THE RESPONSE OF WOMEN FROM POOR LANDLESS HOUSEHOLDS TO THE IMPACTS OF

RECURRING NATURAL HAZARDS

A study of coping strategies in northern Bangladesh.

Wageningen University

Wageningen, The Netherlands, December 2013

Master Programme: International Development Studies

Specialisation: Disaster Studies

Thesis Code: RDS-80733

Nienke Bilo

850128 068140

Supervisors:

Dr. J.F. Warner - Disaster Studies

Dr. E.D. Rasch - Rural Development Sociology

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Abstract

This thesis looks into the perception of and the response to natural hazards of women from poor

landless households in northern Bangladesh. Based on social theory on disaster, the impact of

hazards is assumed to be a social construction in which the characteristics of people, their

vulnerabilities and capacities, play a major role. Hazard response is based on their livelihoods and

access to resources, and coping is an ongoing process of actions taken before, during and after a

hazard. At two locations in northern Bangladesh individual interviews with these women have been

conducted about their lives, the hazards they face, how they respond to these hazards and the

support they get either from the Government of Bangladesh, (i)NGOs or community members. The

results show most of them live a hand-to-mouth existence based on insecure incomes and struggle

frequently with excessive rain, flooding and storms. Their response focusses on the well-being of the

family, on arranging food and safety. They lack resources and access to take any structural protection

measures, either in advance or after a hazard. People’s fragile livelihoods are at the core of their

susceptibility to harm and lack of capacity to cope and support each other. Structural outside

assistance is lacking and the loans available give only temporarily relief and year-long burden. On the

long-term many of the chosen and available coping strategies are likely to undermine rather than

strengthen them in their battle against the hazards they face.

Keywords: natural hazards, vulnerability, livelihoods, response capacity, coping strategies,

Bangladesh, poor women.

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Acknowledgements

Even now this thesis has been finished, there are numerous points left open for discussion. The last

words I write however will not address these, but express my thanks to the many people who have

supported and helped me to reach this point. First of all I want to thank my supervisors Jeroen

Warner and Elisabet Rasch from Wageningen University who have started this process with me over

a year ago and never stopped supporting me. They gave me useful advice and feedback to prepare,

execute and finally finish my research. Special thanks also to Judith de Bruijne of the FLUID

foundation, who arranged this opportunity to do my thesis research in Bangladesh. I thank Anowar

Kamal, the director of UST, for his hospitality and support, just as I want to thank all UST’s employees

who gave me their friendship, shared their knowledge and supported me. Thanks also to my

translators, Hera, Mushfiq and especially Moznu. Thank you all for making my research possible!

Then, to all whom I see as my biggest fans and supporters, my thanks! I am happy I can say you were

right in believing in me and I am grateful to know you all! Thank you mom and dad for all the

support, even at a distance of 1000s of kilometres, in my happiness, victories and disappointments.

Daddy, specially to you, for also reading my thesis and giving me feedback! Thank you brothers and

family for support, calls, e-mails, advice and surprise post packages! Thanks also to my friends and

supporters Sascha, Ruward, Hilde and Leo, who helped me put things in perspective and think

pragmatically, or simply forget my doubts with a chat and tea or some other drink. You all kept me

happy and going! Just as you did Mireille and Hein, when we were in Bangladesh and sharing this

experience, the joy, funny things and frustrations.

Last but not least I want to express my gratitude to the women whom shared their stories with me.

Your stories are the heart of this thesis and talking to you all made my stay in Bangladesh one to

never forget. I could not help you, but I hope this thesis does right to what you told me. Dhan'yabād!

Thank you so much! Your stories can be read here. To all who read it: enjoy reading it, but realise this

is not my story, but my interpretation of stories shared with me by women living the reality of it.

Nienke Bilo

Wageningen, December 2013

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Table of contents

Abstract i

Acknowledgements iii

Table of contents v

List of abbreviations vii

List of Bangla words vii

1. INTRODUCTION 1

1.1. Problem statement 2

1.2. Structure of thesis 3

2. THEORETICAL / CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 5

2.1. Hazards, disaster (risk) and local impact. 5

2.2. Vulnerability. 6

2.3. Capacity. 9

2.4. Outside assistance. 10

2.5. People’s response to hazards: a reflection on the theory. 13

3. METHODOLOGY 14

3.1. Data collection. 14

3.2. Data analysis. 16

3.3. Discussion and limitations. 16

4. THE BENGAL CONTEXT OF HAZARDS AND RESPONSE 18

4.1. Natural hazards, disasters, impacts and response in Bangladesh. 18

4.2. A description of the research locations. 21

5. DAILY life 25

5.1. Life in the rural areas surrounding Kochukata and Tangomari Hat. 25

5.2. Life in Toikorerpara and Uttar Toikorerpara. 29

5.3. A reflection on livelihoods and occurring hazards. 32

6. LIFE DURING RAIN AND STORMS 34

6.1. Life during moderate floods. 34

6.2. Life during floods of higher level and longer duration. 35

6.3. Daily life interfered by storm, thunder and hail. 37

6.4. A reflection on life during hazards. 38

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7. UNFOLDING IMPACTS 39

7.1. Human lives and safety 39

7.2. Damage to houses and belongings 40

7.3. Income and food security. 41

7.4. Poultry, livestock, crops, vegetables and fruit trees. 42

7.5. A reflection on unfolding impacts of floods and storms on life and livelihoods. 42

8. LIFE AFTER THE RAINY SEASON AND STORMS 43

8.1. Picking up life after individual floods and the whole rainy seasons. 43

8.2. Picking up life after storms. 44

8.3. A reflection on the impact of hazards on life after their occurrence. 45

9. SOCIAL PROTECTION AND WOMEN’S NEEDS AND WANTS 47

9.1. Government support. 47

9.2. Projects by NGOs. 48

9.3. Loans and private borrowings. 49

9.4. Women’s identified needs and expressed wants. 50

9.5. Reflection on the support women get, need and want. 51

10. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION 52

10.1. Women’s response to floods and storms. 52

10.2. Some notes on local coping in Bangladesh. 53

10.3. Conclusion. 56

REFERENCES 59

APPENDIX 65

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List of abbreviations

ASA Association for Social Advancement (NGO)

BRAC Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (NGO) (although no longer used as abbr.)

CDMP Comprhensive Disaster Management Programme

DM Disaster Management

DRR Disaster Risk Reduction

FSUP Food Security for Ultra Poor Women

GO Government Organisation

GoB Government of Bangladesh

(i)NGO (international) Non-Governmental Organisation

PAR model Pressure and Release model

RDRS Rangpur Dinajpur Rural Service (NGO)

SHARP Self-Help and Rehabilitation Program (NGO)

UDMC Union Disaster Management Committee

UP Union Parishad (local administrative unit of the government)

UST Unnayan Shahojogy Team (NGO)

List of Bangla words

Adi (loan) system following the principle of taking care of other people’s land or animals

for half of its returns (see for further explanation chapter 5.1).

Alop tula portable stove

Bhat heightened road serving as protection against high water

Bura raft made from banana trees, used for transport in times of floods

Char sandbanks and new islands in and alongside rivers emerging after floods, often very

fertile, offering great income opportunities and posing great risks during monsoon

Dahl preparation of lentils often eaten with rice.

Doka name used in (uttar) Toikorerpara for bamboo beams used as emergency braces to

strut houses during storms

Kif a place under the roof of houses, where people can put their belongings

Monga term used to describe a nearfamine like situation, and seasonal food shortages in

northern districts of Bangladesh

Monsoon rainy season, during Bangla months Ashaŗhô and Shrabôn (half June - half August)

Mst. Mosammat, Islamic name and first name of many women.

Tea hostel tea houses, like cafes, serving tea, a snack, lunch and diner

Teckna name used in Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara for bamboo beams used as

emergency braces to strut houses during storms

Toki heightened table used to cook on in times of floods

Tula stove

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1. INTRODUCTION

“Ten or twenty years ago I did not need to move from here, but recently I move frequently, because

the floods come here frequently. It is not possible to stay here, that is why I move. The water is

moving our land. The river comes in here. Ten years ago the situation was different. […] Flood is

harmful for the poor people only. It is very harmful and it is not possible to face frequent floods every

year. So it is getting worse day by day. Previous, people were not used to begging but because of the

moving of land people are getting used to begging. They expect help from others. In previous times

that was not there.”

(Mst. Momena Katum, 50 years, widow, living with her in-laws in Uttar Toikorerpara, Bangladesh)

In Bangladesh, people face recurring and increasing problems with extreme weather events like

floods during the rainy season. Their situation, like Momena’s, reflect the global trend in natural

hazards and disasters. International data on the occurrence of disasters show a trend of increasing

numbers of natural disasters each year, and also the numbers of people affected by and the

economic costs become higher and higher. Despite these numbers, the reported number of people

killed however is steadily decreasing (EM-DAT, 2012a). Natural hazards, such as storms, floods,

droughts and earthquakes don’t seem as deadly as before, but still they can cause great set-back to

development. In economic terms damage sometimes equals the sum of development aid a country

receives or money it borrows in the course of several years. Disasters can thus cause a permanent

loss of development momentum (World Bank, 2006). Moreover the poor tend to be more vulnerable

to disaster (DFID, 2005; Schmidt & Bloemertz, 2006). Like Momena says, they cannot face frequent

hazards and even turn to begging to cope. Many however do face the hazards, and this thesis looks

at how women from poor landless households in northern Bangladesh do that, how they perceive

the hazards they face and how they cope, either with or without support.

Since the late 1990s the discussion around climate change and its supposed effects on the

occurrence of natural hazards and disasters has brought the issue of mainstreaming disaster

management (DM) in development projects in the spotlights of (inter)national and multilateral

institutions and agreements (Birkmann & Teichman, 2010). Disaster risk reduction (DRR) is even

formally mainstreamed in the Hyogo Framework for Action 2005-2015, as ‘more effective integration

of disaster risk’ has become the first of its three strategic goals (Benson & Twigg, 2007). Despite all

these policy measures, practice is still lagging behind (Juneja, 2008). It proves hard to reduce

people’s vulnerability to natural hazards, through development and DRR. Many things have to be

considered and there isn’t one solution that fits everywhere (Cannon, Twigg & Rowell, 2003). The

local context is important and therefore also the participation of local communities (Gaillard, 2010).

Their knowledge and practices tend to be locally and socially appropriate, and give insight in the local

perspectives and priorities. Including people and their knowledge in the process of assisting them

empowers them and increases the chance of successful protection (Mallick, Rahman, Alam, et al.,

2005).

About local knowledge and response in Bangladesh most is known about people in coastal areas

facing cyclones, and people living on frequently flooded chars (which are islands) in the middle of

one of the country’s main rivers. Research shows the impacts of hazards are location specific and

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damage is unequally distributed. Moreover the ability to cope varies and depends, among other

things, on people’s socio-economic conditions, living location, education, awareness of risk and

occupation (Paul & Routray, 2010). Outside assistance available also influences their coping, but

indigenous knowledge, social ties and safety nets are found most important in the coping of

Bangladeshis (Alam & Collins, 2010; Masud-All-Kamal, 2013; Paul & Routray, 2010, 2011; Sultana &

Rayhan, 2012).

1.1. Problem statement

Local communities are the first line of defence in case of natural hazards and people with a history of

facing natural hazards develop their own ways of coping (Gaillard, 2010). Their knowledge and

practices are crucial in dealing with the impact of natural hazards and disasters, as they tend to be

adjusted to the context (Mallick et al., 2005). Nevertheless much damage is done, many people are

affected, and their practices thus seem to fall short in countering the negative impacts of natural

hazards. Reducing people’s vulnerability through outside assistance proves difficult and complex.

Efficient alignment and mutual reinforcement of local knowledge and coping strategies and outside

assistance is crucial for effective hazard response. Bangladesh is a country with a high poverty rate

(UNDP, 2013), and high numbers of natural hazards and people affected each year (EM-DAT, 2012b;

PreventionWeb, 2012), and the numbers suggest the country and its people would profit much from

effective hazard response. Insight in people’s response and how they view outside assistance is

needed to achieve this and align outside assistance and local coping.

This research focusses on the lives of women from poor landless households in Northern Bangladesh

and their stories about natural hazards and disasters, response and outside assistance. Little is

known about the dynamics between their lives, recurring natural hazards, impact, response and

outside assistance. Most research on local coping and response to hazards in Bangladesh focusses on

major nationwide disasters, or disaster-prone areas such as coastal areas, river plains and ‘chars’1.

Moreover women are often underrepresented in research on local coping strategies in Bangladesh

(14,6%; 10% in resp. Brouwer et al., 2007; Paul & Routray, 2011), while some findings suggest they

tend to be the ones doing most of the (construction) work to protect their family and assets in case

of disaster (Lein, 2009). Focusing on the perspective of women in northern Bangladesh can therefore

shed new light on household coping strategies. Including outside assistance can furthermore provide

new insights in the relation between local coping strategies and activities from the Government of

Bangladesh (GoB) and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), and give new input to the

discussion on efficient alignment.

Research aim, main question and sub-questions

Bangladesh is a country with many poor people affected by natural hazards and in need of support.

Based on the believe efficient alignment and mutual reinforcement of local knowledge and coping

strategies and outside assistance is needed for effective hazard response, this research aims for

1 Chars are sandbanks and new islands in and alongside the river emerging after floods. Chars are often very

fertile and offer people great income opportunities. During the monsoon however these chars easily flood.

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insight in local experience of hazard impact, response and outside assistance in Bangladesh. This

knowledge is seen as a pre-condition to reach alignment. Although much is known already, there are

also gaps concerning poor households in northern Bangladesh and the experience and knowledge of

women. This has led to the following question guiding this research: How do women from poor

landless households in Nilphamari and Gaibandha district, Bangladesh, perceive and respond to

recurring natural hazards affecting their lives, and the outside assistance they receive?

Following the main question, and guiding the search for an answer, are five sub-questions.

1) What does the daily life of the women look like?

2) In what ways do natural hazards affect the lives of the women?

3) How do the women perceive the recurring natural hazards and its effects?

4) How do the women respond to and cope with hazard risks and impacts?

5) How do the women perceive the available and unavailable support for disaster response

from government and (i)NGOs?

These questions are formulated from an actor-oriented perspective. The emphasis is on people

rather than structures, because they themselves, their lives and livelihoods are at the base of their

vulnerability to hazard impacts and their capacity to respond and adapt. The next chapter discussing

the theoretical framework of this research, will elaborate more on this relation between people’s

lives, vulnerability and capacity.

1.2. Structure of thesis

In order to give a clear insight in the way poor women in rural Northern Bangladesh perceive the

natural hazards they face and how they respond, this thesis will take you from theory to practice and

back again. Chapter 2 discusses the theory on which this research is built. It explains how the impact

of natural hazards is a social construction resulting from a hazard meeting a society, community or

household with certain characteristics influencing their vulnerability and capacity. Large-scale

processes in society, but also people’s livelihoods play a major role in their susceptibility to harm and

capacity to counter threats and negative impacts. External and internal factors play a role in how

people make a living in normal times and are able to continue their way of living in hazardous times.

The access to resources needed and thus household’s relationships turn out to be crucial.

In chapter 3 the main question to guide the research has been formulated: How do women from poor

landless households in northern Bangladesh, perceive and respond to the recurring natural hazards

they face and the outside assistance they receive? To answer this question and reach the above set

research aims an actor-oriented approach, and individual interviews with women from poor landless

households have been chosen. The research is set in northern Bangladesh and the research context is

described more detailed in chapter 4. In general the Bengal context reflects much of the above

discussed global trends in occurrence and response. Although indigenous knowledge, social ties and

safety nets are most important in people’s response, the poor remain most vulnerable. At the

research locations, there are high poverty rates and a relation between hazard impact and poverty

has been found. Little is however known about hazard impacts and local response.

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In chapter 5 life at the research locations is described as it is told by the women interviewed. The

chapter shows people live from insecure income and depend on fragile livelihoods. Income and food

are everyday challenges and the rainy season, especially floods and storms make these issues even

more problematic. Chapter 6 illustrates this by describing life during floods and storms. Women

almost unanimous state that during these times cannot be worked, there is no income, food cannot

be bought and they can thus not eat or feed their family. With the help of borrowed money and rice

and other strategies, they nevertheless manage to get through. However, as becomes clear in

chapter 7, other problems occur besides income and food, and may last far beyond the occurrence of

flood. The description of life after the flood in chapter 8 shows this increases pressures on the

income of the women and their family, and many have to take refuge to measures undermining their

already fragile livelihoods, either by selling assets, taking a loan or giving in on basic daily needs.

Chapter 9 explains the role of loans and other outside assistance provided to the women and their

family. It turns out no specific attention is given to hazards by either the GoB or NGOs, and loans are

the major outside assistance available to deal with hazard impacts or other problems. Money meets

the need women identify, but loans come with an obligation and many families face serious

difficulties with repaying them.

In chapter 10 the findings of this research are discussed and a conclusion is drawn. Women’s

response to hazards, before, during and after its occurrence, is put together and reflected upon with

the help of the theory and what was already known about local coping in Bangladesh. In short the

findings show that people’s response capacities and strategies, as well as the available support, do

not structurally help the poor deal with the hazards they face. Their response focusses on the well-

being of the family, on arranging food and safety, but resources are lacking to take any structural

measures or change the situation, either in advance or after the hazards occurrence. People’s fragile

livelihoods are at the core of their vulnerability and lack of capacity, and impact as well as coping

strategies undermine rather than strengthen their position in the battle against the hazards they

face.

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2. THEORETICAL / CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

This chapter discusses the theory and concepts framing this research. In order to understand the

response of poor women in Northern Bangladesh to the natural hazards and disasters they face, the

dynamics of hazards and impact are important. The chapter starts with a discussion of natural

hazards and disaster (risk), the use of these concepts in disaster research and how they relate. It

shows the impact of a hazard results from an interplay with people’s vulnerability and capacity to

respond and adapt, and the chapter thus continues with a discussion of these concepts. Finally,

before concluding the chapter with a reflection on the relation between the theory and people’s

response, the effect of outside assistance on hazard impact and people’s vulnerability and capacity

will be addressed.

2.1. Hazards, disaster (risk) and local impact.

To gain insight in the response of poor women in northern Bangladesh it is important to understand

what hazards are and how they can influence their lives. In general natural hazards refer to ‘a natural

events that may affect different places at different times’ (Wisner, Blaikie, Cannon & Davis, 2004:49).

