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8/12/2019 Gumerman 1997 Food and Complexity Societies http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/gumerman-1997-food-and-complexity-societies 1/35 Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory VoL 4 No. 2 1997 Food and omplex Societies George Gumerman IV 1 In complex societies individuals from distinct socia~ economic gender or age groups often consume different foods because of various economic politica~ and ideological factors. The food system not only involves what is consumed but includes the labor and technology that goes into the production and preparation of food as well as how certain foods are distributed and eventually discarded. Food systems within and among complex societies are thus tightly intertwined with social differentiation and the political economy and participate in defining and maintaining differential social relations. KEY WORDS: foodways; paleodiet; consumption; social relations. INTRODUCTION Archaeologists have produced significant advances in understanding subsistence--often employing models that focus on population, environ- ment, and technology to predict and explain general changes in subsistence through time (e.g., Binford, 1968; Boserup, 1965; Christenson, 1980; Cohen, 1977; Earle, 1980; King, 1993; Morrison, 1994; Sobolik, 1994; Trierwieler, 1990; Wymer, 1993; cf. Browman, 1987; Keene, 1983; O Connell et al. 1982; Reidhead, 1980). Although these variables are critical in understanding hu- man behavior, the models typically address only a narrow range of the many factors that are encompassed by the study of food. Topics such as origins, adaptation, risk, and cost minimization usually are couched in terms of a normative set of actors--sites, periods, and cultures. As such, the models often do not adequately address how subsistence is affected by individual action (see Brurafiel, 1992). Cost minimization, for example, does not ex- 1Department of Anthropology, Northern Arizona University, P.O. Box 15200, Flagstaff,Ari- zona 86011. 1 5 1072-5369/97/0600-0105512.50/0 9 1997 Hcnum Publishing Corporation

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Journal of Archaeological M ethod and Theory VoL 4 N o. 2 1997

Food and om plex Soc ie t ie s

G e o r g e G u m e r m a n I V 1

In com plex soc ie ties ind iv iduals f ro m d is t inc t socia~ econom ic gender or agegroup s often consu m e d i ffe ren t fo od s b ecause o f var ious economic po li ti ca~an d ideo logica l fac tors. Th e fo o d sys tem no t on ly involves wha t i s con sum edbu t i nc ludes t he l abo r an d t echn o logy tha t goes i n to the p rod uc t ion andprepara t ion o f foo d as wel l as ho w certa in fo od s a re d i st r ibu ted an d eventua llyd iscarded . Food sys tems wi th in and among complex soc ie t ies a re thus t igh t lyin ter twined w i th soc ia l d i ffe ren t ia tion a nd the po l i t i ca l eco nom y an d par tic ipa tein defining and maintaining different ial social relat ions.KEY WORDS: foodways;paleodiet; consumption;social relations.

I N T R O D U C T I O N

Archaeologis ts have produced s igni f icant advances in understandingsubs i s t ence - -o f t en employ ing m ode l s tha t focus on popu la tion , env i ron-m ent , a nd technology to predic t and explaingenera lchanges in subsistence

throu gh t im e (e.g., Binford, 1968; Bo seru p, 1965; Christenson, 1980; Co hen,1977; Earle, 1980; King, 1993; M orrison , 1994; Sobolik, 1994; Trierwieler,1990; Wym er, 1993; cf. Browm an, 1987; Keen e, 1983; O C onne l let al . 1982;Re idhea d, 1980). Al though these var iables are cr i tica l in understan ding hu-m an behav io r, t he m ode l s typ ica lly address on ly a na r row range o f the m anyfactors that are encom passed by the s tudy o f food. Topics such as or ig ins,adaptat ion, r i sk , and cost minimizat ion usual ly are couched in terms of anormat ive se t of actors- -s i tes , per iods, and cul tures . As such, the modelsof ten do not adequately address how subsis tence i s affected by individualact ion (see Bruraf ie l , 1992) . Cost minim izat ion, for examp le , does n ot ex-

1Department of Anthropology,No rthern Arizona University,P.O . Box 15200, Flagstaff, Ari-zona 86011.

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1 6 u m e r m a n

p l a i n a l l b e h a v i o r, e s p e c i al ly i n c o m p l e x s o c i e ti e s wh e r e s u b s i s t e n c e d e c i -s i o n s a l s o a r e b a s e d o n s t a t u s a n d p o l i t i c a l c o n c e r n s . E c o n o m i c s i s c l e a r l ya f a c t o r i n t h e s e d e c i si o n s , y e t f o r s o m e i n d i v i d u a ls m i n i m i z i n g c o s t m a yn o t b e a n i s su e . E l it e s m a y c o n s u m e e x p e n s iv e r e so u r c e s b e c a u s e t h e y c a n

a f fo r d t h e m a n d b e c a u se th e f o o d s - - a n d t h e ir c o n s u m p t i o n - -s y m b o l i z et h e i r we a l t h a n d p o we r. F o o d , t h u s , i n c o r p o r a t e s n u m e r o u s a s p e c t s o f c u l -t u r e - r a n g i n g f r o m t e c h n o l o g y t o n u t r it io n a n d t h e s y m b o l ic ( s ee B i n f o r d ,1962 ; Goody, 1982 ; Har r i s , 1987 ; Hodder, 1986 ; Ra th j e and Sch i ffe r, 1982 ;Ross, 1987; Schiffer, 1992).

Food i s i n t r i n s i ca l l y soc i a l . Indeed , soc i a l r e l a t i ons a re de f ined andm a i n t a i n e d t h r o u g h f o o d . F o o d t h u s s h o u l d n o t b e a n a l y z e d f o r t h e s o l ep u r p o s e o f d e s c ri b i n g d i e t a n d n u t r i t i o n ( e. g. , B r o w n a n d M u s s e l l, 1 98 4;C o e , 1 99 4; Do u g l a s , 1 9 71 ; D o u g l a s , 1 9 84 ; F a r b a n d A r m e l a g o s , 1 9 8 0;G o o d e e t a l . 1984a ,b ; Menne l l , 1985 ; Ohnuk i -Tie rney, 1993 ; Powers andPowers , 1984; Wal l , 1994; Weismante l , 1988; Wi l l i s , 1990) . As Ross (1987 ,p . 8 ) p o i n t s o u t , Va r i a ti o n i n w h a t p e o p l e e a t r e f l e c ts s u b s ta n t i v e v a r i a t i o ni n s t a tu s a n d p o w e r a n d c h a r a c t e r iz e s s o c i e ti e s t h a t a r e i n t e r n a ll y s tr a t if i e di n to r i ch a n d p o o r , s ic k a n d h e a l t h y, d e v e l o p e d a n d u n d e r d e v e l o p e d , o v e r -f e d a n d u n d e r n o u r i s h e d . A m e a l , w h e t h e r a s h a r e d m o r n i n g t o rt il la o r af o r m a l d i n n e r p a r t y, i s a n e v e n t t h a t d e v e l o p s a n d m a i n t a i n s a ff i l i a t i o n sa m o n g p a r t ic i p a n ts a n d n o n p a r t ic i p a n t s, a s w e ll a s p r e p a r e r s a n d c o n s u m -e rs . F o o d w a y s a ls o c h a n g e t h r o u g h t i m e a n d t h e c h a n g e s m a y v a r y a m o n gi n d i v id u a l s o f d if f e r in g s ta t u s , o c c u p a t i o n , g e n d e r, a n d a g e . I n d e e d , t h es t u d y o f th e s e c h a n g e s w i ll in f o r m u s a b o u t g e n e r a l c a u s e s o f so c i a l c h a n g e .

R e c e n t l y, a r c h a e o l o g i s t s h a v e c o n t e m p l a t e d s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s a n d s y m -b o l i s m t h r o u g h t h e d e t a i l e d s t u d y o f f o o d ( s e e e x a m p l e s b e l o w) . Ty p ic a ll y,t h e s e a r e f i n e - g r a i n e d a p p r o a c h e s t h a t a c c e p t t h e e x i s t e n c e o f e c o n o m i c ,po l i ti ca l , and ideo log ica l va r i a t i on w i th in soc i e t i e s and ev en va r i a t i on w i th inh o u s e h o l d s s u c h t h a t m a l e s m a y e a t d i f f e r e n t ly t h a n f e m a l e s . T h i s v a r i a t i o ni s e s p e c ia l ly v it a l in u n d e r s t a n d i n g c o m p l e x s o c ie t ie s b e c a u s e t h e s e s o c i e t ie sa r e o rg a n i z e d a r o u n d a r e g i o n a l p o l i ti c a l e c o n o m y w h e r e t h e r e i s d i f f e r e n -t ia l a cc e s s t o g o o d s , we a l t h , p o we r, a n d t h e m e a n s o f p r o d u c t i o n . As s u c h ,c o m p l e x s o c i e ti e s ar e c o m p o s e d o f h i e ra r c h i c a ll y a n d h e t e r a r c h i c a l l y r a n k e di n d i v id u a l s w i t h m a r k e d v a r i a t io n i n t e r m s o f t h e i r n e e d s , wa n t s , a n d a b i li -t i e s t o fu l f i l l t he i r goa l s (e .g . , Eh ren re i che t a l . 1 9 9 5 ; J o h n s o n a n d E a r l e ,1987; Redman, 1978; Yoffee , 1993) .

T h e n a t u r e o f c o m p l e x s o c ie t ie s c re a t e s a n e x t r e m e l y e la b o r a t e f o o ds y s t e m - - t h e s e t o f co n d i t io n s u n d e r w h i c h f o o d i s p r o d u c e d a n d d i s t ri b u t e d ,p r e p a r e d a n d c o n s u m e d , a n d f i n a l l y, d i s c a r d e d ( e . g . , B o we n , 1 9 9 2 ; Go o d y,1982 ; Ho l t , 1991 ; Hue l sbeck , 1991 ; Johannessen , 1993 ; LaBianca , 1991 ;P o we r s a n d P o we r s , 1 9 8 4; W h i t e h e a d , 1 98 4). I n c o m p l e x s o c i e ti e s , f o o d i so f t e n p r o d u c e d a n d p r e p a r e d o u t s id e o f t h e h o u s e h o l d a n d d i s t r i b u t e d t o

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Food and omp lex Societies 1 7

nonp roduc ers . Specia lis ts , for instance, may produ ce an d cook fo od forother individuals who may be served in var ious ways, ranging f rom indi -vidual me als to feasts involving m an y guests. In ad dit ion, the fo od o ften isdi fferent ia lly a l located to var ious groups. E l i tes o r com m oners , for instance,m ay r ece ive ce rt a in types and po r t ions o f food tha t a r e impo r tan t in de -f in ing thei r s ta tus . Food dis t r ibut ion a lso may be regulated through bu-r e a u c r a t i c a n d a d m i n i s tr a ti v e o f f i c e s - - o f t e n th r o u g h a m a r k e t sy s te m .Co nsum ption involves no t only the fo od i tself , bu t th e social co ntex t inwhich the me a l i s se rved . Di ff e ren t foods o f t en a re consum ed by ind ividua ls

wi th d is t inct s ta tuses and roles and are impor tant in def in ing and main-taining their social posi t ions. Finally, lef tovers and the residues of produc-t ion and consumpt ion are d iscarded. The rules for d isposal , such as thedisposal location, ma y indicate h ow space is v iewed. By inquir ing in to thesecom ponen t s o f the food sys tem, f rom p roduc t ion to d isposa l, t he in te r re -l a ted aspec ts o f food and cu l tu re can be exp lo red- -W ho a re the p roduc er sa n d c o n su m e rs? W h o c o o ks f o r w h o m ? W h o c o n su m e s w h a t ? W h e r e a r especif ic foods disposed? and H ow are foo d preparat ion and dis t r ibutiondel inea ted across e thnic , c lass , gen der, an d g enerat iona l bou ndar ies ?

