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HAYTOUG STAFF

Contributors:Lilian AbedianSerouj AprahamianShant BaboujianSanan HarounShant MelkonianHovig KandilianVatche SoghomonianTamar Yardemian

Editor:Vache Thomassian

Layout design:Krikor Mugerian

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02 LETTER FROM THE EDITOR

03 GEORGIA: A NATION DIVIDED

04 WHY THEY ALL WANT A PIECE

05 DISCRIMINATION, CORRUPTION & POLITICS

06 OIL AND INSTABILITY

09 THE MILLENIUM CHALLENGE CORPORATION

12 THE DANGERS OF THE RAILROAD

13 INTERVIEW WITH ELIZABETH CHOULDJIAN

17 æ²ì²Êø²Ð²ÚºðàôÜ Æð²ìÆÖ²ÎÀ

18 Üàð زðî²Ðð²ô¾ðܺð

20 STRUGGLING TO SURVIVE

24 CAUGHT BETWEEN A ROCK & HARD PLACE

27 WHAT’S BEING DONE?

28 THEIR STRUGGLE IS OUR STRUGGLE

30 ºðÎÆð ܲÚÆðÆ

31 æ²ì²Êø²Ð²Ú ̧ ¾Øøºð

32 YOU HAVE A GUN, AND I AM HUNGRY

T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S

[30] [24] [20]

[12] [32] [18]

In analyzing the current conditionof the Armenian population inJavakhk there are many geopoliticalas well as historical points to examine.To begin with we must understandthe dire socio-economic condition ofthe residents. Rampantunemployment, undevelopedindustry, crumbling infrastructure,limited access to education andsystematic governmental neglecthave plagued the region for years.Officially, Tbilisi recognizes theseverity of the situation in Javakhk,but is reluctant to take action and isstrongly against granting the regiona “special” or autonomous status afterhaving lost control over Abkhazia andSouth Ossetia.

Additionally, it is crucial to bevery cautious in making comparisonsand drawing parallels with the currentsituation in Javakhk and theliberation struggle fought inKarabagh. They are distinct situationswith distinct circumstances andshould be treated as such. The longand violent history of Azerbaijan’streatment of its Armenian populationas well as the pogroms of Baku andSumgait proved the inability ofKarabagh’s Armenians to securelylive within Azerbaijan; therebylimiting their choice between livingunder a regime of brutality and amovement for self-determination.This however is not the case withJavakhk as Georgian-Armenianrelations have historically beenamiable and complementary. Therelationship is one ofinterdependence and strategic

0 2 . W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O UG

alliance rather than a struggle forpower and territory.

However, without promptattention and resolution, the plight ofthe Armenian minority within Georgiacan escalate to destabilize not onlyGeorgia, but Georgian-Armenianrelations. Furthermore, unless thecitizenry gets legitimaterepresentation within thegovernment, oppressive practices willcontinue. With recent local electionsfraught in controversy withallegations of vote-rigging, it is hardto imagine the Javakhk Armenianscontinuing to live complacently withsuch a muffled voice to theirgovernment.

A Georgia where ethnic minoritiesenjoy autonomy and do not live underthe fear of discrimination andoppression can serve as an examplefor regional stability and integrationnot just in Georgia but throughout theentire Caucasus. Autonomy toJavakhk then becomes the solutionthat can not only serve the interestsof both Georgia and Armenia, but canserve to preserve a vital and symbioticrelationship.

The inability and unwillingness, ofthe Armenian government, startingwith Levon Ter Petrosian, to vocalizethe concerns of Javakhk’s Armenianshas left much responsibility on theDiaspora; a responsibility which mustbe taken seriously and addressedpromptly.

Today Javakhk is in need of helpand expects help from not onlyArmenia but from the wholeArmenian world.

JAVAKHK’S FUTURE LIESIN OUR HANDS

L E T T E R F R O M T H E E D I T O R

GEORGIA: A NATION DIVIDED

W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O UG . 0 3

Georgia is a nation divided into 9 administrative regions. In addition to these, there are two regions whichhave been declared autonomous (Adjara and Abkhazia), one region which has been in a continual struggle forindependence (South Ossetia), and one region which is in a desperate socio-economic struggle to keep itsidentity (Samtskhe-Javakheti). The multitudes of ethnicities create a unique situation in Georgia, one whichhas fragmented the nation severely.

The population of Georgia (not including the separatist regions of Adjara, Abkhazia and South Ossetia) isroughly 4.4 million. Within this total, Armenians represent the second highest minority population with over250,000, behind Azerbaijanis who number 280,000.

To better understand the fragmentation within Georgia, we can look at the separatist groups within thenation. Among others, there are three major groups pressing for independence:

SOUTH OSSETIA (pop. 70,000) has harbored desires of uniting with North Ossetia under the RussianFederation. Recently they held an independence referendum vote (Nov. 12, 2006) which garnered 98% support.

ADJARA (pop. 375,000) has been an area that up until recently has been out of the reach of Tbilisi’s control.Following the “Rose Revolution” there has been a crackdown on separatism. However, they still maintainautonomy under Georgian law.

ABKHAZIA (pop. 250,000) is the second autonomous region within Georgia but, the Abkhaz separatistgovernment and the majority of the current Abkhazian population considers it to be a sovereign nation. In thecase of Abkhazia, there is de facto independence which has not been recognized by any other nation. CurrentlyRussia is seeking legal means it may employ to incorporate the region into Russia. As it remains today theregion of Abkhazia continues to run as a self-sufficient unit.

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WHYTHEY ALL WANT A PIECE

Javakhk is a vital strategic region due to the newly created Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyan pipeline. The main

reason for this being that all plans connecting Azerbaijan and Turkey go through Javakhk region.

Historically, the Armenian Javakhk region consists of the districts of Akhalkalaki and Ninotsminda,

with the Armenian population constituting 95 percent of the population. In 1994 the Armenian Javakhk

area was incorporated into a much larger administrative region known as the Samtskhe-Javakheti by

the Georgian government. This territorial redistricting was a conscious attempt to dilute the Armenian

majority by altering the demographics of the region. By incorporating the Armenian districts of

Akhalkalaki and Ninotsminda into a greater region with four other districts, the Georgian government

sought to gradually diminish the Armenia majority and to reassert Georgian control over its southern

areas.

This greater Samtskhe-Javakheti region of Georgia consists of an area of nearly 6413 square

kilometers, representing about 9.3 percent of Georgia proper, and has a total population of almost

250,000. The Samtskhe-Javakheti (hereafter called Javakhk) region is comprised by six districts (Adigeni,

Aspindza, Akhalkalaki, Akhaltsikhe, Borjomi, and Ninotsminda). Within this greater region, the

Armenian population’s majority has been steadily reduced to about 61-62 percent of the population.

Javakhk shares a roughly 80-90 kilometer border with Turkey to its west and southwest, and has

approximately 45-50 kilometers of common border with Armenia, which lies to its south.

> Trade route into and out of Russia

> Alternate to blockaded Turkish and Azeri borders

> Part of historic Armenia

ARMENIA GEORGIA> Key Southern region

> Link to Armenia

> Next to Autonomous region of Adjara

> Obstacle to expanding regional influence

> Armenian population only thing between Azeri population of Georgia and Turkey

> Regional trade with Central Asia

> Armenian population only thing between Azeri population of Georgia and Turkey

TURKEY AZERBAIJAN

By Tamar Yardemian

Most Armenians in Javakhk livein villages, farm to survive andcelebrate traditions to preservetheir culture. They are anationalistic people, passionateabout their Armenian history andlanguage. They are also fearless inprotecting their rights, as anyhuman across the globe should be.But within the last decade, theGeorgian government hassuffocated these Armenians withdiscrimination and economic fear.

Beginning with the Georgiannationalist President ZviadGamsakhurdia in the late 1990’s,the Georgian government has beenmaking threats againstmanifestations of Armeniannationalism, limiting jobopportunity, and only repairingcertain strategic roads in Javakhkwhich suit their interests. They actas defenders of humanity by ‘findingrefuge for Azeris, MuslimMeskhetians and Svans’ in Javakhk,while, in reality, they have ulteriorpolitical motives, such asdemographic change duringelection cycles. Throughout theyears, the situation in Javakhk hasonly become more severe, withoutright ill treatment and disregardfor these Armenian citizens ofGeorgia.