More specifically, they are characterized as ‘potentially harmful’ (Wisner, Gaillard & Kelman, 2012),

and carrying ‘a potential for social, infrastructural, or environmental damage’ (Oliver-Smith &

Hoffman, 2002:4). Natural hazards vary in characteristics and intensity and can lead to situations of

severe damage, but do not equate or automatically lead to disaster (Frerks, Hilhorst, & Moreyra,

1999). The risk on a disaster (R) is the result from a complex interplay between a potentially

damaging hazard (H), and the vulnerability (V) and capacity (C) of a society. A relation commonly

schematized as R = H * V / C (Wisner et al, 2004; 2012; Birkmann, 2006). This means the impact of a

natural hazard on a society, community, household or individual is determined by their

characteristics, by their vulnerability and capacity. A disaster, but actually any impact of hazards, is

thus socially constructed. This will become more clear in the discussion of both vulnerability (V) and

capacity (C) in the following paragraphs of this chapter. Here first a short continuation of the

discussion on disaster and the insight it gives on the impact hazards can have.

In the field of disaster studies there is a lively discussion about what exactly a disaster is and a large

number of definitions exist (Alexander, 1997; Frerks et al., 1999; Wisner et al., 2012). Discussions

concern, among other issues, the distinction between incidents and disasters, the simplicity of

definitions compared to the complexity of events, and which elements to include to define a

situation as a disaster (Alexander, 1997). Especially the distinction between incidents, emergencies

and disaster becomes relevant because formal declarations of disaster have implications for support

and insurances (Wisner et al., 2012). These issues are less relevant for this research however and the

key elements identified in existing definitions by Frerks and his colleagues will be sufficient. They

distinguish key elements, which together describe a natural disaster as:

- “an extreme phenomenon;

- of great intensity and limited endurance;

- occurring at a certain location;

- involving a complex interplay between physical and human systems;

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- causing loss of lives and threats to public health, as well as physical damage and disruption of

livelihood systems and society;

- outstripping local capacities and resources;

- requiring outside assistance to cope with” (Frerks et al., 1999:7).

These elements can also be found in the definition Wisner and his colleagues formulated, stating a

natural disaster is “a situation involving a natural hazard which has consequences in terms of

damage, livelihoods/economic disruption and/or casualties that are too great for the affected area

and people to deal with properly on their own” (Wisner et al., 2012:30).

Natural hazards have the potential to impact people in different ways, from personal lives and

health, belongings and livelihoods, to economic activities and society functioning in general. This has

been an important guide in the execution and reporting of this research, just as the fact that effects

can be primary and direct, but also secondary effect as a hazard and its impact unfold through time

(Wisner & Adams, 2002). Not all hazards impacting all these aspects of life are considered disasters

or require outside assistance, as the threshold of labelling a situation a disaster is not clear. The

concept nevertheless bears the inherent meaning of extremes and a focus on outcomes, rather than

dynamics and local or even personal impacts. Therefor it is not used any further as a central concept,

but will be focussed on hazard impacts and the important variables at play are. From here on, the use

of hazards will refer to natural events, while hazard impact will refer to the effects these events have

on people’s lives. Whether or not, how, and in what degree a hazard affects people, the hazard

impact is socially constructed and depends on people’s vulnerability and capacity.

2.2. Vulnerability.

Vulnerability plays a key role in the impact of hazards on people’s lives. A hazard will not affect a

population or community negatively or lead to disaster if it’s not vulnerable. Or, in other words, if

people are not susceptible or prone to damage or injury, a hazard will not lead to disaster nor have

negative impacts (Wisner et al., 2004). Although vulnerability is generally referred to as the

susceptibility to suffer damage (Gaillard, 2010), its meaning is subject to discussion. Over 25

definitions can be found in recent literature (Birkmann, 2006), and a shared language and clarity

about where it stands for as a scientific concept is lacking (Birkmann, 2006; Birkmann, Cardona,

Carreño, et al., 2013). The common-sense meaning is however sufficient, and instead of diving into

this theoretical discussion, the focus will be what makes people susceptible for harm. External factors

of influence are discussed first. These concern the ‘complex set of characteristics determined by

wider social, political and economic processes’ (Cannon et al., 2003). The characteristics of people’s

livelihoods addressed secondly are the internal factors, and will put the focus on people rather than

societal structures. As will become clear this links closely to the actor-oriented approach and leads to

people’s capacity to act, which will be discussed in the next paragraph.

External factors and processes generating unsafe conditions.

The Pressure and Release (PAR) model addresses the bigger picture of people’s vulnerability. It

explains how impersonal large-scale and long-term processes can result in unsafe conditions making

people and households susceptible to damage and injury when a hazard occurs. Like a nutcracker

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causing pressure from opposing sites until the nut cracks, processes in society and hazards from

nature put people at risk (figure 1). Vulnerability is generated by factors and processes originating

quite remote from where hazards impact life. The most distant factors or ‘root causes’ are large-scale

and long-term social, political and economic processes. The local and contemporary manifestations

of, and reactions to these processes, from diseases, urbanisation and regulations, to wars, are called

‘dynamic pressures’. These pressures translate ‘root causes’ into ‘unsafe conditions’ like living in

hazardous locations, unsafe housing, lack of protection by the state and having to engage in

dangerous ways of earning an income. (Wisner et al., 2004).

Figure 1. Schematic representation of the Pressure and Release Model. Source: Wisner et al., 2004

Unsafe conditions are specific expressions of people’s vulnerability making them susceptible to harm

(Wisner et al., 2004), but they are not the only factor influencing people’s vulnerability. Not only can

large-scale processes lead to unsafe conditions, they also have consequences for the way people

make their living. Globalisation, economic processes of production and exchange, of exploitation and

empowerment lead to both marginalisation of and opportunity for people and affect how they build

their livelihoods (Scoones, 2009). Although the PAR model explains the underlying chain of causation

of vulnerability, it does not giving insight at what happens at the pressure point where a natural

event meets society and interferes with people’s lives. Where the PAR model fails to account for

change in the conditions and vulnerability of people before, during and after the onset of a disaster

(Wisner et al., 2004), a livelihood approach may give insight. Moreover, by being a people-centred

approach (DfID in Scoones, 2009) it can take into account the characteristics of people, which is

according to Cannon and his colleagues essential to understand their vulnerability (Cannon et al.,

2003).

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Vulnerability at household level.

The progression of vulnerability as described in the PAR model, can be seen as the external side of

vulnerability, the side of the unsafe conditions, risks, stress and shocks or hazards. There is however

also an internal side which concerns the characteristics of the people and households at risk. This

side is according to Chambers (1989) the side of defencelessness, the inability or lack of means to

cope with shocks and hazards. Many however would hesitate or even critique the use of this word as

it depicts people as incapable and approaches them in a negative sense. The lack of means to cope

however, is widely acknowledged as being of influence. According to Gaillard the assets and

resources essential for sustaining a livelihood are crucial in defining vulnerability (Gaillard, 2010).

Together with people’s initial well-being, self- and social protection, and social and political

networks, livelihoods are part of a complex set of characteristics that influence the impact of hazards

and damage on people’s lives (Cannon et al., 2003). Even within households there are dynamics

influencing the impact of hazards on individuals. Neumayer and Plümper (2007) found socio-

economic patterns in everyday live create differential gender-specific vulnerability to hazard impacts,

suggesting a higher vulnerability of women compared to men.

Looking at people’s livelihood and its immediate context will help understand the internal side of

people’s vulnerability. As livelihoods are generally accepted to be about people, their resources and

what they do with these (Ahmed, Quisumbing, Nasreen, Hoddinott & Bryan, 2009), this means

looking at their capabilities, assets (both material and social resources), and activities for a means of

living (Chambers and Conway in Scoones, 2009). A sustainable livelihood implies it is ‘stable, durable,

resilient and robust in the face of both external shocks and internal stresses’ (Scoones, 2009:188).

Assets and resources are essential (Gaillard, 2010), and people’s ability to arrange and use the

resources they need in normal times and in times of hazards and disaster, is a crucial factors in their

susceptibility to harm (Wisner et al., 2004). Access however is not free and unlimited, but depends

on social and economic relations at different levels, from local to national. These relations

encompass flows of goods and allocate resources through their politics shaping and shaped by rights,

obligations and expectations (ibid). Moreover large-scale political and economic processes create

marginalisation, dispossession, accumulation and differentiation influencing the flows of goods

(Scoones, 2009), illustrating the link mentioned before between large-scale processes and people’s

livelihoods.

In normal times households make a living through decision making on how to use the resources

available to them. In this process they can to some extend buy themselves protection against

hazards. They can, for example, strengthen their house, diversify their income and arrange a shelter.

Moreover through relationships household members have as citizens or community members, they

may have access to social protection like hazard precautions and preparedness provided by the state,

other institutions or local collective action. When a natural hazard occurs the social and self-

protection measures may absorb some of the immediate and enfolding impacts, while other impacts

may burst through the ‘layer of protection’ and affect different households in varying degrees. When

the hazard makes life no longer normal, the relations of households, their access to resources,

especially safety, and their capacity to cope and adapt in this situation become very important, as

well as the outside assistance that may come later. Through time occurring impacts and human

response unfold and eventually lead to altered conditions of vulnerability and protections. (Wisner et

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al., 2004).2 Reaching sustainable livelihoods that are stable, durable, resilient and robust in the face

of stresses like natural hazards, involves access, relations and the capacity to cope and adapt, but

also needs links between the reality and particularities of poor people’s livelihoods and wider

processes involving power and politics (Scoones, 2009).

2.3. Capacity.

The former paragraph shows vulnerability is closely related to capacity, as it is subject to people’s

ability to arrange and use resources. Capacity can be seen as the counterpart of vulnerability and an

autonomous variable, but also as determining factor of vulnerability, and the relation between the

two is subject to discussion. Although there is no consensus about the exact relation, capacity is

commonly understood as a variable countering the negative impacts of a hazard and lowering the

risk on disaster. This paragraph will discuss capacity from an actor-oriented point of view, starting

with a short discussion of agency before turning to people’s capacity to take protective actions.

Agency and action.

In building a livelihood households depend on the resources available to them. Besides the unsafe

conditions they face, their vulnerability in times of hazard is subject to the degree in which they

manage to access and use the resources they need. They process information, decide, choose,

innovate, experiment, strategize etc, to make the best of the normal and hazardous situations they

face. According to Long (1992), these actions show people’s capacity to respond to life

circumstances. In actor-oriented sociology the capacity to act is often described as human agency

(Emirbayer & Mische, 1998; Campbell, 2009). Although there is no consensus about what agency

exactly is (ibid), a short discussion of some of its basic characteristics does help to understand how

the capacity to act in a situation like that of the women in this research emerges or exists.

Agency is frequently posed as the antipode of structure (Giddens, 1979; Biesta & Tedder, 2006;

Campbell, 2009), and used as a synonym for action (Biesta & Tedder, 2006; Scott & Marshall, 2009),

that according to some, is social-culturally mediated and willed (Campbell, 2009) or intentional

(Connor, 2011). Employing social and economic relations to access resources needed to make a living

or to counter the impacts of a hazard illustrates an important aspect of agency, namely social

engagement (Emirbayer & Mische, 1998). People exist in relation to others, to society and the

situations they encounter, and assign meaning to these (Long, 1992). Agency is the temporally

embedded process in which people are socially engaged, and in which they make decisions based on

the context and what they know, being informed by the past and oriented towards the present and

the future. The (structural) contexts of people’s actions are temporal and change from situation to

situation, affecting their agency (Emirbayer & Mische, 1998). In other words, their capacity to act

depends on the temporal and contextual situation, and on the relations and resources they are able

to employ in that situation.

2 Wisner and his colleagues describe this process of access, impact and trajectory of vulnerability in the access

model, which they describe in the book ‘At Risk’ (see Wisner et al, 2004: chapter 3).

10

The actor-oriented perspective emphasizes people’s agency instead of structure as determining

factor in decision making and acting. Structure however cannot be ignored as people’s agency and

capacity to act is placed in time and space, indicating the importance of the temporal and spatial

context. In case of hazards and the capacity to counter its impacts, the context is made up of the

unsafe conditions and social protection resulting from large and less-large scale economic, political

and social processes, and households’ social relations and position in society. This context influences

people’s capacity to do what is needed to protect themselves and their families from the hazards

they face. It is however not only the socially constructed context of unsafe conditions, social

protection and relations and their characteristics that steer the behaviour of individuals, households

and groups. People’s (religious) beliefs and ideas, and thoughts of fatalism also affect their behaviour

and should be considered in looking at their response to hazards (Cannon, 2008). Although people

have the ability or capacity to take action, for different reasons they may not employ this to change a

situation.

Response and adaptation.

In making a living people can choose to create some self-protection against hazards. When however

a hazard occurs they will have to act upon a changing situation, as unfolding impacts and human

response change both vulnerability, safety and capacity through time (Wisner et al., 2004). Therefor

Birkmann and colleagues distinguish between response capacity including the capacities to

anticipate, cope and recover, and adaptive capacity or the capacity to learn and change existing

practices (Birkmann et al., 2013). Ideally, protection thus is a continuous process, stretching from

well before until well after the actual occurrence of a hazard. A process that can also be seen as

sequential stages of a cycle, including: a) planning, prevention, preparedness and mitigation; b)

emergency response; and, c) recovery, rehabilitation and reconstruction for sustainable

development, including lessons learned and new ideas on how to act in stages a, b and c, next time

(Wisner & Adams, 2002).

Response capacities aim to maintain life as known in situations of stress and hazard, and concern the

degree in which households are able to take actions to minimize risk and impact well in advance,

during, and after a hazard. The idea of protection as an on-going cyclical process however is more

than this. It includes a process of learning from a hazard and undertaking actions to deal with it

better next time. A process of changing things to limit the risk of damage and building up life in a

sustainable way (Wisner & Adams, 2002). Adaptation goes even further as according to Birkmann

and colleagues it implies action that aims to change the context creating vulnerability and

constraining human capacity to act (Birkmann et al., 2013). The capacity of people for protective

action or response therefore also includes being able to learn and change their own situation either

at household or even institutional level.

2.4. Outside assistance.

In ‘The Routledge handbook of hazards and disaster risk reduction’, disaster risk is defined by the

factors ‘hazard’, ‘vulnerability’, ‘capacity’, and finally also ‘protective actions carried out by larger

entities’ (Wisner et al., 2012). Protective actions can be set up by the government but also be part of

11

the activities of NGOs. When present they are part of people’s social protection and the context in

which they act. Here the influence of these protective actions on disaster risk will be discussed. Since

this thesis concerns women’s response to the risks and hazards they face, the main focus will be on

its relation with and influence on people’s capacities and actions. The effectiveness of protective

actions is the subject of discussion at both scientific and political level. Here however the focus will

be on how these protective actions are perceived and how they may affect local response to risks

and hazards.

Social protection.

‘Protective actions carried out by larger entities’ is a factor besides capacity that can counteract

vulnerability (Wisner et al., 2012). Although referring to the state and (i)NGOs (ibid), these protective

actions also include actions undertaken collectively by a community, or groups of people otherwise

organized (Wisner et al., 2004). They include hazard precautions and preparedness and can be

structural measures like river embankments and storm shelters, as well as community coping

mechanisms and communal charity. The protective actions are the social protection that is referred

to in the paragraph on vulnerability at household level. Like the ‘unsafe conditions’ in the PAR model,

it is a local expression of larger processes. Just as social, political and economic processes can lead to

conditions that make people susceptible to harm in times of hazards, they can also contribute to

protection (ibid).

Outside assistance does not automatically mean actual protection for people. Although Birkmann

(2011) found that the relative poor people in the Mekong Delta in Vietnam consider external or

government support the most important support they get in times of major flood, not all support is

effective. Protective actions need to be attuned to the context, both geographically, socially,

economically and politically, in order to meet the needs at a certain location. There is not one

solution that fits everywhere, therefore the participation of local communities is required to enhance

capacities, reduce vulnerabilities and build resilience3 (Gaillard, 2010). Their knowledge and practices

tend to be locally appropriate and socially responsible, and gives insight in the local perspectives and

priorities. Including people and their knowledge in the process of assisting them empowers them and

increases the chance of successful protection (Mallick et al., 2005). Actual social protection thus

results from alignment of assistance with a specific situation, and with people and their needs.

3 Resilience is one of the main concept in disaster studies nowadays. In the context of natural hazards, where

social and ecological systems meet, resilience ‘refers to the magnitude of disturbance that can be absorbed before a system changes to a radically different state as well as the capacity to self-organise and the capacity for adaptation to emerging circumstances’ (Adger, 2006:268). As such it is a normative description of a situation. The focus of this research however is on hazard impact and response, for which a livelihood approach and the concepts of vulnerability and capacity are thought to be more useful. Therefore the choice is made not to include this popular concept. Resilience is nevertheless closely linked to effective hazard response and livelihoods, and it is argued ‘vulnerability is influenced by the elements of social-ecological resilience’ (Adger, 2006:269).

12

Vulnerability and outside assistance.

The impact of natural hazards is socially constructed and people’s livelihoods, in particular their

access to resources, are at the core of their vulnerability. In case of severe impacts outside assistance

often fails to reduce people’s vulnerability by meeting their immediate needs only without taking

into account the future and support of livelihoods (Cannon et al., 2003). Although the Hyogo

Framework for Action 2005-2015 formally mainstreamed Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) into

development by making ‘more effective integration of disaster risk’ the first of its three strategic

goals (Benson & Twigg, 2007), many development initiatives also fail to reduce people’s vulnerability.

In development there is often little attention to disaster-related issues, as priority is given to social

and economic issues. Development and development failure nevertheless greatly influence people’s

vulnerability in face of hazards, and in return do hazards and disaster leave a heavy toll on

development (Gaillard, 2010).

It proves hard to integrate all aspects of influence on people’s vulnerability in development and DRR.

