2nd Symposium of Greek Gastronomy: Food, Memory & Identity in Greece & the Greek Diaspora

Greek wines in Roman Italy­ Aristocratic luxuries or mass beverages?

Komar Paulina University of Wrocław/University of Liverpool, Poland/United Kingdom

Abstract: There is no doubt that wine was one of the main consumption goods in the Mediterranean in antiquity. Roman Italy imported wines from all over southern Europe, the Near East and Africa; however, it was Greek wines that enjoyed a particular position among the imported beverages. They were praised by poets due to their delightful taste and recommended by physicians due to their medicinal values. On the other hand, Greek wine transport amphoras are frequently attested in the archaeological material on the whole Apennine peninsula. This raises a question: who drank these wines? Were they considered as aristocratic luxuries, as the literary evidence suggests? Or rather, were they popular beverages, as the massive presence of Greek amphoras in Italy indicates? A detailed analysis of ancient texts as well as archaeological findings from Lazio and Campania suggest that both statements may be true.

In the period of the republic, when imported goods were expensive and rare, Greek wines from Chios, Lesbos and Thasos were present only on aristocratic tables. They were symbols of high social status available only to a select few. However, in the times of the empire, when the Mediterranean Sea became mare nostrum for the Romans, beverages from Crete, Cos, Rhodes and Asia Minor became more popular. They were tasty but cheap, thus, ideal to be sold in thetabernae, meeting places of the common people. Consequently, the social meaning of Greek wine consumption changed entirely.

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Wine was one of the main consumption goods in most parts of the Mediterranean in antiquity.

Starting from the late republican period it was commonly consumed by the Romans, regardless of their social status. Nevertheless, the quality of wine was very important, perhaps even more important than it is now. There was a rigid division between luxurious beverages that were drunk by social elites and ordinary wines, produced for plebeian consumption. It is obvious that the lower social orders could not afford the expensive wines that were drunk by the aristocracy, but also rich people generally did not drink plebeian wines, even in the case of emergency. The best example of the strong connection between the social ranking and the ranking of wine is the case of Mark Anthony, called Orator (a grandfather of the famous friend of Julius Cesar). In the period of the proscriptions of Marius, he was hiding from the enemies and he found shelter at the house of his friend, a plebeian. Despite the fact that the friend of Mark Anthony generally drank ordinary wine, while hosting a noble guest he sent his slave to an inn for something better, as he did not want to serve a low quality beverage to the famous politician. The innkeeper, surprised by the uncommon purchase, questioned the slave for the reason, learned the truth and reported it to Marius. Subsequently, Mark Anthony was found and killed. Therefore, we may say that wine cost the life of the famous Orator .

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Considering this fact, a question arises: what was the position of the Aegean beverages that were imported to Italy? Would it be Mark Anthony who usually enjoyed their taste or rather his plebeian friend? There is literary evidence suggesting the former. According to Pliny, in the 1st c. BC only one cup of Greek wine could be served during a feast, even at the sumptuous house of the father of Lucullus . However, is it possible to say that all Greek wines were equally respected? Can we trace

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any changes in their social position and meaning?

1Tchernia 1986, p. 33; Plut. Mar. 44, 1-4. 2Plin. HN XIV 95, 96.

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This article will investigate what was the social position of the Italian consumers of Greek wines. It concerns the analysis of literary and archaeological evidence dated to between the 3rd c. BC and the 3rd c. AD. The first part shows what kinds of Aegean beverages were consumed in Italy in the late republican and the early imperial period. The second part presents what types of Greek beverages may be seen as aristocratic luxuries, whilst the third focuses on mass beverages.

Greek wines on Roman tables The earliest Roman author that mentions Greek wines is Plautus, at the beginning of the 2nd c.