In this ar t icle, I f i rst present an introduction to various theoret ical as-pects of food and social relat ions. I bel ieve that , as anthropologists, i t isour p r imary goa l to unde r s t and hum an behav io r see Skiboe t a l . 1995).Be hav ior involving foo d is affec ted by a variety of inte rrelate d factors, in-e luding the environm ent , econom ics, socia l organization, bel ief systems, andeven evo lu t ionary f itness . Ins t ead o f r ev iewing a ll an th ropo log ica l ap -proache s conc erned wi th food, I have foc used on th e social and sym bol iccomponents . This i s not to say that the ecological , envi ronmental , and nu-tr i tional aspects that archae ologists have trad it ionally fol lowed are no t cr i ti -ca l to un der s t and ing food . Ra ther, i t is necessa ry to bu i ld up on these

advances by focusing on the socia l and symbol ic e lem ents of the food sys-tem. We therefore gain comprehensive insights in to many aspects of cul -tu re -n o t so le ly subsi st ence .

Fol lowing the d iscussion of food and socia l re la t ions, I address somegeneral methodological i ssues wi thin the context of the food system, in-e luding the product ion, preparat ion, d is t r ibut ion, consumpt ion, and dis-posal of food. Th en using a var ie ty of exam ples , wi th a par t icular em phasison complex societ ies , I dem ons t r a t e h ow the food sys tem can be ana lyzedwith a conce rn towa rd unde rstand ing the socia l and sym bol ic aspects offood . As such, th is r ev iew presen t s a r ec ipe- - the food sy s tem - - tha t a r chae-

ologists can follow, modify, and expa nd i f they are in terested in consu m ingthe socia l and symbol ic aspects of food and complex socie t ies .

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1 8 G u m e r m a n

F O O D A N D S O C I A L R E L AT IO N S

C u l t u r a l a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s h a v e a l o n g t r a d i t i o n o f s t u d y i n g t h e s o c i a la n d s y m b o l ic r o le s o f f o o d . E a r l y r e s e a rc h f o c u s e d o n f o o d t a b o o s a n dsac r if i ce s , o f t en em pha s i z ing the re l i g ious a spec t s o f foo d (F raze r, 1907 ;S m i t h , 18 89 ). T h i s in t e r e s t l a te r t u r n e d t o t h e f u n c t i o n a l a s p e c t s o f f o o d ,p a r t ic u l a r ly t h e v a l u e o f f o o d i n d e v e l o p i n g a n d m a i n t a i n i n g s o c i a l r e l a ti o n s .R a d c l i f f e - B r o wn ( 1 9 2 2 , p . 2 7 0 ) v i e we d f o o d a s a m e a n s o f r e g u l a t i n g t h esoc i a l sy s t em. H e focus ed on r i t ua l s i nvo lv ing food , s tre s s ing the soc i a l func -t i o n r a t h e r t h a n t h e r e l i g i o u s e v e n t . A l t h o u g h i n t e r e s t e d i n n u t r i t i o n ,R i c h a r d s ( 1 9 3 2 , 19 39 ) a l s o e m p h a s i z e d t h e f u n c t i o n a l a s p e c t s o f f o o d b ye x p l o r i n g h o w f o o d e x p re s s e s a n d s y m b o l i z es s o c ia l r e l a t io n s h i p s : T h ewh o l e s o c i a l o rg a n i z a t i o n i s h e l d t o g e t h e r v e r y l a rg e l y b y t h e s t r e n g t h o ft h e s e n u t r i ti v e t ie s , a n d i f we d i v o r c e t h e e c o n o m i c a c ti v it ie s o f f o o d - g e t t i n gf r o m t h e s t u d y o f m a n ' s p h y s i o lo g i c a l n e e d s a n d a p p e t i t e s , we s h a l l fa il t oun de rs t a nd the na tu re o f soc i e ty i t se lf (R ic ha rd s 1932, p . 15) .

Lev i -S t rauss ' (1963 , 1966) s t ruc tu ra l focus p ro pe l l e d t he em ph as i s awayf r o m h o w f o o d s e r v e s i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s t o wa r d a m e a n s o f a n a l y z i n g t h es t r u c t u r e o f a s o c i et y. Us i n g a l i n g u is t ic m o d e l , h e d e v e l o p e d t h e c u l i n a r yt ri a ng l e, w h i c h m o d e l e d t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f f o o d f r o m r a w t o c o o k e d t or o t t e n . T h e t r ia n g l e wa s e l a b o r a t e d u p o n b y a d d i n g v a r io u s a g e n t s ( a ir , o il ,a n d wa t e r ) a n d c o o k i n g t e c h n i q u e s ( b r o il in g , b o i li n g , r o a s t in g , a n d f r y in g ) .L e v i - S t r a u s s ( 1 9 6 6 , p . 5 9 5 ) wa s a t t e m p t i n g t o f i n d u n d e r l y i n g c o n s t a n t s i no r d e r t o d i s c o v e r f o r e a c h s p e c i fi c c a s e h o w t h e c o o k i n g o f a s o c i e ty is al a n g u a g e in wh i c h it u n c o n s c i o u s l y t r a n s la t e s i ts s t r u c t u r e . H i s a p p r o a c hc o m p a r e d a s s o c ia t io n s a n d o p p o s i t i o n s f r o m t h e c u l i n a r y s u b s y s t e m t oo t h e r s u b s y s t e m s ( e . g . , e c o n o m i c , k i n s h i p , m y t h , a n d r i t u a l ) , r e v e a l i n g t h eu n d e r l y i n g s t r u c t u r e o f a c u l t u r e . T h e m o d e l wa s t e s t e d c r o s s -c u l t u ra l ly b yL e h r e r ( 19 7 2) . S h e m o d i f i e d L e v i -S t ra u s s' m o d e l b y a d d i n g c o m p o n e n t ss u c h a s s e a s o n i n g s , t h o r o u g h n e s s o f c o o k i n g , u t e n s i l s u s e d , a n d d i f f e r e n tt e r m s f o r a n i m a l a n d p l a n t p r o c e ss in g . L e h r e r c o n c l u d e d t h a t t h e c u l in a r yt r ia n g l e h a d l e ss to d o w i t h th e u n d e r l y i n g s t r u c t u r e o f a c u l t u r e t h a n w i t ha v a i l a b l e m a t e r i a l s a n d t e c h n i q u e s a n d t h u s s e r v e s b e t t e r t o d e s c r i b e a c u -l i na ry sy s t em.

R e g a r d l e s s o f w h e t h e r t h e c u l i n a ry t ri a n g l e p r o v i d e s a u n i v e r s a l s tr u c -t u r e ( s e e Do u g l a s , 1 97 1, p . 3 2 ; M e n n e l l , 1 98 5) , c o o k i n g a n d e a t i n g p r a c t i c e sa r e s t r u c t u r e d . C u l i n a r y r u l e s a re s h a r e d wa y s o f p r e p a r i n g a n d e a t i n g f o o dt h a t a r e s o c i a ll y p a t t e r n e d . T h e r u l e s g u i d e b e h a v i o r. T h e y a r e s o c i a ll yl e a r n e d a n d s h a p e d - - o f t e n t r a n s m i t t e d t h r o u g h f a m i l i a l r e l a t i o n s ( e . g . ,m o t h e r t o d a u g h t e r ) a n d v a r i o u s o t h e r s o c i a l n e t wo r k s . T h i s r e s u l t s i n as h a r e d f o o d s y s t em w i th i n b o u n d e d g r o u p s ( e .g ., G o o d ee t a l . 1984 a ,b ;M e n n e U, 1 9 8 5; W e i s m a n t e l , 1 9 8 8 ). T h e r e a r e , f o r in s t a n c e , s h a r e d r u l e s f o r

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Food and omplex Societies 1 9

prepar ing and mixing ingredients , methods of cooking, and serving indi -v idua ls . As a n example , m any d i ff e ren t e thn ic g roups use tom ato-basedsauces. I ta l ian-Amer ican cuis ine , however, i s def ined not so much by thetomatoes bu t by the meth od o f p repar ing the sauce - -espec ia l ly the use o fcertain spices and other ingredients (Goode et al . , 1984a,b) .

Food systems also change through t ime. As Weismantel (1988, p. 23)noted, Th e s t ructures of cuis ine are not f ixed and im mutable , bu t are in aconstan t s ta te of t ransform at ion. Chan ging rules for cooking and eat ingneed explanat ion. We must therefore understand the h is tory and develop-m ent o f the food system. How d id the food sys tem change th rough t ime , andwh at are the processes that acc ount for the ch anges (M ennel l , 1985, p . 16)?Fur the rm ore, cul inary ru les are n ot a lways fo llowed and not a l l m em bers o fa soc iety fol low the s am e rules. This is especial ly true in com plex societ iesw here d i fferent cul inary ru les of ten co r respond to c lass , gender, age , and oc-cupat ion. A n approach that accounts for d iverse foodways i s preferab le be-cause s t andard s t ructu ra l approaches o f t en m ask impor tan t va ri a tion am ongdifferen t individuals and groups w ithin a soc iety (e.g. , G oody, 1982; Menn ell ,1985). As such, we will not neglect those impo r tant aspects of that c ul turethat a re l inked with social or individual differen ces (Goo dy, 1982, p. 28).

Food and cooking not only provide calor ies fxom avai lable resources ,bu t a r e c t i v e l yinvolved in part icipating in and defining social relat ions. A sH odd er (1986 , p . 6 ) s t at es abou t mate r i a l cu l tu re , food sy m b ol i s m . . , doesno t passivelyr e f l e c tsocie ty- - ra the r, it creates socie ty through th e act ions ofindividuals (italics in original). A c erta in w ay of pre pa ring a foo d item, forexam ple, may symb olize ethnic, class, o r g end er identi ty and the reb y activelydel ineate the s ta tus and role of the subgroup. The act ive ro le of food isc learly dem onst ra te d by S idney Mintz 's (1979, 1985) s tudy of sugar. S ugarwas one of the f i r s t commodi t ies to be mass adver t i sed and i t s product ionwas cr i t ica l in the development of the s lave t rade. I t s product ion and con-sum ption; thus, had pow erful effects on various ec onom ic, social , a nd poli ti -cal inst itu tions dur ing the e ighteen th and ninetee nth centur ies .

By analyzing s t ructure and symbol ism we see that foo d is v ita l in d e-f in ing everyday socia l re la tions. I t thus seem s app ropr ia te that w e c an bui ldupo n ear l ier subsis tence s tudies by emph asiz ing the socia l and symbol ic as-pec t s o f food . Such an approach l eads to an enr i ched under s t and ing o f theinner workings of co mp lex socie ties .

Methodological onsiderations

To understand food and socia l re la t ions in complex socie t ies , data ob-v ious ly nee d to be co l lec ted and ana lyzed in a m ann er tha t r e f lec t s the

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1 1 G u m e r m a n

i n t e rna l va r i a t i on wi th in a soc i e ty (Dee tz , 1982 ; Sch i l l e r, 1975 ; Wi lk andR a t h j e , 1 9 8 2). M o s t c o n t e m p o r a r y a r c h a e o l o g i c a l re s e a r c h i n c l u d e s s y s t e m -a t ic r e c o v e r y o f f l o ra l a n d f a u n a l r e m a i n s f r o m h o u s e h o l d c o n t e x ts . B y s a m -p i i n g a n d a n a l y z in g v a r i o u s c o n t e x t s , d i e t a r y v a r i a t i o n c a n b e e x a m i n e db e t w e e n e l it e s a n d c o m m o n e r s , m a l e s a n d f e m a l e s , a n d o l d a n d y o u n g ( e .g . ,Ha s t o r f , 1 99 1; L e n n s t r o m , 1 99 2; L e n n s t r o m a n d Ha s t o r f , 1 99 2, 1 9 95 ; P e a r-sall , 1989; To ll , 1988 ). F u r th e rm ore , t h ro ug h ske l e t a l ana ly ses w e can s tudyt h e c o n s u m p t i o n p a t t e r n s o f i n d iv i d u a l s ( s e e b e lo w) . As s u c h , a c o n c e r nw i th i n t e rna l ly d i ffe ren t i a t ed cu i s ines (G ood y, 1982 , p . 38 ) i s nec essa ryw h e r e f o o d i s e x p l o r e d a t t h e h o u s e h o l d l e ve l . I t th u s b e c o m e s p o s s i b l e t oa p p r o a c h s u b j e c t s s u c h a s c l a s s , g e n d e r, a n d a g e i n r e l a t i o n t o f o o d .