Despite good intentions and temporarily success, outside assistance does not necessarily reduce

vulnerability and create protection. Instead it can ‘create new forms of vulnerability or exacerbate

existing ones’ (Benson & Twigg, 2007), for example by changing livelihoods in a none-hazard proof

way. Otherwise, as vulnerability is a social product, power relations can exclude those most

vulnerable from benefitting from outside assistance (Juneja, 2008). The very poor in society are often

allocated less resources as they have more difficulties with articulating their needs compared to

more influential groups (Gow and Morss, in Hutton & Haque, 2004). It is therefore important that

both people’s livelihoods and the (power) relations in a community are taken into account. Including

all aspects discussed here as being of influence on the impact of hazards Cannon and his colleagues

state outside assistance can contribute to people’s protection and reduce vulnerability when it: 1)

strengthens peoples’ nutritional, health, morale and other aspects of their well-being; 2) reinforces

their livelihood and its resilience to hazard impacts; 3) increases their capacity of self-protection,

and; 4) arranges access to social protection measures (Cannon et al, 2003).

Capacity and outside assistance.

Increasing people’s capacity and self-protection is according to Cannon and his colleagues (2003) an

important aspect of improving their protection against hazards and reducing their vulnerability. This

is no more than logic as local communities almost always form the first line of defence in case of

natural hazards and disasters. People have developed their own ways of coping, and ‘as long as they

are empowered with adequate resources’ they have the capacities for dealing with natural hazards

on their own (Gaillard, 2010). The access to resources can thus increase people’s capacity, and

following the theory on vulnerability and capacity, so can the improvement and use of people’s social

network. In case of floods in Bangladesh, outside assistance combined with people’s relations, their

social capital, significantly improved people’s capacity and reduced their vulnerability (Paul &

Routray 2010, 2011).

The effect of outside assistance is two sided, as measures taken to protect people and enable them

to live with risk, can also create dependency and reduce people’s capacity (Gaillard, 2010). People

built their livelihoods in a context of larger scale social, political and economic processes and social

13

and economic relations. It is in the same context, through its power relations, that structural

measures to counter the negative impacts of natural hazards are selected by governments or other

large entities. These measures often change the context in which people live, creating a new context,

introducing new situations. Outside assistance, or protective actions taken in the form of structural

adaptation measures not only provide protection, if they do, but also demand adaptation or

adjustment. The ability of people to adapt to these measures, the changed context of their lives, and

the changed dynamics of risk, can be both positively and negatively affect their capacity (Birkmann,

2011).

2.5. People’s response to hazards: a reflection on the theory.

The actions people take to reduce their vulnerability to hazard impacts, are a display of their agency,

showing their capacity to act. Taking this as the starting point of their response to risk and hazard

impacts, response can be understood in the context of unsafe conditions deriving from large-scale

and long-term processes in society and household livelihood choices and dynamics. Social and

economic relations are among the most important factors as well as people’s capacity to employ

these relations to access resources needed. The capacity to act depends on these relations and

access, but actual action also depends on people’s personal characteristics, their engagement in a

situation as well as their experience, knowledge, life expectations and beliefs. Moreover hazard

characteristics, as well as social protection influence response taken. As hazards tend to have

unfolding impacts through time and response to these actions change situations, including people’s

vulnerabilities and capacities, response has to be understood as dynamic and context dependent.

The discussed theory on disasters and disaster risk has led to the identification of important issues to

be researched in order to understand the dynamics behind hazard impacts and household response.

Besides the investigation of actual actions taken, insight in the following issues is thought important:

the hazards itself, the risks and impacts, livelihoods, household social and economic relations,

people’s personal characteristics (experience, knowledge, expectation, belief), outside assistance and

social protection. How these are incorporated in the actual research will be discussed in the next

chapter on the research methodology.

14

3. METHODOLOGY

The general aim of this research is to gain insight in household response to risk and impact of natural

hazards and disasters, and outside assistance. In this chapter the methods used to reach this aim are

discussed. The chapter has been divided in three parts. The first part explains the data collection and

the second part discusses the analysis of the data and its reporting. The final part is a reflection on

the chosen methodology and points out some of its weaknesses and strengths.

3.1. Data collection.

Following the process of exploring theory on disaster and response, literature on coping in

Bangladesh4, and formulating a main question and sub-questions, the research methods have been

chosen. They are based on the actor-oriented approach and link to the aims of this research. They

are discussed here shortly, followed by short descriptions of the research location and respondents.

Research methods.

People themselves are best able to represent their perspective on hazards and talking with them was

most important way of data collection. Individual interviews are the main research method applied in

this research, and 31 interviews have been done. Based on the theory discussed, the themes

included in the main question of this thesis, and a literature study on local response to hazards in

Bangladesh a list of topics has been made (see appendix). This list guided the interviews and

discussion of people’s lives, livelihood, problems, view on hazards and related problems, response to

hazards and outside assistance, and helped to address relevant issues. The interviews were partly

structured by the topics identified in advance. Yet the answers of the women, and the issues on

which they seemed to put emphasis were very important and were allowed to take over the course

of the interviews. As a result not every topic is discussed in every interview.

The individual interviews have been

complemented with a group interview and a

risk mapping done in Kochukata (picture 1).

This choice has been made because it helps

understand the women’s risk perceptions

and response, and improves communication

about risk between the women and me

(Sudmeier-Rieux, Jaquet, Derron et al.,

2012: 682). Furthermore, to get the context

of the research more clear and to gather

interesting examples and relevant info for

the interviews, additional interviews with

people on the streets, in tea shops and at

4 Included in the next chapter about the research context.

Picture 1: Risk mapping during the group interview

15

NGOs were conducted. Moreover transect walks have been done to get a clearer idea of the daily

lives of people, the problems they face and what happens when the hazards they experience as

harmful occur. The data gathered through these methods have been used in sketching the context of

the stories women told, and is integrated in the results presented in the next chapters.

Research location.

The research locations were picked based on

the research aim and the advice and

possibilities offered by Unnayan Shahojogy

Team (UST), my hosting NGO in Bangladesh.

Nilphamari and Gaibandha district in

Bangladesh’s northern Rangpur division have

been chosen. Rangpur division has, together

with Barisal, the highest poverty head count

ratio of Bangladesh. Moreover a relation is

found between poverty and proneness to

natural disasters, especially the flooding of the

Jamuna river, within the district (WorldBank,

BBS & WFP, n.d). This made the locations

interesting for this research. More detailed

descriptions of the actual research locations

can be found in the next chapter on the

research context.

Research participants.

Women from poor landless households were the focus group in this research. Initial contacts were

made through the contacts of UST and their employees. Most participants however have been

approached on the streets and selected based on some basic questions about their sources of

income and land-ownership. Based on the initial contacts made, new participants were selected

through snowball-sampling. A total of 31 women aged between 19 and 80 years old5 from 4 unions

were interviewed. They came from Kochukata Porchim Para in Kachukata Union; Porchim

Khutiamara Alim Madrasha Para, Porchim Khutiamara Nodir Par, and Porchim Khutiamara Nodir Par

Hindu Para in Khutamara Union6; Parakut in Putimari Union; Thoikorer Para, Uttar (north) Thoikorer

Para, Pabantair, and Bangar Para in Haldia Union.

5 Age is often guessed by the women, only few know their exact age.

6 In this thesis these three are referred to a Khutiamara (Alim Madrasha)

Map 1: the 7 divisions of Bangladesh

16

3.2. Data analysis.

Two issues have been important in the analysis and reporting of the data collected. First analysis the

data had to contribute to answering the main question and meeting the research aims. Second, the

stories of the women had to play a major role in the report, both recognizable as their stories, as well

as real and imaginable for the reader. The decisions made concerning these two issues are discussed

here.

Analysis of the interviews.

Since the main focus is on what the women’s stories, the interviews have all been recorded and

worked out literally before analysing them. The central concepts as they were operationalized and

processed in the list guiding the interviews, have also been the main guide in coding the stories of

the women. All interviews have been coded through colouring the parts on people’s livelihoods, on

natural hazards, hazard impacts, household response and outside assistance. The coded parts have

then been furthermore specified. On impact and response for example, tags were used for parts

referring to human lives, houses and shelter, household items, crops or garden, poultry or livestock,

food and food security, work and income, drinking water and sanitation, or something else. This has

then been furthermore specified into whether action was taken before, during or after the impact of

a hazard.

Report writing.

The emphasis in the report is on the stories the women told. These stories are the base on which an

answer to the question of ‘How women from poor landless households in Nilphamari and Gaibandha

district, Bangladesh, perceive and respond to the recurring natural hazards and disasters they face

and the outside assistance they receive’. With the help of coding, they have been put together to

sketch a picture of their lives before, during and after the hazards they face in order to give insight in

how they deal with the impact. A lot of examples have been used in order to keep the women at the

center of this research. In between the telling of their stories however, links are made to the theory

on disaster, vulnerability and capacity, to place their stories in a scientific context and link the

information it provides to the main question and topics of this research. On the links to the theory,

research aim and main question is reflected in the discussion to be able to draw a conclusion on

household response to natural hazards.

3.3. Discussion and limitations.

The set-up of this research and the chosen methods of data-collection and analysis have resulted in a

good amount of data. There were however also some flaws in its design and obstacles hampering its

execution, of which some are without a doubt due to my own inexperience. Three of them I think are

important to mention, starting with the barrier that existed between the women I interviewed and

me. Due to my lack of the Bengal language and understanding of its culture, I felt the interviews

could not reach the depth I wished. All interviews were done with the help of student translators,

which made the conversations indirect and sometimes led to misunderstandings and

17

miscommunication. Moreover the fact that I was learning about the culture and livelihoods of the

women, the same moment I was researching it for the purpose of understanding the impact and

response to hazards, may have led to lack of depth, due to a lack of understanding on my side.

Besides, it became more and more clear the women and I have way different understandings of

natural hazards and disasters, probably due to life’s experience. I know I did not completely grasp

their perspective and experience, and I still do understand for what it is, but by telling what they told

me I believe this thesis helps to understand it in the context of our (by our culture shaped)

understanding of hazards and disasters.

The obvious barrier between the women and me, in language and culture, but also in appearance,

affected my research in another way. I was a curiosity and my presence cause attention and led to

expectation. I found out I was automatically linked to money and seen as someone able to provide

people help. As gossiping is one of the women’s favourite pastimes, my presence and activities were

soon known at the places I did my interviews. I attracted lots of people and individual interviews

were seldom individual as there were almost always bystanders that could have influenced answers

by their being, looks and comments. Moreover I found out my interviews evoked certain answers

due to its topic, and the fact women had discussed my presence and activities among themselves. A

transect walk I made through Kochukata is a good illustration. As I was talking to a man on the street

about the rainy season, women came by and according to my translator they convinced him to

change his answers. The expectations my presence raised are likely to be reflected in women’s

answers to my questions. This is however not seen as a big flaw, since it is known and it does also

give some insight in their situation.

The choice of the locations has definitely influenced the research and its findings. Two locations were

chosen, but due to that it was hard to really get to know the situation and the context you are

researching. Furthermore the first location in Nilphamari turned out to face most problems from

monga and poverty. Monga can be regarded a hazard as it is a period of high unemployment. It does

have connections with the rainy season, but has to do with the agricultural calendar rather than

extreme weather events. Nevertheless did the location lead to very interesting interviews on the

effects of the weather and the (by many considered moderate) floods in the rainy season on the lives

of the poor. Unfortunately the situation differed much from the second location in Rangpur, putting

some challenges to the analysis and reporting of the gathered data.

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4. THE BENGAL CONTEXT OF HAZARDS AND RESPONSE

The occurrence of natural hazards is booming and thanks to the discussion on climate change

everyone knows. This chapter discusses the Bengal context and illustrates the situation at the

research locations. The response of government and NGOs to natural hazards is discussed and an

overview of what is already known about local coping strategies in Bangladesh is given. Finally the

situation at the research locations will be described and serves as an introduction on the daily lives

discussed in the next chapter.

4.1. Natural hazards, disasters, impacts and response in Bangladesh .

Bangladesh is a country in which the in the introduction described worldwide trends in disaster

occurrence and damage costs are reflected. Cyclones, floods, droughts, earthquakes, tornados and

famines are regular recurring events in Bangladesh (Department of Disaster Management, 2012). In

the period of 1980-2010 the country faced at least 234 disasters in which 191,836 people died, which

equals over 6,000 deaths a year. Moreover, on average over 10 million people are affected every

year and annual economic damages exceed the US $ 550 million (PreventionWeb, 2012).

Storms/cyclones and floods are the most regular occurring hazards in Bangladesh, costing the

country most, both in terms of lives lost, lives affected and economic damages (see table 1). The

deadliest and probably the best known storm in the last 30 years is the 1991 cyclone that hit

Bangladesh in April that year. It took the lives of 138,866 people, and affected the lives of over 15

million Bangladeshi (EM-DAT, 2012b).

Table 1: Most costly disasters of the last 30 years in Bangladesh

Table 1a: number of people affected Table 1b: number of people killed Table 1c: economic damage

Year & Disaster People

Affected Year & Disaster

People

killed Year & Disaster

Costs

(US$x1000)

1988 Flood 45,000,000 1991 Storm 138,866 1998 Flood 4,300,000

2004 Flood 36,000,000 1985 Storm 15,000 2007 Storm 2,300,000

1984 Flood 30,000,000 2007 Storm 4,234 2004 Flood 2,200,000

1987 Flood 29,700,000 1982 Epidemic 2,696 1988 Flood 2,137,000

1983 Drought 20,000,000 1988 Flood 2,379 1991 Storm 1,780,000

1991 Storm 15,438,849 1987 Flood 2,055 1995 Storm 800,000

1998 Flood 15,000,050 1991 Epidemic 1,700 1987 Flood 727,500

2007 Flood 13,771,380 1984 Flood 1,200 2000 Flood 500,000

1995 Flood 12,656,006 2007 Flood 1,110 2004 Earthquake 500,000

1993 Flood 11,469,537 1998 Flood 1,050 1987 Flood 330,000

Source: EM-DAT, 2012b

In general, both the extreme and the recurring smaller natural disasters and disaster losses affect the

development process in Bangladesh and mean a significant set-back to the country’s development

(Mallick et al., 2005; Khan & Rahman, 2007). Although the country has seen a steady growth of 1.6

percent in its Human Development Index value, since 1980, with a score of 0.515 the country is still

19

ranked in the low development category. Moreover the positive development is unequally

distributed among the population, and a great deal of its momentum can be regarded lost due to

this. According to data from 2007, 58 percent of the Bengal population faces multiple deprivations in

education, health and/or standard of living, and another 21 percent are susceptible to this. Looking

at income poverty, over 40 percent lives below the poverty line of US $1.25 a day (UNDP, 2013). Due

to their poverty, many poor Bangladeshis do not have sufficient means to cope and lack effective

safety nets. Therefore they are regarded more vulnerable than other people in case of natural

hazards and disasters (Akter, 2012; Bannerman, Rashid & Revje, 2011).

Response from government and NGOs.

The management of natural disasters is one of the key development challenges for Bangladesh

(Mallick et al., 2005). Thanks to its long history with natural hazards, the country can face this

challenge with an already developed extensive informal and institutional structure for disaster

management (DMB & DMRD, 2010; Khan & Rahman, 2007). Moreover, the Government of

Bangladesh (GoB) signed the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)

and finished its National Adaptation Plan of Action (NAPA) including short and long-term plans to

build capacities and resilience among communities at risk (Akter, 2012). The government aims “to

reduce the risk of people, especially the poor and the disadvantaged, from the effects of natural,

environmental and human induced hazards, to a manageable and acceptable humanitarian level, and

to have in place an efficient emergency response system capable of handling large scale disasters”

(Disaster Management Vision, n.d.). Moreover it has set the goal ‘to empower at risk communities’,

and made ‘the benefit of vulnerable communities, especially women and the poor and socially

disadvantaged’ a core principle in its national plan (DMB & DMRD, 2010).

In 2004 the Comprehensive Disaster Management Programme (CDMP) was developed to tackle the

government’s lack of capacity for effective implementation of its plans. This programme promotes

cooperation and coordination between government, development partners, civil society and NGOs.

Consortia and partnerships have been established to set priorities and allocate resources

(Bannerman et al., 2011). A multi-level and multi-agency network has developed, including

ministries, ministry departments, (i)NGOs, the Bangladesh Red Crescent/Cross Society (BRCS),

voluntary organizations and official committees with community representatives7 (DMB & DMRD,

2010; Khan & Rahman, 2007). Cooperation like this between the GoB and (i)NGOs is unprecedented,

as can be explained by the country’s history.

After the independence-war ended in 1971 Bangladesh had an acute need for assistance to help

those affected by the war. A task local, newly established and international NGOs take on as the

newly established government lacks the experience and resources to take care of all people in need.

They prove better capable in the disbursement of relief than government agencies and through time

many donor agencies continue to channel their relief aid through NGOs, even after the GoB proves

itself capable after a disastrous flood in 1998 (Matin & Taher, 2001; Paul, 2006). The sector grows

and develops from relief and rehabilitation via participatory development to more self-reliant

7 An overview of the Disaster Management Institutions and Legislations can be found in Bangladesh’s ‘National

Plan for Disaster Management 2010-2015’ (DMB & DMRD, 2010), or in Khan & Rahman (2007) who assess the partnership approach in Bangladesh’s Disaster Management.

20

development, in order to avoid ‘relief-dependency’ and to reduce the vulnerability of the poor to

hazards of various nature. Nowadays most NGOs in Bangladesh focus on savings and micro-credit for

the poor, and empowerment of the marginalised. Most disaster response is still limited to post-

disaster relief and the channelling of foreign aid (Matin & Taher, 2001).

The need for a combined short-term relief and long-term preparedness has become more

acknowledged since the 1990s, also in Bangladesh. Nevertheless, many NGOs prefer a pragmatic

combination of ‘development’ and ‘disaster’, and disaster response is limited to relief, capacity

building and livelihood development initiatives do not get linked to hazards, and the nature of the

development-disaster link often remains unaddressed (Matin & Taher, 2001; Jenkins, 2003). With a

focus on micro-credit and savings the question is whether NGOs are able to help poor and

marginalised people in their needs to deal with natural hazards. Emphasis is often placed on socio-

economic improvement rather than local capacity building benefitting people susceptible for harm

from natural hazards. Mostly big NGOs risk alienation from the poorest people and grass root issues

that once dominated their agendas. Successes in reducing the disaster-vulnerability of the poorest

and most vulnerable people are often achieved by smaller local NGOs that work in partnership with

larger international NGOs. These partnerships empower people to cope with for example floods, as

they use local knowledge and initiative. Solutions found are practical strategies supported with the

supply of resources needed (Jenkins, 2003).

