-AUSTRALASIAN J-1ISTORICALARCHAEOLOGY, 19,2001

Get Thee to Church: hard work, Godliness and tourism atAustralia's first rural reformatory

GREG JACKMAN

Established in /833, the Point Puer settlement represents a seminal experiment in ninCfecnth-ccnltl/Y penology,occupying a unique POSilioll in the transitioll from penitentiary to rejormatmy-sty/e institutional management ofyOllng male offenders. Its operation spanned a period C?fsigl1ljicanf transformation in philosophies and techniquesof penal discipline, coinciding with changing cultural perceptions of childhood, youth and adulthood. Unlikecelebrated European ills/illllions like Mew"ay and Parkhurst the Point PlIeI' selllcmcnl was largely unplanned.structures were erected and spaces appropriated (15; needs andfashions dictated. Evolving models ofpunishmentand reform are closely mirrored in the organic spatial and archaeological characteristics ofthe site.

Recent lVork at the site ofthe Chapel/Schoolhollse has yielded insights into the regimens oflabow; disciplineand education within the establishment, and provides an opportllniZy for studying critical aspects Qfnineteenth-centmy British penal philosophy and practice. The significance offormer spatial demarcationsand landscape iconography has profolll/d implications for future interpretation alld tourism at Point Pue,;representing a challenge to prevailing modes of tourism managemel1l at the parent site QIPort Arthur.

Figure. j Poinf PI/er Location Plan

ORPHANS OF EMPIRE

system to satisfactorily absorb increasing numbers of youngunskilled male offenders, transported primarily for petty offencesagainst property, following augmentations to the EnglishCriminal Code during the late 18205 (Ignatielf 1978: 184).

The changes to the crime laws to include a range of minoroffences against property, including theft, trespass andvagrancy, followed a period of unprecedented populationgrowth and mobilisation from rural to urban centresthroughout Britain in the wake of economic industrialisation.Large populations of the young, unemployed anddisenfranchised pooling in the cities represellled a potentialchallenge to the established economic and social order,engendering a climate of suspicion and fear among the middleclasses. Tt was within this context that the great debates of thelate eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries over crime,punishment and reform took place, implemented through anexpanded criminal code, associated enlarged magisterialjurisdictions and ultimately, a suite of experimental penalstrategies that included exile through transportation. Central tothe rc-calibration of social controls during this period was theemergence of the paternalistic State with its moral andpolitical mandate for enforcing a new industrial model ofsocictal order and stratification.

Tt has been estimated that the population of Britain haddoubled during the decade prior to 1821, by which time some50 percent of the population was under the age of 19 years(Kociumbas 1997: 25). Subjugation and control of thisburgeoning young and socially dislocated demographic,arguably the principal constihlellt of the so-called 'dangerousclasses', was the prime focus of the legal and penalenhancements.

Of foremost interest to the penal reformers were thechildren of the poor. Street-wise and resourceful throughnecessity, these children challenged the growingsentimentalisation of 'childhood', that conceptualised state ofnaive innocence and impressionability then being constructedby the more 'respectable' classes. The consequent perceptionwas of a rising tide of spirin131 orphans, victims of parentalneglect and abuse, at constant risk of moral corruption andtherefore suitable, if not essential, subjects for interventionistprotection and reform. This perceived need for rescue,discipline and training provided the principal pretext for theinvolvement of a benevolent State in the welfare of juvenilesthought predisposed to or found guilty of petty crime, and was

INTRODUCTION

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Point Puer is a narrow and low headland framing the east sideof Carnarvon (formerly Opossum) Bay on the TasmanPeninsula and falls partly within the expanded boundaries ofthe Port Arthur Historic Site (Figure I). Approximately two­thirds of the National Estate registered convict boys'settlement site is managed by the Port Arthur Historic SiteManagement Authority (PAHSMA), the precinct forming anintegral component of the P011 Arthur nomination for WorldHeritage status as part of the Australian Convict Sites SerialListing. The remaining portion of the site is on Crown landleased to the Tasman Council for the purposes of operating agol f course.