S t a t u s m a y b e d e f i n e d t h r o u g h a r c h i t e c t u r a l a n d a r t if a c t u a l a n a l y se s .F o o d r e m a i n s t h e n c a n b e c o n s i d e r e d i n l i g h t o f t h e d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l s t r a t a .G e n d e r m a y b e i d e n t i f i e d b y e x a m i n i n g g e n d e r e d a c t i v i t y a r e a s w i t h i nh o u s e h o l d s ( e. g. , B r u m f i e l, 1 9 9 2 ; E h r e n b e rg , 1 98 9; G e r o a n d C o n k e y, 1 9 9 1;Gibbs , 1987 ; Gi ffo rd -Go nza l e s , 1993 ; H as to r f , 1991 ; Reyn o lds , 1986; W yl ie ,1 9 9 2 ) . Da t a o n g e n d e r a n d g e n e r a t i o n a l s u b s i s t e n c e a l s o c a n b e c o l l e c t e dt h r o u g h s t o m a c h c o n t e n t s , c o p r o l i t e a n a l y s e s ( G r e m i l l i o n a n d S o b o l i k ,1996 , R e in ha rd an d Brya n t , 1992 ), and b on e chem is t ry (e .g . , B ro w n , 1981;B u m s t e d , 1 9 85 ; De Ni r o , 1 98 7; D e N i m a n d H a s t o r f , 1 9 85 ; Ha s t o r f , 1 99 1;Larsen , 1987; Pa te , 1994; Powel l , 1991; Pr ice , 1989a; Pr icee t a l . 1985 ; Sand -f o r d , 1 9 9 3 ; S a u n d e r s a n d Ka t z e n b e rg , 1 9 9 2 ; S o b o l i k , 1 9 9 4 ; v a n d e r M e r weand Voge l , 1978 ; Verano and Ube lake r, 1992 ) .

S o c i a l v a r i a t i o n i s a l s o i m p o r t a n t f o r u n d e r s t a n d i n g f o o d s y m b o l i s mb e c a u s e v a r i o u s g r o u p s - - e t h n i c , s t a tu s , o r g e n d e r - - m a y v i e w f o o d s i n d is -t i n c t wa y s . C o n t e x t u a l , s t ru c t u r a l, a n d s y m b o l i c a p p r o a c h e s o ff e r i m p o r t a n ta v e n u e s f o r e x a m i n in g t h e a c ti ve r o le o f fo o d . C l u e s c o n c e r n i n g t h e m e a n -i n g o f f o o d t o a s o c i et y o r g r o u p o f in d i v id u a ls c a n b e d i s c e r n e d t h r o u g hc o n t e x t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n s a n d e t h n o h i s t o r i c a n d e t h n o g r a p h i c a n a l o g y. T h ec o n t e x t o f f o o d p r e p a r a t i o n , c o n s u m p t i o n , a n d d i s c a r d , a s we l l a s a r t i fa c t u a la s s o ci a ti o n s , m a y p r o v i d e p o s s ib l e i n t e rp r e t a t io n s a b o u t f o o d s y m b o l i s m(e .g . , Doug la s , 1990 ; Hodder, 1982a , b , 1986 , 1987a ; Marcus and F l anne ry,1994 ; McGhee , 1977 ; Ren f rew, 1994 ) . Assoc i a t i ons ac ross va r ious t ypes o fd a t a - - s p a t i a l , t e m p o r a l , d e p o s it io n a l , a n d t y p o l o g i c a l - - c a n l e a d t o u n d e r -s t a n d i n g s y m b o li c m e a n i n g ( H o d d e r , 1 9 8 7 b) . W h a t a r e t h e f o o d i t e m s a s-s o c i a t e d w i t h ? Ar e c e r t a i n f o o d s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h c e r t a i n l o c a t i o n s ( e . g . ,d o m e s t i c o r r i tu a l ), a r t if a c ts , o r a c t iv i ti e s? An u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f th e p a t t e r n st h a t a r e o b s e r v e d a n d t h e i r sy s te m i c c o n t e x t m a y s u g g e s t h o w f o o d s s y m -b o l ic a Uy o p e r a t e w i t h in a c o m p l e x s o c ie t y.

O t h e r p o s s ib i li ti e s f o r i n t e r p r e t i n g s y m b o l i c m e a n i n g i n c l u d e t h e a n a l y -s i s o f wr i t i n g s y s t e m s a n d i c o n o g r a p h y. F o r t h o s e c o m p l e x s o c i e t i e s w i t hwr i t t e n l a n g u a g e , a n a l y s i s c a n f o c u s o n t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t we e n l a n g u a g e

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Food and omplex Societies

and foo d (e .g ., Ba ines , 1988 ; Ki l len , 1994 ; Sch e l e and Fre ide l , 1990 ; Taube ,1 98 9). I n w h a t c o n t e x t is t h e w o r d f o r a c e r t a in f o o d u s e d ? W h a t c o g n a t e se x is t f o r t h e wo r d ? H o w a r e s p e c i f ic a n i m a l s o r p l a n t s r e f e r r e d t o i n m y t h s ?I n r i tu a l ? T h e w o r d u s e d f o r a c e r ta i n f o o d i t e m a n d i ts m e t h o d o f p r e p a -r a t i o n a r e d a t a t h a t c a n b e e v a l u a t e d i n t e r m s o f f o o d s y m b o l i s m . I n as imi l a r way, i conograph ic dep ic t i ons may a l so p l ay a c r i t i ca l ro l e i n i n t e r-p r e t i n g p r e h i s t o r i c f o o d s y m b o l i s m ( B e n s o n , 1 97 2; D o n n a n , 1 97 8, 1 9 8 2;Fre ide l , 1992 ; Ho l t , 1996 ; La th rap , 1985 ; Mi l l e r and Burge r, 1995 ; Morphy,1989; Paul , 1990; Pohl , 1981; Schele and Mi l le r, 1986; Taube , 1989) . Wem i g h t a s k, wh a t k i n d s o f p l a n t s a n d a n i m a l s a r e d e p i c t e d o n w h a t a r ti fa c t sa n d i n w h a t l o c a t i o n s ? A r e t h e r e a s s o c ia t io n s w i t h o t h e r i t e m s o r b e i n g s ?A r e t h e y a n t h r o p o m o r p h i z e d ? T h e s t u d y o f l a n g u a g e a n d a r t, a r t ic u l a te dwi t h a n a n a ly s is o f f l o ra l a n d f a u n a l r e m a i n s , p r e s e n t s a n o p p o r t u n i t y t oe x p l o r e f o o d m e t a p h o r s a n d s y m b o l i s m .

E t h n o h i s t o r i c a n d e t h n o g r a p h i c a n a l o g y a l s o c a n b e v a l i d t o o l s f o r i n -t e rp r e t i ng fo od sym bo l i sm (e .g ., D oug la s , 1990 ; Hi l l , 1994; H od de r, 1986 ;Marcus , 1982 ; Marcus and F l anne ry, 1978 , 1994 ; McGhee , 1977 ; Poh l , 1981 ,1985; Saunders , 1990; Stark , 1993; Whi t ley, 1994; Wi l l i s , 1990; Zuidema,1 9 8 3 ) . I n s o m e i n s t a n c e s , t h e s e d a t a c a n b e u s e d a s a n a l o g i e s t o p o s t u l a t ep r e h i s t o r i c f o o d wa y s . T h e e v e r y d a y u s e o f f o o d s , t h e i r u s e i n r i tu a l s , f e a st s,l a n g u a g e , a n d m y t h s,, p r o v i d e s i n t e r p r e t a b l e e v i d e n c e f o r f o o d s y m b o l i s m .La ng uag e , fo r i n s t ance , is a symbo l i c sy s t em and the an a ly s is o f , fo r exam-p i e, m y t h s a n d c o g n a t e s , m a y p r o v i d e d a t a o n w h a t a p a r t i c u l a r f o o d i t e mm i g h t m e a n t o a c e r t a i n g r o u p ( e .g ., F a r b a n d A r m e l a g o s , 1 9 80 ; F o wl e r,1972 ; Marcus , 1982 ; Saunde rs , 1990 ; Whi t l ey, 1994 ) . Among the Yuka tekM a y a , f o r i n s ta n c e , m a i z e wa s s y n o n y m o u s w i t h G o d ( F a rr is s , 1 9 8 4; F r e i d e le t a l . 1 99 3, p . 5 5 ) a n d i n M a y a n m y t h s it is a ls o a s s o c i a t e d w i t h j a d e ( B o -h e r e r, 1 99 4; T h o m p s o n , 1 95 4, p . 2 3 7 ), d e m o n s t r a t i n g i t s d i v i n e a n d p r e c i o u sn a t u r e .

O f c o u r s e , li k e a n y o t h e r a s p e c t o f a r c h a e o l o g y, th e d e t a i ls o f s y m b o l -i s m n e e d t o b e e x a m i n e d r i g o r o u s ly w i t h i n a s c i e n ti fi c f r a m e w o r k ( e .g . , G i b -bon , 1989 ; Hanen and Ke l l ey, 1989 ; Hi l l , 1994 ; Hodder, 1986 ; Ren f rew,1 99 4; S t a r k , 1 9 93 ; W h i tl e y, 1 99 2). T h r o u g h a c o m b i n a t i o n o f d e d u c t i v e a n di n d u c t i v e r e a s o n i n g , a lt e r n a t iv e h y p o t h e s e s n e e d t o b e e v a l u a t e d u s i n g m u l -t i p le l in e s o f e v i d e n c e - - c o n t e x t , a s s o c i a ti o n s , a n d l in k s t o e t h n o g r a p h y a n de t h n o h i s t o r y - - t o p r o d u c e r e l i a b l e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . A s B a r k e r a n d G a m b l e(1985, p . 11 ) a s se r t, R igo rou s con tex tua l ana ly s is an d ade qu a te sam p l inga re c l ea r ly e s sen t i a l p re requ i s i t e s fo r any rea l i s t i c a s se ssmen t o f t he l i ke lyr e l a t io n s h i p b e t we e n .r e si d u es f r o m c o m p l e x si te s a n d t h e b e h a v i o u r o f th ei n h a b i t a n t s . . . .

