8TALKING ABOUT KINGSHIP WHEN PREACHING ABOUT SAINT LOUISnM. Cecilia Gaposchkin*Dartmouth College, Hanover* itI:nIi 1A sfALouis IX, king of France between 1226 and 1270, was canonized a saint of the Church by Boniface VIII in 1297 within the deeply politicized context of the dispute between Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII. As both a king and a saint, Louis was immensely valorizing of, on the one hand, religious virtue, and on the other, ideal kingship. Louis was thought to be a saint for a variety of reasons: for his deep piety, for his crusades, for his austerities and humility. Those advocating for his sainthood in the period between his death and his canonization had minimized his kingship in the effort to model him as a saint within the modality of saintly discourse. After 1297, however, it was Louis as a king that increasingly distinguished him from other saints, and his just kingship became the hallmark of his saintly identity.1 At the same time, in the wake of Louiss canonization, the early decades of the fourteenth* I extend my sincere thanks to Franco Morenzoni and Nicole Briou for inviting me to participate in the conference that led to this volume, and to Prof. Morenzoni for reading an earlier draft: of the article. I thank also Sean Field (as always), David dAvray, Charles Briggs, and John Zaleski for reading earlier versions of this paper. Charles Briggs also provided me with accurate texts for Giles of Romes De regimineprincipum. I thank also John Zaleski, who compared and transcribed several manuscripts of Bertrand de la Tours Dico vobis, and shared with me his transcription from Toulouse, BM, MS 328.1 I trace this evolution in Gaposchkin, The Making ofSaintLouis, esp. chs 1,2,4, and 8. The indispensible works on Louis are Chester Jordan, Louis IXand the Challenge ofthe Crusade-, Le Goff, Saint Louis-, Richard, Saint Louis. For the canonization process, the standard reference is Carolus-Barr, Le Troces de canonisation de Saint Louis. We still rely on Le Nain de Tillemont, Vie de Saint Louis.Preachingand Political Society: From Late Antiquity to the End ofthe Middle Ages /Depths TAntiquit tardivejusqua la fin du Mayen Age, ed. by Franco Morenzoni, sermo ro (Turnhouc: Brepols,2013) 135-172BREPOLS @ PUBLISHERS10.1484/M.SERMO-EB.1.101721

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century witnessed enormous interest in questions ofkingship and rule. This was due to the advent of scholastic interest in the nature of good rule (for example, Aquinas, Giles of Rome), and partly to polemical thinking that grew out of the real conflicts of the period (for instance, John of Paris and James of Viterbo responding to the dispute between Philip IV and Boniface; Marsilius of Padua and Dante reacting to the dispute between Ludwig of Bavaria andJohn XXII). These decades also witnessed the (surely not unrelated) politicization of preaching in which sermons were used to political ends. At the same time, politically- tinged themes crept into the traditional form of the sermon.2

king king! the k built on w to So alan{ unkn Othe Arag was c cal d< Most or Be folio1 relateFor examples of individual sermons or incidents of preaching after 1300 that engaged political themes, see Boyer, Ecce RexTuus; Boyer, Lafoimonarchique; Boyer, Predication et tat napolitain dans la premiere moiti du XIVC sicle; Boyer, Sacre et thocratie; Chevalier Boyer, Les Sermons de Guillaume de Sauqueville; dAvray, Death and the Prince-, Selle, Le Service des Amesa la cour, p. 152; Gaposchkin, The Making ofSaint Louis, pp. 231-37; Kelly, The New Solomon-, Leclercq, Un Sermon prononc pendant la guerre de Flandre; Martin, Le Mtier de prdicateur cl lafp du Moyen Age-, Pryds, The KingEmbodies the Word-, Strayer, France: The Holy Land.I know of at least fifty. Schneyer, Repertorium der lateinischen Sermones, is the basis of any work in this area. I have updated and corrected Schneyer as a result of my own work in Gaposchkin, The Making ofSaint Louis, pp. 282-93, and Appendixes 3 and 4, pp. 284-92. Appendix 3 lists the sermons