With discrimination andcorruption at its peak, manyJavakhk Armenians have beenforced to travel abroad, to Armeniaor Russia, for work and education.For example, 70% of Armenians inAkhaltsikhe, one of thenorthwestern regions in Javakhk,

have emigrated out of the countrywithin the last decade. ManyArmenians in the region understandthat overcoming the threat of losingJavakhk depends on sustaining thelocal Armenian population.Consequently, a large group ofdetermined Armenians obstinatelyremain in Javakhk and continue todemand their civil rights as citizensof Georgia, insisting on educationreform, job opportunity, and roadrepair.

With the income of a meresingle crop of potatoes for the entireyear, large Armenian familiesendure these difficulties withdreams of one day enjoying theirbasic human rights of life, freedomand prosperity. In the hearts andminds of many Javakhk Armenians,there exists the belief that thisfreedom is achievable only throughautonomy: a degree of separationfrom the Georgian governmentconsisting of the authority to self-govern and flourish.

As Armenians who are spreadthroughout the world, we all sharea common history and language,yet, often find ourselves divided onvarious issues. Of course, differentcountries mean different cultures,economics and, no doubt, politics.Similarly, Armenians within thehomeland have a rather differentperspective on the issue ofJavakhk’s request for autonomy.Blockaded from the East and West,the homeland has only Georgia andIran as outlets to the outside world.Due to the geography of the region,Armenia depends on Georgia fortwo things: a channel for trade

DISRIMINATION, CORRUPTION ANDPOLITICS: A GEOPOLITICAL LOOK ATTHE ARMENIAN SITUATION IN JAVAKHK

through the Black Sea and apassageway to Russia (Armeniahas import and export routesthrough Ajaria, the Georgian portat the Black Sea, and Russianmilitary support travels to Armeniathrough Georgia). These twoeconomic dependencies onGeorgia are incredibly importantfor Armenia today and are onlypossible through friendly relations,open communication and stabilityin the region. Therefore conflictbetween Armenians and Georgiansin Javakhk is not an option. Inorder for Armenia to continuestrengthening its developingeconomy, Georgia needs to remaina friendly neighbor with openborders.

Today, we are faced withimportant decisions regarding theurgent situation in Javakhk. On theone hand, there exists a group ofArmenians who are beingneglected and mistreated in aforeign state. On the other hand,the political ties between that stateand the homeland are crucial forthe betterment of Armenia. TheKarabagh movement liberated agroup of oppressed Armenians, butcreated a war and a blockade to theEast. Should similar steps be takenin Javakhk, considering the socio-economic ramification of war?Clearly, there are various factors toconsider when analyzing thesituation in Javakhk. TheArmenians living in the areadeserve justice and freedom,however the means to achiveingthese goals must be well thought-out and calculated.

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By Serouj Aprahamian

The opening of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipelinewas officially inaugurated onJuly 13, 2006. This 1,100-mileoil pipeline, the longest in theworld, cost close to $4 billiondollars and tookover 6 years tocomplete. It isexpected to reachfull capacity in2009, wherein itwill carry 1 millionbarrels of oil perday from an Azerioil field in theCaspian Sea toTurkey’s Medi-terranean port ofCeyhan. A Baku-Tbilisi-Erzerum (BTE) natural gaspipeline is also being built inparallel to the BTC and isexpected to begin operations atthe end of this year.

The BTC project was hailedby many as the “Deal of theCentury” and holds major geo-political implications for the

U.S., Russia, Turkey, and thecountries of the South Caucasus.Given the close proximity of thepipeline to Javakhk, it is alsolikely to have a major impact onfuture developments for thepeople of this unstable region.

Due to opposition fromTurkey and Azerbaijan, the BTCproject was designed early on toskirt around Armenia—despitethe fact that it would haveprovided a shorter, more costeffective route. What is more, theGeorgian portion of the pipelinewas purposefully re-routed toavoid the Armenian populated

areas of Javakhk, as well.Nevertheless, the pipeline stilltraces the border regions ofJavakhk and is close enough tobe affected by any potentialunrest which may take placethere. Now that the oil has

already begunflowing, thevarious actors withan interest in theBTC will surelyhave a much closereye ondevelopments inJavakhk.

During aformal ceremonyfor the BTC lastyear, Georgian

president Mikheil Saakashvilimade clear the importance hisadministration places on recentenergy projects with Turkey andAzerbaijan when he stated, “Inpractical terms, [BTC] and the[Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum] gaspipeline are extremelyimportant projects for Georgia.When the gas pipeline is

OIL & INSTABILITYHOW THE ‘DEAL OF THE.CENTURY’ WILL AFFECT.JAVAKHK’S FUTURE

06 .W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O UG

launched, the issue of Georgia’senergy independence will befinally solved. Georgia will nolonger depend on a singlesource for its energy supplies.This is the most importantguarantor of our energyindependence.”

Up until the launch of theBTC and BTE pipelines,Georgia’s main source ofenergy was Russia. However,given the increasinglydeteriorating and tenserelations between the twocountries—just last month,four Russian officers wereexpelled from Georgia on spycharges, to which Russiaresponded with a transport andpostal blockade of Georgia—the Georgian government hassought to break away as muchas possible from its energyreliance on its northernneighbor. Not only does theflow of oil and gas viaAzerbaijan provide Georgia analternative source of energy, italso provides it with asignificant amount of revenuein transit fees. Thus, theGeorgian government seesthese new pipelines as their keyticket to prosperity andgravitation away from Russia.Officials in Tbilisi mustcertainly be concerned with thelong-term stability of the BTCproject whenever theconditions and grievances inJavakhk are brought to theirattention.

It is worth mentioning thatGeorgia already has someexperience dealing withpipelines and instability. InJanuary, two explosions rippedthrough the main pipelineconnecting Russia to Georgia,

leading to a cutoff of gassupplies and significanthardships for both Georgia andArmenia. While Georgiasuspected Russian foul playbehind the incident, Moscowclaimed it was the result of aterrorist attack. It is safe to saythat such experiences haveshaped the concerns ofGeorgian officials in regards toJavakhk. Some fear that Russiawill seek to stir up sentimentsin Javakhk as a way of onceagain disturbing Georgia’senergy security. There is adanger that whatever happensthere in the future will be

automatically attributed toMoscow and, hence, treated inan antagonistic fashion.

Others with a stake in thepipeline have also shownconcern over the potentially

negative effects of instability inthe region. Various measureshave already been undertaken tosafeguard the pipeline’s security.For instance, much of the BTC isburied underground, surroundedwith sensors, and guarded by aGeorgian “rapid response”military force trained by theUnited States. Since 2002, USmilitary aid and training toGeorgia has skyrocketed in orderto improve internal securitycapabilities and protect thepipeline from ‘terrorist’ attacks.Such attacks are not uncommonin areas around the world wherepipelines pass through. From

Colombia to Nigeria to Burma andIraq, pipeline projects arenotorious for their associationwith conflict, environmentaldegradation, human rights abuseslocal exploitation and repression.

W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O U G . 0 7

BTC Oil Pipeline HeadquartersAkhaltsikhe, Georgia

Photo by T. Yardemian

The people of Javakhk themselves alsohave some cause for concern regarding theBTC and the legacy of pipeline politics in otherparts of the world. Many Javakhktsis are waryof a possible Turkish military incursion intotheir territory under the pretext of protectingthe pipeline. Indeed, growing military tiesbetween Turkey and Georgia over recent yearsand the close proximity of Javakhk to theTurkish border, not to mention the historicanimosity of the Turkish state towardArmenians, makes residents feel especiallyvulnerable. Thisvulnerability is furtheraccentuated by the gradualremoval of the Russianmilitary base in Javakhk,scheduled to be completedby 2008. One localArmenian store owner inAkhalkalaki was quoted assaying, “The military baseprotects us. Fromunemployment and fromTurkey. If the Russians go,who will guarantee oursafety? Certainly not theGeorgians!”

Interestingly enough,should any violence or harmoccur in relation to thepipeline, the companiesinvolved in the BTCconsortium would beexempt from any legalliability. This is due to specific languageincluded in the contract which relieves privatesignatories from any responsibility for theactions of security forces. In addition, thecompanies succeeded in getting governmentagencies, such as Britain’s Export CreditGuarantee Department (ECGD), to underwritethe risk of the project being sabotaged by civilconflict or “terrorism.” Clearly, thosefinancing and profiting off of the BTC projectare very attentive to the possibility of strife andinstability along the pipeline’s route.