C l e a rl y, n o t a ll p a t t e r n s o b s e r v e d i n th e a r c h a e o l o g i c a l r e c o r d a r e t h er e s u l t o f h u m a n b e h a v i o r a n d c a r e f u l c o n s i d e r a t i o n m u s t b e g i v e n t o t h e

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2 umerman

n o n c u l t u r a l a s we l l a s t h e c u l t u r a l p r o c e s s e s t h a t a ff e c t t h e a r c h a e o l o g i c a lr e c o r d S c h i ff e r, 1 97 2, 1 98 7). Ou r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s m u s t t h e r e f o r e b e b a s e do n a n a l y s e s o f d e p o s i t i o n a i c o n t e x t e .g ., p r i m a r y a n d s e c o n d a r y ) , s a m p l es ize , and d i ffe ren t i a l p re se rva t ion B arke r and G am ble , 1985 ; Fo rd , 1979;Gi ffo rd , 1981 ; Gi lbe r t and S inge r, 1982 ; Gordon , 1993 ; Kle in and Cruz -Uribe , 1984; Lyman, 1982 , 1987 , 1994; Mal tby, 1985; Miksicek , 1987; Pear-sai l, 1988 ; Sch i l l e r, 1987 ). A se con da r y re fu se d epo s i t , fo r i n s t ance , o f t enr e p r e s e n t s a v a r ie t y o f a c t iv i t ie s - - fr o m p r e p a r a t i o n t o c o o k i n g t o c o n s u m p -t ion and ev en non foo d ac t iv i ti e s M a l tby, 1985 ; M iks i cek , 1987 ). In con t ra s t ,a p r i m a r y d e p o s i t o n a k it c h e n f lo o r m a y i n d i c a t e f o o d p r e p a r a t i o n e .g .,H a s t o r f 1 98 8). S a m p l i n g s tr a te g i e s, i n c l u d i n g t h e c o n t e x t a n d t h e s i z e o ft h e s a m p l e , w i ll a ls o e ff e c t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f d i v e r si ty a n d c o m p a r i s o n s b e -tw een va r ious un i t s e .g ., C ru z -Ur ibe , 1988 ; G ord on , 1993 ; Grayso n , 1979 ;L en ns t ro m and H as to r f , 1992; L eo na rd an d Jones , 1989 ; PearsaU, 1989 ).I t is n e c e s s a r y to b e m o r e t h a n s i m p l y c o g n i z a n t o f i ss u e s s u r r o u n d i n g f o r-m a t i o n p r o c e s s e s a n d s a m p l in g . T h e y e x p l ic it ly n e e d t o b e f a c t o r e d i n t oo u r r e s e a r c h d e s i g n s , a n a l y s e s , a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . E t h n o a r c h a e o l o g y a n de x p e r i m e n t a l a r c h a e o l o g y o b v io u s l y h a v e t h e p o t e n t i a l f o r m o d e l i n g t h e s ep r o c e s s e s t h r o u g h t h e e x a m i n a t i o n o f d i s c a rd , p r e s e r v a t i o n , a l t e r a ti o n s , a n dso fo r th e .g ., B in fo rd , 1981; Gi ffo rd , 1977 ; G i ffo rd -G onz a l e s , 1993 ; H ay de nand Cannon , 1983 ; Hudson , 1993 ; King , 1994 ; Kramer, 1982 ; Ma l tby, 1985 ;Miksicek , 1987; Moore , 1981; Skibo , 1992 , 1994; Stark , 1993; Stask i andSutro, 1991a; Yel len, 1977).

We c a n b e t t e r a p p r e c ia t e t h e r o le s o f f o o d i n c o m p l e x s o c ie ti e s th r o u g ha n u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f c u l tu r a l a n d n a t u r a l f o r m a t i o n p r o c e ss e s . T h e p a t t e r n sr e s u lt in g f r o m h u m a n a c ti o n ca n b e a n a l y z e d i n a d e t a il e d m a n n e r a n d a r ev i e w e d h e r e a s a c ti ve ly p a r ti c ip a t in g i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t a n d m a i n t e n a n c eo f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . Ar c h a e o l o g i s t s h a v e t h e a b i l i t y t o d e t e c t v a r i a t i o n i nd i e t a n d c a n u s e c o n t e x t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , l a n g u a g e , i c o n o g r a p h y, e t h n o g r a -p h y, a n d e t h n o h i s t o r y t o p r o v i d e d e t ai l s c o n c e r n i n g t h e s y m b o l ic n a t u r e o ff o o d . T h r o u g h s u c h c o n c er n s w e c a n p r o m o t e a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e v ar i-o u s r o l e s f o o d p l a y e d i n t h e p a s t . W h i l e c o n s i d e r i n g t h e s e m e t h o d o l o g i c a li s s u e s , a f r u i t f u l a n a l y s i s o f f o o d a n d c u l t u r e c a n f o c u s o n t h e f o o d s y s t e mf r o m p r o d u c t i o n t o f i n a l d i s p o s a l .

roduction and reparation

M a n y r e c e n t a r c h a e o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s e x p l o r e t h e e ff e c t s o f d i v e r s e p r o -d u c t i o n a n d p r e p a r a t i o n s t r a t e g i e s o n f o o d w a y s a n d c u l t u r e . T h e p r o d u c -t i o n a n d p r e p a r a t i o n o f fo o d i n c o m p l e x s o c ie t ie s a r e o f t e n e l a b o r a t ep r o c e s s e s o r i e n t e d t o wa r d f u lf il li n g a v a r i e t y o f i n te r e s t s , wa n t s , a n d n e e d s

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Food and omp lex Societies 113

t h a t a r e d i c t a t e d b y a n u m b e r o f f a c to r s , i n c l u d i n g su p p l y a n d d e m a n d , a sw e l l a s r e g u l a t i o n s b y g o v e r n i n g b u r e a u c r a c i e s . T h e s t u d y o f f o o d t h u ss h o u l d i n c o r p o r a te n o t o n l y w h a t is p r o d u c e d a n d w h e r e i t is p r o d u c e d b u ta l so w h o p r o d u c e s a n d p r e p a r e s i t. S u b s i s te n c e l a b o r t y p ic a ll y f u l fd l s th ep r o d u c e r ' s n e e d s , b u t o f t e n , e s p e c ia l ly i n c o m p l e x s o c ie t ie s , t h e p r o d u c e ri s n o t t h e c o n s u m e r ( C r a b t r e e , 1 9 9 0 ) . I t i s t h e r e f o r e i m p o r t a n t t o u n d e r-s t a n d h o w t a s k s a r e d i v i d e d a m o n g t h e l a b o r f o r c e t h r o u g h a g e , g e n d e r,a n d s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . T h e i n t e r a c t i o n s b e t w e e n p r o d u c e r a n d c o n s u m e r t h u sn o t o n l y i n f o r m a b o u t d i e t, b u t p r o v i d e i n s i g h ts i n t o t h e s o c i a l o rg a n i z a t io no f p r o d u c t i o n . A l s o c r i t i c a l i n u n d e r s t a n d i n g p r o d u c t i o n a r e t h e a v a i l a b l et e c h n o l o g y a n d t h e q u a n t i t y a n d q u a l i t y o f f o o d p r o d u c e d a s w e l l a s t h ea v a i l a b il it y o f p r o d u c t i v e r e s o u r c e s , s u c h a s la n d , w a t e r, a n d f e r ti l iz e r(Goody, 1982 , p . 44) .

F o o d p r o d u c t i o n a n d p r e p a r a t i o n a c t iv i ti e s t y p ic a ll y a r e i d e n t i f i e dt h r o u g h t h e c o n t e x t u a l d i s t ri b u t io n o f f l o ra l a n d f a u n a l r e m a i n s . T h e f re -q u e n c y o f we e d s a n d c r o p b y - p r o d u c t s ( e .g ., c h a ff a n d s p i k e le t s ) r e la t iv e t oc r o p s i n d i c a t e t h e t y p es o f p r o c e s s i n g p e r f o r m e d ( e. g. , c l e a n in g , w i n n o wi n g ,pa rch ing , and s to rage ) (Denne l l , 1972 , 1976 , 1979 ; Green , 1981 ; Hi l lman ,1973, 1981, 1984; Jones, 1984, 1985; Schiffer, 1975; Sikkink, 1988; Welsh andS c a rr y, 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e c o n t e x t o f t h e p l a n t r e m a i n s a l so d i s ti n g u i s h e s a m o n gp r o c e s s i n g , c o o k i n g , a n d c o n s u m p t i o n a c t i v it ie s ( De n n e l l , 1 97 2; H a s t o r f ,1988 , 1991 ; Lenns t rom, 1992 ) . S imi l a r ly, t he d i s t r i bu t ion o f fauna l rema inso f t e n i s in d i c at iv e o f fo o d p r o d u c t i o n a n d p r e p a r a t i o n a c ti v it ie s . I n t h e Ne a rE a s t e r n B y z a n t i n e v i ll ag e o f Qa s r i n , a r e a s o f f o o d p r e p a r a t i o n we r e i n f e r re db a s e d o n t h e f r e q u e n c y a n d d i s t r ib u t i o n o f v a r i o u s a n i m a l b o d y p a r t s a n d ac o m p a r i s o n t o a m o d e m D r u z e v i l l a g e i n t h e G o l a n H e i g h t s . U s i n g t h e s ef a u n a l d a t a , t h e r e s e a rc h e r s a l s o we r e a b l e t o d i s t in g u i s h b e t w e e n d o m e s t i ca n d n o n d o m e s t i c c o n t e x ts ( G r a n t h a m a n d H e s s e , 1 99 1).

N o t o n l y a r e a n im a l s u s e d f o r fo o d , b u t t h e i r s e c o n d a r y p r o d u c t s ,such a s mi lk , h ide , and woo l , a s we l l a s t he i r u se a s d ra f t an ima l s , a rec r it ic a l t o t h e o p e r a t i o n o f a s o c i et y a n d o f t e n i n f l u e n c e p r o d u c t i o n s t r a te -g i e s (She r ra t t , 1981 , 1983 ; c f . Ha l s t ead , 1986 ) . Harves t p ro f i l e s f rom twoAn g l o - S a x o n s i te s in We s t S u ffo l k E n g l a n d d o c u m e n t a sh i ft in t h e u s e o fs h e e p f o r m e a t t o th e p r o d u c t i o n o f w o o l . S h e e p d u r i n g t h e e a r li e r o c c u -p a t i o n s w e r e k i l l e d p r i m a r i ly i n t h e f ir s t 2 y e a r s, i n d i c a t i n g p r o d u c t i o n f o rm e a t . B e c a u s e t h e r e wa s a s h i f t t o wa r d wo o l p r o d u c t i o n , t h e l a t e r o c c u p a -t i o n c o n t a i n e d h i g h e r f r e q u e n c i e s o f o l d e r s h e e p ( 4 - 8 y e a r s ). T h i s c h a n g ei n p r o d u c t i o n s t r a t e g i e s d u r i n g t h e M i d d l e An g l o - S a x o n P e r i o d i s l i n k e dt o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o m p l e x s o c ie t ie s w i t h m a r k e t e c o n o m i e s ( C r a b t r e e ,1991 , 1996) . In M eso po tam ia , Ga lv in (1987 ) dem on s t ra t e s a s imi l a r sh i f ti n a n i m a l p r o d u c t i o n c u l m i n a t i n g i n s p e c i a l i z e d l i v e s t o c k p r o d u c t i o n o r i -e n t e d f o r e x c h a n g e i n t h e m a r k e t .

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4 u m e r m a n

Th e a m oun t of produc t ive land avai lable to cer ta in groups wi thin acom plex soc iety is o f t en ins t rumen ta l in the cons t ruc tion and m ain tena nceof pow er relat ions (e.g., H arvey , 1 984, 1991; Hicks, 1984 , 1991). In Hic k's(1991) discussion of A ztec surplus, ethn ohisto rical and a rcha eolog ical evi-den ce suggests that the sm al l s ize of p lots wo rked by peasants was th e m ini -m u m a m o u n t n e c e s s a r y fo r s u b s is t en c e , w h e r e a s l a rg e e s ta t e s w e r econ t ro ll ed by the e l i te and p rod uce d a su rp lus . Pow er was m ani fes t ed inthe individuals wi th large landholdings throug h the i r cont rol of surplus andby minimizing the s ize o f pea san t p lots . O ther s tudies in th e Val ley of Me x-ico fur ther document how, over t ime, agr icul tural land was control led . Re-ferr ing to the ci ty of Teo tihuacan, Parson s (1991, p. 36) states, . . . T heci ty appears to have fed i t se l f in a ve ry di rect fashion, wi th f i rm a nd im-m ediate co ntrol over both th e ag r icul tural land a nd the ag r icul tural labore rsthat m ost d irect ly affected i ts subsis tence base . Later, agr icul ture focusedon chin mp or ra ised f ield agr icul ture to pro duc e a surplus ne cessary formain ta in ing power among the popu la t ions in the Aztec cap i t a l o f Teno-cbti t lan (Brumfiel , 1991a, b; Parsons, 1991). These studies suggest that ,wi th in complex socie t ies , agr icul tural product ion i s an impor tant aspect informing and mainta ining power re la t ions.

Other r ecen t a r chaeo log ica l r esearch inves tiga tes how the p roduc t ionof foo d symbol izes e thnic i ty, socia l s ta tus , and gen der re la t ions. By ex am -ining the archaeological record , e thnography, and his tory, Yentsch (1992)dem ons t r a t ed tha t Af r i can-Am er ican e thn ic i ty was def ined , in pa r t , t h roughf ishing. Slaves a t the Calver t s ite ad apte d W est Afr ican f i shing m etho ds tothe Chesapeake , the reby main ta in ing the i r he r it age in such a way tha t acaught f i sh was a symbol of thei r accompl ishment .