The Point Puer settlement was established in December 1833 forthe reception of juvenile male convicts transpoIted to VanDiemen's Land from Britain. Creation of the settlement was acolonial response to the failure of the prevailing assignment

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at Tirst formally executed through the existing devices ofcollective institutionalisation.

While the aim of the measures, as applied to juvenilemales, may have been to attempt to disrupt the pattern ofoffending at the earliest possible age, the practice ofincarcerating young 'apprentices' and 'old hands' together inthe bridewells and penitentiaries, undertaking punishmentlabour. was observed to have largely the opposite effect. Forthose whose transgression resulted in transportation to theAustralian colonies the situation was little different. Youthsbetween the ages of nine and 17 years were transhipped withadult felons as unsorted human cargoes to await ondisembarkation. common barracking in advance of thevagaries of assignment into service (Oyster 1988).

Despite colonial demand for adult convict labourremaining high during the 1820s and 1830s, demand forjU\eniles was typically low. A few boys with agricultural orlimited commercial skills were taken up by the private sector,however on the whole. colonial employers were reluctant tofeed and house children and receive in return only aproportion of the labour they could expect from adultconvicts. Beyond a few openings for errand boys, the publicsector also had little use for child labour. With the convictration being fixed at a minimum level little opportunityexisted for making the assignment of juveniles a moretempting proposition. The inevitable result was that thecolonial government found itself left with large numbers ofunemployed boys, requiring to be fed, clothed and housed atconsiderable expense, with little prospect of making theirlabour profitable.

The evident failure of the policies of collectiveincarceration and assignment to produce suitably contrite.rehabilitated and economically useful adolescents promptedfurther refonnist calls for increased retraining and segregationof the young from their more intractably criminal adultcounterparts. Early moves in this direction were made duringth~ 1820s in the case of males under 16 years of age, aseVidenced by the setting aside of two hulks in London'sThames River, as well as the establishment of Carters'Barracks in Sydney (Humphery 1997: 25). As anotherresponse to the problem, during the late 1820s and early1830s, a number of apprenticeship programmes wereestablished for a small number of juvenile male convicts atpenal stations within Van Diemen's Land, includingMacquarie Harbour and Port Arlhur.

MO\'es towards the segregalion of male convicts according10 age coincided with general calls for prison reform to have amoral ralher than an essentially economic focus, dependingfor its efficacy on increased classification and surveillance ofprisoners in order to avoid 'contamination' and recidivism.While experiments in age segregation, re-training and/or theapplication of evangclical religious and secular reformistprinciples were beginning during the 1820s, it was not untilthe advent of the establ ishment for boys at Point Puer in 1833that these facets of discipline were combined at a separate,purpose-built institution. The creation of the settlementcoincided with similar experiments al the Rauhe HallS inGe.r~nany and preceded by four and six years respectively theBntlsh Governmcnt's own juvenile establishment of Parkhurston the Isle of Wight (Evans 1982: 393) and the celebratedColonic Agricole at Mettray in France (Foucault 1991: 293).

THE CHILD MECHANIC

Although official concern at the ratc of unskillcd convictyouths entering Van Dicmcn's Land had been expressed sincethe mid-1820s, it appears that a pal1icularly conspicuouspooling of unassigned boys at the Hobart Prisoner Barracksduring the course of 1833 provided the catalyst for the

establishment of the settlement at Point Puer. The colony'schief administrator, Lieutenant Governor George Arthur,hastily authorised the move, which was left up to theCommandant of the Port Arthur Penal Station, Charles O'HaraBooth, to implement with neither plan nor additionalresources. Temporary barracks were put up by Christmas Eveand the first intake of 68 boys was received on 13 January1834. The rough huts were replaced by a more commodiousstructure the following year, complementing adjacentworkshops wherein instruction was given in a range of trades,including carpentry, blacksmithing, nailmaking, tailoring,shoemaking and bookbinding. Boatbuilding, coopering,turning and stonemasonry trades were added later, while for asizeable number of inmales agricultural labour, stonequarrying, felling and sawing timber, making roads andclearing land for the use of the settlement remained thepredominant work experience.