Literature suggests Bangladesh has a well-developed government structure and NGO sector to

protect people against natural hazards, reduce their vulnerability and increase their capacity to act.

Main actors are the GoB and its bodies, with at the community level the Union Parishad (UP) and

Union Disaster Management Committee (UDMC), the Bangladesh Red Crescent/Cross Society (BRCS),

(i)NGOs such as CARE, Oxfam, BRAC and Proshika, and the small local NGOs and community based

organisations (CBOs) (DMB & DMRD, 2010; Khan & Rahman, 2007, Matin & Taher, 2001). Their

actions discussed above, link to different aspects of the PAR model and the external side of

vulnerability. On the one hand the CDMP reflects the realization of the GoB that addressing root

causes, in order to reduce people’s vulnerability, needs institutional support at all levels from

national to local. On the other hand, the NGO sector, largely focuses on the unsafe conditions related

to poverty. As Jenkins (2003) however argues, people not only need socio-economic improvement

but also capacity building and knowledge to cope. NGOs thus not only risk alienation, but like the

PAR model risk project ‘failure’ because of a lack of connection to people’s perception of and

response to hazard impacts.

Individual and household response.

On the response of Bengali people to the natural hazards they face, most is known about people in

the coastal areas facing cyclones, and people on chars facing floods. In general research on coping

and response to natural hazards in Bangladesh shows the impacts are location specific and damage is

uneven distributed. People’s ability to cope also varies and depends, among other things, on their

socio-economic conditions, living location, education, awareness of risk, and occupation (Paul &

Routray, 2010). Research on the 1998 flood shows hazards can affect several aspects of people’s

lives, like their house, land and other assets, employment, health, consumption and nutrition (Del

Ninno, Dorosh, Smith & Roy, 2001; Khandker, 2007). Their response is based on their perception of

21

the risk, the magnitude and intensity of the hazard, and dependent on their age, gender, job, income,

social class, family size, and the information and external assistance available to them (Paul &

Routray, 2010, 2011).

Following the theory on capacity and the ideas of response and adaptation capacities (Birkmann et

al, 2013), and the stages of disaster management (Wisner & Adams, 2002), three stages of protective

actions can be distinguished in local response to hazards in Bangladesh:

- Protective action well in advance of a hazard: These actions indicate anticipation of the possible

effects certain hazards will have on household’s livelihoods. The actions aim to minimize loss and

facilitate recovery, and include (amongst others): a plan for action, adaptation of houses and

homesteads, construction of a shelter, structural measures to protect belongings and animals,

diversification of livelihoods, crop selection and adjustment of cultivation activities, and money

saving and food stocking (Lein, 2009; Paul & Routray, 2010, 2011).

- Protective action during the occurrence of a hazard: These actions focus on coping with the

situation during a hazard and are taken immediately before, during or directly after its

occurrence. Actions aim to safe whatever can be saved by acting at the moment and focus on

protection of family, animals, house and belongings, and securing food and water (Del Ninno et

al, 2001; Lein, 2009; Paul & Routray, 2010, 2011). Response can be of very different order

however. During the 1998 flood people adopted strategies ranged from skipping meals and

selling household assets, to migration (Khandker, 2007).

- Protective action after a hazard: These actions aim to overcome the impact of hazards, secure

income and reduce further risks. Actions focus on repairing damage, securing food and income,

and include alternative income earning, relying on savings, money borrowing, loans, disposal of

household assets, depending on relief, changed eating behaviour (Del Ninno et al, 2001; Lein,

2009; Paul & Routray, 2010, 2011).

Indigenous knowledge and strategies as well as the borrowing of money and other resources are

found as major household responses to flood and cyclones in Bangladesh (Masud-All-Kamal, 2013;

Paul & Routray, 2010, 2011; Sultana & Rayhan, 2012). Social ties, bonding and safety nets, as well as

intra-community cooperation and informal risk sharing are very important mechanisms through

which this happens (Alam & Collins, 2010; Paul & Routray, 2011), but also formal forms of

microfinance often help people compensate for their losses (Khandker, 2007). Many of this happens

post-disaster, but people adopt coping strategies in a sequential order, dependent on the situation

and whether the disaster has surpassed their capacity to cope on their own with the resources they

have (Paul & Routray, 2010, 2011).

4.2. A description of the research locations.

The research locations in Nilphamari and Gaibandha district are not found in any of the literature on

local coping with natural hazards. The districts are not known for their disaster proneness, but rather

for their poverty. Nevertheless correlations are found between the district’s poverty and proneness

to natural disasters, especially the flooding of the Jamuna river (WorldBank, BBS & WFP, n.d). A short

description of the areas will be given here, including some geographical and weather-related facts.

22

Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara in Nilphamari district .

Nilphamari district has a population of 1,834,231 people (around 1180/km2). The district counts 6

upazilas and 87 unions, covering 361 villages8 (BBS, 2007a; BBS & SID, 2011, 2012a). The villages

Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara included in my research are located in the neighboring rural

unions Kachukata, Khutamara and Putimari with populations of 25,431 (1198/km2), 34,103

(1286/km2), and 33,254 (1390/km2), and average household sizes of just over 4 persons. The unions

have vibrant rural markets and the employment rates are on average 88 per cent among men, and 5

per cent among women9. Of them 82-92 per cent work in agriculture, 2-3 per cent in industry and 6-

15 per cent in the service sector. Most women do household work and are not looking for work (BBS

& SID, 2012a). It is estimated that over 44 per cent of the population in Nilphamari is extreme poor

and is not able to daily acquire a basket of food meeting their nutritional needs (WorldBank, BBS &

WFP, n.d; WFP, 2005).

Map 1: Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara in Nilphamari district.

There is no indication there are regular reoccurring natural disasters in Nilphamari. No records of

these can be found in the countries’ national plan or any other resource or database on the internet.

News articles and maps on flooding however indicate flash floods do occur now and then (Flood,

2000; Flood, n.d.). Moreover extreme weather like storms with lots of rain, hail and thunder, and

extreme cold weather with casualties and damage do occur10, but no official records on this can be

8 Bangladesh has a very complicated division of overlapping geographical and administrative units, consisting of

Divisions, Disticts, Upazilas/Thanas, Unions, Mauzas, Villages and Wards, of which those mentioned are sufficient for this research. 9 Taken the population aged 7 years and above not attending school.

10 E.g.: ‘Storm lashes Nilphamari five times in 24 hours’ (http://bdnews24.com, May 19, 2005); ‘One killed as

nor'wester lashes Nilphamari’ (http://www.snnbd.com, May 7,2009); ‘Cold takes heavy toll on Nilphamari

23

found. For cases that call for outside assistance there is nevertheless the Union Disaster

Management Committee (UDMC), established by the GoB and led by the Union Parishad Chairman11.

This committee is responsible for disaster risk reduction and emergency response, according to its

tasks and responsibilities described in its standing orders (see: DDM, n.d.). Moreover there were 61

NGOs active in the district in 2007, and 2 development projects were running on health, 9 on poverty

alleviation, 10 on roads and communication, 21 on agriculture and food, 8 on education, and 6 on

not otherwise specified issues (BBS, 2007a). There is no record of projects on disaster management

or risk reduction.

Toikorerpara and Uttar Toikorerpara in Gaibandha district.

Gaibandha district has a population of 2,379,255 people (around 1125/km2). In 2011 the district was

divided in 7 Upazilas and 82 unions, covering 1250 villages (BBS & SID, 2011, 2012b). The villages

Toikorerpara and Uttar Toikorerpara included in my research lie in Haldia union, part of Saghatta

upazila12, with a population of 21,862 (467/km2) and an average household size of just under 4

persons. Haldia has a rural market, but it is at the border of the union and kilometres away from the

villages. The employment rates in the union, are 83 per cent among men, and 4 per cent among

women13. Of the employed 92 per cent works in agriculture, 1 per cent in industry, and 7 per cent in

the service sector. Just as in Kachukata, Khutamara and Putimari, most women are not looking for

work but work in their own household (BBS & SID, 2012b). It is estimated that between 33 and 43 per

cent of the population in Gaibandha is extreme poor and is not able to daily acquire a basket of food

meeting their nutritional needs (WorldBank, BBS & WFP, n.d; WFP, 2005).

Map 2: Toikorerpara and Uttar Toikorerpara in Gaibandha district.

children. One killed, hundreds affected in last 10 days’ (archive.thedailystar.net, November 2, 2011); ‘15 villages go under water in Nilphamari’ (http://theindependentbd.com, July 9, 2013); 11

The equivalent of a mayor. 12

An upazila is a smaller administrative unit than the division in which it is located, a union even smaller. 13

Taken the population aged 7 years and above not attending school.

24

The most common natural hazards in Gaibandha are flash and river flooding and river bank erosion,

especially at the river banks and locations near the Jamuna river (DMB & DMRD, 2010; Flood, 2000;

Flood, n.d.). Cyclones, nor’westers or tornados do not occur here, although tornados have

incidentally passed by (DMB & DMRD, 2010). Extreme weather, however occurs regularly in certain

seasons. Although no official records have been found, news articles can be found on casualties and

damage due to thunder, hail, storms and abnormal low temperatures14. Just as in Kachukata and

Khutamara there is a UDMC responsible for disaster risk reduction and emergency response. In 2007

there were also 20 NGOs active in Saghatta and 4 development projects were running on health, 4 on

poverty alleviation, 4 on family planning, 16 on roads and communication, 8 on agriculture and food,

and 8 on education (BBS, 2007b). No account is however found on projects running on disaster

management or risk reduction.

14

E.g.: ‘Tornadoes hit northern Bangladesh’ (http://news.bbc.co.uk, March 21, 2005); ‘Flood victims face food, water crises in northern Bangladesh’ (businessnews-bd.com, July 2, 2012); ‘Rain triggers floods in Gaibandha’ (archive.thedailystar.net, September 19, 2012); ‘Rising water level deteriorates flood situation in Gaibandha’ (www.thefinancialexpress-bd.com, September 28, 2012); ‘Gaibandha flood situation worsens as dyke collapses. 50 villages flooded in Sirajganj’ (www.thedailystar.net, September 12, 2013).

25

5. DAILY LIFE

This chapter is the first of the chapters presenting the results of this research. It discusses the daily

lives of the women spoken to and thereby links to the theory on vulnerability and capacity in which

people’s livelihood and the context in which they build it are important factors. It is the starting point

of gaining insight in their response, as it helps to understand which aspects of people’s lives are

susceptible to harm from natural hazards or provide them the resources needed to adequately

respond to its threats. Although this will be discussed further in the next chapters, understanding it

starts here. Daily life as told by the women at both research locations is described here, as well as the

problems they face and the natural hazards that interrupts daily life. With the main focus on the

rainy season and storms, as these turn out to be the natural events posing most threats and

challenges to life, the next chapters then tell the stories of life during the rainy season and storms,

the challenges it poses, life after it, and outside assistance as it is perceived and affects hazard

impacts and coping strategies.

5.1. Life in the rural areas surrounding Kochukata and Tangomari Hat .

In Bangladesh’s northern Rangpur division halfway between Nilphamari and Djaldhaka, where the

road between these cities crosses a for Bengal norms small and on the map nameless river, lie the

market places Kochukata Hat and Tangomari Hat. Travelling from Nilphamari to Djaldhaka you would

first pass Kochukata Hat, then cross the river, and 1.5 km north-east you would pass Tangomari Hat.

These two market places are the centres of local trade of both Kachukata and Khutamara Union and

cover a collection of (among others) tea hostels, market stalls with fresh food, both meat and

vegetables, shops for office and household supplies, and blacksmiths and carpenters. During the day

and early in the evening these places are busy like beehives as people, just like the roads, from

surrounding villages and smaller bazaars come together.

Picture 2: harvesting tobacco and potatoes.

Both women and men participate.

Picture 3: market place.

A scene dominated by men.

26

Kachukata Porchim Para, Parakut, and Porchim Khutiamara Alim Madrasha Para15, are some of the

markets’ neighbouring villages. In January the roads from the markets to these villages will lead you

through fields of sprouting tobacco, potatoes, paddy and rapeseed. Even the river, with just a

fraction of the water it contains in the rainy season, is taken over by farmers to grow paddy. It seems

every inch of land you’ll pass is used either to live or to grow crops. Yet the view is diverse as crops

alternate with other crops almost as much as cultivated land with houses, saw mills and schools.

Villages are never far apart, and people are everywhere. During the day it is hard to follow a road for

only 50 meters without meeting someone else. In the villages, on the fields and on the road outside

the market places, you see both men and women (picture 2). In the crowded market place the scene

is dominated by men (picture 3).

Daily life.

Compared to midday the roads around Kochukata Hat and Tangomari Hat are quiet around 8 in the

morning. The cold January nights have caused a blanket of fog above fields and in between the

houses and only those who have to be outside are outside. Apart from a few exceptions the fields are

still empty. The quiet stream of people walking or cycling the roads are on their way to work. Most of

them are men, and because of the cold they are wearing socks, or ear warmers and extra shawls,

some even have them wrapped around their head. Before they left the house, wives and mothers got

up at 6 or 7 am in the morning to do chores and breakfast made of rice and potatoes. After breakfast

most men leave for work, as they are the main providers of the family. Around 9 am the children

leave for school, and after that the women also go their way.

Many poor families depend on their incomes earned with day labour in agriculture or brick factories,

or with van pulling. In lesser degrees families also depend on fishing or remittances from migrated

husbands or children. Day laborers find a job based on demand and the amount of work available.

This makes their income uncertain and irregular, even more so since agricultural practices are based

on season and weather. As van pullers men often hire a van or, if they are lucky, buy their own with

the help of micro-credit. Incomes from day labor, van pulling of a hired or own van, or fishing, do not

differ much and vary between 100 and 200 taka per day, which equals € 0,96 - € 1,92 or $ 1,26 - $

2,5416. For many families it is difficult to meet all their needs from this income. Some families even

do no longer have the income of a man to rely on. Women therefore sometimes work as day laborer

in agriculture or housekeeping to earn some money or food for the day.

During the day many women take care of animals, cultivate land, grow vegetables to eat or sell the

fruits of their labour. Vegetables are often grown near the house or on vacant land in order to feed

the family, only in case of unexpected high yields the vegetables are sold. Some families are also able

to access land and animals through ‘adi’. According to this principle families pay the input needed for

growing crops on land and nurturing animals not their own. In case of land they also pay half of the

yield to the landowner, while they can keep the other half, either to be sold or stored for own use. In

case of animals also half of the output has to be paid and half can be kept, meaning they can have

the second born or half of the selling price of the raised animal. Taking care of the land or animals, as

15

From now on referred to as Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara 16

Exchange rate of June 20, 2013, according to the calculator on http://www.wisselkoers.nl/

27

many only have access to one of these, does not take the whole day, and if there is no work or they

have finished the women like to visit other women and spend the rest of the day gossiping.

At the end of the afternoon, around 5 or 6 pm the men arrive home and the women start cooking.

This takes them around 2 hours and the families often eat at around 8 or 9 pm. Most of the time they

eat rice, a preparation of lentils called ‘dahl’, cauliflower and potato. After dinner the children do

their homework, the men go to the market and the women stay at home to watch the children. They

do not have much to do then, except for repairing clothes sometimes. Around 10 pm everyone goes

to sleep, to start the same routine the next morning, for 7 days a week. For ultra-poor women

however, life may be somewhat different as they tend to do day labour more often than other

women. They work in the field of others or do other people’s housekeeping.

Problems and coping strategies in daily life.

On the question which problems they face in their lives most women in Kochukata, Parakut and

Khutiamara mention problems with money and income. A woman in Kochukata, whose husband and

son are van pullers and earn between 100 and 150 taka a day, explains: “We do not have any other

income options, only the van. If they [husband and son] can earn, we can eat, otherwise it is difficult.

[…] We go to the neighbors [for help], but they are also poor, that is why they only give advice and

nothing else”17

This women’s reaction reflects the answer of many women. Income is needed to eat, and if there is

no income or not enough problems arise with food, clothing, school, dowry, and housing. Only little

support can be expected and only little support can be given, as most families are in the exact same

position. A woman, whose husband has broken his arm and cannot work at the moment, states: “If

you face any problems, other people don’t help you. If the person has money, you go there and

borrow it. But they take a lot of interest”18.

Borrowing is the most common strategy to overcome problems with income and secure the needs of

the family. People borrow from the richer people against a high interest, or from NGOs like RDRS,

BRAC, GrameenBank, SHARP or ASA. This happens quite often as fixed wages are rare and injuries

and illness not uncommon and directly threaten the food security and other needs of families.

Moreover the natural hazards discussed hereafter do threaten income and obstruct the opportunity

to work and earn.

Natural events interfering with daily life.

Since it is January some of the women face difficulties with the cold. More often than before they

face unusual low temperatures for which they don’t have the proper clothes to protect their children

and themselves. Moreover the cold and the fog are threatening the health of the animals and the

crops and vegetables on the field. The cold even made it to the national papers this year19. Referring

to the fog one women said that this winter ‘there was a day without sunlight, it was all dark for one

17

Mst. Deguda Begum (35-40 yrs), living with husband (van puller) and 2 sons in Kochukata 18

Shada Rani (35 yrs), living with husband (day labourer) and 5 children in Parakut. 19

‘Cold claims 7 lives in Nilphamari’ (http://www.banglanews24.com, January 11, 2013)

28

day’20. It is however not the cold, but storms and floods that pose most challenges to the lives of the

poor women in Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara. In what follows the natural hazards that cause

problems will be described as it was told by them. In their accounts, wind, rain, collapsing houses,

thunder strikes, destroyed crops and trees, often become one story. Words like weather and storm

are unfamiliar, and weather aspects and effects are intertwined and inseparable in the women’s

stories on storms and floods.

The rainy season.

The weather in the rainy season or monsoon is mentioned by many women in Kochukata, Parakut

and Khutiamara as interfering most with their daily lives. This season starts in the Bengali months

Ashaŗh and Srabon and the weather is marked by continues rainfall, combined from time to time

with hard winds, storms, hail, thunder and lightning. For the women these weather types are hard to

distinguish and their stories indicate thunder, hard winds and rain occur often at the same time. Hail

occurs less often, but the accounts vary from 1 to 2 times the whole season up to 20 days in a month,

with hailstones varying in size from 3 to 20 cm. In general women know what to expect from the

season, but they never know when exactly what to expect as they don’t have access to weather

forecasting or warning systems. Moreover most of their descriptions of the season do not include the

weather types and characteristics named here, but refer to a characterisation of life summarized as:

‘people cannot move, people cannot earn, people cannot eat’.