A de ta i led und er s t and ing o f the soc ia l o rgan iza t ion o f p roduc t ion canbe real ized by s tudying divis ion of labor and changing work pat terns be-tween males and f emales ( e.g. , Brumf ie l , 1991b ; Go heen , 1996) . A m on g

the prehis tor ic Maya, fem ale product ive act iv it ies we re cr i tica l to the eco n-omy. Livestock product ion, especia l ly dogs and fowl , were essent ia l com-ponents to r i tuals , ce lebrat ions, bar ter, and t r ibute (Pohl and Feldman,1982). In the M anta ro Valley o f Peru , the p roduc t ion an d c onsum pt ion o fma ize bee r act ively re inforce d dom inan t gen de r re la t ions (Hastor f , 1991).H asto rf ' s (1991) insightful stud y uti l ized mac robo tanica l , isotopic, and e th-nohistor ic data to suggest that d i fferent ia l access to m aize an d its associa tedsymbol ism played an act ive ro le in const ruct ing re la t ions between malesa n d f e m a le s . W o m e n b e c a m e t h e f o c u s o f te n s io n s a s t h e y p r o d u c e d m o r e[maize] bee r whi le a t the sam e t ime they were m ore r es t r i c t ed in the i rpar ti c ipa t ion in so c i e ty . . . [ and the i r] po l it ica l pos i tion d imin i shed (Has-torf, 1991, p. 152).

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Food and omplex Societies 5

Children a lso play a very imp or tan t ro le in food produc t ion and prepa -rat ion (e.g. , Hawkese t a t . 1995; Ke hoe , 1978). In com plex socie t ies paren tsm ay be specia lis ts who lack time for produc ing subsis tence goods. Th e pro-duct ive ro les of chi ldren the refo re a re of ten cr i t ica l in ob ta ining food . Di-vis ion o f labor thus is im por tant in term s o f how specia lis ts m ee t thei rsubsistence needs. Full- time specialists, for instance, are una ble to pr od uc esubsis tence goods and m ay re ly on kin, s taple f inance (s taples provided byinst i tut ions to support their act ivi t ies) , or markets to provide food (see be-low) (G um erm an, 1991, 1994a) .

Under s t and ing food p roduc t ion a nd social re l a tions has been expandedby archaeological approaches that ut i l ize Levi-Strauss' (1963, 1966) ideasof t r ansfo rmat ion and oppos i tion. M any o f these approaches exa mined there la t ionsh ip be tween na tu re and cu l tu re . A c om mo n them e is the t r ansfo r-m at ion of food f rom i ts natural o r wi ld form to a m ore cu l tural s ta te . Has-tor f and Johannessen (1993) , for example , show that the impor tance ofc h i c h a or maize beer in Andean socie t ies re la tes in par t to the fact thatin the Andes the re a re no wi ld coun te rpar t s o f maize . I t i s the u l t imatet r ansfo rm ed c rop . In add i t ion , the p rocess o f p roduc ing ( t r ansfo rming)ma ize in to a n a lcohol ic bevera ge i s very e labora te and there a lso i s a s ig-ni f icant t ransformat ion that occurs to the imbiber.

In a s imi lar vein , Len nst rom 's (1992) resea rch in the M anta ro Valleyof Peru exam ined changes in th e c ontextual d is t r ibut ion of wi ld p lants . H eranalysis indicates that an increase in th e f reque ncy of wi ld p lants wi th inhouse compounds th rough t ime may r e f l ec t a change in the percep t ion o fwi ld and domest ic space. Increasing agr icul tural product ion t ransformedthe sur rounding environm ent f rom a m ore wi ld s ta te in to a cul tural land-scape tha t m ay have a ff ec ted how in te r io r space was v iewed .

In terms of food preparat ion, analyses should examine the labor thatgoes in to processing and cooking, including who cooks for w hom as wel l asthe technology of cooking (hear ths , co ntainers , and ki tchens) (Cowan, 1983;de la Pe na Brown, 1983; Go ody , 1982 ; Levi-Strauss, 1963, 1966; M enneU,1985; Stahl, 1991, W hiteh ea d, 1984; W illiams, 1984). Cook ing vessels, fo r in-s tance, ma y denote speci fic food p repa rat ion techniques. Var ia t ion in ceram -ics , am ong g roups and th roug h t ime , m ay i l lus t r a t e t r ansfo rm at ions infoodw ays (Johannessen , 1993; W elsh and Starry, 1995; el. Haw kins, 1992).

Of ten the m ethod o f p repara t ion , r a the r than the spec if ic food i t em,is cr it ica l in de f in ing dis tinct foodways ( G ood ee t a l . 1984a). M ethod s ofp repara t ion include ru les fo r segrega ting o r m ix ing e l ement s , the m ediumused for cooking, the type of heat appl icat ion, the way i tems are c leanedand cut , and spices or flavor ing used (G oo dee t a l . 1984a, p. 148). Maize,fo r ins tance , is p repared m uch d i ff e ren t ly in Me soam er ica than in the A n-des. Tortillas , on e pr imary symbol of Me soa m er ica n foodways, are n ot m ade

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116 Gumerman

in the Andes, where maize i s most ly boi led , roasted , or turned in to an a l -cohol ic beverage. Butchery pract ices may also def ine e thnic i ty. Fol lowingBinford (1978) and YeUen (1977), Lyman (1987, pp. 288-289; i tal ics inor ig inal ) suggests . . . that animals are butc here d according to a se t ofrules that d i ffers f rom cul ture to cul turend f rom na tu ra l se t t ing to na tu ra ls e t t i n g . . . Bu t c h e r y p r ac ti ce s t h u s m a y v a r y b e t w e e n g r ou p s , w h e r e acer t a in cu t o f mea t may r epresen t g roup iden t i ty.

In complex socie t ies , butchery may be regulated by s ta te inst i tu t ions(Mal tby, 1985 ; Ze der, 1988, 1991) . Ne ar the c en te r o f the Ro m an town ofCirencester (Gloucestershire) , specif ic butchering act ivi t ies were identif ied.Ca t t le dom ina ted the assemblage w h e r e . . , l a rge- sca le p rocess ing o f ca t t lecarcases in the R om an per iod can leave qui te d ist inct and spat ia l ly sepa rateaccum ulat ions of bones (Mal tby, 1985, p . 53) . Th ey were processe d in a spe -cial ized manner, suggesting the possibi l i ty that the meat was sold at the fo-r u m . I n s o u t h w e s t h i g h l a n d I r a n , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n t r o l o v e r f o o dprepa rat ion was e xam ined through the chemical analysis o f c lay seals a nd bycom par ing faunal remains f rom a publ ic build ing an d an insti tu t ional k i tchen.Th e deve lopment o f a spec ia li zed u rban econom y resu lt ed in food p rocess ingthat was t ight ly control led and local ized (Blackm an and Ze der, 1986). Ea r l ieroccupat ions contained a var ie ty of species, ages, and cuts of me at , sugg est ingtha t the an imal s were p roduced by the consumers o r were d i r ec tly p roc uredfrom the producers . Later, there we re fewe r species (most ly sheep and goat ) ,age was restr ic ted to 2 and 3 ye ar o lds, and the cuts of m ea t were s tand-ardized. Butchery, thus, was regulated and meat was l ikely procured indi -rect ly, proba bly throug h the state (Z ed er, 1988, 1991).

Food preparat ion in complex socie t ies of ten takes p lace outs ide thehousehold and involves preparat ion by specia l i s t s for non-food-producingindividuals who m ay be served individually, a t banque ts , feasts , or eve nrestauran ts ( see C hang, 1977; Go ody, 1982; M ennel l , 1985) . Inca coo ks an dbrewers , for instance, prepared food for feasts used by the s ta te to recip-roca te the labor provided by com m one rs . This system was crucia l in sus-ta in ing pol i t ica l , h ierarchical , and gender re la t ionships wi thin the s ta te(H as to r f and Johan nessen , 1993; Mor r is , 1974 ; M or r i s and Th om pso n ,1985; Murra, 1960).

A deare r, more de ta i l ed comprehens ion o f the d iver se o rgan iza t iona ls t ra tegies com m on to com plex socie t ies is gained throug h rese arch tha t fo-cuses on individuals in teract ing wi thin groups. Subsis tence pract ices va rywi th in com plex soc iet ies because d i ff e ren t peop le em ploy d iverse p rodu c-t ion and preparat ion s t ra tegies . At one ext reme there i s ser f -suff ic iencywh ere f ami l ies p roduce and p re pare the i r own food . Ye t wi th in hou seho ldsthere is no equa l i ty - - some ind iv idua ls r e ly on the l abor o f o ther s to p rov idemeal s , which may cause var ia t ion in d ie t and c l ear ly nur tu res g end er and

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Food and om plex Societies 7

age re la t ions. A t the opposi te end of ho useh old se l f - suff ic iency are indi-viduals who re ly exclusively o n food pro du ced and prep ared by others ou t -s ide the household . Again , th is causes subsis tence var ia t ion wi thin thatsocie ty and re inforces socia l d i fferences. Var ious product ion and prepara-t ion s t ra tegies therefore affect not only wh at i s consum ed but a lso the n e-go t ia t ion o f power and con t ro l be tween p roducer s and consumers .

i s t r i b u t i o n

Food dis t r ibut ion in complex socie t ies i s of ten an e laborate processand is closely related to a so ciety s polit ical and eco nom ic organization.Food often is al located through gif ts, reciprocal exchange, feasts, fest ivals,ma rkets , an d obl igatory t ransfer (Goo dy, 1982; Mal tby, 1985) . This d ist ri -but ion is rare ly equal , especia l ly in com plex socie t ies , and there fore d i ffer-ent ia l a l location may be u nd ersto od by focusing on how food is d is tr ibuted,by whom , and to whom.

Foo d o f ten is d i fferent ia lly a l located a m ong var ious segm ents of a so-cie ty. Different types of food, for example , are of ten segregated betweene l it e s and comm oners because they have d iver se me ans o f p rocuring sub-sis tence resource s ( see Crab t ree , 1990; Ha stor f , 1988, 1990, 1991, 1993;Ho lt , 1 991; Ives, 1988; M iller and Bu rger, 1995; Reid, 1 996; W elsh andScarry, 1995; Zeder, 1991, cf. Bowen, 1992; Powell, 1991; Reitz, 1987; Reitze t a l . 1985) . Am ong the p rehis tor ic Maya, several research projects dem-onst ra te that var ious foods w ere associa ted wi th d i fferent econ om ic c lasses .In m any cases, m amm als , especia lly dog and d ee r but a lso peccary, dom i-nate the e l i te faunal assemblage and e l i tes a lso apparent ly had greater ac-cess to t ree f ru i t s (Carr, 1985; Cra ne and Carr, 1994; Pohl , 1985). A t thesites of Cerros and C opan, data suggest that e l i tes we re a l located a greaterdiversi ty of food. Nonel i tes a t Cerros apparent ly u t i l ized more food f romaquat ic habita ts , especia lly m ar ine environm ents (Crane and Carr, 1994;Lentz, 1991).

In coasta l Peru , data suggest that e l i tes had access to and consumedcost ly resources such as llama, chi le pepper, and coca. In contrast , com-m one rs used m ore opp or tunis tic resources , such as wi ld p lants a nd shell fi sh(Gu m erm an, 1991, 1994a, c) . Co m m oners , w ho w ere l ikely agricul tural la-borers, had access to wild plants that grew in f ields and along irr igat ioncanals . Commoners thus u t i l ized a d i fferent se t of foods than e l i tes , whocould afford the more cost ly goods. The dis t r ibut ion of the var ious foodsl ikely symbol ized, and thus su ppor ted , the socia l posi tions of the d i fferentgroups. L lamas, for examp le , w ere abu nd ant in e l i te contexts, they weresacr if iced and bur i ed , the y p rodu ced va luab le wool , t hey were dep ic ted

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8 G u m e r m a n

i conograph ica l ly and e thnoh i s to r i ca lly in num erou s A nd ea n r itua ls , an dthey were expensive fo r coas ta l popu la t ions to m ain ta in (F lannerye t a l . ,

1989; Gi lm ore, 1950; G um erm an, 1991, 1994a, c ; Mil ler and Burger, 1995;Shim ada and Shimad a, 1985, 1987; Topice t a l . , 1987; Tschopik, 1946). Su b-sis tence var ia t ion wi thin a complex socie ty therefore resul ts f rom the di f -ferential effects of cost , accessibi l i ty, controllabil i ty, and the cultural valueof a resource (Gumerman, 1991, 1994a) .