The new barrack building, a large but unremarkable hall oftimber construction, doubled as a mess room, school room andchapel. This multifunctionalism was required because of theundercapitalisation of the settlement and permitted because ofthe unspecialised nature of the building's internal space, andfacilitated by such ingenious devices as collapsible forms anddemountable hammock anchorages that also doubled asshelves for bedding (Backhouse 1834). Notwithstanding itsflexibility, growing numbers of inmates soon led toovercrowding, resulting in its extension, first in 1837 andagain six years later.

Meanwhile, at Arthur's direction, the daunting task ofspiritually reforming the boys had been given to the WesleyanHome Mission, with The Reverend John Manton as its firstChaplain (Hooper 1967: 18). Arthur himself was anevangelical Christian who had previously raised the ire of theColonial elite by providing both establishment grants andprivate donations to a range of unfashionable denominations,including Presbyterians. Wesleyans, Independents. Baptists

Figure 2 Poim PI/er serf/ell/ell! block plan. October /845. M.PC.7/01116

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A HOUSE DIVIDED

The site of the boys' prison had been selected as acompromise between geographical isolation andadministrative efficiency, if nothing else. The fledglingindustrial reformatory was isolated from the parentestablishment at Pon Arthur by the waters of Opossum Bay,with a military-patrolled line of demarcation to the southacross the narrow peninsula to prevent escape as well asunauthorised contact with adult convicts. Beginning in 1837the nature of the settlement changed irrevocably, with the

construction beyond that line of a punishment prcciliet(Figure 2). This was in alignment with notions of increa'S~{J

classification, surveillance and control as the somewhatlaissez-faire assignment system was dismantled and replaced,at least in Van Diemen's Land, by a probationary system ofconvict management. The line of demarcation thus became,not an outward but an inward contro1measure, preventing thejuvenile institution from communicating with itself, andenforcing a strict separation between training and penal zones.The military patrol was retained. Officially, the only way aprisoner could cross the line was by virtue of a complexsystem of rewards and sanctions, administered in response tohis demonstrated receptivity, or otherwise, to the settlementrules.

In truth, positions within the trades section were limited byresources and teaching skills, never being available to morethan half of the prisoner population at anyone time, a statisticthat required a diabolical and repressive code of rules tomaintain. A settlement divided was the conceptual andorganisational framework within which the new Chapel andSchoolhouse was erected.

Completed in 1839 the new Iimewashed weatherboardbuilding measuring 22.5 III by 12 m, sat on a raised platfonTImidway between thc trades and penal divisions, an allegoricalnexus between the counterpoints of industry and reward andtransgression and punishment (Figure 3). Elevated andcentral, its prominence was possibly intended to convey thatall were equally in reach of salvation-as well as divineretribulion. Secular and religious trainin&. was considered tobe the very basis of the refonn process, an idea reflected atleast in the daily routine of the boys which saw one hour ofschool per day, morning and afternoon prayers, as well as twohours of school or Sunday School and Divine Service twice onSundays.

By the time the new facility was completed however, thesettlement patron, Arthur, had departed and the evangelicalzealotry of the Wesleyans had been supplanted by the lessconfronting orthodoxy of the 'establishment' AnglicanChurch, under the patronage of Arthur's successor Sir JohnFranklin. The division of the settlement into two halves alsobecame reflected in a duplication ofrefonn effort, with schoollessons and daily devotions also commencing in the gaol forthose in thc Crime Class. Divinc Service appears to have beenthe only function to remain unassailably associated with thenew building, and therefore the only opportunity forcommunion of the two divisions. This lasted until the mid~

1840s when a chapel was created for Roman Catholics in thejunior ward of the gaol. By this stage the schism had alsoaff1icted the secular programme with segregated schoollessons, amounting to 1ft hours each day, being heldthroughout the week for the different disciplinary classes(Hooper 1954: 11).