The main aim of the Western communityis to avoid the destabilization of the region.

In this way, the official operation of thepipeline now adds a new dimension to theimportance of improving the situation ofJavakhk’s Armenians. Despite the varioussecurity measures that have been put in place,unrest in the area would undoubtedly affectsome of the BTC infrastructure and hamperthe smooth flow of oil to Western markets.The same is true for any potential resumptionof hostilities in Kharabakh.

Negative developments in Javakhk wouldalso be detrimental for the energy security and

prosperity of the Republicof Georgia. For this reason,it is essential for Georgianofficials to turn theirrhetoric about improvingthe dire conditions ofJavakhk into reality. Theunwillingness to do this inthe face of rising economicgrowth and the benefits ofthe ‘oil boom’ will onlyserve to further alienate thepeople of Javakhk.

Ultimately, whatJavakhktsis are appealingfor is improved economicconditions, fair treatment,and cultural freedom. Theirinterests lie in resolvingtheir regions problems ofunemployment, poverty,lack of basic services, accessto education, cultural rights

and health. These interests are by no meansincompatible with the interests of theGeorgian state. Meeting these needs wouldgo a long way in ensuring stability in theregion and the loyalty of Javakhk’s citizenstoward the central government. For theinterests of all concerned, Georgian leaderswould do well to recognize that it is notRussia’s meddling, but, rather, the legitimategrievances of Javakhk’s population whichneed to be attended to. In the end, this willbe the only long-term way of maintainingstability and integration in the region.

JAVAKHKTSIS ARE AP-PEALING FOR IS IM-PROVED ECONOMICCONDITIONS, FAIRTREATMENT, ANDCULTURAL FREEDOM.THEIR INTERESTS LIE INRESOLVING THEIR RE-GIONS PROBLEMS OFUNEMP LOYMENT ,POVERTY, LACK OFBASIC SERVICES, AC-CESS TO EDUCATION,& CULTURAL RIGHTS.

0 8 . W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O UG

W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O U G . 0 9

(MCC) is a United States government-owned corporation responsible forsupervising the MillenniumChallenge Account (MCA). The MCAis the mechanism to implement a newmodel for providing foreign aid to theworld’s developing nations. The focusof the MCA is to promote economicgrowth in the recipient countries. Theprogram emphasizes good economicpolicies in recipient countries; withthe understanding that developmentaid works better in countries withgood economic policies, such as freemarkets and low corruption.

Key Principles:

1) Promoting sustainable economicgrowth that reduces povertythrough investments in areassuch as agriculture, education andprivate sector development.

2) Countries will be selected toreceive assistance based on theirperformance in governing justly,investing in their citizens, andencouraging economic freedom.

3) Countries are responsible foridentifying the greatest barriers totheir own development andensuring civil societyparticipation.

Georgia and Armenia have“Compacts” with the MCC.

ARMENIAArmenia has signed a 5-year

$235.65 million Compact with theMillennium Challenge Corporation.

Today, over one millionArmenians live in rural areas and aredependent on semi-subsistenceagriculture. Farmers are operating onsmall plots of land and areconstrained by poor roads,

inadequate irrigation, and an under-developed market economy.

The Armenia Compact is focusedon one goal: the reduction of ruralpoverty through a sustainableincrease in the economic performanceof the agricultural sector. Armeniaplans to achieve this goal through afive-year program of strategicinvestments in rural roads, irrigationinfrastructure and technical andfinancial assistance to improve thesupply of water and to supportfarmers and agribusinesses. TheProgram will directly impactapproximately 750,000 people, or75% of the rural population, and isexpected to reduce the rural povertyrate and boost annual incomes.

The Compact includes a $67million project to rehabilitate up to943 kilometers of rural roads, morethan a third of Armenia’s proposedLifeline road network. Whencomplete, the Lifeline road networkwill ensure that every ruralcommunity has road access tomarkets, services, and the main roadnetwork. Under the Compact, theGovernment of Armenia will berequired to commit additionalresources for maintenance of the roadnetwork.

The Compact also includes a $146million project to increase theproductivity of approximately250,000 farm households throughimproved water supply, higher yields,higher-value crops, and a morecompetitive agricultural sector.

GEORGIAGeorgia has signed a 5-year

$295.3 million Compact with theMillennium Challenge Corporation.

In Georgia, 54 percent of thepopulation living outside of thecapital city, Tbilisi, lives in poverty.The Georgians identified two barriersto poverty reduction and economicgrowth in the regions outside of Tbilisi—a lack of reliable infrastructure andthe slow development of businesses,particularly agribusiness. A two-pronged program has been created,focused on rehabilitating regional

infrastructure and enterprisedevelopment.

The two projects complement oneanother by facilitating economicgrowth. The first enables agriculturaland other suppliers to more easilyconnect with consumers and thesecond facilitates access to capital forbusiness development.

The Regional InfrastructureRehabilitation Project of the Compacttotals $211.7 million and includes thefollowing three activities: (1)Samtskhe-Javakheti RoadRehabilitation; (2) EnergyRehabilitation; and (3) RegionalInfrastructure Development Facility.

The Enterprise DevelopmentProject of the Compact totals $47.5million and includes the following twoactivities: (1) the Georgia RegionalDevelopment Fund; and (2) theAgribusiness DevelopmentAssistance.

The Millennium ChallengeCompact with Georgia is expected toimprove the lives of the rural poor inthe following ways:

Reduce the incidence of poverty inthe Samtskhe-Javakheti region by12 percent.Benefit approximately a half-million Georgians, and over one-quarter of the population of thecountry will receive indirectbenefits from the program.Reduce average travel time fromregional areas to Tbilisi —currently6.5 hours—almost three hours or43% percent, thereby reducingtransportation costs for farmers, forsmall business owners, and forGeorgians needing access to socialservices.Reduce the risk that a majoraccident will occur due to the gaspipeline’s dilapidated condition.The completed rehabilitation of thegas pipeline will provide reliableheat and electricity to over onemillion Georgians.

A more in-depth look at thedetails of the MCC for eachcountry is available on thefollowing two pages.

THEMILLENNIUMCHALLENGECORPORATION

1 0 . W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O U G

VARTAN OSKANIANArmenian Foreign Minister

“The significance and essence of the Millennium Challengeprogram is to support those countries which demonstrategood governance, and unwavering commitment to invest inhuman resources and in the principles of democracy and aliberal economy. Never theless, we are very aware that thedecision of the Millennium Challenge Corporation is notirreversible, and we have much to do to assure our con-tinuous and complete inclusion in that program.”

COMPACT GOAL

The reduction of rural poverty through a sustainable in-crease in the economic performance of the agriculturalsector through a five-year program of strategic investmentsin rural roads and irrigated agriculture.

Rural Road Rehabilitation Project: Upgrade up to 943km, providing 265 communities and 360,000 rural resi-dents with reduced transport costs and better access tojobs, markets and social services.

Irrigated Agriculture Project: Increase the productivityof 250,000 farmer households (34% of which are headedby women) through improved water supply, higher yields,higher-value crops and a more competitive agriculturalsector by:

- Infrastructure Activity: Irrigation civil works- Water-to-Market Activity: Assistance to farmers

The MCC-Armenia Compact was signed on March 27,2006 and ratified by the National Assembly on May 24,2006. The Compact entered into force on September29, 2006. The Accountable Entity has been formed andstaffed with a CEO and six professionals. Several roadand irrigation procurements are being advanced inparallel with the initial Disbursement requirements.

EXPECTED RESULTS

UPDATE ON PROGRESS

Population 3,016,312*GNI Per Capita $1470*Location Southwest Asia, east of TurkeyTotal Compact Amount $235.65 MillionCompact Duration 5 Years

Eligibility NotificationProposal ReceiptOpportunity MemoCongressional Notificationon Formal NegotiationsInvestment MemoBoard ApprovalCompact SigningEntry into ForceInitial Disbursement

May 6, 2004March 28, 2005May 19, 2005

August 22, 2005

November 17, 2005December 16, 2005March 27, 2006September 29, 2006

OBLIGATIONS BY KEY SECTOR(IN MILLIONS)

GENERAL INFORMATION COMPACT PROCESS DATE

ARMENIA DISBURSEMENT SCHEDULE(IN MILLIONS)

Projected Total Annual Disbursement

*World Development Indicators, World Bank, 2005

STATUS: COMPACT SIGNED LAST UPDATED: OCTOBER 2006

ARMENIA MILLENNIUM CHALLENGE CORPORATION

W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O UG . 1 1

MIKHEIL SAAKASHVILIPresident of Georgia

“I think it’s (MCC) really one of the most efficient toolsof help I’d ever seen and I’ve seen many assistanceprograms in my country for the last decade.”

