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+ + Hazing: The Silent Crisis Rebecca Lockhart University of Denver

Hazing: The Silent Crisis

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Research Project Angela Sowa May 2015 University of Denver

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Hazing: The Silent

Crisis

Rebecca Lockhart University of Denver

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Table of Contents: Chapter 1 – Introduction…3

Chapter II – Review of Literature…4

Chapter III – Methodology…7

Chapter IV – Results…8

Chapter V – Discussion & Conclusion…11

Works Cited…12

Appendix…13

About the Author…14

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Chapter I: Introduction

Hazing is a longstanding tradition as a part of initiation practices in collegiate organizations across the nation. Most commonly associated with Greek organizations, hazing is usually portrayed in the media upon serious or fatal accidents involving binge drinking and other forced activities by group members. Ideally, the purpose of hazing is to unify group members and initiates under the common ground that every person has suffered through equal humiliation, pain, and amusement in the past, present, and years to come. However, it only takes a few personal accounts of the trauma and some news reports of alcohol poisoning to rethink this supposed ritual of unity and brotherhood.

As a student at the University of Denver, I recognize that school organizations, especially Greek life, are a prominent aspect of social life on campus. With over twenty Greek organizations on and around campus, many students are actively involved and devoted to their designated social group. These students appear to be happy as members of these organizations, but a pressing question still troubled me: What lengths did these students go to in order to join an organization?

In order to gain greater insight on the inner-workings of my school and the actions of my fellow students, I sought to inquire the truth behind the school’s organizations, specifically initiation practices involving hazing. Though a common misconception, hazing is not exclusive to Greek life. I have heard stories of freshmen on sports teams being forced to participate in drinking just as I have heard stories of pledges of a fraternity having to do favors for their brothers. While it seems apparent that hazing occurs on the DU campus, the key is that these instances are stories, not facts. In hopes of understanding the prevalence of potentially harmful hazing practices in all organizations on my campus, I needed to first understand student perceptions such practices.

This research outlines the perceptions of hazing on the campus of University of Denver as well as other college campuses across the nation. In asking students if they know someone who has been affected by hazing, this research provides a foundation for understanding how prevalent hazing is on the University of Denver campus in comparison to other college campuses. Provided that hazing does in fact occur on the DU campus, the research then describes perceptions of hazing based on demographics. Ultimately, the research seeks to understand how two major demographics perceive hazing -- men compared to women, and Greek-affiliated students and students unaffiliated with the Greek system. While students’ responses suggested that University of Denver practices are not significantly different from practices on other campuses, the research indicates that perceptions of such factors as hazing incidents and benefits of hazing vary depending on your demographic.

The following chapter will demonstrate supplementary studies regarding hazing practices in the United States. Further, some studies will exemplify similar methods of research, as I describe in Chapter 3. The coming chapters will provide you with insights on the prevalence of hazing on both the University of Denver campus as well as campuses across the nation. Further, you will recognize clear distinctions between demographic groups, most interestingly, those affiliated with Greek organizations and those who are not. The hope is to make the practices of my schools’ organizations more transparent and create a discussion on these issues. It is not a discussion of whether or not such dangers are occurring, but rather how we view them and how they can be changed.

 

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Chapter II Review of Literature

Collegiate organizations commonly use hazing practices as means of creating unity among group members and fostering cohesiveness within the group. While hazing as an initiation ritual is intended to strengthen group member relationships, evidence suggests that such criminal practices are conversely associated with less cohesion. In fact, professors from the University of Arkansas and John Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health found that “Hazing is directly responsible for numerous physical injuries and mental trauma which have a lasting impact on initiates.”1 In addition to evidence of psychological effects, hazing has been linked to death and chronic injury. Reports indicate, “At least 56 fraternity and sorority deaths occurred from 1970 to 1999.”2 Despite widely publicized cases of physical and psychological harm related to hazing, organizations perpetuate such practices. In attempt to understand why organizations continue committing criminal acts assuming such practices will unify the group, researchers delve into studies on college campuses.