in Louiss honour that I know about and have confirmed. Appendix 4 lists sermons that Schneyer had listed mistakenly as being in Louis IXs honour. Most, although not all of these, are in fact to Saint Louis of Toulouse (died 1297; canonized 1319). The sermon I mistakenly listed in Gaposchkin, The Making ofSaint Louis, p. 285, as Arnaud Royard 2 {Hie est ut Melchisedech), Padova, Ant. MS 208, 335r, is also in honour of Louis of Toulouse. To this list should now be added two sermons to which George Ferzoco also kindly alerted me (and that I have not verified). These are Mnchen, Bayerische SB, MS Clm 29510 (25 {Rex sapiens stabilimentum estpopuli, Anon.) fourteenth century) and Mnchen, Bayerische SB, mS Clm 29510 (40 (including a miracle of Louiss) a fifteenth- century volume of sermons), for which see Hauke, Katalog der lateinischen Fragmente der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek Mnchen, pp. 513 and 522. Otherwise, all citations of sermons in the notes below are drawn from Gaposchkin, The Making of Saint Louis, Appendix 3, pp. 282-89, where one can find manuscript and publication information. There are no doubt further sermons to be discovered.Anon., 6, 1 {Rexsapiens), BnF, MS lat. 14969, fols 254v-257r; James of Lausanne, OP, 31I17I1114{Rexs MS V 1649' ;no. 7C5(Univ lat. 4567fols 2(Troye mon er-the ion ore as a1iing his language from Giles of Romes De regimineprincipum (On the Rule of Princes), which reworked Aristotles treatment of the judge in book 5 of the Nichomachean Ethics.61 Next the author cited Augustines City ofGod iv. 4 and his famous dialogue between Alexander the Great (who pillaged whole kingdoms) and the pirate (who pillaged merely small things), to argue that the just king must above all possess the illustrious virtue of justice.62 The author offered a definition of justice that drew on contemporary language of different types of justice, but diverged from the work of Thomas or Giles in its specific quadripar-iind hip v is an-the:ak-tical1oint;tian;inal*per:, sicPer1catisdamuali-xl in*ticiacst quedam rectitudo. Ps. [18 9]: Iustitie domini recte. Rex autem est regula aliorum in agendis. Quod patet: Lex enim est quedam regula agendorum. Multo magis rex debet regula, quia regis est leges condere; unde rex est quedam lex animata, sicut lex est quidam princeps inanimatus. Quantum ergo animatum superat inanimatum, tantum rex superat legem.The Latin from Giles of Rome, De regimineprincipum, n. 2. 2, reads: Prima via sic patet, nam si lex est regula agendorum, ut haberi potest ex 5 Ethic., ipse iudex et multo magis ipse rex, cuius est leges facere, debet esse quedam regula in agendis. Est enim rex sive princeps quedam lex, et lex est quidam rex sive princeps, nam lex est quidam inanimatus princeps. Princeps vero est quedam animata lex. Quantum ergo animatum inanimatum superat, tantum rex sive princeps debet superare legem. Debet enim rex esse tante iustitie et tante equalitatis ut possit ipsas leges dirigere, cum in aliquo casu leges observan non debeant, ut infra patebit. Dubitare ergo utrum rex debeat esse equalis et iustus est dubitare utrum ipsa regula debeat esse regulata. Si enim regula ab equalitate deficit nihil regulatum erit, cum omnia per regulam regulentur. Sic, si reges sunt iniusti, disponunt regnum ut in eo non servetur iustitia. Mxime ergo studere debent ne sint iniusti et inequales, quia eorum iniustitia et inequalitas tollit ab eis regiam maiestatem et dignitatem. Nam reges iniusti, etsi dominentur per civilem potentiam, non tamen digni sunt ut sint reges. Cum enim deceat regulam esse rectam et equalem, quia rex est quedam animata lex et quedam animata regula agendorum, ex parte ipsius persone regie mxime decet ipsum servare iustitiam. I am deeply indebted to Charles Briggs for providing me with the Latin of this text. On Giles and his influence, see Briggs, Giles ofRomes DeRegiminePrincipum. There is no modern edition of Giless Latin text. One can consult the late medieval printed text (Egidio da Roma [Giles of Rome], De regimineprincipum)-, the critical edition of the medieval English translation (John Trevisa, The Governance ofKings and Princes, ed. by Fowler, Briggs, and Remley) or the 1899 edition of the medieval French translation (Egidio da Roma [Giles of Rome], LiLivres dugouvernementdes rois, ed. by Molenaer).Anon. (OFM), 4, 1 (Probatus est), BnF, MS lat. 16512, fols 53v-54r: Unde dicitur Benedicat tibi Dominuspulchritudo iusticie (Jeremiah 31. 