COMPACT GOAL

- Rehabilitate key regional infrastructure by improvingtransportation for regional trade, ensuring a reliablesupply of energy, and improving the delivery ofregional and municipal services

- Develop regional enterprises by funding investmentand increasing productivity in farms, agribusinessesand other enterprises to increase jobs and rural income

The Program will benefit nearly half a million Geor-gians and could have an effect on the lives of a quarterof the population. The Program is also expected toreduce the incidence of poverty in the Samtskhe-Javakheti region by 12 percent. Other benefits includean expected increase of about $37 million in annualincome to households and $27 million in businessrevenue nationwide through support for farmers,agribusiness and small and medium enterprises.

- The Agribusiness Development Activity generated 160 grantapplications during first round submissions in October 2006.

- Proposals for the Georgia Regional Development Fund ProjectManager have been selected, and final award is expected bylate October 2006.

- The tendering process for the Regional InfrastructureDevelopment has started for rehabilitation of the water supplysystem in the city of Poti.

- Procurements related to pipeline repairs continue to moveforward.

- Georgia received a special disbursement (second overall) inthe amount of $6.5 million on September 14, 2006.

EXPECTED RESULTS

UPDATE ON PROGRESS

Population 4,474,404*GNI Per Capita $1350*Location Between Turkey and RussiaTotal Compact Amount $295.3 MillionCompact Duration 5 Years

Eligibility NotificationProposal ReceiptOpportunity MemoCongressional Notificationon Formal NegotiationsInvestment MemoBoard ApprovalCompact SigningEntry into ForceInitial Disbursement

May 6, 2004September 24, 2004October 28, 2004

November 3, 2004

July 7, 2005August 16, 2005April 7, 2006April 28, 2006September 14,2006

OBLIGATIONS BY KEY SECTOR(IN MILLIONS)

GENERAL INFORMATION COMPACT PROCESS DATE

GEORGIA DISBURSEMENT SCHEDULE(IN MILLIONS)

*World Development Indicators, World Bank, 2005

STATUS: IMPLEMENTATION, YEAR 1 LAST UPDATED: OCTOBER 2006

GEORGIA MILLENNIUM CHALLENGE CORPORATION

For over a year now officials from Azerbaijan,Georgia and Turkey have been in tense talks overthe financing of the proposed Kars-Tbilisi-Bakurailway. This railroad would potentially link Asiato Europe, completely bypassing Armenia. Therailway which could lay a foundation for apotential Central Asia-South Caucasus-Turkey-European Union transportation corridor has beenin the works for years, now seemingly nearingreality.

Turkey haspledged $200million to finance its68km portion of therailway from Kars tothe Turkish-Georgian border.Azerbaijan hassimilarly stated itsreadiness to fundthe Baku-Georgianborder side. Thefunding of theGeorgian section,however, remainsup in the air. The220km portion ofthe railroad (which connects Turkey to Javakhkto Tbilisi and finally to Azerbaijan) will require$220 million to build and modernize. The reasonfor the Georgian delay has been sheer cost. Theissue was recently complicated when one ofGeorgia’s largest financiers, the United States, wasremoved from the picture.

Action taken by the Armenian NationalCommittee of America (ANCA) helped passlegislation (S. 2461, H.R. 3361) prohibiting theU.S. government from aiding the construction ofany Caucasus railroad which would bypassArmenia. It is the standpoint of the ANCA that

THE DANGERS OF THEKARS-TBILISI-BAKU RAILWAY

the functioning but inactive Kars-Gyumri-Tbilisirailroad (providing the most direct route, runningthrough Armenia), which already exists, can berevitalized for minimal cost for all partiesinvolved. However, due to Turkey’s unilateralclosure of the Armenian border, this optioncannot be considered.

The consequences of the eventual constructionof such a railroad are very significant to Javakhk

and to Armeniaitself. First, therepercussions forJavakhk would be ani m m e d i a t econnection toTurkey and probablepresence of theTurkish military.Furthermore, arailroad maypromote the influxof different ethnicgroups into Javakhkto skew and distortits demography. Theimplications forArmenia would be

more long term damage to trade. By bypassingArmenia, this railroad would take away any transitbenefits and would economically isolate Armeniafrom the global market as well as increaseArmenia’s dependence on Georgia as a tradepartner.

We must strongly oppose this, and any other,politically motivated effort to circumvent andsuffocate Armenia. We simply cannot stand idlyby as projects amounting to modern day versionsof Pan-Turkism are damaging the future prospectsof our homeland.

1 2 . W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O U G

Staffwriter

The Armenian Youth Federation recently had theopportunity to interview Elizabeth S. Chouldjian, theCommunications Director of the ANCA NationalOffices. We have provided a truncated version of thediscussion in this issue of the Haytoug. For the fulltext of the interview please visit the Haytoug sectionof www.AYFwest.org.HAYTOUG: Not too long ago, you traveled toJavakhk. Can you tell us when this trip took place,what its purpose was, and what you think was themost significant thing to come out of it?ELIZABETH: It was an eye-opener for me. This wasthe second time I had gone to Javakhk - the first timewas back in 2002, again during the winter. In 2002,there were no international organizations functioningin Javakhk to speak of. In 2005, both U.S. andEuropean organizations had set up shop inAkhalkalak and Akhaltsikhe, and had already startedon a variety of projects in the area - from agriculturalto road building to irrigation, democracy building,etc. Clearly the interest level has increased in theregion, particularly by the United States, which choseto focus assistance to the area after the Russiangovernment announcement to vacate their army basein the region. The departure of the Russian base willcreate significant economic hardship for the region,and the U.S. stated goal has been to assist thepopulation to create economic opportunities tocompensate and promote stability.HAYTOUG: One of the main problems for Javakhkis economic under-development and unemployment.

INTERVIEWWITHELIZABETH

CHOULDJIANWhat are some of your observations regarding thelevel of socio-economic development in Javakhk?What role does the Russian military base and itsexpected closure play in the region?ELIZABETH: The economic situation is devastatingin the region, made all the more difficult by the poorcommunication and transportation infrastructure.Traveling to the region in the winter really sent themessage home as to how difficult it is to movearound, much less get to the region. In 2002, I hadto delay travel to Javakhk from Yerevan by close to 5days - because the roads were simply impassableonce you crossed the Armenia / Georgia border intoJavakhk. In 2005, we got there fine, but movingaround within Javakhk was a big production. Now,imagine having to take agricultural products tomarket, provide emergency health services, etc. inthose circumstances.The Russian base is a primary source of economicstability in the region and will certainly be missed.The goal with the various aid programs in the area isto offset that by helping farmers make their farmsmore profitable, and to help get goods to market. TheMillennium Challenge Account funding to Georgiawill help build a main road from Tbilisi to theJavakhk region, to help greater integrate Javakhkinto the rest of Georgia as well as to the borders withArmenia and Turkey.HAYTOUG: What is the current demographicsituation of Armenians in Javakhk? Have there beenany recent attempts by the Georgian government