According to the women people cannot move during the rainy season due to the excessive rain

causing floods three times on average each year. In general it takes a couple of days for the water to

rise, and depending on the weather and the location it stays varying from a couple of days to a

month, to then disappear again until the next rain. The flood characteristics are thus very situational

and some women face one feet high water in their premises for 2 to 3 days, while others are not be

able to stay at home for two weeks or longer because the water level at their premises rises to 1

meter or more. The land near the river, and on the riverside of the ‘bhat’21 floods most severely, just

as the lower laying agricultural lands. One woman moved her house about 50 or 100 meters from the

riverside to the ‘baht’, showing the location specificity of flood. At this location she does not face any

problems with flood, while the old location of her house has been taken by the floods of last years.

Storms.

Storm or extreme winds are often mentioned as interfering with daily life during the rainy season

and outside of it. According to the women storms occur from summer through the rainy season and

last till autumn, with a peak in occurrence during the summer months Boishakh and Joishtho and the

rainy season. One of the women explains that “during the rainy season, the storm generally comes

every day. Sometimes little, sometimes bigger and it will stay all night, sometimes all day, sometimes

all night and day” 22.

20

Mst. Minuri (35 yrs), living with husband (retired) and 3 children in Kochukata 21

A ‘bhat’ is a heightened road that serves as protection against flooding rivers. It is comparable to the Dutch dykes. 22

Adida (25 yrs), living with her husband and 2 children in Khutiamara.

29

Although referred to as storms in this thesis, the women mention cyclones, tornadoes, storms or just

hard winds. A woman mentioned tornados and described it as ‘the wind that blows away the trees

from their roots’23. Others talk about ‘a rolling kind of wind’, ‘fast moving wind’, ‘wind coming from

one side and then from the other’, or ‘wind that starts moving from the ground’. Some of the women

view storms as a period of several weeks or months in which storms hit in periods from 1-2 hours to

a couple of days. Others however describe storms as events that last a couple of hours to a day and

may occur several times a week.

Women’s comments on the weather and the occurring hazards.

Looking back and comparing current rainy seasons with the past, over half of the women believe the

weather has become worse and the effects on life have increased. They argue the water stays longer

during the rainy season, its level is higher and the effects in terms of damage are bigger. Moreover

some specifically refer to the increase in hail and storm during the season, and one of them referred

to the increased cold and the fog in winter as sign of this change. Not all agree, and some think there

is less rain and water. One woman thought nowadays there is less rain and more storm and hail

during the rainy season, and in general it is believed the storms have increased in occurrence and

effects. Women say there are more storms, they last longer, are stronger and cause more problems

than they used to. Most women expect the trends they see in the weather and its (negative) effects

to continue in the future, not for the least because ‘[they] have no money to do anything about it’.

But there is also the believe that ‘it depends on the Almighty’.

5.2. Life in Toikorerpara and Uttar Toikorerpara.

On the western banks of the great and mighty Jamuna in the Gaibandha District of Bangladesh’s

Northern Rangpur Division, lies Sughatta Upazilla. It lies tucked away between the waters of the

kilometres broad breaded Brahmaputra-Jamuna river in the east and the much smaller Bangali river

in the west. The more you would travel east, the more your journey will continue on bhats, and

eventually you will end up in Haldia Union. The bhats are heightened roads that function as

embankments to protect against the water. Along the eastside of the main ‘bhat’ crossing from

north to south through Haldia Union you’ll see huge water basins dug. They are located at the side of

the Jamuna river and serve as water storage. Right now, in march, there is only a low level of water

left. In the rainy season however these meters deep basins of 30 by 150 meters or more flood to

eventually serve as storage as the water level has lowered again.

In between the main bhat and the one functioning as the last line of defence against the Jamuna

river lie Toikorerpara and Uttar (north) Toikorerpara. There is no market in these places, and neither

are there markets in the neighbouring villages of Bangerpara, Pabantair and Bera. Along the bhat

there are just a couple of small ‘tea hostels’24, a shop and some stalls where now and then meat or

vegetables are sold. The only transportation available here are vans. To find another place to buy

23

Monjura (35 yrs), widow, living with 2 children in Kochukata. 24

Tea hostels are like cafes. People, mostly men, go here during the day to drink tea and eat a quick snack, lunch or dinner.

30

food or to eat will take you with a 15 minute travel north in the direction to Saghatta city and it will

take you even longer to get to the nearest market place.

Daily life.

Daily life in Toikorerpara and Uttar Toikorerpara25 has many similarities with life in Kochukata,

Parakut and Khutiamara. The poor live a hand-to-mouth existence, and every day is about meeting

the daily needs of the family members. In male-headed households an income of 100-200 taka26 is

earned by day labour or van-pulling. If possible this is supported by women’s work on rented land,

growing vegetables or taking care of some animals. The lives of older women or those married with

an older man however isn’t structured anymore by their own work. A woman of around 35 years old

told: “My son is responsible for earning money. My husband does not work anymore. [My son] is a

farmer, working here. We don’t have our own land, we just work as labourer, hired. [...] Sometimes

people also hire me, [but] not related to agriculture [and] they pay me not money but only rice”27.

Only a few of the women earn some money or food through day labour in agriculture or

housekeeping. Most of them like the woman mentioned however depend on the income of the sons

they live with, or the remittances of the son(s) that left for work to one of Bangladesh’s megacities.

Those who are able combine it with renting land to grow crops, growing vegetables on vacant land or

taking care of animals and selling the eggs, milk or young animals. All women spoken to that have no

income from their husband have access to either land or animals to support their living. Nevertheless

some of them turn to begging in neighbouring villages or marketplaces in times of need, while others

rely on the goodness of their neighbours.

Problems and coping strategies in daily life.

Illustrative for the problems many women face in daily life is the following story of a woman from

Toikorerpara. She is living with her husband, 10-year old daughter and 7-year old son, and explained

to me her problems and how she dealt with it. She said: “The main problem is food. Because I am ill, I

have a pain in my back and my husband does not earn. He is mad28, and that is the main problem.

Sometimes the neighbours help us, but they also have not enough to eat. Sometimes we go to

another village to get some help. We beg. We ask [people]to give something because I am poor and

cannot earn. Then the people help. [...] I took [a loan of] 5000 taka from Grameen Bank and per week

pay 230. My husband was seriously ill, blood came from his mouth, that is why I took the loan. For my

husband’s disease and also to buy some food for the cow. I also used the money to buy food.”29

The above account on problems and coping represents the stories of many women. It is the daily

uncertainty for both income and food that worries the women and marks their daily lives. Their

25

From now on referred to as (Uttar) Toikorerpara, meaning both villages. 26

which equals € 0,96 - € 1,92 or $ 1,26 - $ 2,54 - Exchange rate of June 20, 2013, according to the calculator on http://www.wisselkoers.nl/ 27

Mst. Mojiton Begum (30+ yrs), living with husband (retired), 2 sons (1 is day labourer) and daughter-in-law in Toikorerpara. 28

This is how my translator translated what she said, but later when he used the word more often, he explained it meant old and unable to work. 29

Peari Begum (40 yrs), living with husband (retired) and 2 children in Toikorerpara.

31

stories however also show that older, ill or disabled husbands are part of this problem because they

can no longer provide for their family. Just as in Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara it is hard to get

support from neighbours and family. Although often in a lesser degree, most of them are also poor

and not able to offer more than advice. To solve their problems some of the women who still have a

husband providing income, take a loan at a NGO. Many other women are not able to get one or do

not want it because they know they’re unable to pay the instalments. Some however get help from

the Food Security for Ultra Poor Women (FSUP) project30, which focuses on food security and

introduced the Heifer principle through which most of the participants got their own animals to

support their livelihood.

Natural events interfering with daily life.

During the time of my to Toikorerpara it is March, and half spring in Bangla called Bôshonto. The

roads and the land around Toikorerpara are dusty and dry and the ponds and water basins only

contain low levels of water. There is barely any wind and it rained only once the past weeks. That

evening for 1,5 hours the rain literally poured out of heaven, together with small hailstones,

combined with some gusts of wind. Nevertheless it is hard to imagine the stories women tell about

storms, rain and flood. For them the rainy season, especially its co-occurring floods, poses most

challenges to daily life. Here the events will be described as they did it. As becomes clear in the next

chapter, it is however the water that stays behind rather than the weather events giving it, that

causes problems and therefore dominates their stories. Moreover, also here counts that weather

aspects and effects are intertwined and inseparable in their stories on storms and floods.

Floods.

The weather during the rainy season is marked by rain, now and then accompanied by strong wind,

or even storm, thunder and hail. Sometimes it continues raining for long times, up to 5 or even 7

days, and women know they can expect floods whenever it starts raining and the water becomes

higher. On average there are 2-3 floods each year according to the women spoken to.

‘Simultaneously when there is rain there is flood’ 31, said one of them. Some women however

mention that they think the floods are not only caused by local rainfall, water also comes from the

Jamuna river. They describe it as ‘waves coming from the river’ and ‘water that is coming rapidly’

while ‘it makes a loud sound’, and although they believe flood is caused both by rainfall and from the

river, many say more water comes from the river.

The speed with which the water enters the premises and houses of people varies and the statement

‘sometimes the water rises in 1 day and sometimes in 3-4 days’, seems to cover most accounts. One

woman stated “when I sees the water outside the door and think what shall I do, with that thinking I

30

This is a joint initiative of seven local partners: Rangpur Dinajpur Rural Service (RDRS), Christian Commission for Development in Bangladesh (CCDB), Centre for Disability in Development (CDD), Leprosy Mission, Gram Bikash Kendra (GBK), Unnayan Shahojogy Team (UST), and Gana Unnayan Kendra (GUK), and two international partners: Stichting Dark & Light Blind Care (D&L), The Netherlands, and The Leprosy Mission (TLM), England and Wales and Channel Islands. 31

Mst. Momena Katum (50 yrs), widow, living with her in-laws in Uttar Toikorerpara

32

can see the water go inside”32, while another said “in the morning I see water is near the tubewell, in

the evening it is near our room, next day water is everywhere and in the evening I see the water [...]

at bed height”33. Depending on the flood and the amount of water, as well as the location, the final

height of the water varies from one feet in the premises of people’s houses to five feet inside, where

it will stay 3 days to a month. After it stops raining the water goes back to the river or disappears into

the ground. Overall it comes faster than it disappears.

Storms.

Storms occur during the rainy season, but are not merely a seasonal phenomenon and occur also in

its preceding months. Nevertheless they are most often mentioned in relation to the rainy season,

and talking about storms almost automatically brings the conversation back to the rainy season and

floods. The storms are described as lasting about 1 to 2 hours, and appear suddenly on no specific

time. The sky gets dark, the wind starts blowing fast and the rain is pouring down, sometimes with

hail or thunder. In comparison to floods the storms do not really pose big problems to life, although

they can make it difficult when trees break and houses collapse.

Women’s thoughts and expectations concerning the weather and the occurring hazards.

The weather and its effects, especially the floods, differ from situation to situation, from flood to

flood and from location to location. Some of the women in (Uttar) Toikorerpara say the situation is

the same as before, but most women have noticed changes in the floods of the past few years. They

say the floods have increased due to the changing course of the Jamuna river. The river has come

closer and aggravates the its occurrence and number. It has not always been the case that much of

the excessive water came from the river and caused more than 1 flood during the raining season. The

current floods come very rapidly, the water level is higher, it gets inside houses and many women

and their families have to move out. Some say this change is also due to a broken embankment 2 km

away that has not been repaired, although it broke a couple of years ago. The women say they face

lots of difficulties because of this and ‘they don’t have any peace now’34. They say the situation in the

future depends on water level of the Jamuna, but also that it will be what God provides.

5.3. A reflection on livelihoods and occurring hazards.

The phrase ‘living a hand-to-mouth existence’ captures the livelihoods of the poor women spoken to

in Kochukata, Parakut, Khutiamara and (Uttar) Toikorerpara well. They and their families have to

make a living from insecure sources of income, without fixed loans or labour contracts. Almost all

families eat what they earn and often face difficulties with food when earnings disappoint. Food is

most women’s main concern, but income insecurity also affects their ability to meet needs in

clothing, medicine and healthcare, education and the marriage of daughters. Many women take care

of animals like cows, goats, chickens or ducks or grow vegetables or crops to contribute to the

family’s income and food security. In case of real problems they ask neighbours for advice but often

32

Mst. Golapi Begum (40 yrs), living with husband (day labourer) and 3 children in Pabantair. 33

Roshida Begum (45 yrs), living with husband (retired) in Toikorerpara. 34

Morjina (60 yrs), widow, living alone in Uttar Toikorerpara

33

have to turn to informal or formal lending systems to solve their problems. It is not a lack of will to

help but rather a lack of assets and resources to help each other, just as it is the cause of many

problems.

The internal side of vulnerability is closely related to people’s livelihoods and their ability to arrange

and use the resources they need in normal times and in times of hazards. The livelihoods of the

women described here often lack resources to meet needs even in normal times, and leave no room

to buy themselves protection against hazards. A situation that is common also for neighbours and

family. The relations of households, that in theory become very important in times of hazard, are

likely to be insufficient to provide access to resources needed. This suggests their livelihoods and

relations only provide a thin layer of (self) protection, unlikely to absorb much of the impacts of

hazards. Depending on the magnitude and scale of the hazard, it is likely only small impacts can be

absorbed by the household itself.

In Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara moderate levels of flood in the rainy season and severe winds

interfere with daily life, and in (Uttar) Toikorerpara it are mostly the relative high water levels. These

are not exactly the hazards that impact life in such a way that the 7 key characteristics of a disaster

are met that Frerks and his colleagues distinguished, but rather events that pose a threat to the

already uncertain livelihood of many families. It seems the situation of the women spoken to reflects

unsafe conditions because of low and insecure income and regularly occurring threatening weather.

A situation that furthermore seems aggravated by a lack of household assets or access to resources

through the families’ relations. Whether however this is true, and what kind of self and social

protection is present or can be arranged when hazards occur, will be discussed hereafter. The next

chapters will tell the story of life during and after the rainy season and storms, and will look in further

detail to people’s response, keeping in mind people’s belief that the future is in the hands of the

Almighty.

34

6. LIFE DURING RAIN AND STORMS

Almost all women at both locations mention the rainy season with its extreme weather, especially

excessive water and storms as most problematic natural events interfering with their daily life. Daily

life changes as the water rises and it becomes more difficult and dangerous to move from place to

place. This chapter will illustrate this by telling about their lives during these events. First life during

moderate floods will be described, as it represents the stories of many women in Kochukata, Parakut

and Khutiamara. It is the story of those able to stay at home during the floods. Thereafter life during

floods of higher level and longer duration will be described, as it represents the stories of many

women in (Uttar) Toikorerpara or living near a river. They are not able to stay at home, but have to

take shelter elsewhere. Finally life during storms will be described because most women at both

locations face storms regularly. The chapter will conclude with a reflection of life during these

hazards, focussing on the effects on people’s livelihoods and their capacity to deal with the situation.

6.1. Life during moderate floods.

“In the rainy season the water comes in here. One feet, and it stays only three or four days. When the

water comes I am afraid about our children, because when they fall down the water they cannot

swim. […]

During the rainy season if we face the problem we cannot earn, then we cannot eat. If we can earn

then we can buy food. During the rainy season, generally when it is flooded, we have the problem

with food because it is not available. When I cannot arrange food for the children we go to the

neighbour for the food of our children. We eat less. Now we eat three times on a day, full, but during

the rainy season we eat less, 1 time or 2 times, and with less food. Now the price of rice is 25, but

during the rainy season it will be 32, 33 or more. I cannot make it sometimes, we cannot arrange the

rice, that is why. Vegetables are available, but the prices are high. During the rainy season we buy

less vegetables. We didn’t store [food] because what my man earns, we need for one day” (Asatum,

Parakut) 35.

The story of Asatum is illustrative for the situation of many women during the rainy season. The well-

being of children and the availability of food are their main concerns. To arrange food they can no

longer depend on the income they used to depend on. Day labour is often impossible as the

agricultural fields are under water and riding a van becomes dangerous. Life, especially meeting the

need of food, is no longer secure, but rather uncertain and food prices increase as income decreases.

What makes it even more difficult is the challenge to cook. Firewood is wet, and the outdoor cookers

are flooded. If the water level allows it, some women try to get the water out of the cooker and dry it

with ashes. Others cook at neighbours’ special on plinth raised cooking rooms with roofs, or use

bricks, chairs and tins to create a cooking place inside their house. If they have enough food some

women try to cook for two meals at once. Rice is the main and often only type of food during floods,

because food prices rise, and it is the cheapest food available. Meals are often reduced to once a day

and sometimes adults don’t eat at all. Trimoti Nero Bala explains “if we cannot cook, we try to buy

35

Asatum (22 yrs), living with husband (van puller) 2 children in Parakut.

35

something from the shop and feed our children. I didn’t eat sometimes, but only fed the children”36.

As Asatum story shows, it happens adults don’t eat for 1 or 2 days, to make sure their children have

something to eat.

Many men migrate during the rainy season to cities like Dhaka, Saidpur or Chittagong to earn money.

Most women however do not leave the village, and their lives become limited to their own home and

some of the neighboring houses. During the day they cook if it is possible, do their chores as far as

the rain and the flood allow, gather food for the animals, and gossip with each other, although at

times that can get boring. They face the challenge to meet their family’s needs, and inconveniences

like leaking roofs, a soggy mud floor and the threat of more damage form hail and storms that occur

during the season. Batashi Begum, although her husband doesn’t leave, notices life is different when

many of the men are gone. Those women staying behind wait for remittances, meanwhile depending

more heavily on especially each other to meet daily needs. Although some are ashamed to do it,

many women borrow both food and money from each other and the rich to be able to feed their

children37.

One woman’s description of daily life when the water comes inside the house very well captured the

stories of many. She said: “We are trying to sit down on the bed. Not only we, also the animals. We

keep all our things together and we keep it in the roof of our house. The roof is empty, there is

bamboo, over there we put it. [It is called] ‘kif’ “38.