Al tho ugh food is of ten dis t r ibuted di fferent ia l ly am ong var ious group swithin a society, i t is also possible th at d iffere nce s in social status are no tref le cte d in diet (Powell , 1991 ; Reitz, 1987; Reitze t a l . , 1985) . Markets andthei r burea ucra t ic regulat ion, for instance, may cau se a level ing of foodw aysacross s ta tus groups a nd c ontr ibute to a less d iverse ar ray of goods, cutso f mea t , and ages o f an imals be ing d i st r ibu ted (G oodee t a . , 1984b; Ma ltby,1985; Rothschi ld , 1989; Ze der, 1991). In co m par ing 19th c entu ry Ne w E ng-land f auna l assemblages be tween an upper midd le -c lass whi t e househo ldand an Afr ican m eet ing house, Bowen (1992) suggests that d ie ts w ere s imi-l a r because the m ar ke t sys tem regu la ted bu tchery and the cu t s o f me a tso ld . The use o f a m arke t (depen d ing on the sca le and loca tion), how ever,a lso m ay contr ibute to subsis tence diversi ty, becau se exot ic and expensiver e so u r c e s m a y e n t e r t h e d i e t o f t h o se w h o c a n a f f o r d t h e m ( G u m e r m a n ,1994a; Mennell, 1985).

G end er r e la t ions m ay be an im por tan t f ac to r a ff ec ting the d i s tr ibu tionof food wi thin households. Clear ly, fami ly re la t ionships are n ot bui l t up onident ical r ights and dut ies but up on reciprocal rights and dut ies; these ro lesof t en involve r e la t ions o f m arked dom inance and subord ina t ion which a l lowsom e individuals to benef i t f rom the labor of o thers (We ismantel , 1988,p . 26) . Hastor f (1991) apt ly demonst ra ted that changing gender re la t ionsin the Mantaro Val ley of Peru were responsible for var ia t ion in food dis-t r ibu t ion be twe en males and f emales . The conques t o f the loca l popu la t ionby the Inca e mp i re r eorgan ized the economy, caus ing changes in the d i s-t r ibu t ion o f food . Som e males were apparen t ly work ing fo r the s t a t e , whichcaused an inc rease in the ir maize consum pt ion because the s t a t e d i s tr ibu tedmaize , including ma ize beer, throu gh feasting. This e xam ple i l lust ra tes tha t ,to understand food dis t r ibut ion, i t i s impor tant to examine the var ious a t -t r ibutes of the food i t se l f . Maize , for instance, has cer ta in features thatm a d e i t a n i d e a l s t a p l e f i n a n c e f o o d a m o n g A n d e a n a n d Me so a m e r i c a nsta te socie t ies ; i t i s product ive and an excel lent s torable resource that i scompac t and very t r anspor tab le . I t was the re fo re used by these soc ie t i esto susta in non-food producers , such as adminis t ra tors , warr iors , and labor-e r s (G um erm an , 1994b ; Johann essen an d Has to r f, 1994).

Oth er r esearch co ncerne d wi th d i s tr ibu t ion inves tiga tes how and wh ycer t a in subs i s t ence r esources a re ob ta ined and consumed by spec ia l i s t s .

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Food and omplex Societies 119

Crabtree (1990, 1996) examines th is i s sue when she asks how nonhuntersproc ure m eat pro ducts in com plex socie t ies . By examining k ill pat terns , sexrat ios , body par t d is tr ibut ions , and the range and imp or tance of speciespresent , we can explore the deta i led re la t ionships between producers andconsumers . Specia l iza t ion a lso was exam ined o n the nor th c oas t of Peru ,where va r ious foods were co nsum ed depend ing on the in tens ity and deg reeof specialized activities . Full- t ime specialists at tach ed to eli tes w ere dis tr ib-u ted more s taple f inance food, such as maize , because they had l i t t le t imeto p rodu ce the i r own foo d and w ere o f ten sus ta ined by the e l it e s theyse rved . Pa rt - time spec ia li st s who w ere indep enden t consum ed m ore oppor-tuni st ic foo ds - - fo ods tha t they ob ta ined themse lves o r had f ami ly memb ersprocure (Gumerman, 1994a) .

I t i s c lear f rom these d iverse analyses that in com plex socie t ies gender,s tratif ication, and specialization are important factors affecting the dis tr i-but ion of cer ta in resources . This , of course , i s obvious ; yet mos t archae-ological research, unti l recently, has ignored this variation. Depending onthe resource , i t s a t t r ibutes , and the method of d is t r ibut ion , var ious indi-v iduals may receive d iffering quant i t ies and por t ions b ecause o f socia l , eco-nom ic, poli t ical , and ideolo gical variation. T he dis tr ibution, how ever, is no tpass ive but ac t ively symbol izes the socia l d i fferences between groups andis used to develop and mainta in the assor ted re la t ionships common to com-plex societies.

o n s u m p t i o n

Th e c onsum ption o f food involves not on ly wh at i s ea ten , bu t the gath-er ing and serv ing of the par t ic ipants as wel l as the c lear ing away of themeal (Goody, 1982) . As such, the par t ic ipat ion or nonpar t ic ipat ion in ame al and the locat ion of the even t of ten affect the contents and h elp es -

tabl ish and mainta in socia l re la t ions whi le imbuing the food and occas ionwith sym bolic mean ing. This is appa ren t in Weism antel s (1988, 1989a, b,1991a, b) e thnographic research in h ighland Ecuador :

For the Z um bagu a household, the m eal represents m any things: botharticulation with the outside world and the household s own internal integrity;the subordination of fem ale to male and yet a locus of feminine power withinthe family;, the product of wo rk transformed in to the satisfaction of desire, andthe proo f of the househo ld s ability to surv ive and to reproduce itself.(Weismantel, 1988, p. 29)

Clear ly, there is much more to unders tanding consumption than the actualcalor ic value o f the food i tsel f. The type of meal cons um ed (e .g . , dailymeals , snacks , and feas ts ) and i t s s t ructure , man ners , and tech nolog y (con-tainers , utensils , tables , etc.) also are cr i t ical in terms of understan ding the

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r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t we e n f o o d a n d c u l t u r e ( G o o d y, 1 98 2). S e r v i n g a n d e a t i n gv e s s el s, fo r i n s ta n c e , c a n b e s t u d i e d i n t e r m s o f fo o d c o n s u m p t i o n ( B l i n m a n ,1 9 8 9 ; B l i t z , 1 9 9 3 ; C o s t i n a n d E a r l e , 1 9 8 9 ; De B o e r a n d L a t h r a p , 1 9 7 9 ;H e r o n a n d E v e r s h e d , 1 9 93 ; J o h a n n e s s e n , 1 9 93 ; R e e n t s - B u d e t , 1 9 9 4; S k ib o ,1 99 2; W e l s h a n d S c a rr y, 1 99 5) . D o d i f f e r e n t g r o u p s u s e d i f f e r e n t c o n t a i n -e r s ? D o c e r a m i c s c h a n g e t h r o u g h t i m e a n d d o e s t h i s r e p r e s e n t a c h a n g ei n f o o d w a y s ? We t h u s c an g o b e y o n d t i m e - s p a c e s y s te m a t ic s b y o r i e n t in go u r a t t e n t io n t o w a r d f o o d c o n s u m p t i o n a n d s o c ia l r el a ti o n s.

S p e c i f i c f o o d i t e m s o f t e n a r e s i g n i f i c a n t i n u n d e r s t a n d i n g s o c i a l r e l a -t i o n s - s u c h a s th e c o n s u m p t i o n o f d o g b y t h e O g l a la ( e .g ., P o w e r s a n dPowers , 1984 ) . Ye t t he soc i a l s i gn i f i cance p l aced on rec ipes , t he s t ruc tu reo f m e a l s , a n d m e a l c y cl es ( t h e p a t t e r n i n g o f m e a l s i n a t e m p o r a l a n d s e a -s o n a l f r a m e w o r k ) i s u s u a ll y m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n t h e a c t u a l f o o d i t e m ( e .g .,Doug las , 1971 , 1984 ; Goodee t a l . 1 9 8 4 a , b ) . M e n u n e g o t i a t i o n t a k e s t h ea n a ly s is o f f o o d a s t e p f u r t h e r b y a d d r e s s i n g t h e d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g p r o c e s si n v o lv e d in t h e c o n t e n t o f m e a ls a n d t h e i r f o r m a t . R u l e s c o n c e r n i n g f o o da r e s h a r e d b y g r o u p s , b u t t h e s e r u l e s i n t e r a c t w i t h a v a r i e t y o f e x t e r n a lf a c t o rs , s u c h a s t i m e , m o n e y, a n d p e r s o n a l p r e f e r e n c e , t o c r e a t e t h e a c t u a lm e a l ( G o o d ee t a l . 1984a).

I n d i v i d u a l m e a l s a r e d i f fi c u lt f o r t h e a r c h a e o l o g i s t t o r e c o v e r, e x c e p ti n c a s e s s u c h a s t h e i n t e s t i n a l c o n t e n t s o f m u m m i e s a n d f r o m c o p r o l i t e s(e .g . , B ryan t , 1974 ; Ca l l en , 1963 ; Re inha rd and Bryan t , 1992 ) . Archaeo log i -c a ll y d e r i v e d s u b s i s te n c e d a t a t y pi c al ly a r e a g g r e g a t e d , s u c h a s t h e s e e d sf r o m a n u m b e r o f f l o ta t i o n sa m p l e s o r s t a b le i s o t o p e d a t a . B y a n a ly z i n gt h e a g g r e g a t e d h o u s e h o l d d a t a w e c a n d e t e c t o v e r a ll c o n s u m p t i o n p a t t e r n sa m o n g t h e v a r i o u s g r o u p s w i t h i n a s o c i e t y ( e . g . , s t a t u s o r g e n d e r ) . T h i sa l s o p r o v i d e s l a rg e r, m o r e r e l i a b l e s a m p l e s t h a t m a y d i s c l o s e s i g n i f i c a n tv a r i a t io n . T h e s ig n i fi c an c e o f t h e l o n g - t e r m p a t t e r n i s c o n f i r m e d b y G o o d ee t a l . ( 1 9 84 b , p . 7 3 ), wh e r e t h e y e m p h a s i z e t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f l o o k i n g a tt h e f o o d s y s t e m h o li st ic a ll y . . . . T h e p a t t e r n s w h i c h e m e rg e d . . . w o u l dh a v e b e e n m i s se d i f w e h a d o n l y s a m p l e d m e a ls , d ay s , o r e v e n w e e k s . T h el o n g - t e r m p a t t e r n s t h a t a r c h a e o l o g i s t s e x a m i n e t h u s m a y p r o v i d e a r e a l i s t i ca s s es s m e n t o f f o o d c o n s u m p t i o n an d m e n u n e g o t i a t i o n - - w e m u s t , h o w e v e r,f o c u s o n t h e h o u s e h o l d .