W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O U G . 1 3

1 4 . W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O U G

to populate the region with Georgians and/ordecrease the Armenian majority?ELIZABETH: When we talk of Javakhk we shouldremind ourselves that today the administrative regionis officially called Samtskhe-Javakheti, which wasformed by a presidential decree in the 90s. Accordingto the most recent census in Georgia, the populationof this region is a little over 200,000. In the region asa whole the Armenians constitute around sixtypercent of the population. The region is divided tosix districts, with Akhalkalak and Ninotsminda havingaround 95% Armenian population and Akhaltskhe,the administrative center of the region, with around45% Armenian population.The Armenian population in the region has openlybeen concerned about Georgian government effortsto increase the non-Armenian population in theregion. There is constant discussion of movingMeskhetian Turks to the overall Samtskhe-Javakhetiregion, although to date, I am not aware of any officialrepopulation efforts that have taken place.HAYTOUG: Did you meet any Georgian officialsas part of your trip? What are the Georgiangovernment’s official and unofficial policies towardthe region of Javakhk? Is the general stance one ofneglect or does it go beyond that to include targetedactions against the local inhabitants?ELIZABETH: I did not meet Georgian officials duringthe trip – I met primarily with U.S. non-governmentorganizations and with some folks at the U.S.Embassy in Tbilisi. I am aware, though, that theGeorgian official position on the situation in Javakhkis that it suffers from the same socio-economicproblems that the rest of the regions in Georgia face.This is not completely true. During Soviet times,Javakhk was considered a border region and amilitary zone, where visiting was not simple.Therefore, the region was practically cut off from therest of Georgia in its everyday life. After the break-upof the Soviet Union, the ultra-nationalistGamsakhurdia came to power in Georgia and he madesure that all ethnically non-Georgians feltuncomfortable. With the break-up of the Sovietempire so went the economic infrastructures of the

newly independent states. There was never any effortby the Georgian authorities to revitalize the factoriesand agricultural facilities in Javakhk. Shevardnaze’sapproach was a little different; he created the Samtskhe-Javakheti region, in order to decrease the proportionof the Armenian population in the region. He promisedto help alleviate the socio-economic situation there, butthere were never any funds allocated for that purpose.With Saakashvili coming to power, things looked morepromising, especially with the Millenium ChallengeAccount project which would help with Javakhk roads.But none of Saakashvili’s promises have been fulfilledeither.Further, the local government system as a whole inGeorgia has turned out to be discriminatory against themajority Armenian population in Javakhk. Forexample, an Armenian populated village with around3,000 people has the same number of representativesin the district council as does a Georgian populatedvillage of 150.HAYTOUG: Did you get the sense that the populationof Javakhk has any secessionist aspirations? How doyou think Javakhk relates to Georgia’s breakawayrepublics of Abhkazia and South Ossetia?ELIZABETH: The definite sense that you get frompeople is frustration. Frustration that the Georgiangovernment has paid so little attention to the regionand let the infrastructure deteriorate to the level that ithas. Frustration that, overt or otherwise, there is aconstant undertone of trying to assimilate thepopulation. You really get that sense when talking toteachers at the local schools. Armenian schools getpoorer quality equipment and fewer resources to workwith the children. The Georgian school in Akhalkalakgets preferential treatment, better equipment and betterfacilities. Georgian teachers — imported from otherparts of Georgia to teach the Georgian language – nowget paid close to double other indigenous teachers. And,because it is a poorer part of the country, the schoolsattract less effective Georgian teachers – perpetuatingthe problem of poor Georgian language skills.Frustration with the Georgian military, whichessentially puts a glass-ceiling for Armenian recruits,who are simply not elevated to officer level. In that

W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O U G . 1 5

sense, many of the young people choosing the militaryoption in the region consider the Russian army as anoption, simply because of better resources and greatopportunities to rise up in rank. Frustration due to thepoor economic situation in the region – lack ofemployment opportunities and difficulty in having thenecessary funds to maintain a family. So many areforced to travel far and wide – to Russia, etc, — to beable to earn a decent wage to ensure their family hasthe most basic of necessities.And frustration is a very dangerous thing. If the rootcauses are not dealt withproperly, or if the governmentis not seen to be putting in anhonest effort to deal with theproblems, situationsdeteriorate and people turn tooptions that they would nototherwise resort to.On the other hand, Javakhkcould become a showcase forthe Georgian authorities todemonstrate to thebreakaway regions thatGeorgia is seriously ready toaccommodate them. Forexample, Georgia has offeredSouth Ossetia a high level ofautonomy, with greatadvantages to keep andflourish their language andculture. But, when theArmenians of Javakhk, who unlike the South Ossetianshave not raised any arms against Georgia, ask for thesame rights, they are called extremists or separatists.This does not help the situation.HAYTOUG: To what extent is the Armeniangovernment involved in Javakhk? What is its officialpolicy toward the region and how does this affectGeorgian-Armenian relations?ELIZABETH: The Armenian government has anumber of programs to help the people of Javakhk.Among them are education programs. The Armeniangovernment has time and again offered to assist the

Georgian authorities to ease the socio-economicsituation there, but so far those suggestions have fallenon deaf ears.The Armenian-Georgian relations are very delicate,because around 80% of Armenia’s land transport withthe rest of the world is through Georgia. Javakhk canbecome the strongest link between Armenia andGeorgia, if the Georgian authorities genuinely try toresolve the region’s problems and let the Armeniangovernment assist in its efforts.HAYTOUG: What have the economic, social, and

security implications of theBaku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline,which passes right through theregion, been for the residentsof Javakhk?ELIZABETH: It is interestingto note that the shorter routeof the BTC pipeline wasthrough Akhalkalak, but thethen president Shevardnadzeintervened to have it bypassAkhalkalak and go throughAkhaltskhe, expressingconcern that there’s a Russianmilitary base in Akhalkalak. Heknew, of course, that the basewould move out eventually.This didn’t help to get localsinterested in working on theconstruction of the pipeline.And, there’s still a concern in

Javakhk that at some point, Turkish forces could bebrought in to safeguard the security of the pipeline.HAYTOUG: Can you tell us a little about whichgovernmental and/or non-governmental agencies andorganizations are working in Javakhk? What is yourimpression of the size, nature, and impact of theirwork?ELIZABETH: There are a number of U.S. and Europeanentities working in Javakhk, focusing on democracybuilding to agriculture, to education, micro-enterpriseloans, etc. USAID is funding programs like AgVantage,through ACDI/VOCA, which is helping farmers get

THE DEFINITE SENSETHAT YOU GET FROMPEOPLE IS FRUSTRATION.FRUSTRATION THAT THEGEORGIAN GOVERN-MENT HAS PAID SOLITTLE ATTENTION TOTHE REGION AND LETTHE INFRASTRUCTUREDETERIORATE TO THELEVEL THAT IT HAS.

1 6 . W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O U G

better yields of their potato crops, milk and cheesesupplies and fisheries.As a total side note, some of the best potatoes inthe world (yes, in the world) come from Javakhk.Researchers actually sent Javakhk potatoes to theU.S. for study, and apparently they are unique intheir purity and quality. Javakhk is actually aheadof the U.S. in potato yield, able to plant more rowsof potatoes in the same amount of land, due to therichness and density of the Javakhk soil.But going back to other programs, groups likeUrban Institute are funding city infrastructureprojects throughout Georgia, including Javakhk. In2005, they helped renovate the mayoral buildingin Akhalkalak, provided garbage collection trucksto the city, installed street lamps, etc. Groups likeCHF are doing local infrastructure projects helpingprovide clean water, road repair, irrigation, schoolrenovation, etc.The Armenian Relief Society has been a leader incompleting regional health and youth projects.Since 2003, the ARS Javakhk Fund has set up adiagnostic center at the Akhalkalak Hospital, and16 Ambulatory Care Centers throughout Javakhk.They are currently working on providing eachAmbulatory Care Center with an ambulance totransport patients to regional hospitals asnecessary. The ARS has also opened a number ofYouth Centers in the region, in Aklhatsikhe andPoga, with other centers in progress. They alsocompletely renovated a school in Ghado village, nearAkhalkalak.But that’s not all. Some of the ARS projects are trulyinspirational. In one case, they held a mass baptismof villagers in Kardzakh, located a stones throw fromthe Turkish border. This may sound odd to us, butthe local church was used for target practice by theTurks in the early 20th century and later closeddown by the Soviet regime in 1933. No priest hadvisited the area in 70 years. The priests fromNinotsminda and Akhalkalak, Father Yeghia andFather Samuel, respectively, traveled to Kardzakhfor the ceremony where 70 children were baptized

and over 200 attended. It was a huge boost in moralefor the local community.HAYTOUG: What are some of the critical issuesfacing the Armenian youth of Javakhk? Are thereare any youth organizations active on the ground?If so, what sort of work do they carry out?ELIZABETH: First of all, let me say one thing. Iwas thoroughly impressed by all the young people Imet in Javakhk — bright, energetic and motivated.But I was equally disappointed by the lack ofresources available to them. Homenetmen has donework there, other youth organizations are alsoworking – but they are in need of outreach andassistance from AYF chapters around the world.The ARS has worked hard to provide youth centersin major cities – but those centers could usecomputers, internet facilities, recreational / exerciseequipment, books for a library. You get the idea. Andmost of all, they would enjoy meeting our youngpeople, doing a joint program, exchanging ideas onhow they can organize better, programs they cando.The opportunities are endless.HAYTOUG: What can Diaspora Armenians,specifically those of us in the United States, do tohelp improve conditions in Javakhk?ELIZABETH: The first thing to do is learn moreabout the region, the challenges they are facing andget a greater understanding of the day to day life inJavakhk. The next thing would be to work with theARS and through the AYF International office toexplore ways you can get active with the people andyouth in Javakhk.The main thing is – never take no for an answer.Keep asking questions and pitching projects untilyou find the one that would work for your region.Be creative with the resources available to youlocally and see how far you can take them in assistingthe community in Javakhk. Just as your programsin Armenia and Karabagh and here in the U.S., thesewill be some of the most rewarding projects that youwill work on.

