillebrecht 145.) 830 Reuther 788.

209

The bifurcated ideal image of the good Germans and the evil Nazis, that of the efficient,

machine-like engineer and the jovial, rotund, non-threatening German that is so prevalent in the

depiction of Germans in general,831 can also be found throughout advertising. The negative

aspect, however, is not used as often, as advertising generally functions better if more positive

images are invoked.

I found that several stereotypes and traits commonly associated with the Germans were

not depicted in American advertising. The German stereotype of worrying too much, contrary to

the American sense of initiative, efficacy, and optimism, was absent from any of the ads that I

analyzed. An explanation that I found most plausible is that this abstract concept is rather

difficult to display and far too nuanced for marketing techniques. Interestingly, one of

Germany’s greatest passions, soccer, is also only rarely alluded to.832 This may be due to the fact

that soccer is perceived to not be a particularly German phenomenon, but rather an international,

non-American sport, which can also be seen in the term ‘American Football.’ Only rarely are

German sports stars such as Steffi Graf used to promote products. The 2006 FIFA World Cup in

Germany, however, brought about a large number of advertisements featuring Germans and

Germany, which disappeared very quickly thereafter.

The addressees of advertising containing references to Germans and Germany come from

all classes and groups of the American population. I do not support Koch-Hillebrecht’s view of

the German image as something appealing to only the lower and middle classes and not the

upper classes.833 Most German cars are in the upper or luxury segment, and the pricier, imported

German beers and international travel appeal rather to the affluent social strata.

While many stereotypes and images continue to be used in advertising, certain changes in

representation can be seen. Condescending or negative imagery is declining as there is a greater

cultural awareness and political correctness in American society. As such depictions tend to

offend segments of the population, sales fall and thus such advertising is counterproductive.

Advertisers do not want to create uneasy feelings about certain terms or controversial issues.

“Within the bounds of its audience,” O’Barr stresses, “advertising is deeply concerned with the

appropriateness and even the morality of its representations. It takes care not to offend the

831 This ambivalent view of the Germans reappears at times, for instance during the re-unification discussions. See: List and Nolden; Schmiese. 832 An exception may be a print advertisement titled “Soccer made in Germany.” (German Educational Television Network Ltd, advertisement, New York Times 5 September 1981: 15.) 833 “Im ganzen hat der deutsche Geist versäumt, die Oberschichten der Welt anzusprechen.” (Koch-Hillebrecht 149.)

210

members of its audience, lest offense result in lost sales. For those defined as outside the market

- and thus outside the audience - these considerations do not apply.”834 Thus the depiction of

Germany and the Germans in advertising differs from their representation in other media, which

do make references to the negative aspects of German life. More often than not, both the

advertising and the non-advertising media image of Germany is distorted or even completely out

of touch with reality:

The true picture of German culture differs substantially from that presented in the popular

media where Germans are presented as either brutal or as jolly, overweight, and beer-

guzzling. Equally enigmatic is post-World War II German Americans’ perception of their

heritage as inseparable from certain icons and costumes, notably beer mugs, fast high-

quality cars, sausage and sauerkraut – enlivened by the spirit of Bavarian folk music.835

I found that some stereotypes are actually challenged, ridiculed, or played with. In

general though, the German image in advertising reveals a mixed and ambivalent, distorted view

of Germany and its inhabitants. In my opinion, it is this ambivalence of the rustic versus the

modern, the new versus the old, the seriousness versus the silliness of the Germans that

constitutes the greatest appeal for American consumers. This contrast must not be seen as a

conflict, but rather a romanticized, exotic, and nostalgic view that many consumers long for and

which is perpetuated by advertising and the media in general. A Lufthansa travel ad exemplifies

this appeal: “Germany is a world of treasures to explore; exuberant beergardens to intimate

dining, cafes to castles, cosmopolitan cities to the glorious Alps.”836 “Without ever saying so

explicitly,” Stewart writes, “the media of style offer to lift the viewer out of his or her life and

place him or her in a utopian netherworld where there are no conflicts, no needs unmet; where

the ordinary is – by its very nature – extraordinary.”837 Schneider remarks that “stereotypes have

become less well defined and more positive over the past couple of decades,”838 and I found that

advertising reflects that trend.

834 O'Barr 12. 835 Rippley 713-14. 836 Lufthansa, advertisement, New York Times 15 March 1987: 411. 837 Ewen, All Consuming Images 14. 838 Schneider 436.

211

In this dissertation I aimed at presenting the many different ways in which Germans and

Germany were and still are presented in American advertising. It has been shown that even

though some representations have changed over the years, many stereotypes have remained. It

can be expected that with increasing globalization and internationalization, improving

information technology, and bigger advertising budgets, depictions of the Germans and their

country will continue to be employed but are likely to change over time. Advertising can be

expected to be seen by heterogeneous groups of people with different cultural backgrounds, not

restricted by national boundaries. But as the very core of the advertisements, the targeted

consumer, changes, the advertising content itself will have to change.

Since we are in an era of global advertisers, global ad agencies, and global media, we

might assume that we face a strong future of global advertising campaings. To some

extent, that is true. But with different cultures, languages, mores, demographics, and

standards of living, the concept of global advertising is just that, a concept. Very few

commercials can run worldwide and be equally effective and accepted without substantial

changes.839

It remains to be seen how these changes might play out. In my opinion, advertising will continue

to have a strong influence on the perception of other nationalities and its impact is likely to grow

rather than decrease. The very nature of advertising, its brevity, conciseness, and intention,

dictates the use of stereotypes and distorted images.

839 Cappo 93.

212

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