H a s t o r f ( 1 98 8 ) e ff e ct iv e l y a rg u e s t h a t a r c h a e o l o g i s ts , wh i l e o f t e n c l a im -i n g t o e x a m i n e c o n s u m p t i o n d a ta , u s u a ll y a r e e x p l o r i n g p r o d u c t i o n a n dpro ces s in g (see a l so Denn eU , 1976 , 1979; Pl i i lrnan , 1973 , 1984). Flo ra l an df a u n a l r e m a i n s t y p ic a ll y a r e r e c o v e r e d i n c o n t e x t s w h e r e f o o d i s p r o c e s s e da n d p r e p a r e d ( e . g . , t h e h e a r t h o r k i t c h e n f l o o r ) a n d d i s c a r d e d ( e . g . , m i d -d e n s a n d f il l) . To e x z m i n e c o n s u m p t i o n , a r c h a e o l o g i s t s s h o u l d f o c u s o n d a t at h a t p r o v i d e d i r e c t e v i d e n c e o f c o n s u m p t i o n , s u c h a s s k e l e ta l a n a l y s is ( e .g . ,Bro w n , 1981 ; B um sted , 1985; D eN i ro , 1987 ; La rsen , 1987 ; Pa t e , 1994 ; Pr i ce ,

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Food and omplex Societies 2

1989a; Pricee t a l . , 1985; Sandford , 1993; Saun ders a nd Katzen berg, 1992;Sobo lik, 1994 ; van der M erwe and Voge l, 1978 ; Verano and Ube laker,1992), coproli tes (e.g. , Bryant , 1 974; Callen, 19 63; Re inh ard an d B ryant ,1992) , and con tex t s in which food i s consumed ( e .g . , Has to r f , 1988 ;Le nns trom , 19 92; Pearsal l, 1988).

Skele ta l analyses offer som e o f the be st op por tuni t ies for s tudying con-sumption among diverse groups of individuals. Variat ion in diet , nutr i t ion,heal th , a nd disease can be invest igated using metr ic analyses , paleop atholo-gies, and bon e chemist ry. S ta tus d i fferences, for exam ple , w ere appare nt lyref lected in the s t ront ium levels of bones f rom the M eso am er ica n s ite ofCha lca tzingo , w here h igher r anked ind iv idua ls l ike ly consum ed m ore m ea tthan com mo ners (Schoen inger, 1979) . Along the nor th coas t o f Peru , pa -leopathologies changed through t ime wi th respect to s ta tus . Ear l ier popu-la t ions showed minimal heal th problems, whereas populat ions dur ing theLa te In te rme dia te Per iod d em ons t r a t ed hea l th d i ff e rences be twee n e l it e sand commoners , wi th none l i t e s exh ib i t ing more d ie t a ry s t r ess (Verano ,1992) . In contrast , a var ie ty of chemical s tudies among complex socie t iesin the E astern W oodlands suggests that , a t som e sites, s ta tus d id no t great lyaffect d ie t (Brown and Blakely, 1985; Blakely and Beck, 1981; La m be r te t

a l . , 1979) . A t the Dal las s i te in Tennessee, however, e l i te d ie t app arent lyw a s m o r e b a l a n c e d a n d i n c l u d e d m o r e i r o n a n d p r o t e i n t h a n c o m m o n e rdie t (H atch and Geidel , 1985). Al though few specif ics are m ent ion ed, Buik-s t r a (1992, p . 97) sugges t s tha t soc ia l and po l i t i ca l f a c t o r s - -n o t jus td ie t - - in f lue nc ed var ia t ion in nut r it ion and d isease am ong M ississippianagricultural ists. She no ted . . . seve re i ll hea lth . . . including elevatedrates of porotic hype rostosis, osteoa rthri t is, infect ious lesions, bo ne frac-tu res , and deve lopmenta l den ta l de fec t s . . . . Ra ther than so le ly the r e -sul t of increases in maize con sum pt ion, these problem s l ikely we re d ue tochanges in social and poli t ical complexity.

Skele ta l analyses a lso provide a valuable me ans of exam ining consum p-t ion di fferences among groups of individuals of varying gender and age.Al tho ugh th e n um ber of individuals sampled was ex t rem ely smal l, i so topicda ta f rom the nor th coas t o f Peru may ind ica te tha t m ales had a m orevar ied die t than females (Er icsone t a l . , 1989) . As discussed above, Ha stor f(1991) suggested that m aize was di fferent ia l ly d is t r ibuted by th e Inca s ta tebetw een m ales and females , resul t ing in d i ffer ing bo ne chem istry. Dieta ryd i ffe rences a lso were ap paren t a t severa l Eas te rn W oodland s i tes be tweenma les and fema les . Based o n an analysis of t race e lem ents (Sr, Zn, a ndCa) a t Le dde rs in I llinois , . . . La te W oodland m ales m ay have had dis-prop or t ionate access to animal prote in , or perhap s nuts or legum es (Buik-stra e t a l . , 1989, p . 161) and som e age d i fferences in d ie t were app aren t(Beck, 1985; La m ber te t a l . , 1979) . S imi lar gender and age var ia t ion was

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also observed a t the Dal las s ite (Hatc h and Ge idel , 1985). Along the so uth-eas te rn At lan ti c coas t, Con tac t Per iod males m ani fes t ed h igher f r equenc iesof per iost i t i s (pathologies resul t ing f rom infect ion and t rauma) comparedto females . He al th decl ined in general for south easte rn Nat ive populat ionsfo llowing Span ish con tac t . Based on bone chem is t ry (ca rbon and n i t rogenstable i sotopes) and pathologies (osteoar thr i t i s , denta l car ies , porot ic hy-perostosis , an d e nam el hypoplasia), there w as a red uct ion in d ie tary qual i tywi th an inc rease in maize consumpt ion and a na r row ing o f d ie t a ry b read th(Lar sen and H am , 1994 ; Lar sen e ta l . 1992).

Pa tho log ies and bone chemis t ry tha t r e f l ec t d i e t c lea r ly a re som e ofthe best data to examine consumpt ion pat terns and socia l re la t ions. As acau t ionary no te , however, t oo l it tl e is known a t p res en t r egard ing theso u r c e s o f v a ri a ti o n i n th e c o m p o s i ti o n o f c o n t e m p o r a r y h u m a n b o n e .W hi le i t is c lear that d ie t i s a ma jor contr ibutor, o ther b iological and n atu-ra l factors are a lso impo r tant (Pr icee t a l . 1989, p. 251). D iet, thus, is no tthe only factor affect ing bone chemist ry. Var ia t ion i s caused by format ionprocesses ( i. e. , geochem istry) , age, ge nd er ( including repro duct ive s ta tus ,pregna ncy, and lacta t ion) , and the typ e of bone t issue sam pled (e .g . , Buik-stra e t a l . 1989; Bum sted, 1985; Jackes, 1993; La m be r te t a l . 1985; Pateand Brown, 1985; Price, 1989b; Pricee t a l . 1989; Sand ford , 1993; W oode t

a l . 1992) . I t i s therefore cr i t ica l that the var ious factors involved in thef o r m a t i o n a n d t r an s fo r m a t io n o f h u m a n b o n e a r e e x a m i n e d w h e n m a k i n gconclusions about d ie t .

Besides the knowledge acquired f rom skele ta l s tudies , excel lent con-sumpt ion data a lso are der ived f rom the analysis of coprol i tes (Bryant ,1974; Callen, 1963; Re inha rd an d B ryant , 1 992). Co proli tes co nsist of sev-eral consecu t ive me als and thus provide s t rong ev idence for the k inds ofmea l s consum ed by an indiv idua l. Re cen t r esea rch suggest s tha t D N A andhormones can r evea l the gender o f the per son who p roduced the copro l i t e(Su t ton e t a l . 1996; Sobolike t a l . 1996) . The in test inal contents of mum-mies, where the age and sex of the individual are known, a lso can be ex-amined (Re inhard and Bryan t , 1992) . In tes t ina l con ten t s , coup led wi thbo ne chem istry, provide an i l luminat ing view into a n individual' s d i e t - - f ro mthe ind iv idua l me a l to an accumula t ion o f a l if e o f mea l s (R e inhard andBryant , 1992) . Th ese analyses nee d to be in tegra ted wi th f lora l and fauna lda ta co l l ec ted f rom food consumpt ion con tex t s (Gremi l l ion and Sobo l ik ,1996; R ein ha rd and Bryant , 1992; Sobolik, 1994).

The context , par t ic ipants , and food served a t cer ta in meals vary andare in ter twined wi th socia l re la tions a nd symbol ic m eaning . Feasts , for ex-ample , a r e com munica t ive even ts me an t fo r d i sp lay and in te rac t ion . Th en u m b e r a n d m a k e u p o f g u es ts a n d t h e q u a n t i ty a n d t y p e o f f o o d a t t h eeve nt are s ignif icant in terms of m ainta ining an d d evelop ing kin and social

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Food and omplex Societies 2 3

ne tworks (Whi t ehead , 1984 ) . As Powers and Powers (1984 , p . 83 ) s t a t e ,F e a s t s m a y i n f a c t sa t is fy h u n g e r, b u t t h e y a r e s e e n a s h a v i n g s o m e i n t r in s i c

s o c i a l v a l u e wh i c h t r a n s c e n d s t h e n u t r i t i v e f u n c t i o n o f e a t i n g . F e a s t s h a v es o c i al g o a l s a c h i e v e d b y c u l t u r a l m e a n s . F e a s t i n g wa s a n i n t e g r a l p a r t o fM a y a n b a l l g a m e s t h a t l ik e ly wa s a s t r a te g y u s e d b y r u l e r s i n n e g o t i a t in gr e l a t i o n s o f p o we r. I m p o r t a n t l y, t h e b a Ug a m e s a n d f e a s t i n g r i t u a l s we r es t a g e d i n a n d a r o u n d a s u p e r n a t u r a l a r e n a - - t h e b a l l c o u r t - - e n d o w i n g th ef e a s t w i t h a d d e d m e a n i n g ( F o x , 1 9 9 6 ) . T h e l o c a t i o n o f t h e e a t i n g e v e n t ,t h u s , is i m p o r t a n t i n u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e s o c i a l s i g n if i ca n c e o f f o o d c o n s u m p -t i o n . D i ff e r e n t f o o d s a r e o f t e n c o n s u m e d i n v a r i o u s s e t t i n g s - - r e s i d e n t i a l ,p u b li c, o r p r iv a t e s p a c e s - - w h i c h m a y h a v e d i f f e re n t m e a n i n g s c o r r e s p o n d -i n g t o t h e m e a l ' s l o c a t i o n ( e . g . , R i c h a r d s a n d T h o m a s , 1 9 8 4 ; We l s h a n dS c a rr y, 1 99 5). A t t h e s i te o f C a r d a l o n t h e c e n t r a l c o a s t o f P e r u , U m l a u f( 1 99 1 ) i l l u s tr a t e d t h a t , in g e n e r a l , e x o t ic a n d d o m e s t i c a t e d p l a n t f o o d s we r em o r e a b u n d a n t i n p r i v a t e c e r e m o n i a l c o n t e x t s , w h e r e a s w i l d p l a n t s w e r er e la t iv e l y m o r e c o m m o n wi th i n d o m e s t i c s p a ce s . T h i s s u g g e s t s t h a t c e r t a inf o o d s we r e c o n s i d e r e d a p p r o p r i a t e f o r c o n s u m p t i o n i n s p e c i f i c l o c a t i o n s .T h e f o o d s c o n s u m e d i n d i f f e r e n t c o n t e x t s l i k e l y s y m b o l i z e d t h e r i t u a l a n dd o m e s t i c n a t u r e o f t h e e a t i n g e v e n t s .