For the full text of the interview pleasevisit the Haytoug section of www.AYFwest.org.

W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O U G . 1 7

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Photo by T. Yardemian

Photo by T. Yardemian

STRUGGLINGTO SURVIVE:ARMENIAN LIFE IN JAVAKHK

By Shant Baboujian

This summer I had the blessedopportunity to visit Javakhk for thefirst time. It was truly an eyeopening and mind-expandingjourney. Although it is importantto know our history in the countryof Georgia, the situation in Javakhkand the important role it plays inthe bigger politicalscheme have allowed us toturn our attention to thepeople in Javakhk. TheArmenians there livethrough economicsuppression, financialhardship, unemployment,injustices, and are deniedbasic human rights. Inthis article, I will do mybest to show mytranslations from thepeople of Javakhk, as Iexperienced theirdetermination, theirvigilance, and their fightfor basic human rights.

My trip began withnegotiations in Armenia withseveral taxi drivers to transport usto Javakhk. After several days andvisits to the taxi rest stop, we finallyfound a reasonable driver whowould take us to Javakhk at a fairprice, so we thought. The sensibleprice came with a life threateningdrive, by a man who believed that

God had created the world only forhim. As we were driving out ofYerevan, at what seemed to beclose to 80 mph, an Armenianpolice officer raised his baton tothe air to stop the speeding taxidriver. The driver completelyignored the police officer as hecontinued to speed away and

smoke cigarettes all the way toJavakhk.

As we approached theArmenian border I was filled withmixed emotions of anxiety andanger. I was anxious because Icouldn’t wait to see part of myhomeland and didn’t know what toexpect. On the other hand, I had

also become angry because of allthe things I had heard about whatthe Armenians of Javakhk endureon a daily basis. After paying ourdues to the Armenian Governmentfor our visas again, we enteredJavakhk. One sharp differencebetween Armenia and Javakhk wasapparent right at the border. The

roads on Armenianterritory were fixed andpaved. On the Georgianside, right after theborder, the roads weremade of dirt and rocks,without any pavement.Consequently, our speedhad to droptremendously. As wepassed a few villages, Inoticed a certain villagelifestyle, which was laborintensive. From children,to parents, and evengrandparents, they werecarrying hay, onhorseback, and doingfarm work.

Our first stop was at the first lakewe saw, called “Madatapa”. At thispoint, our very nationalistic guideNayri took out his well-hiddenArmenian flag and ran with it nearthe water. It was an amazing siteto the see the Garmeer, Gabouyd,Narinchakouyn flowing so mightyand proud. With each gust of wind,

W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O U G . 2 1

IT WAS AN AMAZING SITETO THE SEE THE GARMEER,GABOUYD, NARINCHA-KOUYN FLOWING SOMIGHTY AND PROUD.WITH EACH GUST OFWIND,THE FLAG ROAREDWITH A CALL TO ALLARMENIANS AROUNDTO WORLD TO WAKE UP.

the flag roared with a call to allArmenians around to world towake up. It was roaring with apurpose to quench its hunger forjustice and equality.

Throughout our 5-day trip, wetraveled from village to villagetalking to people and getting abetter understanding of how theylive out their days. The people ofJavakhk are by far the mosthospitable people I have met in mylife. We went from home to homeand were fed at each location.People treated each other withrespect and love. In the village ofDeleaf, we met a lady known to thevillage youth as Sona morkour.She lived off the land, making herown butter, bread, and used severaltypes of animals to survive. Shebrought us homemade wine, andcooked some eggs with about a jarof butter and forced us to eat. Thevillage youth came over to welcomeus, as we ate and they sangnationalistic songs about theirvillage. Sona morkour spoke a lot

about her homeland. She said thatalthough this was her home, shefeels like she is part of theDiaspora. She spoke sadly abouthow the displacement of ourpeople away from the homeland isunfortunate, but her soul and spiritrang with confidence when shespoke of how Javakhk will unitewith Armenia.

In the same village, we stoppedat an Armenian church. Thechurch had no roof, weeds weregrowing inside the church, and thedoor had a big lock to stop villagersfrom going inside. An old lady toldus about how the devout villagersprayed daily and lit candles whilewaxing them on the door of thechurch. She proudly claimed thatno ruined church or metal lockcould stand between the villagersand their faith.

As we traveled to Armenianschools throughout Javakhk, thesame theme of rubble rang allacross. With Georgian flags at thedoorsteps, most schools had walls

caving in, rooms closed offbecause roofs had collapsed,pictures of Fedayees hanging fromthe walls. These pictures signifieda struggle in many of the studentsand villagers in each town,including our guide Nayri. Thepeople of Javakhk are not willingto give up the lands, which theywere raised on. They arereminded each day that living inunbearable conditions could onlylead to a civil unrest.

Towards the end of our trip,we approached the Baku-Ceyhanpipeline headquarters.Surprisingly, in the middle ofpotato farms, the headquarterswas completely renovated withbrand new expensive cars in theparking lot. We were told thateven though this structure wasright in the center of Armenianpopulation, the government ofGeorgia did not employ anyArmenians here. When they areshort on workers, rather thanhiring local Armenians, they bring

2 2 . W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O UG

Photo by T. Yardemian

Picture of Bedros Tourian in a classroom atRuben DerMinassian Armenian SchoolAkhalkalak, Georgia

workers from different countries forcheaper pay, and keep the Armeniansunemployed. Right across the street fromthe headquarters, we saw an oldArmenian man farming potatoes. In his70’s, he was still doing labor-intensivework on the farm to survive.

We also had the opportunity to visitthe new agoump, which was built inAkhaltsikhe, with the help of theArmenian Relief Society. This part of mytrip gave great hope and strength to allthe despair I had experienced thus far.Without any furniture just yet, theArmenian center was filled with youthday and night. When we visited, somelocal youth were giving educationals tothe badanees on various topics. The kids,eager to learn, asked a lot of questions.The foundations of the Armenian peoplein Javakhk were being replanted in thechildren and gave them the opportunityto have a second home at the Armeniancenter.

On my way back from Javakhk, I hada lot of time to reflect on my trip. Itoccurred to me that our lives are sodifferent, but it was strange to be able toconnect instantly with the Javakhk youth. In America, the daily challenges of ouryouth include fighting assimilation;educating ourselves about our history;preparing young minds to serve as futureleaders; fighting for recognition,reparation, and restitution of theArmenian Genocide; and keepingourselves politicized. The Armenianyouth in Javakhk are faced with differentdaily struggles. They are forced to dealwith unemployment, a labor-intensivelifestyle, the fight to keep their heritageand culture alive, suppression from theirgovernment, and living with theuncertainty of their fate on that land.Although our daily struggles differ, we areboth Armenian youth actively workingtowards the betterment of our people andfor the future of our nation. The ideologythat makes us a nationalistic youth is alsothe one that unites us around the globe.

AN OLD LADY TOLD US ABOUTHOW THE DEVOUT VILLAGERSPRAYED DAILY AND LIT CANDLESWHILE WAXING THEM ON THEDOOR OF THE CHURCH. SHEPROUDLY CLAIMED THAT NORUINED CHURCH OR METALLOCK COULD STAND BETWEENTHE VILLAGERS AND THEIR FAITH.