However, research on hazing practices is difficult due to the illicit behaviors of hazing and group members’ confidentiality. As a result, researchers are able to assess the prevalence of hazing through anonymous research methods. In order to best understand hazing prevalence and its effects on individuals, researchers must gather data from many social demographics. For example, members of a Greek organization may be more familiar with the specific practices of hazing; non-Greek students may recognize the effects that hazing has on initiates. In order to supplement my study on perceptions of hazing at the University of Denver, I will evaluate various studies on students’ attitudes toward and experiences with hazing in the Untied States. The demographic relationships that I will focus on for the purpose of my study include the perceptions of hazing according to students categorized by Greek versus non-Greek, Male vs. Female, and Initiated members vs. Initiates.

Hazing, though officially banned by national Greek organizations, is highly prevalent as part of Greek initiation rituals. In studying how students who participate in a Greek organization perceive hazing in comparison to students unaffiliated with the Greek system, research shows that “members of Greek organizations displayed more positive beliefs about the purpose of pledging.”3 Despite many instances of

_________________________ 1 Montague, Zohra, Love, McGee 258 2 Sodl, Bassora, Huffman, Kennan 228 3 Drout and Corsoro 536

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hazing resulting in fatal alcohol overdose, many “Greek students indicated a greater belief that hazing is fun,”4 while non-Greek students reported having a greater perception of potential harmfulness of hazing than did Greek students.”1 Such positive beliefs by existing Greek members may be biased due to a positive perception of the fraternity itself and the accomplishment of becoming a member. More specifically, Greek students may feel that hazing is beneficial since it resulted in the positive outcomes related to membership, though hazing itself may be perceived negatively. Further, studies show that the more often students participate in acts of hazing such as binge drinking, the more likely they are to perceive their actions as customary, while those who do not engage in such acts within the Greek system, recognize the dangers in such initiation practices. As a result, student affiliated with the Greek system generally perceive hazing positively, while those unaffiliated with the system are more likely to perceive hazing negatively.

While hazing is commonly associated with fraternities and male-dominant organizations, females are also familiar with hazing practices and the influences such practices have on individuals. In a study that sought to identify how different demographic groups would perceive a hazing overdose incident, Southern University of New York professors Cheryl Drout and Christie Corsoro focused on the attitudes of sorority members in comparison to fraternity members. Drout and Corsoro found that “sorority members held [the fraternity President] more responsible than the fraternity members.”3 Such evidence supports the idea that women find hazing immoral and seek blame, while fraternity members were found to blame involuntary causes. Following the consensus that females are more cognizant of the lack of justice in hazing, a second study found that “females admitted to feeling more susceptible to the dangers of hazing and to believing that hazing is more harmful.”4 One may question that if women view hazing more negatively than men, would they be less likely to participate in hazing practices if given the opportunity. In analyzing hazing in the context of sports culture, Jay Johnson and Margery Holman found that “Females are…more willing to resist participating in these practices… This may suggest that females who are self-assured and educated about the socially constructed values…understand that hazing does not contribute to a positive…experience.”5 Ultimately, the combined research suggests that women are more likely to recognize hazing as dangerous and ineffective in unifying group members. From this, one could assume that far less women participate in hazing than men.

In addition to studies on contrasting demographics, researchers have also participated in extensive studies on the relationship between hazing perceptions of existing members of an organization compared to those of new members. Though members of organizations generally perceive hazing positively, research indicates that hazing is perpetuated mainly due to tradition. Supporting this idea, Jessica Chin and Jay Johnson found that organizations strive to “preserve their ability to maintain their ‘rite of passage’ cycle.”6 In context of hazing in sports, Jennifer Waldron and Christopher Kowalski found a similar ideology behind hazing in that “participants highlighted the need to preserve the power structure of the team.”7 If members perceive hazing as necessary to preserve both a rite of passage tradition and a hierarchy within the organization, research suggests that hazing is a perpetual cycle. When dangerous practices such as forced drinking are involved in such a cycle, there is undoubtedly a “cycle  of  violence  whereby  the  high-­‐rate victims have a greater tendency to become high-rate abusers.”8 On the corollary, new members seeking membership perceive hazing as necessary as well. Studies found that “initiates endure hazing to be considered ‘legitimate’ members of the organization and implied that to not be hazed is tantamount to not being worthy of full membership.”1 Ultimately there is a shared view by both initiated and new members that hazing is necessary as a result of long-standing tradition, however it is necessary to acknowledge that existing members perpetuate this idea.