BC. On the basis of this evidence we may suppose that the Romans knew of Aegean wines from Chios, Lesbos, Thasos and Leucados . Around 40 years later Cato provides recipes for making wine

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similar to Coan , which suggests that the Romans were familiar with this wine in that period. This is 4

confirmed by Varro who states that the Romans imported wine from Cos as well as Chian in the 1st c. BC . Pliny says that in his times wine from Clazomenae was particularly famous and that the Romans

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sweetened dry beverages with an admixture of wine from the area of Mt. Tmolus . Moreover, Vergil 7

suggest that the Romans consumed wines from Rhodes, whereas Martial devotes one epigram to Cretan passum . It should be also noted that Latin writers mention other Greek wines such as: Samian ,

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Ephesian, Cnidian, Catacumenian, Peparethian (today Skopelus), and wines from Sicyon, Cyprus, and Mystus. However, on the basis of the literary evidence it is impossible to say whether the Romans

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indeed consumed these beverages. On the other hand, archaeological evidence confirms the importation of amphoras from Chios, Rhodes, Cos, Crete and Cnidus. Rhodian stamps dated to the period between the 3rd and the 1st c. BC and one Coan amphora from the 3rd­2nd c. BC were found in Roman Italy (eg. In Falerii Novi, Alba Fucens, Populonia, Suasa, Cosa) .

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More than one hundred Aegean amphoras dated to the late republican period (this includes Chian and Rhodian and one amphora from Ikos), were attested in the Roman suburbium . Moreover, one Chian amphora

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was found in Rome, in Magazzini ai Mercati Traianei, two fragments of this type of vessel were attested in Ostia (Terme del Nuotatore), whilst one fragment in Necropoli di Porto, Isola Sacra . Also, one more

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fragment was attested in Rome (Vigna Barberini) , 14

whereas a few others were discovered in Paestum . 15

Furthermore, Rhodian, Coan and particularly Cretan containers in the 1st and the 2nd c. AD were frequent in Rome , Ostia and Campania . The so called Mau

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3Plaut., Poen. 699-700. 4Cato, Agr. 105, 112. 5Varro, Rust. Preface. 6Plin. HN, XIV 73. 7Plin. HN, XIV, 74. 8Verg. Georg. II 101-102; Mart. Epigr. XIII, 106. 9Tib. Carm. II, 6. 10Plin. HN, XIV, 74-76. 11Bevilacqua 1994, p. 463; Mertens 1955, p. 152; Tilloca 2001, p. 245-247; Mazzeo Saracino 1997, p. 152-153; American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Archives in the Blegen Library, Virginia R. Grace Papers. 12Caspio 2009, p. 487, fig. 35 13Palma, Panella 1967-68, p. 100. 14Rizzo 2003, p. 164, tab. 29c. 15 De Bonis 2008, p. 310, tab. 1. 16Rizzo 1003, p. 146, tab. 26b, p. 163-4, tab. 27 b-c, p. 175, tab. 29, p. 180, tab. 30b.; about Cretan amphoras see also Marangou 1995, p. 69, 72, 87, 88.

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XXXVIII amphoras that probably contained Cnidian wine have been attested in Rome (Baths of Trajan and DomusTiberiana , Meta Sudans , Via Nova , Crypta Balbi and Vigna Barberini ), Ostia

18 19 20 21 22

(Domus dei Pesci ), Puteoli and Pompeii . 23 24 25

In addition, starting from the 1st c. AD Microasian amphora Agora F65­66 is very popular in Rome, for example in Via Nova, Meta Sudans , Forum Transitorium and Vigna Barberini . On the

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basis of fabric analyses the probable places of the production of these containers are: Ephesus, the 28

area of Sardis as well as Hermos and the Meander Valley . Wine has been proposed as being the 29

content of Agora F 65­66 ; however, this needs further investigation to conclude what kind of 30

beverage it transported, since both Tmolian and Ephesian, as well as others seem possible. It should be noted that there are other supposedly Aegean wine amphoras that were discovered

in Italy (this includes and Schoene V, Schoene XIII, Mau XXVII­XXVIII, Mau XLI, Dr 25, and Kapitan I and II); however, neither their content nor the exact place of production is certain .