23). Igitur, si reges decet habere preclarsimas virtutes, patet quod ipsos habere decet preclarissimam virtutem iusticie. Item beatus Augustinus dicit hoc esse verissimum sine iusticia rem publicam regi non posse, nec posse eciam permanere. Remota enim iusticia, quid sunt regna (regina, ms.) nisi magna latrocinia? 4 De civ. ca. 4. Et ponit exemplum de pirata quern rex Alexander capiens condempnavit ad mortem. Tm inquit, qui magna exerces latrocinia ubique in terra et in mari et regna rapis, spolias et predaris, iudicas me qui non nisi parva exerceo latrocinia? Hanc iusticiam preclarissimam habuit rexpre- clarissimus Ludovicus, sicut facile est videre considerando quid sit iusticia regis.'fi:

tite distinctions. He spoke of the four types of justice which ought especially to thrive in a king or prince: commutative justice (which consists in contracts, sales, payments, and the like), vindictive justice (which consists in the punishing of crimes), distributive justice (which consists in the granting out of duties), and retributive justice (which consists in the paying out of salaries).63 The distinction between different kinds of justice, also rooted in Aristotle, had become commonplace in scholastic thinking by 1300 and famously found its way into the contemporary frescos on good government in Siena.64 1n the case of the distinctions were offered for their own sake; they were not explicitly associated with Louiss actions or the particularities of his life; rather the event of a sermon on Louis offered the opportunity to discuss the abstract qualities of rulership.Another example of the role that new vocabularies of kingship played in formulating ideals about Louiss kingship are the five sermons ofJames of Viterbo,kTIAnon. (OFM), 4,1 (Probatus est), BnF, MS lat. 16512, fol. 54rb: Est autem quadruplex iusticia que summe debet vigere in rege vel principe: commutativa, hec consistit in contractibus, venditionibus, solutionibus et huiusmodi; vindicativa, hec consistit in puniendis sceleribus; distributiva, hec in largiendis muneribus; et retributiva, hec consistit in rependendis mercedibus. 1 extend my sincere gratitude to John Dillon for helping me resolve the words of this passage in the manuscript.1 have not been able to locate a precise source for the quadripartite scheme adopted in this sermon. Aristotle distinguished between different kinds of justice; see Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, trans. by Broadie and Rowe, 1130b30 (p. 162). This was taken up in different ways in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries: 1n Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae, ed. and trans. by Gilby, 11a.2ae.2, qu. 61, art. 1: Now with a part we may note a twofold relationship. First, that of one part to another, and this corresponds to the ordering of private persons among themselves. This is governed by commutative justice, which is engaged with their mutual dealings one with another. Second, that of the whole to a part, which goes with the bearing of the community on individual persons. This is governed by distributive justice which apportions proportionately to each his share from the common stock. And so there are two species of justice, namesiy commutative and distributive justice (translation taken from the Blackfriars edition: Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae, ed. and trans. by Gilby, xxxvii, 89. See also Aquinass commentary on the Nichomachean Ethics; Thomas Aquinas, 1n decern libros Ethicorum Aristotelis, ed. by Spiazzi, Lectio iv, nos 927-31: Dividitpeculiarum iustituam in dis- tributivam etcommutativam; cuiuspostremae, adhucduaepartesetiamsunt, voluntarmescilicetet