Almost all women spoken to in Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara, tell stories identical to this one.

Most families spend their time inside their house, together with their animals. The ducks and

chickens they keep in self-made baskets, and also the goats and cows are kept in the room. When

the water comes inside they put their belongings on bamboo mats under the roof of the house, a

place they call ‘kif’, and continue life on their bed(s), together with their animals. For some, mostly

those living near a river, the water however rises too high to stay at home. They move out.

6.2. Life during floods of higher level and longer duration.

“To protect my family, me and my family go to the road and take shelter there. We take shelter in

other people’s house on the other side. On this side there is water, on the other side there is no water.

The road is like a ‘bhat’. […] I didn’t take any prevention for the flood damage to my house. I only

protect my family. We go to [the bhat]. When the water comes, and I can see the water reaching, I

call other people and take the house in another place. Only the roof. To protect [it] from the flood.

Everything I take to other people’s house. When the water comes, in an instance I take everything to

the other’s house. I make a boat from the banana tree, and our things I keep in there and I take it.

[The boat], it is called ‘bura’. Everything I take in the ‘bura’, also the children” (Shada Rani, Parakut)39.

36

Trimote Nero Bala (24 yrs), living with her husband (van puller), mother-in-law and 3 children in Khutiamara. 37

Batashi Begum (25 yrs), living with husband (renting a tea hostel), his other wife and their 2 children in Parakut 38

Lisu (35 yrs), living with husband (river fisher) and 3 children in Parakut. 39

Shada Rani (35 yrs), living with husband (day labourer) and 5 children in Parakut.

36

Differing much from Asati’s story, Shada Rani’s story is less representive for the women spoken to in

Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara. Only the houses of those living near the river, unprotected by

any embankment or ‘bhat’, get under water completely and become unliveable. A situation which

has more resemblances with the situation of women in (Uttar) Toikorerpara. But also here, people’s

houses are their first shelter, and they stay at home as long as the water levels permit. During the

days children often play and make the best of the situation enjoying the water, while mothers try to

keep them out. The women spend their time tailoring or gossiping with other women, they cannot

work and neither can the men. When the water rises to levels too high to live with the family on

beds, many women arrange places for their children and older husbands to stay.

Roshida Begum explains what her live looks like when the family has to move: “I send my son-in-law

to my father’s house. For the safety of my grandchild I send them to my father’s house, with the goat

and chicken and everything. I stay in the room with one bed put on another bed.[…] I send my

husband to the main road, it is high. Only I stay [here]. Sometimes my husband stays with relatives

and sometimes alone. When he lives alone on the embankment we make a small house, with roof and

in there he lives with the animals. […] In daytime I use to go to the embankment and also cut some

tree leaves for the animals. Sometimes I cook there, sometimes I cook here. If I cook here, I cook with

the ‘alop tula’40 and cook for two persons. I take food for my husband over there. Last year I went

there with the banana boat, but it is difficult to go there. […] In the evening I come back and go to bed

and open the window to see if any robber comes”41.

Sometimes the women and their family members staying at the house, sleep in the water sitting

upright with their heads against the wall. Others decide to take their bed sheets, pillows, food and

cooking materials, lock their house and join their family, friends and neighbours at the embankment

until the water level drops.

With high water levels, food even becomes a bigger problem than with moderate water levels.

Besides the lack of income and increased food prices, high water makes it difficult to visit the market

to buy food. Moreover because of the changed nature of floods in (Uttar) Toikorerpara, the last

harvest of rice before the rainy season failed and people, even the rich, have not been able to store

rice. Some do have dried and flattened rice stored, but many families haven’t and to arrange food

most women borrow money from richer neighbours. Others beg for money or rice, or depend on the

gifts of others. Parents eat less and give their children the bigger shares. There is often only enough

food for one meal a day. A young women, left by her husband, but taking care of their 2 children

says: “If I get half a kg of rice, I cook a quarter and keep a quarter for later. I eat little and keep more

for the children”42.

Arranging food is also more difficult because most cookers are built on the ground and useless during

the floods. Like Roshida Begum, many women therefore make ‘alop tulas’ from clay, which can be

moved. During floods they place them on a high table, which they call ‘toki’, and they cook on the

bed. An additional problem however is the firewood. Some women have thought of storing some in

the high places of their house, but not all. And although people are willing to share their cooking

areas, sharing dry wood is not very common. Since most people only have rice or potatoes, not being

able to cook means they cannot eat.

40

A small portable cooker/stove 41

Roshida Begum (45 yrs), living with husband (retired) in Toikorerpara. 42

Pomeshar Moyna Rani (35 yrs), left by her husband, living with 2 children in Uttar Toikorerpara.

37

Luckily safe drinking water is no problem for any of the women spoken to. Even on the embankment,

away from their own home water from the tubewells on the west side of the road is freely available.

Sanitation however is much scarcer. During the rainy season this lack causes real problems. When

the women have to go to the bathroom they use the ‘bura’ to get away from the house as far as is

reasonably possible, and do it far off. They do however feel the flood and lack of sanitation threatens

their health and that of the children. Even more so because people cannot bury their death relatives

and animals that have died during the flood. They send them away on ‘buras’. Because of this and

excessive water all the time people, especially children, get diarrhoea or dysentery. When they face

diarrhoea, people threat themselves with ORS, which they call saline and buy at the pharmacy. For

other diseases however they have to go to a clinic, or even the hospital, but not always they are able

as hospitals are farther away and transportation limited during the rainy season.

6.3. Daily life interfered by storm, thunder and hail .

Hard winds, thunder and hail often co-occur with rain in the rainy season, but also occur outside the

rainy season. Whether it occurs during the rainy season or not, most women react by stopping their

daily activities, take some precautions and then make sure the family and animals gets safe inside. In

case of hard wind, they start with strutting the house with as many bamboo beams that serve as

emergency braces as possible. In Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara they call them ‘teckna’, and in

(Uttar) Toikorerpar ‘doka’ (pictures 4 and 5). But many know the these will not be enough to protect

their house against a severe storm. A women from Kochukata said: “I try to protect my house with

bamboo, but I feel it will still blow up sometimes”43.

Not all women therefore take shelter in their own house but in the strongest house nearby, while

others stay under their bed out of fear. People stay at their chosen shelter until the storm is over two

hours or sometimes a day later. This does not necessarily mean inside, as one woman told: “All my

family members go to a place where there is nothing, no trees, nothing. Because when a tree breaks

43

Monjura (35 yrs), widow, living with 2 children in Kochukata.

Picture 4 and 5: construction and use of teckna /doka

38

down we can get injured, that’s why we go to a place where there is nothing. And if we die, we’ll die

all at the same time”44.

Hailstones can be very big, making lots of noise on the tin roofs of houses, and causing damage to

both houses, trees and crops. People fear the hail and thunder and children get upset by the noise.

Women who use to cook outside are afraid to go out and don’t cook, or cook inside if that is possible.

Some however try to cook in advance, just as a woman from Kochukata: “normally if I see the clouds

turn black I try to cook early and try to get the food inside”45.

Storms, especially with hail and thunder scare the women and fear keeps them and their husbands

inside so they cannot earn, but the effect on everyday life is nowhere near that of the rainy season.

6.4. A reflection on life during hazards.

During floods and storms the problems with income and food women and their families face in daily

life are magnified. When the water level rises or storms rage people cannot move much, cannot

work, do not earn and cannot buy food. A problem more easily dealt with during and after storms

than floods, but both situations show the susceptibility of the poor to suffer from food shortage.

There are not many self-protection measures taken in advance to avoid this problem, and during

floods the poor rely heavily on others for food and money. Their relations provide them access to

resources needed to meet their family’s needs. Especially women whose husbands have migrated for

work, depend heavily on each other, but for all relations become a main source of protection against

enfolding hazard impacts. During the occurrence of floods or storms there are no social protection

measures people rely on. Coping and response are embedded in their livelihoods and relations, as

the access to resources needed during hazards come from everyday life.

Life during floods and storms focusses on the wellbeing of the family. Most efforts are put in

arranging food and safety, and just as for food people often also rely on others for shelter. Living

with the water however seems to be normal and accepted, and little to no measures are taken to

keep the water out of the house. To protect the house during storms, people do however take

measures and prepare in advance. Moreover they have developed strategies to keep their

belongings and animals safe and dry during floods. It seems they have found effective ways to cope.

Whether it is sufficient, will become more clear in the next chapters on the unfolding impacts of

hazards, and amongst other things, the needs women still have to deal with the risk and threats

coming from the hazards they face. These chapters will illustrate more of the women’s vulnerabilities

and their response to impacts on both the short and longer term.

44

Lisu (35 yrs), living with husband (river fisher) and 3 children in Parakut. 45

Komola (20 yrs) living with daughter in Kochukata. Husband is rickshawpuller in Dhaka.

39

7. UNFOLDING IMPACTS

Even when floods and storms have passed, they can still affect life. Hazards can result in both

primary and secondary effects (Wisner & Adams, 2002), and response also includes actions taken

after hazards to overcome its impacts (Birkmann et al, 2013; Del Ninno et al, 2001; Lein, 2009; Paul &

Routray, 2010, 2011; Wisner & Adams, 2002). With every action people take they change the

conditions in and with which they have to live. This is not only true for life during hazards, as

discussed in the former chapter, but also for life directly after it and in the longer run. In order to

gain a complete understanding of women’s strategies to deal with the effects of natural hazards,

including recovery and response to secondary effects, this chapter will outline the threats and

problems experienced by them from the onset of the hazards onwards. It is a short intermezzo to

clarify how hazards affect different aspects of life. How women deal with problems they face after

the actual hazards will be discussed in the next chapter on life after the hazards.

7.1. Human lives and safety

Many women fear storms and the rainy season for the threat to their lives and that of their family,

especially their children. They often know stories about people who died because of floods or

storms, but the stories concern hearsay and some go back ten years. Overall, of all the natural

hazards they face throughout the year, storms are most lethal. It was thunder lightening, collapsing

houses or breaking trees that killed people, but ‘during storm usually people do not die but get

injured’46. There was however also a woman who told about a storm 3 years ago by which 100-150

people got killed due to thunder lightening and diseases afterwards47. The event however did not

come back in other interviews and a check of newspaper articles did not confirm the story.

Newspaper articles however do confirm fatalities during storms, both tornados and nor’westers48

and together with the stories of women, they show the fear for lives is realistic.

Two women I spoke to lost a child during the rainy season. One was four years old and drowned and

the other got ill. Although the floods and storms do not lead to many fatalities, people get injured

and floods and diseases are closely related. Children, but also adults, get diarrhoea and dysentery.

This has not to do with a lack of safe drinking water, as everyone has access to tube wells, both at

home or where they take shelter during floods or storms. Sanitation however is a problem, especially

during floods. Most poor women don’t have any latrine let alone a raised and flood resilient one, and

during floods they ‘use the boat and go far to do it’. Women know this lack of sufficient sanitation

increases the risk of waterborne diseases. Peari Begum explains: “During the flood season the bad

water comes, sometimes many animals die in the water. Mainly for the water people are ill” 49.

In case of disease health care or medicines have to be arranged, but that is not always easy. Peari

Begum’s story about how she lost her son, during a flood, says: “my older one died for the flood. For

46

Adida (25 yrs), living with husband (betel leave seller) and 2 children in Khutiamara. 47

Nasima Atar (46 yrs), living with her husband (day laborer) in Khutiamara. 48

Nor’westers called Kal-Baishakhi in Bangla, are severe thunderstorms accompanied with strong winds that occur mainly during the Bengal summer, in the month Boîshakh 49

Peari Begum (40 yrs), living with husband (retired) and 2 children in Toikorerpara.

40

the flood we could not arrange food, that is why he died. […]. I get some medicine from the clinic, but

it was not enough, but for more I need to go to the hospital”.

7.2. Damage to houses and belongings

The houses of the poor are placed on a raised plinth made of mud. Among the houses I’ve seen there

is no exception, although some plinths are higher than others and some have vegetation to protect it

from being washed away. The houses itself have a frame constructed from either bamboo or wood,

of which the pillars are entrenched in the mud floor. On top of the pillars are beams, and on top of

that rests the frame of the pitched roof. The walls are made of reed, jute or bamboo matting, or

corrugated tin attached to the frame with wire, bolts or straw-like rope. The roof is made from the

same kind of materials, although there is high percentage of corrugated tin roofs. Compared to

Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara, where most poor live in bamboo, reed or jute houses, (Uttar)

Toikorerpara has more houses made of tin.

Many women say the poor construction of their houses, especially the lack of robustness of the

pillars, is a major problem, and most have experienced at least once damage to their house in times

of storms or floods. Storms are feared most, as houses can be smashed by hard blows of wind, trees

might fall down and damage the house, and even the complete house or its roofs might be blown

away. Women living at the edge of villages next to open field, fear most because there are no other

houses that break the wind before it gets to their house. Not only women living at these locations

mentioned this, but also during the group discussion held in Kochukata, women explained that those

living at the edge of the village are more likely to suffer damage to their house from storms.

In (Uttar) Toikorerpara women also fear much for damage from floods. They face higher levels of

water, just like those living in Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara at the river side of the

embankment. The longer the water stays and the higher it gets, the more likely damage to the walls,

pillars and floor of the house. Reed, jute and bamboo walls as well as pillars get rotten by the

excessive water, and tin walls bend and get affected. Moreover moderate floods already damage the

houses’ plinths of mud and plain rain may cause damage to the reed, jute and bamboo walls,

especially when there is a hard wind blowing. Rain combined with hail can furthermore damage the

tin roofs, causing bumps and sometimes even holes in the tin. Whatever the cause however, after

the actual occurrence of the event, the damage to houses poses real challenges to the lives of

women and their families.

Despite to the damage to houses, household items are barely mentioned as being damaged by

natural hazards. One of the women told she has no special things, giving the shortest and clearest

explanation possible for the reason why so little is said about these things. Things you don’t have

can’t be threatened. When water gets inside during floods the few belongings people have do

nevertheless often get wet and damaged . Only one woman faced problems from the storm with one

of the household’s assets. Her family once took a loan to buy a van, and she is the only woman

whose family owns its productive asset with which they earn their income. Last year a storm had

blown the van, that was kept outside, away. The van was damaged severely and the cost for

41

reparation was around 3000 taka. In general damage to belongings does not concern such big

amounts of money or influence people’s income in such degrees.

7.3. Income and food security.

As became clear in the former chapter, hazards directly interfere with the poor’s daily practice of

working for an income. The whole rainy season it is almost impossible to find work, and in times of

regular storms and bad weather men sometimes cannot work for a week. The effects of both floods

and storms on employment and earnings can however be longer than the hazard itself. A woman

from Kochukata, mother of four and the main provider of her family, told about finding work after

rain or storms: “After the rain sometimes I can get work and sometimes I cannot. It takes a week to a

month to get a job. [After a storm] it takes 15 days to a month to two months to get a job, because

the field gets destructed […] and it takes time”50.

Not finding work directly after the rainy season is a common problem, often ascribed to the floods

and ‘monga’51, both related to agriculture and the sowing calendar. Not finding work after a storm

however is only partly explained by the woman’s argument of destructed fields or damage to other

assets needed to earn money. It is also fear, as becomes clear from the following account of a

woman from Parakut: “for the storm we suffer for food. We cannot work, that is why we have the

problem. My children are little and I take care of them. That is why I cannot work in other’s house and

during a storm my husband can also not work. A storm stays 1-2 hours a day, but for the storm me

and my husband cannot do work for 4 or 5 days. When a storm occur people fear when it will come

again”52.

Having no work and no income is a direct threat coming from natural hazards, and as long as

difficulties with employment exist, the problems with arranging enough food for the family

continues. A widow in Uttar Toikorerpara told: “During the flood season the food price becomes

higher and only when they can harvest rice it will be lower. After the rain or flood, when it is less, I

face a lot of problems with food and clothes and everything because there is no work. I cannot earn

and sometimes I starve for food”53.

Problems with food also arise or even increase when storms or hail destroy agricultural fields and

lead to crop failure. Then it is likely there is a combination of no work, food shortage on a bigger

scale and increased food prices.

50

Mst. Minuri (35 yrs), living with husband (retired) and 3 children in Kochukata. 51

“Monga is a Bangla word that has been derived from “Mehenga” meaning “expensive” which indicates high food price, consequent poverty and hunger. Generally, the term monga is used to describe a nearfamine like situation, and is also an indicator of seasonal food shortage which prevails in some northern districts of Bangladesh” (Ahamad, Khondker, Ahmed & Tanin, 2013: 1078) 52

Shada Rani (35 yrs), living with husband (day labourer) and 5 children in Parakut. 53

Mst. Rina Begum (45 yrs), living with her son's family in Uttar Toikorerpara.

42

7.4. Poultry, livestock, crops, vegetables and fruit trees.

About half of the women own or take care of animals. They regard natural hazards as threats to their

animals, as floods can cause diseases and storms can cause injuries, and they fear for their well-

being. Only a few however mention real problems with the well-being of their animals. A problem

mentioned in the interviews is the difficulty some have with feeding their animals, as less food is

available during floods, and it becomes more expensive to take care of. Moreover one woman said:

“After the flood people became ill, sometimes diarrhoea or cholera, that kind of disease. And also the

cow, they have lots of problems, because after the flood they eat grass, but the grass is no good, that

is why they get ill”54.

The threats posed by natural hazards to the crops, vegetables and fruit trees people grow is more

often materialized than the threats to animals. Storms break trees, which furthermore can damage

vegetables and crops, and fields can be destroyed or crops damaged by wind or hail. Moreover hail

damages the fruit growing on trees, and lightening might even destroy whole trees. A more

structural and recurrent problem in (Uttar) Toikorerpara however are the floods in the rainy season

which make it impossible to grow anything. Although the women say this is usual, increased

variability and unpredictability of the first flood, also poses new problems when the last paddy grown

before the rainy season cannot be harvested.

7.5. A reflection on unfolding impacts of floods and storms on life and

livelihoods.

As shown in the former chapter and confirmed in this one, women are mainly concerned with their

own safety, that of family members, and with the availability of food during floods and storms. There

does however seems to be a network of connections between these and the impact of hazards on

the categories discussed above. The availability of food is closely linked to the ability to work, and

there are also links between threats to human lives and the safety of houses. Life during the floods

and storms shows people’s priorities and how they cope with threats. This chapter shows it does not

end there, as challenges with income and food are likely to remain, while other challenges emerge.