_________________________ 4 Campo, Poulos, Sipple 4 5 Johnson and Holman, 8 6 Chin and Johnson 32 7 Waldron and Kowalski 296 8 Owen, Burke, Vichesky 50

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By analyzing the relationships between different demographics in terms of hazing perceptions, researchers are able to make significant assessments on both the prevalence and effects of hazing in the United States. As a result of these studies, one can suggest that in general Greek-affiliated students, men, and initiated group members are more favorable toward hazing practices compared to their counterparts. Despite such research, most studies contend, “Hazing is associated with less, not more, [group] cohesion.”9 In attempt to validate this statement as well as the overall results of the studies within this chapter, I will supplement these findings with my own research. I will use research at the University of Denver to study the correlations between student hazing perceptions according to the demographics discussed in this chapter. In the following chapter, I demonstrate the methodology of my research and its parallels with the methodology of the studies described within this chapter.

_________________________ 9 Van Raalte, Cornelius, Linder, Brewer 491

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Data for this study were collected as part of a study to examine college students’ perceptions of hazing on college campuses nationwide as well as on the campus of University of Denver. Research was conducted through a voluntary and anonymous survey according to the conditions of the Institutional Review Board. Because the focus of the study was general student perceptions from University of Denver as well as college campuses nationwide, the survey was available to students from many universities in the U.S. In order to get a substantial sample for the study, the survey was sent to respondents through both email and Facebook.

The hazing-related questions in the survey, described in the appendix on page 13, do not ask respondents if they have committed illegal acts of hazing nor do they ask respondents to specify if they have been hazed in an illicit manner. The questions were asked in such a way as to minimize emotional effects on respondents. By refraining from questions involving specific criminal hazing practices, the survey allows respondents to avoid feeling guilt upon disclosure of illicit activity. Further, students will not feel responsible for disclosing any illicit acts of their organization, refraining from making any individual or associated individual the subject of a legal case. Because many ethical and legal concerns, such as harassment, underage drinking, and abuse, among others, are commonly involved in hazing, the nature of the survey questions and the factor of anonymity seek to minimize both ethical and legal concerns.

Questions from this survey were based off a study by Shelly Campo, Gretchen Poulos, and John W. Sipple, published as “Prevalence and Profiling: Hazing Among College Students and Points of Intervention.” The study sought to determine the prevalence of hazing on campus as well as students’ beliefs and attitudes toward hazing in terms of how respondents of a web-based survey assessed a list of team-building and initiative activities (TBIs). The TBIs included “participating in a drinking contest/games, being deprived of sleep, and being kidnapped or transported and abandoned,” among many practices. The TBIs demonstrate relevant and common practices of hazing reported nationwide and were used to measure how prevalent such activities were on college campuses according to my sample population. Several of the TBIs from study by Campo, Poulos, and Sipple were used in this research project. Respondents were asked to choose from a list of TBIs, which activities they believe are practiced on their college campus.

To measure students’ perceptions of hazing on colleges campuses both nationwide and at the University of Denver, respondents were sent a voluntary and anonymous survey through email and/or Facebook. Subjects were 53 college students (40 students from the University of Denver and 13 from another, unspecified college in the U.S.) and further indicated that the participants consisted of 15 males and 38 females. Respondents indicated their closest affiliation with a college organization, including fraternities, sororities, sports teams, school organizations, and the option to be unaffiliated (5 respondents fraternity members, 15 sorority members, and 7 members of a sports team participated in the study). Respondents were asked to indicate if they agree with statements regarding hazing prevalence and efficacy, among many aspects.