involuntariae'. Giles spoke of only commutative and distributive justice. Egidio da Roma [Giles of Rome], LiLivres dugouvernementdes rois, ed. byMolenaer, 1.2.10-12 (pp. 43-49). Ptolemy of Lucca also engaged these distinctions. This is usefully treated in Rubinstein, Political Ideas in Sienese Art, pp. 182-83. The literature on the frescoes in Siena is enormous. In addition to Rubinstein, the following treat commutative and distributive justice in the frescoes: Skinner, Ambrogio Lorenzetti: The Artist as Political Philosopher, pp. 37-41; Starn and Partridge, Arts ofPower, pp. 42-45.f5q*i3r1OfAriwa:theissianctiatha sio as \ cal thy pre thepe in.is1piaofrigan(yoiwriofOrEa:frof213 con aut< et a IsidJamandcol.sedT

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dallyacts,.hing,and:tion :om- the , the ated mon .p.for-:rbo,uplex"tibus,;; dis- libus.tge in f>ptedv-:otle,i dif-h:igiae, rela- : per- theirh the:diich : twoti the (, 89. libros ndis- cet et Giles lemy ideas>n to nner,.ArtsOESA, written for Louis between 1303 and 1308, and heavily inflected with Aristotelian ideas. As an Augustinian, James worked in the tradition of, and was familiar with, the writings of Aquinas and Giles of Rome (and through them, Aristotle), and he was actively engaged in the ideological and theological issues rooted in contemporary debates over the relationship between secular and ecclesiastical powers. He wrote a pro-papal tract, the De regimine chris- tia.no (On Christian Kingship) in 1301 or 1302 in support of Boniface VIII, that was indebted to the scholastic legacy of Aristotle. James used the occasion of sermons on Louiss feast day to articulate his ideal of limited kingship as understood within the broader and politicized theological and ecclesiologi- cal framework he had developed in De regimine. This is particularly noteworthy in this instance, since as archbishop of Naples, James may well have been preaching royal duty at (or at least, within the ambit of) the royal court of the Angevin king Charles II, Louis IX s nephew. Thus, in his sermons, Louis personified James notion of an ideal (limited) kingship that he had espoused in De regimine christiano. The long shadow of Aristotelian/scholastic ideas is particularly evident in Rex in eternum, where James described the kings place within the teleological scheme governed by God. Starting with Isidore of Sevilles well-worn etymology for kings, he said that the name of king is rightly retained by acting rightly; it is lost by sinning. Whence, among the ancients there was this proverb: You will be king if you do rightly and not if you do not.65 Louis, of course, was a true king.66 Drawing on his own earlier writing, James then discussed the relationship between Gods actions and those of a Icing. Most beings are governed by a rule (regulam) outside of themselves. Only God, the highest king governs rightly through a rule which is himself. Earthly kings govern rightly when they govern through a rule that is separate from themselves. Thus the name of king is obtained by the rightness of the one [footnoteRef:23] [footnoteRef:24] [23: James of Viterbo, OESA, 2 (Rex in eternum vive), BAV, Arch. Cap. San Pietro, MS D 213, col. 115: Et ut videamus quam veraciter et digne beatus Ludovicus rex fuerit nuncupatus, considerandum quod secundum Ysidorum 9 Ethfymol.]: Reges a regendo dicti sunt; non regit autem qui non recte agit. Recte igitur faciendo, regis nomen tenetur, peccando ammittitur. Unde et apud veteres tale erat proverbium: Rexeris si recte feceris, si non feceris non eris. James cites Isidore s famous discussion of the meaning of king in Isidore of Seville, Etymologiarum, col. 342. James also deals with this; see James of Viterbo, De regimine Christiano, ed. by Dyson, p. 121 and for Latin, James of Viterbo, Leplus anden traitde l'glise, ed. by Arquillire, p. 258.] [24: James of Viterbo, OESA, 2 {Rex in eternum), BAV, Arch. Cap. San Pietro, MS D 213, col. 115: Circa primum sciendum quod beatus Ludovicus rexdicitur non vacuo et falso nomine, sed vero et pleno vocabulo cui suberat res.]