S p e c i f i c s o c ia l d i ff e r e n c e s r e f le c t i n g t h e c o m p l e x o rg a n i z a t i o n o f a s o -c i e t y o f t e n a r e s y m b o l i z e d t h r o u g h t h e c o n s u m p t i o n o f c e r t a i n f o o d s . Asm e n t i o n e d a b o v e , t h e c o n s u m p t i o n o f l l am a w a s p r o b a b l y a s y m b o l o fw e a l t h a n d p o w e r a l o n g t h e n o r t h c o a s t o f P e r u t h a t r e i n f o r c e d t h e s o c ia la n d p o l i ti c a l a u t h o r i ty o f t h e e l it e a n d t h u s wa s i m p o r t a n t i n m a r k i n g s t a t u s( G u m e r m a n , 1 99 4c ). S i m il ar ly, t h e c o n s u m p t i o n o f m a n y M a y a n f o o d s s y m -b o l i z e d a b u n d a n c e a n d we a l t h ( e .g ., M a r c u s , 1 9 82 ; P u l e s t o n , 1 9 7 7) . A m o n gp r e h i s t o r i c F i j i a n c h i e f d o m s , m e a t c o n s u m p t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y c a n n i b a l i s m ,i d e o l o g ic a l ly f u n c t i o n e d i n n e g o t i a t i n g p o w e r r e l a t i o n s ( R e c h t m a n , 1 99 2).F r a g m e n t e d h u m a n b o n e s ( n o n b u r i a l ) w e r e t h e m o s t a b u n d a n t b o n e s r e -c o v e r e d f r o m m i d d e n s . A d e t a i l e d a n a ly s is o f b r e a k a g e p a t t e r n s ( f ra c t u rea n g l e a n d o u t l i n e ) a s w e l l a s n u m e r o u s e t h n o h i s t o r i e d o c u m e n t s d e m o n -s t ra t e s a b u n d a n t c a n n i b al is m . I t w a s s u g g e s te d t h a t t h e c o n s u m p t i o n o f h u -m a n f l e s h wa s a s y m b o l o f p o w e r l e g i ti m i z i n g t h e s t a t u s o f c h ie f s . Va r i a ti o ni n m e a t c o n s u m p t i o n b e t w e e n e l it e s a n d c o m m o n e r s w a s e s s e n t ia l in l e-g i ti m i z i n g p o w e r f o r e l i te s , p a rt ic u l a rl y f o r wa r c h i e fs , w h o u s u r p e d p o w e rf r o m t h e t r a d i t i o n a l c h i e f s t h r o u g h , i n p a r t , c a n n i b a l i sm ( R e c h t m a n , 1 99 2).

A d i s t i n c t io n i s o f t e n m a d e b e t w e e n h i g h - s t a t u s a n d l o w- s ta t u sf o o d ; h o w e v e r, l o w- s t at u s f o o d a c t u a ll y m a y b e p r e f e r r e d b y t h e g r o u pc o n s u m i n g it o v e r t h e h i g h - st a tu s f o o d u s e d b y e li te s ( B e n n e t t , 19 43 ;Bowen, 1992; Rei tz , 1987; Weismante l , 1988; c f . Singer, 1985 , 1987) . Thefood , eve n i f l ow s t a tu s , symb o l i zes soc i a l i den t i t y, w here , fo r example ,e a t i n g b a rl e y g r u e l in i n d i g e n o u s h i g h l a n d E c u a d o r is a n i m p o r t a n t d a il y

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activi ty that establishes ethn ic iden ti ty an d aff il iation. Hig h-statu s w hiter ice , a l though a luxury that i s desi red by the indigenous populat ion, i s nota prefer red food i tem for dai ly use . Indeed, i t s consumpt ion, and even i t suse in d iscourse , is of ten rese nted (We ismantel , 1988) . Fu r therm ore, thes ta tus o f a food , e i the r h igh o r low, accep tab le o r unaccep tab le , m ay cha ngethrough t ime. In the Oglala food system, for instance, in t roduced govern-m en t ra t ions (e .g ., beef , sa l t pork , coffee , and f lour) w ere in i tia lly ined iblebu t , t h rough t ime , becam e accep tab le , and so me were even cons idered In -dian food (Powers and Powers , 1984).

I t i s thus impor tan t to go beyon d me re ly desc r ib ing wha t i s con sum edby explor ing the re la tionship betw een co nsu m pt ion and socia l re la t ions, thelocat ion of the eat ing event , and the u se of var ious serving vessels . T hesocial s ignif icance of food c onsum pt ion is poin ted out by W eisman tel (1988,p . 194) : Th e shared mea l represe nts the uni ty of the family that gath ersto eat i t , but the manner in which i t i s served and eaten a lso speaks tothe divis ions betw een household m em ber s . M eals , such as the Victor iand inner pa r ty ana lyzed by Jam eson (1987), o f t en go be yond the f ami ly andserve to def ine membership in cer ta in socia l groups. The meal , therefore ,is act ively involved in creat ing, establishing, a nd m ainta ining social relat ion s(see Dou glas , 1971) . Th e par t ic ipants involved in a mea l , the co ntexts inwhich the mea l i s se rved , and the conduc t dur ing a mea l a r e imbued wi thsymbolism that structures social behavior.

isposal

An ana lys i s o f food a l so can incorpora te the r es idues o f consump-t i o n - t h e d isposa l o f l e f tover s - - and the by-produc t s o f p rocessing and p repa-ra t ion. Th e disposal o f food of ten has mea ning and should be co nsidere d ina wa y that provides data o n the under ly ing s tructure of a food system as wel las def in i tions concerning the conce pt of space (Deetz , 1982; H odd er, 1987c;Ho lt , 1991; M oore , 1981, 1982, 1986; Santley, 1992). M em be rs of individualsocie ties not only produce and d ef ine t rash , but a lso decid e how to d isposeof i t . . . appropria te , cu l turaUy-def ined me ans o f depos i tion o f t en vary wi th insingle societ ies and even at a single point in t ime, and not al l people alwaysfollow the rules (Staski and Su tro, 1991b, p. 3).

Lef tovers , even though they are the sam e food i tem, are in teresting be-cause they o f ten assume a d i ff e ren t me an ing on ce they becom e l e f tover s(e .g . , Farb and Arm elagos, 1980). Yet lef tovers m ayb e prep ared di fferen t ly(e.g ., consum ed co ld ) and o f t en a re cons um ed in d i ffe ren t con tex ts . Indee d ,to the consume r the food ma y have a d i ff e ren t t a s t e than the o r ig ina l me a l .Lef tove rs may also have mea ning that i s const ructed f rom i ts or ig inal use . In

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Food and omplex Societies 25

Hindu food systems, for instance, lef tovers are ranked relat ive to the hierar-chical posi t ion of the perso n wh o a te the foo d (K_hare, 1976, 1992).

Given that archaeologis ts of ten s tudy refuse , i t i s surpr is ing that re-search focusing on the socia l and symbol ic aspects of food discard i s un-com m on. Nev er theless , the contextual analysis of var ious d iscard pat ternsm ay identify the rules for foo d disposal. I t is possible that certa in speciesm ay be t r ea ted and d i sposed o f in ce r t a in ways . E thnograph ica l ly in theAm er ican S ou thwes t, a r tiodac ty le bones w ere t r ea ted in a spec ia l man-ne r-p os sib ly indicat ing di fferentia l d isposal (Szuter, 1991) . G ran tha m andHe sse (1991) exam ine discard pat terns to def ine the funct ion of variousroom s wi thin a se t tleme nt in the G olan H eights . Pat terns ob served in thedisposal of anim al rem ains a t a r i tual feast ing N eol i th ic s i te in W essex wereinterpreted as cul tural ru les represent ing a wi ld /domest ic d ichotomy. Pigand catt le rem ains, as well as certain wild species, wer e d ifferential ly dis-ca rde d across the s ite. This suggests that som e species w ere ac ceptablewi thin specif ic areas whi le o thers we re excluded. Som e refus e was the resul tof r i tual feast ing and was bur ied in specia l p i t s (Richards and Thomas,1984) . Such refuse may be considered sacr i f ic ia l because of i t s contentsand locat ion (e .g . , specia l ly prepared pi t s) ; however, i t of ten representstrash result ing from ceremonial act ivi t ies that is disposed of in a specialm an ne r or location. This i s refe r red to as cere m onial t rash by W alker(1995) and points to the d is tinction that m any cul tures mak e betw een eve-ryday refuse and refuse that i s prod uce d dur ing specia l occasions.

Al though rare ly a focus of research, these s tudies suggest that the in-vest igat ion of food disposal i s a promising avenue for understanding foodsymbolism, i ts meaning, and i ts relat ionship to culture. Are specif ic foodi tems or bo dy par ts d isposed of in cer ta in ways? In cer ta in locat ions? W hatpar ts o f a com m uni ty or s t ructure contain refu se or, conversely, are c leanof r e fuse? Indeed , the con tex t and m ann er in which food r es idues a re d i s-pose d re la te to how space is v iewed wi thin a socie ty.

C O N C L U S I O N S

A comprehensive explorat ion of the var ious s tages in the food sys-t e m - f r o m p r o d u ct io n t o d i sp o sa l -- g r e at ly e x p a nd s o u r u n d e r s t a n d in g o ffood and i t s re la t ionship to complex socie t ies . The var ie ty of cul tural an-th ropo log ica l approaches and many r ecen t a r chaeo log ica l advances haveproduced insights in to understanding the dynamics of food and cul ture .Th roug h such s tudies , wi th a focus on speci fic var ia t ion and the act ive ro leof food , we can ga in a be t t e r under s t and ing o f human behav io r.

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In model bui ld ing we must cons ider that wi th in complex socie t ies , d i f -ferent indiv iduals - -e l i tes and commoners , males and females , specia l is tsand nonspec ia l i s t s , o ld and young- -o f ten consume d i ff e ren t r esources fo ra var ie ty of reasons . B y v iewing com plex socie t ies as groups of indiv idualsthat in ter re la te wi th each o ther and have varying needs , wants, and abi l it ies,we can ga in a m ore com ple te under s tand ing o f food and com plex soc ie ti e s .This is no t to say that s tudies of small-scale societies (e.g. , ban ds and tr ibes)cannot prof i t through such approaches (see Whit ley, 1994) , but that thedev elopm ent o f st rat i fica tion , special izat ion , an d a pol it ica l eco nom y cre-

a tes a wider range o f i s sues that can b e explored .Food provides nour ishment , but i t s s t ructure and symbol ism also are

in t imately involved in dev eloping and mainta in ing everyday socia l re la t ions .Explorat ion of the fo od sys tem at a deta i led level leads to an act ive v iewof foo d and com plex societ ies . W e thus gain t rem end ous insights in to theinner work ings o f cu ltu re wh i le a l so more fu lly comp rehend ing the p roc-es ses o f cu ltu re change. As such , we migh t ho pe to deve lop an u nder-s tand ing o f the causes tha t under l i e the behav io r beh ind the food . Inde ed ,the table is se t , we have looked a t the menu, and now i t i s t ime for the

par t ic ipants to feas t on a meal that goes beyond descr ib ing the types offood pas t socie t ies consumed.

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S

This ar t ic le has benef i ted f rom discuss ions wi th and reviews by anum ber o f peop le . The f r i endsh ip o f Da ve W hi t l ey and h i s c rea t ive in -s i g h t s i n t o u n d e r s t a n d i n g m e a n i n g i n t h e a r c h a e o l o g i c a l r e c o r d h a v e

g r e a t ly i n f l u e n c e d m y a p p r o a c h t o u n d e r s t a n d i n g f o o d . I a m a l s o in -deb ted to Tim Ear le , Chr i s tine Has to r f , S i s se l Johann es sen , and M aryWeisman te l fo r ou r numerous d i s cus s ions concern ing food and cu l tu re .Thanks go a l so to Donna Boyd , Pare Crab t ree ,th G e o r g e G u m e r m a n ,C h r i s t i n e H a s t o r f , K e n K e l ly, J o y c e M a r c u s , M i c h a e l S c h i ff e r , D a v eW h i t le y, t h e e d i t o ri a l b o a r d o f C a m b r i d g e s N e w D i r e c t io n s i n A r c h a e -o logy Ser ies , and the r ev iewers o f JA M T fo r the ir co m me nts on d ra f t so f th i s a r t i c le . Kev in Harper, Loue l la Ho l te r, and Chr i s ty Wicker p ro -v ide d va luab le ed i to r ia l a s s i s t ance . I a l so thank the Na t ion a l S c ienceF o u n d a t i o n ( G r a n t B N S - 8 7 0 6 2 9 5) , th e U C L A F r i e n d s o f A r c h a e o l o g y,a n d t h e U C L A D e p a r t m e n t o f A n t h r o p o l o g y f o r t h e ir f in a n ci al s u p p o r to f m y P a c a t n a m u r e se a r ch .

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Food and Com plex Societies 27

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