The teaching system used was roughly based on theEnglish National or Lancastrian system, which relied on ahierarchical system of monitors to disseminate the lessons ofthe teacher to small groups under their tutelage. In 1843,British prison inspector Benjamin Home was sent out to reporton the settlement, with a view to standardising and potentiallyintegrating the programme with that of the recentlyconstructed Parkhurst refonnatOly. He observed:

The school is under the 'Superintendence' of theCatechist assisted by two prisoners who are calledSchoolmasters, and about 40 monitors chosen fromamong the boys themselves without regard to anyother qualification than that of being rather morcadvanced in the rudiments of knowledge than theircompanions. (Home 1843)

The lessons involved basic reading, writing and

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and Roman Catholics, effectively undermining the privilegedposition of the Church of England. Arthur was a keenadvocate of government support for school and churchbuilding in an effort, if only through saturation and osmosis,to lift the moral and social tone of the penal colony as itstruggled to purge lhe 'convict taint' and evolve into a freesociety. However his goals were hampered by instructionsfrom the Colonial Office which still saw Van Oiemen's Landas a gaol, with a gaol's primary requirements for places ofconfinement and punishmcnt. In an attempt to circumvent thelack of authorisation, he shrewdly embarked upon a scheme ofconstructing multi-purpose buildings that could serve asmuster stations while providing other convict or civil scrvicesas well as religious functions. Arthur effectively created asystem of decentralised civic-centre-cum-chapels serviced bylaymen catechists-not unlike the barracks at Point Puer(Robsoll 1983: 279).

The constant increase in prison population ultimatelyexposed the inadequacies, both in terms of logistics and inenacting the reform agenda, of indiscriminately combining somany functions within a single space, promptingCommandant Booth to request permission to construct adesignated Chapel and Schoolhouse in 1837.

Figure 31837 Ro)'al Engineers OJjice design proposal/orClwpeIISchoo/hollse. lIolullimale/y realised. I-l29011508

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arithmetic. Much to Home's chagrin resources were either sostretched or the basics of teaching so misunderstood as toallow even the advanced reading class only two texts: a basicspeller and 'The Good Book'. By virtue of its conspicuousoveruse, many of the lessons could more properly beconsidered Bible classes. Mathematics fared little better inHome's eyes:

Comparatively little progress has been madc in thisbranch of knowledge and if there had it would haveclosely bordered on the miraculous. The boys sit withslates at the desks for some part of the time daily, andscrawl a few figures or work a fcw sums from a book;but they are never taught collectively nor instructed inthe first principles of the science. (Home 1843)

In summing up the apparent malaise affecting the reformprogramme, Home went on to lament:

There is never I believe any attempt made to give thema lesson orally, or to teach them to apply the doctrinesand moral precepts of the Gospel to their own case,except in the printed Sermon which is read onSundays... Wilh regard to the school the conclusion towhich I have reluctantly comc is that it is of littlebenefit 10 the boys themselves in a secular point ofview and that as a means of religious and moralimprovement it is almost worthless. (Home 1843)

The evident failings of the instruction-by-rote method,unaccompanied by any attempt at aligning the lesson to theexpcricnccs of the boys, perhaps justified Arthur's reluctanceto deploy chaplains whose call to minister had the aspect of 'aliberal university education' rather than stemming frompersonal revelation (Robson 1983: 272). In Arthur's eyes the'established' church had a poor record of convcrsion.

THE REDUNDANT EXPERIMENT

Whilst it had started as an open prison, with lots of commonspace and communal activity. by the 1840s attempts werebeing made to restructure the settlement along the lines ofsegregation then becoming fashionable in Britain. Blocks ofseparate apartments were constructed and the system ofclassification became increasingly complex. It was on the eveof its transformation into a full penitentiary system, in theguise of the newly constructed facility built at nearby SafetyCove on the lines of the Parkhurst model, that transportationof juveniles to Van Diemen's Land ceased and Point Puerclosed.

The anti-transportation propaganda that facilitated the

Figure 4 l1orfhll'f!st comeI' o/Chapel/Schoolholtse sife after rell/OWlI 0/collapse debris

demise of the convict systcm in that colony poured scorn onthe reforming aims of the Point Puer boys' settlement. Thiswas not just a local response, as the reaction against prisonreform was gathering momentum in Britain just as the newreformatories were starting to be built. Journalists PeterMayhew and John Binney observed in 1850. in relation to theboys section of the Tothill Fields prison in London:

Those who think. that boys of criminal propensities areto be made a thought better by such schooling... mustbe as deficient in their knowledge of human narure aszealots usually are... (Mayhew and Binney 1862: 429)

Yet. betwcen 1840 and 1879, 52 agricultural coloniesalong the lines of Menray had been built in the Frenchcountryside. and in England. 65 reformatory farm schools,based on the Parkhurst example, were in use by 1870 (Evans1982: 393).