acting. James emphasized that kings ruled only by the grace of God, who establishes kings and kingdoms, institutes new kingdoms, transfers kingdoms on account of sins, and can destroy kings. He quoted Gregory the Greats Mra.Ua, inJob to support the precept that a king who deserves to be called king must act in accordance with the power of God, who can also take it away.67 And, again drawing on De regimine, he spoke of the power ofjudging as relevant to both the priest and the king, but more fitting to prelates and worthier for them than for earthly princes. When the judgement is in spiritual matters, it is more sublime than when judgement is in earthly matters; and both judges and kings are called judges.68 Rightness however, presupposes a rule, and one is not said to be right or acting rightly, unless following a certain rule that is the rule which is God.69 The highest rule is that of God, who governs through a rule which is none other than himself. This was all highly Aristotelian in its conception and articulation, divorced almost entirely from Louiss actual biography, and centred instead on the role of kingship in Gods teleology.Louis was thus offered up as an exemplum for the just exercise of power and royal authority. This led to the employ of a distinction between the true king and the false king, or the king and the tyrant,70 a vocabulary that had a vigorous early medieval existence and was also found in the Aristotelian tradition mod-James of Viterbo, OESA, 2 (Rex in eternum), BAV, Arch. Cap. San Pietro, MS D 213, col. 116. Qui membrorum suorum motas bene regere sciant, non immerito reges vocantur. Sed cum de ipsa continentia elatione mens tangitur plerumque omnipotens Deus eius superbiam deserens, hanc in immunditiam operis cadere (caderem, ms.) permittit. Regum itaque baltheum dissolvit, quando in hiis qui bene regere sua membra videbantur, propter elationis culpam, cas- titatis in eis cingulum destruit. Quid (Qudam, ms.) in fune accipitur nisi peccatum? Sicut per Salomonem dicitur iniquitates sue capiunt impium et funibus peccatorum suorum constringi- tur [Proverbs 5. 22]. Et quia in renibus carnis delectatio principatur, districtus conscientiarum iudex qui regum baltheum dissolvit fune precingit (fune precingit, in marg.) renes eorum [Job 12. 18] quatenus dissoluto castitatis cingulo eorum membris delectatio peccati dominetur ut, quos in occulto superbia inquinat, quam sint detestabiles etiam in publico ostendat. The passage James used was from Gregory the Great,Moralia inJob, ed. by Adriaen, xi. 21 (pp. 597-98).James of Viterbo, OESA, 2 (Rex in eternum vive), BAV, Arch. Cap. San Pietro, MS D 213, col. 114: nam iudicare proprium opus est regum [...] Iudicare autem convenit prelatis et dignior quam principibus temporalibus quanto iudicium in spiritualibus est sublimius quam iudicium in temporalibus. Unde et iudices dicuntur et (et, add. ms.) reges.James of Viterbo, OESA, 2 (Rex in eternum vive), BAV, Arch. Cap. San Pietro, MS D 213, col. 115: Et ita nomen regis a rectitudine agendi sumptum est. Rectitudo autem presup- ponit regulam; non enim aliquid rectum nec recte agere (nec recte agere in marg.) dicitur nisi secundum aliquam regulam quam sequitur.For comparanda, see dAvray, Death and the Prince, pp. 142-47.)I4i1I\1itiri1-f!ferniticethaiLotnotthaikinjlowopffewhiningkin;thawhrop-d estralde ibens '. For-if)pterhecnuneconferens, tyrannus ad conferens monarchizantis; unde optimus rex iste intendens ad regni pro- motionem et erectionem tam temporalem quam spiritualem'.Thomas Aquinas, On Kingship, to the King of Cyprus, ed. by Phelan, pp. 