Gøsta Esping-Andersen: The Incomplete Revolution:Adapting to Women’s New Roles

Polity Press, Cambridge, 2009, 200 pp, ISBN: 978-0745643168

Peter McDonald

Published online: 30 April 2011

� Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2011

The central thesis of this book is that women’s new roles constitute a revolution that

is still incomplete because social institutions have not yet fully adapted to this

change. Its broad conclusion is that an extension/expansion of the welfare state is

the approach most likely to bring about a completion of the revolution.

The book focuses on three areas where the incomplete nature of the revolution is

evident and problematic: in family life, especially in very low levels of fertility; in

child development and the intergenerational transfer of disadvantage; and in the

viability of support for elderly in ageing populations. In these areas, the ‘incomplete

nature of the revolution is provoking serious disequilibria in our society’ (p. 3).

The arguments are made concisely and cogently, avoiding equations or high

theory. Accordingly, the book is easy to read. This, and its extensive use of pertinent

literature, makes it a good means of getting across the main debates in these three

problematic areas.

The book begins with an introduction that sets out the basic arguments. The

author argues that, at present, western societies are moving between two equilibria.

The equilibrium we have left behind is the breadwinner model of the family

characterised by gender specialisation and differentiation of roles. The new

equilibrium to which we are heading is less well defined, but will be characterised

by a more gender-egalitarian welfare state in which women and men will enjoy both

family life and paid employment. While agreeing strongly with this sentiment (and,

indeed, Esping-Andersen cites me as one of the perpetrators of this sentiment), I am

not as confident that we are moving between equilibria. I see society as always

being too messy to be described as ‘in equilibrium’, and the very concept seems to

be inconsistent with the existence of pluralist societies in which many people

behave in quite different ways. We can nonetheless strive to solve contemporary

P. McDonald (&)

Australian Demographic and Social Research Institute, The Australian National University,

Canberra, Australia

e-mail: Peter.McDonald@anu.edu.au

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Eur J Population (2011) 27:265–267

DOI 10.1007/s10680-011-9235-0

social problems, and the three such problems that Esping-Andersen addresses in this

book are serious social issues.

Chapter 1 documents the advance of women’s human capital and their

involvement in paid employment, with the movement away from the breadwinner

model. It argues that women with earnings are able to bargain more strongly in the

couple context and that men take on more household work in this situation, although

still doing much less than women. Homogamy or assortative mating means that

there is now a greater diversity in the sharing of household tasks.

Chapter 2 then documents the problems that have arisen from the incomplete

nature of the revolution. In particular, it argues that new inequalities have arisen and

old ones have widened. The following three chapters deal successively with each of

the three problem areas described above, analysing the determinants of each issue

and how they are related to the incomplete revolution. This analysis is then used to

consider potential policy directions.

Chapter 3 makes the familiar argument that levels of fertility and labour force

participation of mothers in countries that provide welfare transfers to families in the

form of child care and paid parental leave are higher than in countries still based on

a family care model where child care is effectively provided by women. The author

makes the interesting observation that division of household work is also more

equitable in countries that provide public support to families. In relation to child

care, the efficacy of private versus public delivery is discussed, along with the forms

and levels of subsidy. The policy directions here are not necessarily clear, but

quality and regulation must always be part of the child care arrangements. Shorter

working hours and flexibility of working arrangements are discussed only briefly,

and cash transfers are seen to be desirable because children are a social good, but

not because they deal with the incomplete revolution. Recognition is given to the

fact that low-tax, market approaches may work, but the preference seems always to

be with the Nordic model. For me, there needs to be more recognition that countries

may move forward with a different package of welfare approaches depending upon

their existing welfare regimes.

In Chapter 4, the link to the incomplete revolution is more tenuous. The chapter

covers familiar territory, making the case for early childhood education and care

(ECEC) as a means of reducing intergenerational transfer of disadvantage while at

the same time enabling mothers to work, the latter being the link to the incomplete

revolution. One year of parental leave is advocated for infants, and universal ECEC

for 3 and 4 years of age. As with most other authors, Esping-Andersen is less

prescriptive about the approach to be used for 1 and 2 years of age. This is where

more research is required. ECEC also seems to promote a higher level of paternal

involvement with the child.

Finally, Chapter 5 deals with the viability of income and care systems in ageing

societies. Again, this is familiar territory and the link to the incomplete revolution is

even more tenuous, relying mainly on the observation that ‘good retirement policy

begins with babies’ (p. 166). It also makes the point, however, that new approaches

are required because the revolution will mean that women relatives will not be

available to provide elder care in the future. Esping-Andersen, like many others,

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argues for higher retirement ages and a base level pension. Beyond this, the policy

approaches are not clear.

With a certain degree of inconsistency, Esping-Andersen argues in Chapter 3 that

tax-transfer systems should deal with partners in a couple as separate individuals,

but in later chapters he makes much of the greater inequality in incomes, parenting

skills and retirement sufficiency that derive from assortative mating.

In the end, however, the book emphasises the importance of an institutional

approach as distinct from a purely individual approach and, as such, very much

appeals to my own way of thinking. The revolution is indeed incomplete and

societies with very low fertility must find their own ways to progress to a higher

level of completion. Accordingly, this book is valuable for policy makers and for

courses that address gender and social welfare systems.

The Incomplete Revolution 267

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