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Concluding, it is possible to say that in the late republican and the early imperial times the Romans consumed Greek wines from Chios, Lesbos, Thasos, Cos, Rhodes, Crete, Cnidus, Leucas, and Asia Minor (eg. Tmolian, Ephesian or Clazomenian). However, due to the available evidence, we are only able to investigate the rank of Chian, Lesbian, Thasian, Rhodian, Coan and Cretan.

Aristocratic luxuries It seems that wines from Chios, Lesbos and Thasos may be

seen as aristocratic drinks. First of all, they are mentioned numerously by Roman and Greek authors and they are always described as

one of the best beverages. For example Pliny says: in summa gloria post Homerica illa, de quibus supra diximus, fuere Thasium Chiumque, ex Chio quod Ariusium vocant. his addidit Lesbium Erasistrati maximi medici auctoritas, circiter CCCCL anno urbis Romae.

After the wines mentioned by Homer, and of which we have already spoken, those held in the highest esteem were the wines of Thasos and Chios, and of the latter more particularly the sort known as "Arvisium". By the side of these has been placed the wine of Lesbos, upon the authority of Erasistratus, a famous physician, who flourished about the year of the City of Rome 450 .

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17Albiach 2008, p. 261, fig. 2; Bragantini, Cipriano, Improta 1991, p. 89-93, 95, 98; Crimaco 2001, p. 88-89; Garcea, Miraglia, Soricelli, 1983-84, p. 281-285; Zevi 2007, p. 68-69, 104-108, 127-129, 142-144; About Cretan amphoras see also Marangou 1995, p. 69, 70, 72, 79, 80, 82, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88. 18Bertoldi 2010, p. 308. 19Meylan Krause 2002, p. 143. 20Rizzo 2003, p. 147. 21Rizzo 2003, p. 175. 22Rizzo 2003, p. 164. 23Zevi 2007, p. 107. 24Crimaco 2001, p. 88-89. 25Albiach 2008, p. 261, fig. 2. 26Rizzo 2003, p. 146. 27Rizzo 2003, p. 163, 175. 28Bezeczky 2012 http://farch.net, accesed7.08.2013). 29Bertoldi 2012, p. 136. 30Rizzo 2003, p. 205, tab. 32b. 31Bertoldi 2012, p. 134-135, 141, 143; Bragantini, Cipriano & Improta 1991, p. 92. 32Plin. HN, XIV, 73.

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On the basis of this fragment we may form a hypothesis that Chian, Lesbian and Thasian were

the best of Aegean grands crus. Pliny clearly indicates that they were “held in the highest esteem” . 33

Furthermore, they are the most frequently mentioned Aegean wines by both Greek and Latin authors, especially by the ancient poets who praise their taste and aroma.

The fragrance of Thasian was, according to Aristophanes, nicer than the smell of perfumes , 34

whereas, Hermippos says that it resembled the fragrance of apples . Kallimachus calls Lesbian “nectar 35

of the flower of wine” , while, Longus describes it as “the best of wines, redolent of flowers” . Also, 36 37

Klearchus says that there is no “wine sweeter/nicer than Lesbian” . Finally Archestratos, who was 38

considered to be an expert in the field of feasts, claims that Lesbian wine had a taste of ambrosia and that it was definitely better than Thasian and Phoenician wines .

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Lesbian and Chian were also mentioned in a positive context by Horace, together with Caecuban wine, one of the best Roman crus in this period . The same author claims that the

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five­years­old boiled Chian wine is the best drink to accompany a lamprey dish , a real delicacy on 41

Roman tables. Moreover, there is direct evidence that these wines were consumed by the upper social orders.

For example, Varro calls Chian a wine of the rich people . Moreover, this wine, together with 42

Lesbian, was served by Caesar during banquets celebrating his political victories . Chian and Thasian 43

were drunk by Hellenistic kings, who were famous for their sophisticated way of living. The following is a story described by Plutarchus:

“πάλιν δέ ποτε πλείονας ἡμέρας ἐν πότοις γενομένου,καὶ πρόφασιν λέγοντος ὡς ῥεῦμα διοχλήσειεν αὐτόν,‘ἐπυθόμην,’ φάναι τὸν Ἀντίγονον,‘ἀλλὰ πότερον Θάσιον ἢ Χῖον ἦν τὸ ῥεῦμα”

Again, on another occasion, when Demetrius had been at his revels for several

days, and excused his absence by saying that he was troubled with a flux, ‘so I learned,’ said Antigonus, ‘but was it Thasian or Chian wine that flowed?”