7-8: If an unjust government is carried on by one man alone, who seeks his own benefit from his rule and not the good of the multitude subject to him, such a ruler is called a tyrant a word derived from strength because he oppresses by might instead of ruling by justice'. Giles of Rome had also distinguished between the king intended' toward the common good and the tyrant intended' toward the private good. See quotation in n. 74 above. Carlyle and Carlyle, A History of Mediaeval Political Theory, v, 76, n. 3.Kelly, The New Solomon. Charles Briggs has also engaged this piece in Briggs, Knowledge and Royal Power in the Later Middle Ages'. I am grateful to him for sharing it with me before publication.On William of Sauqueville, see Chevalier Boyer, Les Sermons de Guillaume de Sauqueville'. Chevalier Boyer edited all of William's sermons. The sermon to Louis is no. 70James of Viterbo, OESA, 5 (Thronus eius) BAV, Arch. Cap. San Pietro, MS D 213, col. 489: Sapientia enim alta dicitur quia est in supprema parte amme scilicet in mteh^tu. Sicut autem dicit Hugo in commentario, hec elevatio tronorum debet esse ab omni ignominia subiectionis, id est ignominiosa subiectione. Sic dicendum quod elevatio hec que est altitudo sapientie debet esse ab ignominiosa subiectione qualis est subiectio spiritualium passionum'; cf. Hugh of Saint Victor, Commentatorium in hierarchiam celestem, cols 1047-48.

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stand all things upon the earth,83 and then bemoaned the many ecclesiastical and temporal leaders and kings who were ignorant of wisdom and would be the ruin of the people and the cities.84 He devoted most of his third sermon on Louis to his wisdom, and cited the dictum ofJohn of Salisbury that an illiterate king is no better than a crowned ass.85 At this point in the sermon, the manuscript prompts the preacher (John himself or some other): Talk now of his wisdom, how he most wisely ruled the kingdom such that even now his statutes are in force in France,86 suggesting that such stories were commonplace and well enough known to be easily recalled. And then, quoting classic Augustine (What are kingdoms without justice but great thievery?),87 the manuscript instructs the preacher to Recount this story [...]; Blessed Louis was not of this kind: Talk of his justice.88 An anonymous author of another Rex sapiens sermon spoke of the three things necessary for the wise king: spiritual83 John of Aragon, 2 (Rex qui sedet), Valencia, Bibl. de la Catedral, MS 182, fol. 207v: Tu autem, Domine mi rex, sapiens es [n Samuel 14.20], sicut habet sapientiam ngelus Dei, ut intel- ligas omnia super terram. John compares Louis to Solomon (fol. 207v): Propter quam sapientiam recte comparan potest Salomoni et dici de eo quod dictum fuit de Salomone: Magnificatus est ergo rex Salomon super omnes reges terre diviciis et sapientia, et universa terra desiderabat videre vultum Salomonis ut audiret sapientiam eius quam dederat Deus in corde suo [i Kings 10. 23-24].84 John of Aragon, 2 (Rex qui sedet), Bibl. de la Catedral, MS 182, fol. 207v: Sed pro dolor, tot sunt rectores et reges ecclesiastici et mundani huius sapientie inscii, de quibus dicitur, Ecclesiastici x [10. 