To access more information on the research by Campo, Poulos, and Sipple, reference page 12.

Chapter III Methodology

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Chapter IV Results

Of the 53 students that participated in the Web-based survey, 40 students were from the University of Denver and 13 students were students of universities unspecified in the data. The students were 15 males and 38 females.

Perceptions of Hazing at the University of Denver vs. Non-DU Students

Of the 40 student respondents at the University of Denver, 80% reported knowing someone who has been hazed at their school while only 20% of students reported having been hazed in some form at their school. In comparison, of the students that did not indicate their university reported, 100% of students reported knowing someone who has been hazed at their school and 69.2% of students reported that they themselves had been victims of some form of hazing. Because a University of Denver student conducted this study, fellow students from the institution may have withheld information so as to disclose illicit activity done by their selected organizations.

The entire population of respondents, both from the University of Denver and other universities, perceived hazing as having no benefit or success in bringing individuals of a group closer together. Of the DU students, 70% believe that hazing does not help groups get to know one another, while 69.2% of non-DU students reported the same argument.

Because hazing is intended to foster stronger relationships between group members through traditional initiation practices, such findings are significant. Given that the majority of both DU and non-DU students indicated that they know someone who has been hazed, we can assume that the respondents are familiar with specific hazing experiences. Therefore, it can be determined that respondents used lived experiences to decide that hazing practices are not

successful in unifying group members. This suggests that students have witnessed examples of unsuccessful hazing as a result of knowing hazed individuals.

While students have reported hazing as being unsuccessful in unifying members, students are not confident that such practices will soon be terminated. Of the DU respondents, 85% of students indicated that hazing would continue on their campus due to tradition. Similarly, 92.3% of non-DU respondents agreed that such practices would continue on their campuses. Despite animosity toward the initiation methods, few students believe that the practices are subject to change as a result of the deep-rooted tradition within the groups.

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Female vs. Male Perceptions of Hazing

Hazing practices: Respondents were asked to identify from a list provided within the survey the hazing practices that they perceive to occur on their campuses. Generally men and women perceive the same occurrences of hazing practices on college campuses. Forced drinking is the most commonly perceived practice of hazing (87.5% of women, 85.7% of men). Following forced drinking, both men and women perceive the most common hazing practices as being forced sleep deprivation, doing personal favors for existing members, and being forced to wear certain clothing. In contrast, physical assault, forced drug use, and destroying of property were found to be the least commonly perceived practices of hazing by both male and female college students. In terms of the practices of hazing, it can be determined that gender does not

influence students’ perceptions of hazing practices.

Effects of Hazing on Hazing Victims: When asked to identify how hazing affects the victim of hazing, respondents chose from the following: ability to complete schoolwork, emotional stability, overall health, relationships with friends, and relationships with family. In all cases but the victim’s relationship with his/her family, women responded with perceptions that hazing practices have more effects on the individual being hazed in comparison to men. Both men and women respondents believe that the biggest effect of hazing is on the individual’s emotional stability (90% of women, 64.30% of men). In contrast, respondents of both genders believe that individuals’ relationships with

their families are least affected by hazing practices (20% of women, 21.40% of men). Ultimately, respondents agree that the greatest effects of hazing reside in academics, emotional, and physical health.

Greek vs. Non-Greek Perceptions of Hazing

Hazing is a dominant tradition in the Greek system to initiate members into the organization. As a result, hazing may be perceived differently from existing members of a fraternity or sorority and individuals who do not affiliate with a Greek organization. Of the 53 respondents, 21 students were Greek-affiliated while 32 students were not part of a Greek organization.