The principle of reform, the interventionist mantra, waspredicated upon the notion that it was nurture rather thannature that was responsible for a person's criminal tendencies.that thc basic condition of a human was a plastic neutrality,susceptible to influences both good and bad. By the 18805, thecmerging science of psychology was beginning to underminethe basis for the refonnist argumcnt, instead suggcsting thatcriminality was indeed ingrained and instinctive within aportion of the population, and thereforc incurable by citherarchitectural or moral means.

Notwithstanding this argument, and difficult though it musthave been in such an overfamiliar environment as the PointPuer barracks to havc had a meaningful religious or learningcxpcrience, some boys at least appear to have been affected.Lady Franklin observed in her journal of 1837 that 'The Rev.Butters [was] producing an extraordinal)' eITect on some of theboys, bordering upon or even tending towards fanaticism'(cited in MacFie & Hargraves 1999: 22-23). While some ofthe transfonnations may have been opportunistic and short­lived for the purposes of manipulating the system, for othersthe practice of separating themselves from their comrades atplay time for prayer vigils was no doubt a risky undertaking,transgressing as it did the prison subcultural tenets ofsolidarity and mutual resistance to authority.

WEEPING, WAILING ND THE SMASHINGOF SLATE!

The ruins of the convict boys' establishment comprisenumerous terraces. stone walls. Iow-level building remainsand landfonns. spread over the naITOW Point Puer peninsula.At its geographic centre is the site of the combinedChapeVSchool: a large elevated earth and rubble platfonnretained by decaying mudstone walls. The feature is thedominant landmark within the area and is suffering rapiddeterioration resulting from strucrural collapse of the retainingwalls and erosion of the exposed internal earthwork.Conscrvation action has been commenced to preventirreversible loss of structural and archaeological fabric andassociated cultural values, while retaining as far as possiblethe integrity of the ruinous feature (Schmidt, 1999: 67).

As a preliminary component of the conservationprogramme, an archaeological investigation was made of thecollapsed northern section of the feature during Februal)'2000. The primary aim was to recover sufficient informationand structural material from the collapse to enable limitedrebuilding of this portion in order to retard the overall rate ofdecay of the fonnation, and protecl the cultural depositscontained within. These include, at the surface, a depositcontaining substantial quantities of broken writing slate, slatepencils and other artefacrual material relatcd to the 1840seducational and religious programme, and which therefore

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Figure 5 Bakehouse vault during reconstruction

slatesmoroseteenagers,llUJllVllV~

theof it

facilitate

contrastselsewhere indebris as asolid Inasonry.

earth formationelements have been r1l11n'1 h,ar,c'r1

the field and recorded onvirtual re r\111 I rh "1'"\ rr

The of InvestJ,gatlngassociated with abandonment was also on thesite of the Point Puer bakehouse and stores in 1998

The bakehouse excavation in theidentification of six discrete stages of of critical1rY\~nn.l·t-Ql''\l'a in the reconstruction of one ofthe storage vaults to a c.1900 VVllllf;;"UlUl-l'Vll.

As yet the work on theprogress. least

northern end have been 1r1,:::'nt-~1t-1,:::'r1

of the retained

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theinterventions Site. brief survey ofand works suggests at least three conservation I'-' ........~ .............. }-, ......

shifts the fire destnlction of 1890s.earliest structures resun1ed reserved and stabilised between1913 and 1940 were the Convict Guard Tower andGovemn1ent The next stage of

in the focussed on the 1JD.1V\ 1 t,C\r\f-1 <:11"" T .....:C\~rlr<:l·t-C\

Prison and The third1980s to present, has been nrlrll'-lnClII"\T

civil-officerCOlTIlTIercialisation. The

l1'zid-excavation schel11~atic. Drawing by A. Miller

Figure 7 IlIleqJf-etatiol1 i,!{i'as1l1Icture ar Port ArtllllrrnmsgJ-esseshistoric,,1 thresholds Gild demarcations.