3]: Rex insipiensperdetpopulum suum et civitates, terra mundi quam ecclesie inhabitabuntpersensumprudencium. Et ecclesiastes x. ve terre cuius rexpuer est. etc. [Ecclesiastes 10.16].85 John of Aragon, 3 (Rex qui sedet), Valencia, Bibl. de la Catedral, MS 182, fol. 209r: Tales comparantur a quodam rege romanorum in una litera ad regem {corr.from a rege) francorum asino coronato; dicitur enim rex illiteratus asinus coronatus et symia (corrfrom symie) in tecto quia simia in tecto rex fatuus, quia sicut symia in tecto sua pudibunda agis ostendit. For the asinus coronatus, see John of Salisbury, Policraticus, ed. by Keats-Rohan, iv. 6 (p. 251). The image was taken up by Vincent of Beauvais; see Vincent of Beauvais, De moraliprincipis institutione, ed. by Schneider, p. 80. Vincent also used the line about the symia in tecto rexfatuus (ch. 11, p. 60), which actually originated with Bernard of Clairvaux; see Bernard of Clairvaux, De consideration adEugeniumpapam, ed. by Leclercq, Rochis, and Talbot, p. 422.86 John of Aragon, 2 {Rex qui sedet), Valencia, Bibl. de la Catedral, MS 182, fol. 207v: Die de eius sapientia qualiter regnum sapientissime rexit adeo ut eius statuta etiam nunc in Francia teneantur.87 Augustine, De civitateDei, ed. by Dombart and Kalb, iv. 4 (p, 101); quoted above in n. 74.88 rtI i \fi pre-< of Si king expl;aneeexpl:saryTheWhidisc transFowler,r: series-306 :te und inrichs,us com- 64), iv -1904;us com- 14-64),an, 2nditelis aduttgart:6:%Appen- ibridge:$Corpus 1Secondary StudiesAnderson, David, Dominus Ludovicus in the Sermons of Jacobus of Viterbo (Citt del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostlica Vaticana (BAV), Arcbivio del Capitolo di S. Pietro (ACSP), MS D 213), in Literature and Religion in the Later Middle Ages: Philological Studies in Honor of Siegfried Wenzel, ed. by Richard Newbauser and John Alford, Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 118 (Binghamton: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 1995), pp. 275-95Anton, Hans H., Frstenspiegel und Herrscherethos in der Karolingerzeit (Bonn: Rhr- scheid, 1968)Avezou, Robert, Un Prince aragonais archevque de Tolde au xivc sicle, Bulletin hispa- ique, 32 (1930), 326-71dAvray, David, Death and the Prince: Memorial Preaching before 1350 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994)Barlow, Frank, The Kings Evil, English Historical Review, 95 (1980), 3-27 Beaune, Colette, Naissance de la nation France, Bibliothque des histoires (Paris: Gallimard, 1985)Berges, Wilhelm, Die Frstenspiegel des hohen undspdten Mittelalters, Schriften der Monu- menta Germaniae Histrica, 2 (Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1938; repr, Stuttgart: 1952) Black, Antony, Political Thought in Europe 1250-1450, Cambridge Medieval Textbooks (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992)Bloch, Marc, The Royal Touch: Sacred Monarchy and Scrofula in England and France, trans. by J. E. Anderson (New York: Dorset Press, 1989) gtv Boureau, Alain, Les Enseignements absolutistes de saint Louis 1610-1630, in La Monarchic absolutiste et lhistoire en France: thories dupouvoir, propagandes monarchiques et mythologies nationales; colloque tenu en Sorbonne les 26-27 mai 1986, ed. by p- Francois Laplancbe and Cbantal Grell, Mythes, critique et histoire, 1 (Paris: Presses fe- de lUniversit de Paris-Sorbonne, 1987), pp. 79-97jP Boyer, Jean-Paul, EcceRex Tuus: le roi et le royaume dans les sermons de Robert de Naples, |' RevueMabillon, n.s., 6 (1995), 101-36I':, La foi monarchique: royaume de Sicile et Provence (mi-xiT-mi-xiv' sicle), inr Le Forme dellapropagandapolitica nelDuee nel Trecento, ed. by Paolo Cammarosano, fe Collection de lcole framjaise de Rome, 201 (Roma: cole fran9aise de Rome, 1994), I pp. 85-110g: , Prdication et tat napolitain dans la premiere moiti du xivc sicle, in L'tat|j angevin:pouvoir, culture etsocit entreXIIT etXIV sicle, Collection de lcole fran- $aise de Rome, 245 (Roma: cole framjaise de Rome, 1998), pp. 127-57 , Sacre et thocratie: le cas des rois de Sicile Charles II (1289) et Robert (1309), Revue dessciencesphilosophiquesetthologiques, 81 (1997), 561-607Charles F., Giles ofRomes DeRegiminePrincipum: Reading and Writing Politics at Courtand University, c. 1275-1525, Cambridge Studies in Paleography and Codi- cology, 5 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999)1P-y&IJl