People may have to face damaged houses, fields and vegetable gardens, as well as illness, injuries

and sick animals. The question is whether these can be solved the same way as challenges were

solved during the hazards. How people deal with the impacts after the actual hazards, whether they

choose to rely again on their relations or decide otherwise, as well as how they continue their lives

will be discussed in the next chapter.

54

Mst. Rina Begum (45 yrs), living with her son's family in Uttar Toikorerpara

43

8. LIFE AFTER THE RAINY SEASON AND STORMS

This chapter describes the lives of the women after the actual hazard, in what can be called the

period of recovery. It discusses the direct impact of the rainy season and storms on life, as well as the

actions taken to overcome these, to secure income and reduce further risks. The chapter will follow

the women’s stories of life after rainy seasons and storms. The chapter will end with a reflection on

the stories using the theory on vulnerability and capacity. Specifically will be reflected on whether

the stories tell something about how both unfold and change, through mutual influence and in

reaction on people’s actions to protect themselves and recover.

8.1. Picking up life after individual floods and the whole rainy seasons.

After the water from the last flood in the rainy season has left, people’s premises, fields and villages

look desolate. Crops and land are damaged and depending on the water level, houses are damaged

too as is true for those living at the riverside of the bhat in Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara and

most poor women in (Uttar) Toikorerpara. Those who left to take shelter during the flood come

home to see their walls and doors damaged, their mud floors scattered and their belongings wet and

starting to rot. Entering their house they find their legs stuck in the mud, and it is hard to move. The

water has gone, but has left behind a muddy mess for many. Minu, widow and living next to her son,

tells: “After the flood usually first I try to repair my house. Then I do other things. Last time, inside my

house, to dry it, it took 5 or 6 days, and to repair everything it took about 10 days. After the flood, my

son goes outside to work, and when he comes in the evening, or before going to work in the morning,

he helps me to repair it. After the flood he also helps me much with food”55.

Illustrating however that live is interrupted by more than the damage to personal belongings is what

Roshida Begum tells: “Nowadays life is good, but after the flood life became worse than life during

the flood time. Because for the flood time we have food, but after the flood time we didn’t get any

food. That is why life is worse. […] [People] sometimes sell their tree, sometimes sell the land, or sell

the cow, that is how they get money. But those people who don’t have any tree, cow, land, they have

nothing there, so that is worse life. […] After the flood first I try to repair my house and it takes

sometimes 15 to 20 days to repair my house, […] and after that I try to find work from other’s people

house. For if I can work, I can eat. In a day 1 time or 2 times, it depends on what I can do”56.

Just like described above, it takes most families between 10 and 20 days to repair their house after a

flood. The very first thing women do when the water level has dropped far enough, is taking all

belongings outside to dry. The mud that is left from the scattered floor they leave to dry, while new

mud is collected to restore the floor as soon as possible. When tin walls are damaged by the water

people take them out to repair, unbend and clean it. Most people do as much of the work

themselves. Because the women cannot do the work alone they do it with their husbands, before

and after he has worked, until everything is done. Screws, bamboo, tin, and even the mud when they

55

Minu (50 yrs), widow, living with her son's family in Uttar Toikorerpara 56

Roshida Begum (45 yrs), living with husband (retired) in Toikorerpara.

44

don’t have access to land, are bought with money that must be spared from the daily income or has

been borrowed from other people. Widows, those who are left behind or have aged husbands that

cannot do the work, have to rely on their sons, or the kindness of neighbours and rich people. But

people do not help each other much, as most people are poor and busy with their own problems.

Besides the damage that has to be repaired, many poor families face a debt after the rainy season.

Few people take a loan specifically to overcome the impacts of floods, but many have borrowed and

do borrow money to buy food. Private loans are high interested. People have to work hard to pay it

back, and some work extra for a period up to 6 months. What makes it more difficult however is that

it is hard to get work after the rainy season. Regardless the location and height of the floods, women

say the difficulty to find work after the rainy season is causing most problems. For women working in

other households, work depends on whether or not these households have anything to spend. A

woman explains: “Sometime after the flood people can harvest some crops. And if people can

harvest, then I can work and earn some paddy from the home. Last year people could not get

anything from the field and I suffered more. After the flood, if the people can harvest, I have the work,

otherwise I cannot get work during the flood time or after the flood time”57.

After the rainy season there are no crops in the field, nothing can be harvested and many men are

without work right after the flood. Those who can work, who have a van, work at brick factories or

migrate for work, tend to work hard to compensate. If they cannot work, they cannot earn money

and cannot buy food or other things they need, nor repay their debts or reparation costs. Some sell

their assets, like fruit trees, land, livestock or poultry to get money. Those who have nothing cannot

sell, so they turn to begging, and almost everyone eats less either because they have not enough

money to buy more, or they tend sell on the left-over rice, or simply to spare money. When more

work in agriculture comes available life slowly turns back to normal and problems reduce as income

becomes more secure.

8.2. Picking up life after storms.

Lisuu is a 35 year old woman living with her husband, 2 daughters and 1 son. Her husband is a river

fisher and they live from his income of 100 to 150 taka a day. Occasionally Lisu works in other

people’s houses and complements the family’s income with a small amount of money or rice. The

family’s main problem is money, as only 1 person earns an income and that is not enough for the

family’s daily needs and the children’s education. The problem becomes more evident when a storm

causes damage to the house. She tells: “my house was damaged by the storm. The pillar got

damaged and that is why the roof also fell down. I had no money, so I took a loan from the NGO. They

gave me 1000 taka and I made it. I did not have enough money to make it stronger to protect the

house”58.

Besides repairing the damage to houses, women have two major concerns after storms: food and

work. During the storm their families had no income and faced problems with getting and preparing

57

Mst. Rina Begum (45 yrs), living with her son's family in Uttar Toikorerpara 58

Lisu (35 yrs), living with husband (river fisher) and 3 children in Parakut.

45

food. Those who lacked food therefore go out to arrange food or earn money first, for if they can

earn they can eat. As before, life after a storm is about providing in the needs of the family. Damage

however poses new challenges to do this. People have to live with the damage, as they think about

ways to overcome it, and they furthermore have to repair the damage. Like Lisu many women in

Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara take loans to cover the costs. Others however choose to sell

their livestock or poultry, or as many of the poor women in (Uttar) Toikorerpara depend on the

goodness of their neighbours and family. Many also try to save money by working more and

spending less. Even some women who are not used to working, work for a couple of weeks to

overcome the extra costs. For days or even weeks daily life consist of combining hard work with

repairing homes and lending a hand to neighbours or family.

The hard work and borrowed money help most, but not all of the poor to rebuild their house, but like

Lisu often not enough for improvement, leaving many women in fear damage might happen again.

Only a few manage to get some extra pillars or replace the bamboo walls by tin, and one woman

thinks about how to get an extra loan to improve her house. Overall for many poor, storms affect

daily routines and life directly after it, but also in the long term, as instalments have to be paid.

Moreover it should be kept in mind both the direct and indirect effects often interfere with effects

from the rainy season, and cannot really be separated from these.

8.3. A reflection on the impact of hazards on life after their occurrence .

After the rainy season and certain storms, people face many similar problems, although it is quite

certain the problems after the rainy season are more severe and women also indicate it has more

prolonged effects on their income. In general people face damage to their houses, food shortage,

debts and they have difficulties finding work. Many prioritize the repair of their house and do most of

the work themselves, sometimes with the help of their neighbours and family. However, they also

need to work and earn money to buy food and pay off their debts of borrowing during the floods.

This is often difficult, so they eat less out of necessity or to save money, sell some of their assets or

choose to borrow more money. The stories the women tell make clear it is hard, but step by step

people overcome the impacts of the floods and storms, and return to normal life as through time

work becomes available and income more secure.

Yet, the overcoming of impacts does not seem sufficient when looking closer at the problems women

mention and how they cope with them. Work, and working hard and more, is one of the prominent

coping strategies among the poor, but because of the difficulties with finding a job this strategy

rather aggravates than solve the problems arising from hazards. Lack of income is compensated by

eating less, while food is already a problem; borrowing more money, while many already have debts

and difficulties repaying it; or selling assets, while these are often needed to complement the

nutrition intake or supply a small but steady source of income. The chosen and available strategies to

overcome the impacts of hazards may solve the problems for a day, but makes them, or rather keeps

them, susceptible for hunger, debts and shortages of all kind. As the threats and direct impacts of

flood and storms disappear through time, the vulnerability of the poor in everyday life and in cases of

new floods and storms, remains. Besides loans outside assistance and social protection seem to be

46

lacking, both in everyday life as in hazardous times. The influence of what is there and what is

lacking, as told by the women, will be discussed in the next chapter.

47

9. SOCIAL PROTECTION AND WOMEN’S NEEDS AND WANTS

Actions taken by entities larger than the household, such as the GoB, GOs, (i)NGOs and community

organisations, are part of people’s social protection against hazards. They can also contribute to

vulnerability, but however they turn out, they do make part of the context in which people act. Social

protection influences their vulnerability and capacity as well as their decision making about dealing

with the hazards they face. At local level the Union Parishad (UP) represents the GoB through the

Union Disaster Management Committee (UDMC) in its responsibility for DRR and emergency

response. The committee is chaired by the UP chairman, and its members are representatives from

different groups and organisations, including NGOs, in society. At the research locations UP

headquarters are centrally located in Kachukata Hat, Tangomari Hat and Haldia. For administrative

issues, and support people have to visit the UP headquarters. NGO offices are also often found at

these centrally located places, but through field offices and field workers their presences is more

visible also in smaller villages. In fact, it is hard to travel through any village or ward without passing a

sign announcing a NGO’s project or field office.

Following the stories of the women, here the activities of the Government of Bangladesh and

projects of NGOs at the research locations will be discussed. Additionally the issue of private

borrowings, loans and micro-credits will be addressed as it covers much of the (i)NGO projects at the

research locations and is well-known to the women. Thereafter the needs and wants they identify to

be better able to deal with hazards will be discussed. The chapter will conclude with a reflection on

the relation between the ‘protective actions carried out by larger entities’ and women’s social

protection as well as their vulnerability, capacity to act and influence on decision making.

9.1. Government support.

Government support in times of natural hazards is a sensitive issue, and even my translators got

nervous sometimes by discussing it. Illustrative for this is the interview I had with Dilera Katum in

Khutiamara. As she tells me she thinks the government is responsible for helping the people during

the rainy season, but actually does nothing, she starts laughing nervously. As I ask why the

government doesn’t do anything she keeps silent, but bystanders and also my translator laugh a little

and talk secretively with each other. Then one of them tells me they don’t get help because the

government is not interested in poor people. A point of view shared by many women, among whom

Roshida Begum. She is very open about support from the government. When she tells me the

government provides help, but the UP chairman did not provide it to the poor, a bystander gets

really angry and starts yelling at her. The information she is giving me should not be told and is not

my business. But as I fear this might bring Shimoti in trouble, she says she only tells the truth and is

not afraid for consequences. She continues and says the poor in Bangladesh do not get anything but

the powerful take it all, and her view is shared by those joining the interview.

According to some women the government is well aware of their difficulties with natural hazards.

“The government knows it because during the election generally people come and work and say we

48

will help you during the flood, but after the election they didn’t do it”59. Moreover members come by

and make promises, but in both cases nothing actually happens, and many women do no longer

expect anything from them. Occasionally during the rainy season however, rice is made available by

the government to be distributed by the UP among the ultra-poor. Most of the women did not get

any support at all, but some did get rice. They say it was because they are ultra-poor and asked a UP

member personally for help. Those who didn’t get any say it was because the UP members and

chairman favour the people they know, or ask money in return for help. The general view of the

women is that most of the rice goes to those in power and is not distributed properly. Some however

believe there is simply not enough for all the poor people. Some still trust the members that

promised they will get it next time rice is made available.

9.2. Projects by NGOs.

About two-third of the 31 women interviewed were at that time involved with a NGO. Of them 7

were involved in a food security project for poor women. The other 12 were involved in micro-

finance, loans or saving schemes, which are individual arrangements with NGOs. Most women do not

see micro-finance as being involved in a NGO, and thus despite the high involvement with NGOs

most women denied being helped by NGOs or involved in projects. Mst. Minuri from Kochukata tells:

“Other people are getting but she is not getting. She got to the NGO to get support, but they just told

her ‘we only give you 1 time’. Her neighbours got goat, chicken from NGOs but she could not get

anything. [Why not?] It depends on the NGO. They have listed her name, maybe she will get, maybe

not. They already told her she will be given one time”60.

It happens often the women see other people get help, while they don’t get any. They don’t know

why, but in general they also do not know much about NGOs nor understand how they work. They

expect help when someone writes down their names and can only hope they will actually get it.

In case of help from NGOs to deal with the impact of natural hazards, only one woman remembered

being helped 10 or 12 years ago. In Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara NGOs are mainly seen as

providers of micro-credit. According to the women NGOs do not have any attention to the floods or

the storms. They talk about loans and money and teach about how to do business and to earn

money, but not about how to rebuild your house. One woman told she does not know about any

NGO working specifically on protection from natural hazards. In (Uttar) Toikorerpara this is slightly

different. Here more of the women are involved in a food security project, and they mention more

often that NGOs come to visit them and give advice about what to do during the rainy season when

there are floods. The women say they get advice about boiling water, cooking food, and sometimes

they even get food support. One of the women also told the Food Security for Ultra Poor (FSUP)

project she is in, gives attention to the flood and problems arising from it. Moreover, another woman

said she does go to NGOs for food. The NGOs do not come to her, and sometimes they do not have

any food to give. Then they tell her to come back another time.

59

Peari Begum (40 yrs), living with husband (retired) and 2 children in Toikorerpara. 60

Mst. Minuri (35 yrs), living with husband (retired) and 3 children in Kochukata.

49

9.3. Loans and private borrowings.

The women’s stories on life after a hazard, and on the impacts of the hazards as told in the previous

chapters, show life after a storm can become very expensive. Not only because of the damage and

reparation costs, but also because of damaged crops and land, and raised food prices that make it

difficult to arrange enough food to feed the whole family. Particularly women from Kochukata,

Parakut and Khutiamara take private loans or borrow from neighbours or other people. Private

borrowings are often used as a way to provide for their family, to be able to buy food when there is

no other income. Some however borrow to repair the house, or improve it, just as Shimoti Shova

Rani from Parakut: “Because my house broke and income stopped, I borrow from others and it is high

interested. For 1000 they take 150 taka”61.

Many women admit borrowings are expensive and high interested, but nevertheless choose for it.

One of the reasons is because it is hard for the poor to get a loan at a bank or NGO, without being

able to proof they can repay it. About half of the women in Kochukata, Parakut and Khutiamara have

nevertheless been able to get a loan. Some have taken it as an investment for a cow, a van or a small

shop or business, just what the loans or micro-credits are for. Others use it to buy medicines and

food and have lied to get the loan62. Some take loans specifically to pay for the damage done to their

house, but often the loans have multiple reasons, of which overcoming damage is very common. Lisu

explains about the loans she and her husband take: “after the storm the loss will be a couple of

thousand taka. We don’t have any savings. If we can get a loan from a NGO, then it is okay, but if we

cannot get a loan, we go to people who have money. But it is high interested. If we take a loan from a

NGO, we will repay it in one year and generally they take in weekly. […] Generally after a flood we go

to other people to take some money. With the previous loan, there is still 1000 or 2000 left”63.

Many women admit they have debts due to loans and borrowings. They have to repay weekly and

pay from the scarce amount of money they earn. Some are not able to pay every week, and pay half

of the instalment for a couple of weeks or borrow the money from neighbours. Many take loans

yearly, but if they are not able to pay back they cannot get a new loan. One woman however

managed to do so, although it has not made her life easier. She said: “I borrowed money from 3

NGOs: UST, GOP, and ServeAid. I am not able to pay back the money. I have a debt and get yelled at

every time people come to collect the money”64.

Several women admitted they have loans at NGOs and private borrowings, but cannot repay it and

are scolded weekly by those coming to collect the instalments. Others admit the loans solve

problems on the short term, but make life difficult as the instalments need to be paid. Many however

are confident they can repay their loans and are happy with them.

61

Shimoti Shova Rani (55 yrs), widow, living with her daughter, son-in-law (works in transportation) and grandson in Parakut. 62

An informal group interview with people from a village just outside of Khutiamara taught me people tell they will invest the money, buy a cow or start a business to get a loan. They think about new reasons all the time, because buying food or repairing your house aren’t activities that pay themselves back and assure repayment of the loan. 63

Lisu (35 yrs), living with husband (river fisher) and 3 children in Parakut. 64

Nasima Atar (46 yrs), living with husband (day laborer) in Khutiamara.

50

9.4. Women’s identified needs and expressed wants.

Summarizing women’s answers to the question what would help them in dealing with the natural

hazards they face, is the answer of Asatum stating ‘for poor people money is the main concern’65. In

many ways the needs women mention do not differ from their needs in normal - non-hazardous -

times. They express the need for money, as well as for work and development so they are able to

arrange money for food, improved housing, reparation after hazards, and to pay dowry. Most

women believe that if they have a job, a steady income or money everything will be fine because

then they can take care of themselves and their families. This relates closely to the support they want

and the desire to be able to take care of their family and themselves and live a good life, also during

the rainy season and storms.

The women argue they are poor and any help will be better than nothing, also in times of floods or

after storms. They find it difficult to specify what they would want then, although some express they

want help with food, clothes, money or building materials from the government or NGOs. They say

that if they have food or money to buy food they can overcome the floods and storms and everything

will be good. Work will be equally good, because then easily they can earn money and support their

family. In general livestock, especially cows and goats are much wanted, just as related trainings.

Livestock will help support the family and generate an income as it provides milk and offspring.

Furthermore animals are assets that can be sold in times of trouble or when dowry has to be paid. If

there are any other trainings that will help them support their family they want it, even more so

because some women think that with a training they will also get money and food. Also trainings on

how to protect the family or improve the house in times of hazards are welcome, although some still

prefer money.