Efficacy of Hazing: Respondents were asked if they believed hazing practices are helpful in terms of unifying group members during the process of initiation. Of the respondents, only 33% of Greek-affiliated students and 18.75% of non-Greek students believed that hazing is helpful in bringing group members together. It can be determined that Greek affiliation does not influence one’s perception on whether or not hazing is helpful in unifying group members. Further, while it seems

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that Greek-affiliated students are slightly more favorable to the benefits of hazing practices, it can be determined that hazing is widely unaccepted for serving a purpose within groups.

Responsibility of Hazing Incidents: Hazing is often publicized in media only when fatal incidents occur such as alcohol or drug overdose. A controversial debate then follows as to who is responsible for the incident: group members, the individual being hazed, or both parties. To determine if Greek-affiliated students perceived such incidents differently than those unaffiliated with the Greek system, students were asked to indicate who is at fault for incidents that result from hazing practices. Of the Greek-affiliated respondents, 71.4% of students viewed both parties as being at fault and 23.8% blamed group members for hazing incidents. In comparison, 50% of non-Greek students viewed both parties as being at fault and 43.75% of students blamed group members. It seems that Greek-affiliated students, who may be more familiar with hazing practices or feel that hazing is a mutual practice rather than actions forced onto individuals, would view a hazing incident as being the responsibility of all members involved. Contrarily, students unaffiliated with hazing practices of Greek organizations would more often blame group members than Greek-students would. This may indicate that non-Greek students view individuals being hazed as victims and group members as aggressors, while Greek-students view the hazing hierarchy as more of a equal group with both group members and joining members having equal involvement.

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As we have speculated, hazing widely occurs on college campuses across the nation as well as the campus of the University of Denver. However, that was not the focus on inquiry. The fact that this study failed to include specific hazing practices or particular groups involved is not a concern. What is a concern is that 80% of the DU students and 100% of the non-DU students who participated in this study indicated knowing someone who has been affected by hazing practices. Worse, 74% of all respondents believed that hazing lacks any valid benefit in unifying group members, which is the intended purpose of such practices.

With an overwhelming number of students familiar with cases of hazing, they seem to be credible sources on the topic. Meaning, these students likely used the experiences of their friends to determine whether or not hazing successfully unifies group members. Such experiences were also used to indicate how hazing negatively affects individuals and the kinds of activities involved in hazing. Despite perceiving hazing as an unsuccessful, dangerous practice, respondents strongly believed that hazing would continue as a result of being tradition and deeply ingrained in organizations. Such a paradox is a grave threat to the health and well being of college students not only at the University of Denver, but any collegiate campus where hazing is being practiced.

Rather than use this information as a forecast for the demise of college students, this study may serve as motivation to promote change. Many of the participants of this survey are involved in Greek life, meaning they are most likely involved in hazing practices, and will continue to be forced into committing hazing just as new members are forcibly victimized. Such individuals are starkly contradicting their beliefs and therefore acting as passive members of their organization. In order to alter the stigma that hazing is a permanent part of college life, individuals must refuse to commit such practices. Students must find alternative methods to initiation that do not involve forcibly requiring individuals to participate in dangerous or uncomfortable activities.

My research as an Undergraduate student was limited in time, participation, and funding. Had I been given more time for my research, I would have included a much larger sample in my data across more universities in the nation. Because I sent the web-based survey to my classmates via email and to my friends via Facebook, the respondents were limited to two main regions: the Denver area and New England. In order to gain more credibility and more accurate findings, I would send my survey to multiple colleges, varying in student size, of different regions of the United States. Further, I would conduct interviews with students willing to contribute their perspectives on hazing at their university, ensuring anonymity in the publication of my research.

Further research of hazing should and must be conducted in order to make progress toward ending the dangerous and persistent practices of hazing. Such research may include studies on the success of alternative methods of initiation in Greek organizations so as to promote these practices if they are found to be useful. Other research could be done regarding the psychological impacts of hazing, as researchers commonly give attention to the physical dangers associated with hazing. All of such information would greatly benefit organizations by educating members on the potential consequences of their actions. It is not the intention of college students to hurt their friends, but ignorance is the greatest danger.