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It should be noted that these wines are often mentioned in a positive context by ancient

physicians. Galen says that Chian and Lesbian were among the three best wines from the Roman province of Asia . It seems that they were considered healthy and helpful with certain diseases.

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Moreover, wine from Chios had medicinal qualities and could be used in pharmaceutical production . 46

For example, according to Dioscorides it was often an ingredient of eye medicines . According to 47

Pliny, C. Sentius started to drink Chian when his doctor prescribed it to him for his cardiac disease. In addition, the Greek physician, Aretaeus, mentions that this wine, as well as Lesbian, was helpful in cardiac affections .

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High­quality beverages must have been rather expensive and the evidence suggests that this was indeed true. Plutarch sets drinking Chian together with having a company of Lais, a very

33Plin. HN, XIV, 73. 34Aristoph. Eccl. 1118-1119. 35Com. At. fr. 82 Kock. 36Anth. Pal.XIII 9. 37Longus IV 10, 3, 5. 38Ath. Deipn. 29c 39Ath. Deipn. 29c. 40Hor. Epodes, IX. 41Hor. Serm. II 8, 48-49. 42Varro, Sat. Men. fr. 104b. 43Plin. HN, XIV, 97. 44Plut. Demetrius,19, 4, Loeb Classical Library. 45Gal. San. Tu. IV, 6=Kuhn vol. VI, p. 275. 46Ath. Deipn. I 56, 27-36=29f; Orib. Col. Med. V 6, 45; Gal. Comp. Med. Loc.VII 10=Kuhn vol.13, p. 513. 47Dsc. Mat. Med.V 10= Kuhn vol. 25, p. 696. 48CA II 3=Kuhn vol. 24, p. 262.

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expensive courtesan. Moreover, he mentions that at Athens in the times of Socrates it was sold for a mina . On the other hand, F. Salviat says that in the 3rd c. BC the cost of an amphora (around 22 l.) of

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Chian and Thasian was respectively 18 and 20 drachmas . Considering the fact that the native wine at 50

Athens was sold at four drachmas per metretes (ca. 39 l.) , Chian and Thasian must have been 51

aristocratic drinks because they were considerably more expensive than ordinary wine. Another argument that seems to confirm that wines from Chios,

Lesbos and Thasos were luxurious drinks is the scarcity of the amphoras that transported them. While defining a luxury Berry says that it should be something desired by many but possessed by few . Therefore, the

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rarity of the containers in which these wines were transported can be seen as proof that they were not commonly available. As a matter of fact, neither Lesbian nor Thasian wine amphoras have so far been attested in Roman Italy, whereas Chian containers have been attested in limited quantities (around a dozen in total). Therefore, it is possible to say that they were imported in very small numbers for a limited group of consumers, which supports the theory that they were aristocratic luxuries.

Mass beverages On the other hand, it seems that beverages from Crete, Rhodes and Cos were not held in high esteem. None of them was consumed by the upper social orders or particularly praised by poets. Although according to

Vergil vine from Rhodes was “welcomed by gods and at the second board” („dis et mensis accepta secundis”) , its wine was called “doctored” by Timachidas of Rhodes . The reason for this name is

53 54

probably the fact that Rhodian wine, similarly to Coan, was mixed with seawater and this admixture 55

was not appreciated. According to Dioscorides, wine from Cos was not good, because it contained too much seawater and could disturb the intestines causing, for example, flatulence, as well as impairing the drinker’s strength. Moreover, it spoiled quickly . The lower quality of Coan wine is also suggested

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by its price. At the beginning of the 2nd c. BC on Delos the price of Coan was a half or three quarters of the price of Cnidian . In addition, N. Purcell claims that in the 1st c. BC the trade of Dressel 2­4