W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O U G . 2 3Photo by T. Yardemian

CAUGHTBETWEEN AROCK ANDA HARDPLACEBy Shant Melkonian

Since independence, Georgiahas been one of the most vital andstrategic neighbors for Armenia.This strategic relationship is onebased largely on economic necessitydriven by Armenia’s dependence onGeorgia as the sole external link toRussia. With the dual blockadesposed by Turkey and Azerbaijan,Armenia relies on trade routesrunning through Georgia for muchof its commerce. This obviousdependant relationship has beenexploited with discriminatory pricestructuring for Armenian goodswhich pass through Georgia, as wellas being used as a sort of ransomheld over the heads of Javakhktsis.Armenia has been forced into a

social problem. With Armenia’seconomic viability at stake, Yerevanhas been forced to accept theconstraints inherent from such adependency; in this case the hollowpromises of reform within theregion of Javakhk. Taking intoaccount the economic neglect ofJavakhk and the inability ofArmenia to properly respond, thedesperate need for change exists inthis volatile relationship.

Relations between Javakhk andthe central Georgian governmenthave been strained for severaldecades, stemming from the latter’sconscious policy of economicneglect. For years Javakhk has beenthe most underdeveloped region inthe country, with the highestunemployment rate, lowest level of

state investment and home to oneof the oldest and most damagedinfrastructures in the area. TheJavakhk economy is being crippledby the Georgian government, whosmacks the region with neglect,leaving no room for economicstability or growth. They corral theirheavy wooden stick and imposeburdens on the citizens of Javakhk.This oppressive influence includescutting off the helping hand ofArmenia by limiting the amount andtype of resources Armenia is ableto provide for the region. In orderto establish economic stability,Javakhk’s citizens need control overaccumulation of necessaryresources—which is the naturaldesire of any people throughout theglobe—and the necessary jobs toimprove and grow this strugglingregion.

Javakhk has clearly beenunderserved by its parent countrywhich has ignored the regionseconomic development. TheRepublic of Armenia has tried togallop into this dire circumstanceas the white knight, providingresources and economic assistancefor this neighboring land. TheRepublic of Armenia has faced itsown share of economic suffering inpast years, but has recently seen aheightened level of progress as thecountry attracts ever increasingdevelopment and constructionprojects. The experience it hasgained through the struggles ofmanaging its own economy hascompelled Armenia to lend aninvaluable helping hand, one thathas rekindled the spirits of thisthirsty region. With the foresight ofkeeping Armenian culture andheritage alive in Javakhk, theRepublic of Armenia has played an

Javakhk’s Armenianpopulation. Looking closer atthis relationship we can beginto understand Georgia’spolitical strong-arming of this

position ofc o m p l a c e n c ywhen it comes tothe issue ofJavakhk and thetreatment of

24 . W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O UG

important role in assisting theArmenian population of Javakhk,with particularly notable examplesin the field of education. Forexample, the Armenian governmentallocates approximately 100 milliondram (about $180,000) annually fortextbooks and supplies to Javakhk’sschools. Another importantcomponent of this Armenian aidprogram is the award of specializedscholarships for Javakhk students inArmenian state universities.Administered by the ArmenianMinistry of Education, thisscholarship program waives alladmission and testing requirements,including financial enrollment feesfor university students fromJavakhk, in return for the pledgethat students return to their nativeland upon graduation.

Additionally, the ability forArmenia to supply electricitydirectly to Javakhk withoutconnecting to the main Georgiannational energy grid is a tremendousstep for the Republic of Armenia totake. Although someoutstanding questionsremain concerning theownership and paymentschedule for thisArmenian-Javakhkenergy deal, it allowsArmenia to directlymeet an important needof the Javakhkpopulation and sets animportant precedent inestablishing a specialArmenian role inassisting the region.

However, thereremains much to bedesired in terms oftangible aid to the dailylives of the citizens of

Javakhk. There exists the seriousneed by the Armenian nation (in itsentirety) to aid Javakhk.

In Soviet years, there were threelarge factories in Javakhk, makingcheese, cement and cables. Now allthree stand idle, victims of theSoviet collapse and asset strippingafter industry was privatized. Thepeople of Javakhk mainly survivein three ways today: by simplecommerce, through working at thelocal Russian military base andperiodically leaving for seasonallabor in Russia.

Commerce in the region is veryunderdeveloped; the mostdeveloped facet being theagricultural sector, focused on thecultivation of cereals (barley, wheat,oats) and potatoes as well asstockbreeding (cows and sheep).Individuals who own shops facediscrimination and wholesaleclosures while those who workwithin the local government faceindiscriminate firing, only to havetheir jobs filled by Georgians. Local

industry is virtually nonexistent,aside from the service industryconnected with the local Russianmilitary base.

The Russian military base is thebackbone of the region, but faces a

W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O U G 2 5

Photos by T. Yardemian

2 6 . W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O UG

plan for evacuation in 2008. Thebase has been favorable to theArmenian population of Javakhkbecause of the jobs it is able toprovide for the region. The 62ndDivisional Russian base atAkhalkalaki, with its force of 3000soldiers, is home to the Russian147th Motorized Rifle Division. Itis also the largest, and onlyreliable, source of employment inJavakhk. The base provides jobsfor several thousand localArmenians, offers the localworkers access to decent healthcare and includes the operation ofa 500-person factory on thegrounds of the base. Someestimates also reveal that nearlyhalf of the region’s population isengaged in work related toproviding goods and services to thebase, a fact of obvious importanceto the struggling Javakhk regionaleconomy and its highunemployment rate. Nearly half ofthe 3000 Russian soldiers, bothofficers and enlisted men,stationed at the base are in factlocal Armenian residents. Thenegotiated closure of the Russianmilitary facilities in Georgia hasbeen ongoing for several years,with the Javakhk Armeniansconsistently opposed and fearful ofthe implications and insecurity thatwould result from a Russianwithdrawal. The Russian militarypresence in the region, firstestablished in 1828, offered theJavakhk Armenians their onlytangible reassurance in the face ofthe population’s fear of the Turks.Having a border with Turkey twiceas long as with Armenia, Javakhk

is quite vulnerable to a potentialTurkish offensive. Therefore, theRussian military presence alsoserves as a strategic defense againstpossible Turkish aggression.Unfortunately, the Armenian

population in the region has not hadvery much of a say in the Russianevacuation and many fear that thebase risks eventually falling into thehands of Istanbul or NATO.

For Javakhktsis who are not“fortunate” enough to have workassociated with the military base,conditions force the malepopulation to seasonally migrate toRussia in search of work, onlyreturning to their families in the

Ruben DerMinassianArmenian School

Akhalkalak, Georgia

winter. This phenomenon hasproven to be a leading factor of thepopulation’s demise. As morepeople leave less are coming back.

Recently the MillenniumChallenge Corporation pledgedover $102 million for therehabilitation and construction of245 kilometers of main roads toreconnect Javakhk with its capital.Only time will tell if this helpsrevive the local economies andhelps keep Javakhk’s populationArmenian.

How we deal with Javakhktoday is a premier question whichwill affect the future of theArmenian story. As the pagesunfold, will they deliver adepressing assessment of whathappened to Armenians there orwill they tell us how the regionadded economic value to a unitedArmenian state, comprised of theRepublic of Armenia, Karabagh,Nakhichevan, and Javakhk?

Discriminatory policy inJavakhk aimed at pressuring thelocal Armenian population tomigrate must end. The future ofJavakhk and its residence rests inits ability to govern itselfautonomously within theframework of a Georgianfederation and to serve as anintermediary of economicintegration between Georgia andArmenia. Providing both sides thistype of cooperation could solve allaccumulated issues by providingthe people an opportunity toexpand their ties to both Tbilisiand Yerevan, benefiting all three.

Source: This article is based in part on the following:Khatchik Der Ghoukassian and Richard Giragosian. 2001. Javakhk: Stability Through Autonomy.

Photo by T. Yardemian

W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O U G . 2 7

By Lilian AbedianLiving in a region where socio-economic

pressures are increasing and culture iscontinually threatened, Armenians worldwidemust do as much as they can to help the residentsof Javakhk and at the same time help preservethe conceptualization of the complete Armenianidentity.

Many organizations including the ArmenianYouth Federation, the Javakhk Fund and theArmenian Relief Society have made Javakhk apriority on their agendas. The AYF, withits thirteen chapters throughout the WesternRegion, tries to raise awareness amongst itsmembers and communities and contribute by allmeans, financial and otherwise.