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Vauchez, Andr, La Saintet en Occident aux demiers slcles du Moyen Age: daprs les procs de canonisation et les documents bagiographiques, Bibliothque des coles fran- 9aises dAthnes et de Rome, 241 (Roma: cole framjaise de Rome, 1981); trans. into English byJean Birrell under the title Sainthood in theLaterMiddleAges (Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997)Wallace-Hadrill, John Michael, The Via Regia of the Carolingian Age, in Trends in MedievalPolitical Thought, ed. by Beryl Smalley (Oxford: Blackwell, 1965), pp. 22-41 Weiss, Daniel, Art and Crusade in the Age ofSaint Louis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998)

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PREACHING ANDPOLITICAL SOCIETYFrom Late Antiquity to theEnd of the Middle AgesDepuis 1Antiquit tardivejusqu a la fin du Moyen AgeEdited byFranco Morenzoni

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IIs?British Library Cataloguing in Publication DataPreaching and political society: from Late Antiquity to the end of the Middle Ages = depuis l'Antiquite tardive jusqu'a la fin du Moyen Age. - (Sermo; 10)Religion and politics-History-To 1500.Preaching-History-Middle Ages, 600-1500.Preaching-Political aspects.Sermons, Medieval-History and criticism.SeriesMorenzoni, Franco editor of compilation.201.7'2'0902-dc23 ISBN-13: 9782503544236/It!Itit 2013, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, BelgiumAll rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise,without the prior permission of the publisher.D/2013/0095/199ISBN: 978-2-503-54423-6e-ISBN: 978-2-503-54486-1Printed in the E.U. on acid-free paperIntrodFRPreaclBEUnca >ThomRCACa:ShiftiLIW-Un v' le car$S(*TalkiA:'PreaiThejCvII

36The text was drawn from and stayed very close to the fourth liturgical lection in Bealus Ludovicus quondam Rex Francorum. See Recueil des historiens des Gaules, ed. by Bouquet, XXIII, 161, and Blessed Louis, trans. by Gaposchkin and Katz, pp. 177-79.37James of Viterbo, OESA, 5 {Ihronus eius), BAV, Arch. Cap. San Pietro, MS D 213, col. 491: Sicut sepe in scriptura, exurens montes [Ecclesiaticus 43. 4], id est viros bonos, quia pauperibus bonis mxime subveniebat, ut religiosis et precipue (precipue in marg) vacantibus obsequiis divinis et profectu (profectum, ms) animarum et studio exurit, quia eos ad caritatem accendit, unde radios, id est beneficia ignea ad caritatem provocantia, exsufflans, quia prompte et affluenter et liberaliter, et refulgens radiis suis, quia per hec largitatis opera claruit.38Bertrand de la Tour, OFM, 1 {Dico Vobis), Toulouse, BM, MS 328, fol. 187vb: Reges enim Francie fuerunt clementissimi plusquam reges domus Israhel.39John of Aragon, 3 {Rex qui sedet), Valencia, Bibl. de la Catedral, MS 182, fol. 209rb: Die de dementia eius erga pauperes et de operibus pietatis et elemosinis quas instituit. Ista dementia inesse debet summe (sume, ms) regibus. Seneca ad Neronem: Clementia regis in subditos, gladius in hostes, propter quod folguri comparantur {sic) qui terret multum sed raro percutit, et regi apum qui acleo caret.John is referring to, but not quoting, from Senecas address to Nero, De clementia.