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amphoras was oriented towards the needs of Roman army . Dr 2­4 were imitations of Coan 58

containers, and it is likely that they served for transport of wine that was similar to Coan. Considering the fact that soldiers are usually not provided with the highest­quality products, this would be another evidence suggesting that wine from Cos was of inferior quality and hence it was probably consumed by lower social orders. According to Pliny, wine from Rhodes was similar to Coan ; thus, it is

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possible to draw a conclusion that their consumers were congenial. This is what Martial writes about wine from Crete:

CVI PASSUM Gnosia Minoae genuit vindemia Cretae

hoc tibi, quod mulsum pauperis esse solet.

49Plut. De Tranq. Anim. 10. 50Salviat 1986, p. 180. 51Ridgeway, Wilkins,1901, p. 968. 52Berry 1994, p. 5. 53Verg. Georg. II, 101-102, translated by J.B. Greenough. 54Ath. Deipn. 31e. 55Plin. HN, XIV, 78-79. 56Dsc. Mat. Med. V, 10 =Kuhn vol. 25, p. 697. 57Tchernia 1986, p. 105. 58Purcell 1985, p. 14. 59Plin. HN, XIV, 79. Mart. Epigrams, XIII, 106, translated by A. S. Kline.

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CVI. RAISIN WINE (passum) The vineyard of Gnossus, in Crete where Minos reigned,

produced this for you; this is the honeyed wine of the poor man. 60

This passage clearly states that Cretan wine was consumed by the lower social orders and

hence it must have been cheap. As a matter of fact, A. Tchernia claims that this sweetpassum(raisin wine) was particularly popular in Italy in the 1st c. AD and that it was among the most popular and the cheapest drinks, like those from Sagunto and Tarraconensis . Even though Marangou states that

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Cretan wine was “honorablement situé dans la hiérarchie des crus” , it seems that it was consumed by 62

lower social orders rather than by aristocracy. This may also be confirmed by the archaeological material, at least from the early imperial

period. For example, discoveries in Pompeii show that Cretan and Coan wines were sold intabernae . 63

Considering the fact that it is unlikely that very high­ranking wine would be sold in the taverns, as these were the places designed for common people rather than for higher class members , we may say

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that the beverages from Crete and Cos were drunk by the lower social orders. Furthermore, quantities of Greek amphoras that were attested in Italy are also meaningful.

During the archaeological excavations in Nuovo Mercato di Testaccio in Rome, even though the excavations are still ongoing, 39.896 fragments of Cretan amphoras have already been discovered. The analysis of 8.731 fragments has proven that these belonged to at least 832 containers . These numbers

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clearly indicate that Cretan wine had numerous consumers, and thus was sold in mass quantities. This is confirmed by the data from other contexts in the Eternal City collected by G. Rizzo. There were 462 Cretan and 304 Rhodian amphoras found in total. It may be surprising that only 10 Coan amphoras have been attested in these contexts , which at first may contradict the theory that wine from Cos was

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among mass beverages. However, Coan amphoras were frequently copied and produced in places other than on the island. Therefore, it is difficult to distinguish with any certainty which amphoras of Coan type were in fact produced on Cos. In consequence they are generally classified simply as Aegean or Microasian. If these containers were taken into account the number of “Coan” amphoras would be considerably higher. Summarizing, amphora evidence suggests that wines from Crete, Rhodes and Cos were imported to Rome in mass quantities; thus, it confirms the theory that they were mass beverages.

Conclusions

The analysis of the literary and archaeological evidence indicates that among the Aegean wines that were imported to Italy there were both high­quality aristocratic drinks and mass beverages. The first category includes wines from Chios, Lesbos and Thasos, whilst the products of the Rhodian, Coan and Cretan vineyards belong to the second group. However, it should be noted that the consumption of Chian, Lesbian and Thasian wines in Rome is mentioned mostly in the sources from the republican period. While talking about drinking of these beverages, Pliny almost exclusively uses past tense , which may

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suggest that in the imperial times these wines were no longer imported to Italy. It seems that the lack

60Tchernia 2011, p. 257-258, 345-346. 61Marangou 1995, p. 28. 62Timby 2004, p. 385-387. 63Wilkins, Hill 2006, p.178. 64Casaramona 2010, p. 113. 65Rizzo 2003, p. 205. 66Bertoldi 2012, p. 131, 139; Bezeczky 2013, p. 56; Hesnard 1986, p. 75-78. 67Plin. HN, XIV, 74 & 117.