ignominious malaise. It is precisely because it has nO( yetsuccumbed to the ravages of beautification that the form anddetail of the conservation and interpretation approach chosenfor the Point Puer Chapel/Schoolhouse. and the otherremaining features, is so critical. In many ways it may need tofacilitate the uncomfortable history lesson that contrasts withPort Arthur's reassuring 'heritage experience'.

Compared with Port Arthur's neatly rusticatedinstitutional facades and lavish period homes set in a sereneparkland. the Point Pucr settlement may secm on the surfaceto be just a few indistinct and architecturally unremarkableruins in the bush. The principal difference is that Point Puerarguably comprises 'the real thing'. At the present moment itspeaks more about the people who constructed and lived in it,the ways in which they interacted with their environment andeach other, and the regenerative capacity of nature, than itdoes of the intervention of heritage managers and tourismentrepreneurs. Whereas the cultural patterning. spatialcomplexity and poignant symbolic meanings of the PortAnhur Site have been levelled and buried beneath comfortingtouristic cliches and pleasant broadacre lawns, the landscapeof Point Puer still quietly articulates the story of thesettlement's fraught existence. The place has a context, bothen\ironmental and temporal, that is lacking at Port Arthur.(Davies 1993: 193) Here then is a compelling opportunity toforego the nostalgic gratification of a fearsome but finishedpast for the potential disquiet of an imagination assaulted bycontemporary social issues.

It is currently proposed to open the site of the fonner boys'establishment to commercial tourism within the next twoyears. In order to integrate the evident stewardship obligationsto conserve the physical fabric of the Site and its setting withIhe needs and expectations of visitors. a planning approachhas been initiated which attempts to establish a baselineunderstanding of the conservation requirements of the Sitefirst, and then model for a minimal physical-impact,maximum-revelation mode of tourism delivery.

This is being done by identifying the current range ofnatural and cultural values within the area, examining thefeasibility of a spectrum of cultural and natural tourismpossibilities, attempting to predict the impacts of visitationpressure, and developing optimal themes and strategies forinterpretation and tourism management-prior to cl sensitiveand staged implementation.

While the detailed stages of interpretive content andinfraslructure design are only beginning, the result willhopefully entail a departure from the current range of well

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heeled tourism products and 'safe' visitor experiences. Whereasunchecked numbers of visitors today meander blithely throughPort Arthur Heritage Park-their attention and observance onlyoccasionally being marshalled to read a sign or traverse aviewlng platform that enables the Site to be appreciated frompleasing angles (Figure 7) at Point Pucr such volumes, self­detemlination or picture-postcard encapsulation may not bepossible. Instead its visitors may find that something of thesubtle spatial demarcations, underlying landscape symbolismand power relationships still apply strongly and not only amidstthe ruins of the historic boys' settlement but also in the worldthat they re-enter after their visit.

This represents a considerable counterpoint to theprevailing message offered by Port Arthur, wherein an attemptto maximise economic returns a high-volume. lowest­common-denominator approach to site management andinterpretation has been the order of the day. Contrastingly, theaim for forthcoming tourism management at Point Puer oughtto be low-volume and high-quality. focussing on sustainabiljtyof the physical resource and connection with both its past andcontemporary meanings. Whether the proposed lean-and­mean visitor management strategy is sustainable from acommercial perspective, or rather whether (as in the case ofthe Lascaux caves) measures of what constitutes sustainabilitycan be deduced afresh for this important area. free of thebaggage of POl1 Arthur's 'heritage past', remains to be seen.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The impetus for this paper, which is a slightly tidied versionof one presented al the 2000 ASIIA-AIMA conference, grewout of investigations carricd out by a largely volunteerworkforce during February 2000. All those who took part arethanked for their travails. The author also thanks Julia Clarkand the anonymous referees for their helpful comments andadvice on the draft.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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