Chapter V Discussion & Conclusion

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Campo, S., G. Poulos, and J. W. Sipple. "Prevalence and Profiling: Hazing among College Students and Points of Intervention." American Journal of Health Behavior 29.2 (2005): 137-49.

Chin, Jessica W., and Jay Johnson. "Making the Team: Threats to Health and Wellness within Sport Hazing Cultures." International Journal of Health, Wellness & Society 1.2 (2011): 29-38.

Drout, Cheryl E., and Christie L. Corsoro. "ATTITUDES TOWARD FRATERNITY HAZING AMONG FRATERNITY MEMBERS, SORORITY MEMBERS, AND NON-GREEK STUDENTS." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 31.6 (2003): 535-43.

Johnson, Jay, and Margery Holman. "Gender and Hazing: The Same but Different." Journal of Physical Education, Recreation & Dance 80.5 (2009): 6-9.

Keating, Caroline F., et al. "Going to College and Unpacking Hazing: A Functional Approach to Decrypting Initiation Practices among Undergraduates." Group Dynamics: Theory, Research, and Practice 9.2 (2005): 104-26.

Owen, Stephen S., Tod W. Burke, and David Vichesky. "Hazing in Student Organizations: Prevalence, Attitudes, and Solutions." Oracle: The Research Journal of the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors 3.1 (2008): 40-58.

Sodl, Jeffrey F., et al. "Traumatic Myositis Ossificans as a Result of College Fraternity Hazing." Clinical orthopaedics and related research 466.1 (2008): 225.

Van Raalte, Judy L., et al. "The Relationship between Hazing and Team Cohesion." Journal of Sport Behavior 30.4 (2007): 491.

Waldron, Jennifer J., and Christopher L. Kowalski. "Crossing the Line: Rites of Passage, Team Aspects, and Ambiguity of Hazing." Research quarterly for exercise and sport 80.2 (2009): 291-302.

Zohra, Israt Tusty, et al. "Hazing Typologies: Those Who Criminally Haze and those Who Receive Criminal Hazing." Victims & Offenders 3.2 (2008): 258-74.

Work Cited

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1. Are you a student at the University of Denver? (Yes/No) 2. Are you male or female? (Male/Female) 3. What group do you most associate with?

a. Fraternity, Sorority, Sports team, School organization, I do not associate with any school groups, Other

4. How much do you agree with the following statements? a. Hazing helps group members get to know one another b. I know someone who has been hazed at my school c. Hazing is a problem at my school d. Hazing practices are likely to continue because they are tradition e. I have experienced some form of hazing at my school

5. Please rank the following according to what groups you believe participate in the most hazing practices:

a. Fraternities b. Sororities c. Sports teams

6. Hazing affects individuals in regards to their: a. Emotional stability b. Ability to complete school work c. Relationships with friends d. Relationships with family e. Overall health f. Other (please specify)

7. Incidents caused by hazing (injuries, overdose, etc.) are the responsibility of: a. Group members b. Individuals being initiated c. Both group members and individuals being initiated d. Incidents are accidental and no one is at fault

8. Please check the hazing practices that you think occur at your school: a. Forced drinking b. Forced drug use c. Physical assault d. Destroying property e. Wearing certain clothing f. Carrying around unnecessary objects g. Doing personal favors for initiated members h. Being deprived of sleep i. Being kidnapped or transported j. Being forced to eat something k. Other (please specify)

9. How many people do you know that have been hazed at your school? a. (1-5), b. (5-10), c. (10+), d. None

Appendix:

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About the Author Rebecca Lockhart

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Rebecca Lockhart is a freshman undergraduate student at the University of Denver. She is a major of International Studies with a minor in French studies. After graduating high school in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, Lockhart studied in Southeast Asia before enrolling in the University of Denver. In Cambodia and Laos, she developed an understanding for international relationships and sociology. She now continues her studies with the hopes of working in Humanitarian work following graduation.

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Rebecca Lockhart

University of Denver

May 2015