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of amphoras from Lesbos and Thasos in Italy confirms this theory. For the republican period, when imported amphoras are generally rare , the assumption that Lesbian and Thasian transport vessels

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were not attested because they contained luxurious commodities is acceptable. However, the amount of foreign transport amphoras dated to the imperial times that were found in Lazio and Campania is so high that a complete lack of the containers from Lesbos and Thasos suggests rather that they were no longer imported . From the few Chian containers that have so far been attested in Italy only one can

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be dated to the imperial period, but it is possible that it is residual . Therefore, it seems possible that 70

Greek wines from Chios, Lesbos and Thasos were aristocratic luxuries in the republican age. Drinking them was probably a sign of prestige and high social status. Rhodian and Coan were also imported to Italy in this period; however, it is difficult to ascertain their rank and position. In the imperial times, after the defeat of the pirates and the conquest of Egypt, when the Romans gained maritime control over the Mediterranean, imported goods became cheaper and more commonly available. This must be the reason why Aegean wines from Cos, Rhodes and Crete became mass imports. In such conditions certain imported luxuries must have lost their social significance and consequently ceased to be desired.

In the imperial period wine production in Italy was already developed and Roman wines became very popular in the Mediterranean. When in the 2nd c. AD Lucian describes an aristocratic dinner at Athens he mentions Italian not Greek wines . This means that the viewpoint concerning

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luxurious drinks might have changed utterly. This corresponds to R. Volpe’s theory, according to which in the imperial times Italy produced high­quality wines whereas they imported mass beverages

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. The producers of Aegean wines that were designed for the common people were probably

more interested in the quantity of the product than in the quality. Wines from Rhodes and Cos were seasoned with seawater, which probably accelerated their maturation , but was seen as an adulteration

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. This may be the reason why they were considered as lower­quality beverages. On the other hand, 74

unadulterated Cretan raisin wine of the passum type was the most popular Aegean beverage in Italy. However, this popularity was probably primarily due to economic reasons. S. de Caro highlights the role of the Roman citizens settled in Crete in the transport of the wine from this island to Italy .

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Furthermore, according to Tchernia, the import of Cretan wine was related to Egyptian grain supply to the city of Rome. This relation reduced the costs of transport of this beverage, which resulted in its low price and hence its popularity among the people of Rome .

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Summing up, we may say that in the republican period Italy imported Greek wines that were viewed as aristocratic luxuries, whereas in the imperial times Roman interest in Greek wines changed towards mass produced beverages.

68Volpe 2009, p. 381. 69Another explanation may be that the containers have not so far been recognized. 70Chian amphora from Terme del Noutatore was found in the context dated to the mid-3rd c. AD, but its shape was typical for the 1st c. BC amphoras. 71Lucian, Navigium, 23. 72Volpe 2009, p. 387. 73Plin. NH, XIV, 78-79. 74Ath. Deipn. 31e. 75De Caro 1992-1993, p. 310. 76 Tchernia 2011: 345-348.