Whether it’s by holding chapter educationalsto strengthen knowledge and understanding ofthis forgotten region or by creating fundraisingevents to contribute directly to Javakhk, the AYFhas kept Javakhk a part of its consciousness withthe hopes of one day seeing this Armenianpopulated region grow and flourish.

Reconnecting with the homeland has been anomnipresent theme within the AYF. Whetherwith Armenia proper, Karabagh or Javakhk, theimportance for Armenian Diasporan youth tohave a connection to their ancestry is invaluable.One project organized by the AYF with theintentions of strengthening our bond withHayastan is Youth Corps. Youth Corps is one ofthe best opportunities for Armenian youth toengage in and to play an active role in making atangible difference within our homeland. Theprogram allows young Armenians to spendapproximately five weeks in Armenia andKarabagh supplying the manpower to villageswhere residents are attempting to rebuild theirlives. By helping with the rebuilding process,participants establish priceless relationships

ANSWERING THE QUESTION:WHAT’S BEING DONE?

with locals, as well as the land itself. Aside fromsupplying real, positive assistance to ourbrethren in Armenia, participants experience thehomeland in the most meaningful way.Recognizing the need for Diasporan assistance,the AYF is in planning to hold future Youth Corpsprograms within the Javakhk region. One morebuilding block in the progress of our nation. Formore information about the AYF Youth Corpsprogram please contact www.AYFwest.org.

The Armenian Relief Society (ARS), theorganizing body of the Javakhk Fund, has beenworking towards the economic, spiritual andcultural betterment of Javakhk for many yearsnow. With multifaceted humanitarian programsoperating in Javakhk, the ARS tries to help thepeople to help themselves. Due to an insufficientamount of hospitals and medical assistance,much aid goes to providing access to health care.Since unemployment is a major issue in Javakhk,farming projects such as production plants arebeing established to help the economic hardshipof unemployed residents. Besides providingbasic medical aide and agricultural opportu-nities, one of the organizations proudestcontributions to the people of Javakhk is theopenings of youth centers in the region. Thecenters, which contain libraries, compu-ter stations and cafés, serve as a dis-tinct environment for the youth. Used forvarious events such as athletic games, seminarsand as venues to host lectures, as well asfor entertainment purposes, the centers havecreated an atmosphere which fosters Armenianculture, language and heritage. The ARS hasmany projects planned for the near future,including work within the local schools ofJavakhk. For more information about theArmenian Relief Society please contactwww.ARS1910.org.

By Vatche Soghomonian

Western Armenia consistsof cities such as Van, Moush,Gars, Ardahan and manyothers. Today, WesternArmenia is under Turkishcontrol and belongs to theRepublic of Turkey.

In the years following theArmenian Genocide and theArmenian battles forindependence in Sardarabad,Gharakiliseh, and Bash Abaran,the 28th President of the UnitedStates, Woodrow Wilson—along with Turkey and the

Allied Powers—signed the Treatyof Sèvres which promised theformation of “WilsonianArmenia”. This Armenia had itsborders stretched to the BlackSea and incorporated such landsas Van, Moush, Gars, Bitlis,Erzerum, Trebizond and so on.However, the Treaty of Sèvreswas not enforced and theOttoman Turkish Governmentnever respected these borders.

As a result, the worldexpected Armenians to forgetabout Sèvres and forget the landspromised by it. They made theseexpectations as if these lands

THEIRSTRUGGLEISOURSTRUGGLE

were never ours in the first placeand we had no tie to them. Eighty-eight years have passed since thesigning of the Treaty, and in thoseeighty-eight years, we have notonce forgotten its text, nor have weforgotten the lands; our lands.

Why are these lands soimportant to us? Why do theymatter? The simplest responsewould be, because they representour past and future. No matterhow long they have been takencaptive they are still ours.Armenians have lived on theselands from the beginning of ourhistory including the time periodthroughout the existence of theOttoman Empire. On these landswe preserved our history, religion,culture, and language, regardlessof Turkish oppression. Armenianswere always the majoritypopulation in these lands; in areaslike Sassoun, Zietoun, Cilicia, andVan, the Armenian majority keptand defended actual autonomy—meaning they had self governingcommunities within the OttomanEmpire. Imagine Armenians in theUnited States, being the majoritypopulation in a city, and thengoverning that city with its ownlaws. That is what we had inWestern Armenia until Turkscarried out the Genocide.Armenians in western provinceswere slaughtered by the Turks anddriven from their homes. In areaslike Van, we fought, not with anexpectation of victory; rather wefought from an instinctual reactionto prolong survival.

Today, the whole world may

2 8 . W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O UG

WHEN THINGS GOT HEATED AND WARBROKE OUT THE DIASPORA STOOD UPAND SAID, “OUR BROTHERS AND SISTERS,WE REMEMBER YOU AND WE ARE YOU.”

W I N T E R . 2 0 0 7 . H A Y T O UG . 2 9

believe that these lands actuallybelong to Turkey, that there is noway they will come back to theirrightful owners, and they verywell may be right. Logic says thatTurkey has no reason to fearArmenia militarily and so far nottoo much reason to worry legally.Collectively, as Armenians wemay see this task of getting ourlands back as a goal for dreamersand idealists while we continue towait for the internationalcommunity to condemn Turkeyand recognize the ArmeniaGenocide. Along with thatrecognition, we also hope that theinternational community willdemand reparations andrestitution from Turkey in theform of the return of our occupiedterritories.

I was fortunate enough tohave gone to Western Armenia.There, I was able to swim in LakeVan, to see the Monastery ofAkhtamar and to climb themountains which our Fedayeesclimbed. I was able to stand onSolugki Gamourj, the Bridge ofSolugh, where Kevork Chavoush

fought and died. I was in Van,where our people heroicallyfought against the Turks whowere attempting to wipe out ourexistence. It was in Western

Armenia that I walked the landthat our forefathers and motherslived on, fought for, and died for.

Without struggle there is noprogress. This is something wemust repeat to ourselves daily.After the Genocide and into the1980’s, the dream of havingKarabagh seemed so distant; thedream of having an independentArmenia seemed so remote. It didnot seem possible that thoselands would once again be ours,but the actions and sacrifices ofdreamers and idealists made itreality.

We simply did not forgetabout Armenia, about Karabagh;we chose not to accept theconcept that Karabagh was lostand will never be ours again. Wetold our mothers, fathers, sisters,and brothers in Karabagh that wethink of them, we love them, westand with them in their struggleand that their struggle is ourstruggle. We sent them clothes,food and anything else we could.It was then that we knew that, asa people, we were united, and nomatter what hardships we go

through and how manythousands of miles apart we are,the lives of any Armenian affectsthe lives of all Armenians.

When things got heated and

war broke out the Diaspora stoodup and said, “Our brothers andsisters, we remember you and weare you.” During the Karabaghwar we sent anything we could tohelp the fight. In addition tosupplies, we sent something else,something that showed that wesimply do not see Karabagh as aplace in need of charity; that wedo not help Karabagh to makeourselves feel better. TheDiaspora sent something thatshowed that we are Karabaghtsisas well: we sent lives. Manypeople went to fight and die sothat that land could once again beours. It has been 14 years sincethe cease-fire and that war is byno means over, but we havesucceeded; succeeded in the factthat we have regained control ofKarabagh and succeeded inproving to ourselves the resilienceof our people… when united.

We must now once againcome together, unified, to the aidof our Javakhk. Here too we finda land of subjugated Armeniansawaiting the aid of the vast powerwhich is our Diaspora. Just likewe sent the message to Karabagh,we will send the message toJavakhk. Just as we areKarabaghtsi, we are at the sametime Javakhktsi as well, and wedo not see their struggle forsurvival as “their struggle”because it is OUR struggle.

When thinking about theArmenian Nation, think about thefollowing:

No one is free when anyothers are oppressed…

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Photo by T. Yardemian

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You have a gunAnd I am hungry

You have a gunBecause I am hungry

You have a gunTherefore I am hungry

You can have a gunYou can have a thousand bullets and even another thousand

You can waste them all on my poor bodyYou can kill me one, two, three, two thousand, seven thousand times

But in the long runI will always be better armed than you

If you have a gunAnd I

Only hunger.- Otto Rene Castillo

Photo by T. Yardemian

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