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Rizzo, G. (2003). Instrumenta urbis I: ceramiche fini da mensa, lucerne ed anfore a Roma nei primi due secoli dell'impero. Roma: École française de Rome. Salviat, F. (1986). Le vin de Thasos. Amphores, vin et sources écrites, in J.­Y. Empereur & Y. Garlan (Eds.), Recherches sur les amphores grecques. (pp. 145­195). Athens: École française d'Athènes, Paris: De Boccard. Tchernia, A. (1986). Le vin de l'Italie romaine. Essai d'histoire économique d'après les amphores. Rome: École française de Rome. Tchernia, A. (2011). Les Romains et le commerce, Naples: Centre Jean Bérard; Aix­en­Provence: Centre Camille Jullian. Tilloca, C. (2001). Bolli anforari rodii dall’Ager Populoniensis. Archeologia Classica, LII (2), 245­247. Timby, J. (2004). Amphorae from excavations at Pompeii by the University of Reading. In J. Eiring & J. Lund (Eds.), Transport amphorae and trade in the Eastern Mediterranean (pp. 383­392). Athens: The Danish Institute at Athens. Volpe, R. (2009). Vino, vigneti et anfore in Roma republicana. In V. Jolivet et al. (Eds.), SUBURBIUM II. (pp. 369­381). Roma: École française de Rome. Wilkins, J.M. & Hill, S. (2006). Food in the ancient world, Malden, MA and Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Zevi, F. et al. (2007). OSTIA ­ Sondaggio stratigrafico in uno degli ambienti gella domus dei Pesci (1995 e 1996). Notizie degli scavi di antichità, 15­16, 21­328.

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Δεν υπάρχει καμία αμφιβολία ότι το κρασί ήταν ένα από τα κύρια καταναλωτικά αγαθά στην περιοχή της Μεσογείου κατά την αρχαιότητα. Η Ρωμαϊκή Ιταλία εισήγαγε κρασιά από όλη την νότια Ευρώπη, την Άπω Ανατολή και την Αφρική, ωστόσο, αυτά ήταν ελληνικά κρασιά που απολάμβαναν μια ιδιαίτερη θέση μεταξύ των εισαγομένων ποτών. Από τη μία πλευρά, είχαν επαινεθεί από τους ποιητές, κάτι που οφείλεται στην υπέροχη γεύση τους, συστήνονταν από τους γιατρούς λόγω της θεραπευτικής τους αξίας, και από την άλλη, οι ελληνικοί αμφορείς μεταφοράς κρασιού συχνά εντοπίζονται σε αρχαιολογικό υλικό σε ολόκληρη την χερσόνησο των Απεννίνων. Ποιοί έπιναν αυτά τα κρασιά; Ανήκαν στις αριστοκρατικές πολυτέλειες, όπως προτείνουν οι λογοτεχνικές πηγές; Ή μήπως ανήκαν στα λαϊκά ποτά, όπως δείχνει η μαζική παρουσία των ελληνικών αμφορέων στην Ιταλία; Μια λεπτομερής ανάλυση των αρχαίων κειμένων, καθώς και τα αρχαιολογικά ευρήματα από την Λάτσιο και την Καμπανία δείχνουν ότι και οι δύο προτάσεις μπορεί να είναι σωστές. Κατά την περίοδο της Δημοκρατίας, όταν τα εισαγόμενα αγαθά ήταν ακριβά και σπάνια, τα ελληνικά κρασιά από τη Χίο, τη Λέσβο και τη Θάσο εμφανίζονταν μόνο στα αριστοκρατικά τραπέζια. Ήταν σύμβολα της υψηλής κοινωνικής θέσης διαθέσιμα μόνο σε λίγους, ως εκ τούτου, ταίριαζαν τέλεια με το ρωμαϊκό συμπόσιο. Ωστόσο, στην εποχή της αυτοκρατορίας, όταν η Μεσόγειος Θάλασσα έγινε mare nostrum για τους Ρωμαίους, τα ποτά από την Κρήτη, την Κω, τη Ρόδο και τις ελληνικές αποικίες στη Μικρά Ασία έγιναν πιο δημοφιλή. Ήταν γευστικά αλλά φτηνά, επομένως, ιδανικά για να πωληθούν στις ταβέρνες, χώρους συνάντησης των κοινών ανθρώπων. Κατά συνέπεια, η κοινωνική σημασία της κατανάλωσης του ελληνικού κρασιού είχε αλλάξει εντελώς.

2nd Symposium of Greek Gastronomy: Food, Memory & Identity in Greece & the Greek Diaspora

www.greekgastronomy.wordpress.com

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