If they could choose any help before the rainy season, women say that if they can get money they

can improve their house. They would build a concrete house, or strengthen the current house with

tin, concrete pillars and bricks, and heighten the floor. Being able to strengthen the house before the

rainy season, or before a storm, is preferred, but help to get building materials when houses have

been damaged is also welcome. Women would like to have a stronger house not only to prevent

damage, but also to ensure the safety of family members. Shimoti Shova Rani explains: “if I could get

anything to strengthen my house, that would be good for me. If I get tin, I can easily make it strong.

Then if I fix my house, I can work anywhere and easily earn 3 days in a week, […] because the mental

pressure is not there because my house is strong. I can earn more and I can eat more, In a day I can

eat 3 times then”66.

The needs women identify and their want for development and income overlap with the opinions of

project managers in the research areas. In general they believe the main problem of the people is

that they are not educated and cannot earn enough. If they would be educated they could earn more

and have less problems. People are poor and do not have the assets to work on their own protection.

It was argued by some that natural hazards do not pose big problems at the research location, and

one manager suggested women exaggerate about the costs and damage they suffer because they

65

Asatum (22 yrs), living with husband (van puller) 2 children in Parakut. 66

Shimoti Shova Rani (55 yrs), widow, living with her daughter, son-in-law (works in transportation) and grandson in Parakut.

51

expect money. In general managers admit it is not always easy for the poor to recover, and

strengthening local response to natural hazards would help them, and they cannot take care of

everything. Only one manager thought that if NGOs would work together more and set focus more

set-up projects on dealing with natural hazards, it would help the people a lot. Besides micro-credits

they could provide materials because it might cost people around 10 000 taka to buy sufficient

materials. 67

9.5. Reflection on the support women get, need and want.

The support women get from the GoB or (i)NGOs to deal with the impact of floods and storms is,

according to their stories, minimal. The government sometimes provides rice, and NGOs provide

advice or also some rice. Taking into account the former chapters, there do not seem to be any

protection measures or mechanisms present to decrease people’s susceptibility to harm in case of

natural hazards. The only support available seem to be food security programs, micro-credits and

informal loan providers. The FSUP project gives some attention to the floods, but NGOs do not

include hazard impacts or discuss the issue as they provide people a micro-credit. In providing people

access to money they do meet one of the major needs women identify for dealing with hazards or

problems in everyday life. It gives people access to a resource they need, and with that increases

people’s capacity to act at the moment the money is available. It however also creates an obligation,

which is often hard for the poor to meet, and which reduces their capacity as instalments have to be

paid from their hard earned money throughout the rest of the year.

The women spoken to really want to be able to take care of their family and give them a good life,

also during the rainy season and storms. They see money, income and development as the ways to

do it. The assistance available to them does not seem to help as it has no lasting outcomes that: 1)

strengthen their nutrition, health, morale and other aspects of their well-being; 2) reinforce their

livelihood and its resilience to hazard impacts; 3) increase their capacity of self-protection, or; 4)

arrange access to social protection measures (Cannon et al, 2003). The perspective of women on the

outside support they get and need does show how a good government structure addressing root

causes of vulnerability does not automatically meet experienced needs, change local conditions and

contributes to safety. Neither does the attempt of NGOs to change the unsafe condition of poverty

by providing micro-credit. To release the pressure or reduce the vulnerability described in the PAR

model, there needs to be a better connection to and alignment with the livelihoods of people and

the aspects of it threatened by natural hazards. To release pressure there is a need for more than a

single institutional focus of managing disaster or the pragmatic combination of ‘development’ and

‘disaster preparedness’ preferred by NGOs.

67

Information from personal communication with managers and employees working at different projects from NGOs around Tangomari and Kachukata Hat, and Toikorerpara.

52

10. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

The information gathered for this thesis is ordered and written down in the former chapters. The

chapters tell about the lives of women from poor landless households in normal times, during the

rainy season and storms, and after these natural events, and what role outside assistance plays. In

order to gain insight in the local perspective on natural hazards and the way people cope with its

threats and impacts, they provide the information gathered to answer the question: How do women

from poor landless households in Nilphamari and Gaibandha district, Bangladesh, perceive and

respond to recurring natural hazards affecting their lives, and the outside assistance they receive?

The findings from the previous chapters are put together here, and reflected upon in light of the

discussed theory on hazards, disaster, vulnerability and capacity to act. Thereafter the findings are

placed in the greater context coping and outside assistance in Bangladesh, and compared to other

recent findings and trends in academic research on coping and disaster response. The chapter will

end with a conclusion on local coping strategies from the perspective of poor women in Northern

Bangladesh.

10.1. Women’s response to floods and storms .

As explained in the theory, natural hazards are understood as natural events that are potentially

harmful and can lead to situations of severe damage. The eventual damage or impact however is not

the result of the natural event alone, but socially constructed, resulting from a situation in which a

hazard meets vulnerable people, susceptible to harm and lacking the capacity to prevent or deal with

negative impacts. Large-scale and long-term processes in society as well as people’s livelihood

characteristics lead to unsafe conditions and susceptibility to harm on the one hand, and social

protection and access to resources on the other hand. People’s livelihood choices and options,

specifically their social and economic relations and access to resources, and their personal

characteristics, their engagement in a situation as well as their experience, knowledge, life

expectations and beliefs, play important roles in their response to potentially damaging natural

hazards. As hazards tend to have unfolding impacts and situations change through time, response

has to be understood as a dynamic and context dependent process of decision making and acting.

People’s livelihoods play a central role in what is at risk and what can be done about it. This research

shows the response of women from poor landless households in Northern Bangladesh. Their

livelihoods are based on insecure and minimal incomes and they live a hand-to-mouth existence.

They eat what they earn and often face problems with food and other basic needs. Recurring rain,

floods and storms pose an additional threat to their already uncertain livelihood, as it impairs their

mobility and they cannot work, cannot earn and thus cannot buy food. Food shortage is a major

problem but cannot be anticipated as most women lack the resources and income to store food in

non-hazardous times. Since there are no social protection measures they can rely on, they depend

heavily on others for money and food.

Although actions focus on the well-being of the family, on arranging food and safety, and little to no

precautionary measures have been taken, people have developed strategies to keep their belongings

53

and animals protected during floods and storms. With the help of others, women and their families

manage to get through the hazards. Often however the impacts continue afterwards, as arranging

income and food remains problematic and additional challenges occur from damaged houses, fields

and vegetable gardens, as well as illness, injuries and sick animals. The strategy to overcome these

with working hard and more often is only partly successful as jobs are hard to find. The lack of

income is therefore compensated by eating less, borrowing money or selling household assets. This

helps for a moment, but eventually contributes to the existing problems with food and income and

keep people also in between hazards susceptible for hunger, debts and shortages of all kind.

At the research location, GOs and (i)NGOs do not give attention to the impact of floods and storms

on the daily life of people. Only occasionally food is made available, and often it is not enough or it is

poorly distributed among all people in need. There are some food security programs from NGOs, but

according to the participants no specific attention is given to the impact of floods and storms, or to

effective response. To secure their needs throughout the year many women choose to take a loan

from a bank or NGO. They are pushed either by the effects of hazards, or by the recurring problems

with meeting the needs of their family. The availability of money seems to meet the by many

identified need for money. The women see money, income and development as the solution for their

problems and the best way to meet their wish to be able to take care of their family. But loans come

with an obligation and many families have difficulties with paying the instalments.

Ideally hazard response consists of an on-going cyclical process of protective actions in which is

learned and adaptation measures are taken to improve the situation during coming hazards, but

instead the research findings show a cyclical process that seems to be a vicious circle of shortages. It

describes livelihoods that are not stable, durable, resilient and robust in the face of external shocks

like natural hazards. The response of women is based on uncertain livelihoods, with limited access to

the resources they need, limited opportunities to arrange self-protection and a lack of social

protection. Their livelihoods do not contribute to their capacity to deal with hazards, but rather

reinforces unsafe conditions as hazards and impact unfold and people have to take refuge to

measures that undermine the livelihood that supports them. Nevertheless people do not change

their strategies, seek for ways to deal with the hazards better next time, or initiate actions for

adaptation. Hazards, but even more so people’s response, put additional pressure on already

uncertain incomes and problems with money and daily needs. Loans give relief for a moment, but

eventually contribute to the pressure on income as instalments have to be paid. This influences their

capacity to adapt, prepare and respond, and their vulnerability during the next hazard, illustrating

part of the processes and dynamics of the social construction of hazard impacts.

10.2. Some notes on local coping in Bangladesh.

Underlying the choice to look at people’s response to natural hazards from the perspective of

women, is the assumption their perspective can lead to new insights as they are underrepresented in

research on coping in Bangladesh (14,6%; 10% in resp. Brouwer et al., 2007; Paul & Routray, 2011),

while some findings suggest they do most of the work to protect their family and assets in case of

disaster (Lein, 2009). The findings of this research however do not differ much from the findings of

the research described in the context chapter of this thesis. In general it confirms the importance of

54

social ties, bonding, and relations in the community as safety nets and sources for informal

borrowing of money and other resources. Furthermore it confirms skipping meals, eating less, selling

household assets and seasonal migration for work and income as common response strategies. As

found in other research, this research found most response strategies are adopted post-hazard, but

from before the onset of the hazard a sequence of strategies can be distinguished. There are

however also some nuances to these findings.

Indigenous knowledge and coping strategies.

Despite the importance of indigenous knowledge in many local response strategies in Bangladesh,

the findings of this research indicate women no longer depend on indigenous knowledge and long

used strategies. They have little to no knowledge on indications of upcoming extreme and

threatening weather and they do not recall any coping strategies learned from their parents or other

older community members. The use of ‘buras’, the roofspace called ‘kif’, and the struts called ‘doka’

or ‘teckna’ do have a long history and are community knowledge. Coping strategies based on

informal risk sharing and community cooperation, however are no (longer) common practice, as

women believe they lack the necessary resources and knowledge. Although relations are important

and many women seek advice from others, they do not expect financial support or believe they have

something to offer to others. The informal support people rely on is thus is not as strong as may be

assumed by the aid industry.

The findings also suggest extreme weather has increased in occurrence and impacts, and is now less

predictable. Therefore coping strategies used from old may be no longer sufficient. Poverty and

change in the nature of hazards may force people to search for and adopt new response strategies.

The change in the occurrence of extreme weather events, insufficient (indigenous) coping strategies

and resources link the findings of this research to the many studies done on climate change and its

impact on people’s overall well-being and coping capacity. From a livelihood perspective, not only

coping strategies may be eliminated, also certain livelihood options my become insufficient to

provide for a family’s daily needs. Adaptation is not yet part of women’s response to natural hazards,

but they and their families may not survive, and a sustainable livelihood may not be achieved, unless

they respond to this possible long-run change by adaptation to it through a change in livelihood

configuration (Scoones, 2009). Although this research did not take climate change into account, it

might be interesting to look at variations in weather events and effects on people in areas regarded

of moderate risk for disaster.

The perspective of women.

The findings of Lein (2009) made clear women play a special and important role in coping of

households from riverine communities in Bangladesh. Although the situation of the women in this

research is very different, their role in coping with hazards is no less important. Women and men

work equally hard and cooperate to overcome the impact of storms and floods. Women take special

care of the children, animals and household belongings, while men often work to earn the money

needed and assist in mornings and evenings to repair damage. A closer look at the role of women

shows they play a crucial role just before, during and after a hazard. Just before and during a hazard

they often ensure everyone and everything is safe, and if possible or necessary that food is available.

55

After the hazard their actions are crucial to make sure there is income, food and damage is repaired.

They either work to support the family’s needs, or stay home and make sure damage is repaired and

their husbands can work. Their role however in everyday life, in building and sustaining a livelihood,

may be most important. They support the family income through growing vegetables or crops, or by

taking care for animals. All this cannot be underestimated, given the fact that response is rooted in

people’s livelihoods and both household vulnerability and capacity are subject to relations and access

to resources, including women’s.

Not only does this research show the importance of women’s contributions to household livelihoods

and hazard response, although less explicitly it also shows the unequal treatment of women

compared to men. This is visible on the streets during the day and becomes clear in the stories from

women. Women often earn less than man or get paid in food instead of money. They spend much

more time at home and are expected not to visit public places like the market and tea hostels on

their own. Conditions that indicate limited access to resource like money, and limited opportunities

to establish useful relations outside of the family and neighborhood. Positive change in these

conditions may result in increased access to money/income and a broader network of relations to

rely on in times of need. This in turn can reduce the vulnerability and increase the capacity to act of

women, but also households.

Increased access to money/income and a broader network to rely may even more affect the women

that are the head of their household, as well as those taking care of the family including their elderly

husbands. They bear sole responsibility to get and keep their family and animals safe and fed during

and after floods and storms, and to make sure damage is repaired and money earned. They miss the

income and network of relations from a husband to rely on and are in general lacking access to

resources unless they are involved in food security projects aimed specifically at ultra-poor women.

Although informal support may be assumed by the aid industry, these women express feelings of

helplessness and absence of social support. A finding confirmed in a recent study of McIntyre and

Munro on the help received by ultra-poor women heads of households. They found these women are

socially regarded beyond reach, and their attempts of coping in normal life are shaped by this idea of

being beyond reach and by shame and feelings of estrangement. This group of women are likely to

have more difficulties in getting support from neighbors and family members (McIntyre & Munro,

2013). Research targeting this group would give more insight on coping strategies of this specific

group.

Outside assistance.

This thesis started with the assumption that insight in people’s response is needed for efficient

alignment and mutual reinforcement of people’s coping strategies and outside assistance. The

literature discussed in the context chapter shows many NGOs in Bangladesh focus on savings and

micro-credit and include hazard and disaster response in a pragmatic way into development

practices. Specific focus and inclusion of disaster risk reduction and management is lacking and

Jenkins (2003) specifically poses the question whether micro-credit and saving programs will help the

poor to deal with hazard impacts. The findings of this research confirm the described practices of

NGOs, as micro-credit is the only support available for many poor, and those participating in food

security programs indicate hazards and coping are not included. Furthermore the findings show

56

these forms of support do not offer structural solutions to the problems people face with hazards,

nor contribute to their coping capacity in the long term. Even when people decide to use micro-credit

for other purposes than disaster response, it may negatively affect their response capacity, as

instalments are hard to pay and force people to take refuge (especially during and after hazards) to

coping strategies that undermine their already insecure livelihood.

10.3. Conclusion.

The response of women from poor landless households in northern Bangladesh is shaped by their

insecure livelihoods and the general poverty around them. They lack resources to take structural

measures to adapt to hazardous situations, and response is aimed at maintaining life as known as

good as possible. Normal life is characterised by the principle of hand-to-mouth living, and during

hazards this is an even greater truth. Response to threats in these times focusses on the well-being of

the family, on arranging safety and food and making sure the family makes it through the hazard.

There are only limited opportunities to arrange self-protection or take refuge to social protection

measures. Yet people do make it through. Their response capacities and strategies, the limited but

available support, the food security projects, and loans, do however not structurally help and

sometimes even undermine them to deal with hazards. None of it has lasting outcomes that 1)

strengthen people’s nutrition, health, morale and other aspects of their well-being; 2) reinforce their

livelihood and its resilience to hazard impacts; 3) increase their capacity of self-protection, or; 4)

arrange access to social protection measures (Cannon et al, 2003).

By starting this research the aim was set to gain insight in local experience of hazard impact,

response and outside assistance. This aim was based on the belief that hazard response needs

efficient alignment and mutual reinforcement of local knowledge and coping strategies and outside

assistance. The theory discussed confirms this, and shows outside assistance can reduce people’s

vulnerability, increase their capacity, but can also lead to opposite results. The findings of this

research give insight in local perspectives and coping, and furthermore shows the lack of this link.

The well-developed government structure, does address root causes and includes local institutions,

but in reality does not realise its core principle of benefitting vulnerable communities, among which

women and the poor. The needs women identify are not addressed by the support provided, if any

support is provided. Moreover the programs of NGOs do not link to the particularities and reality of

the livelihoods of the poor. Its micro-credit programs seem to be a ready to use product rather than

a project designed to help people with the problems they face. The need to link identified in the

theory and also from the Bengal context are thus confirmed and the negative effects proven, also

and maybe particularly for vulnerability of the poor for hazard impacts.

The theoretical framework on which this research is based has been helpful to gain insight in

women’s perspective of and response to the impact of hazards and outside assistance. The idea of

hazard impact being a social construction finding its causes in processes in society and the

characteristics of people, their lives and livelihoods have been a good starting point. The findings

confirm people’s vulnerability and capacity are indeed based on the conditions they live in,

particularly the way they have made a living and the access to resources they have. The findings

however also show signs of psychological aspects like expectations of the future and thoughts about

57

own abilities influencing response. Although mentioned, this is not included in the theory on

livelihood discussed, but might very well deserve a place, especially as a factor influencing the

sustainability. What people believe about the future, influences how they act today and thus how

they prepare. Moreover, and maybe even more important, expectations about hazard impacts may

influence the commitment in building a livelihood.

Without sufficient strategies to cope or adaptation, hazards will remain big challenges for the poor in

northern Bangladesh, putting their livelihoods under constant pressure. It is not surprising that

thoughts of fatalism can be heard through in the women’s stories, as they ask ‘what can we do?’ and

say their future ‘depends on the Almighty’. Neither is it surprising they ask me, a researcher, for help.

They want every help they can get, and believe development is at the key of it. I however wonder

what can be done for these women and their families, as disaster proof development proves difficult.

The link between development and disaster impact however is clearly shown in this research and

Cannon and his colleagues (2003) set out four clear indications of what can help people cope.

Considering this, I do believe a change can be achieved when people’s livelihoods and its risks are

taken into account. Despite a chance of failure, it is worth a try as there is much more to gain here

than to lose.

58

59

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APPENDIX

Relevant topics to discuss in the interviews were selected from the theory:

a) hazards and disasters,

b) vulnerability and capacity, with at the center people’s livelihoods and relations, as well as

their past experiences, life expectations and beliefs, and

c) outside assistance or social protection being it activities from government bodies and NGOs,

or community collective action.

and guided by 5 (overlapping) themes identified in the main question of this research:

1) occurring natural hazards and disasters,

2) women’s perception of these and

3) their response,

4) outside assistance of government and NGOs and

5) women’s perception of this outside assistance.

Based on these topics and themes the interviews were guided by the following interview set-up:

Interview set-up Possible topics to discuss

General information - Name / age / living location / years living at current location / household composition / literacy & education

- occupation household members / other income generating activities / income per day / homestead garden / animals

- main problems / social support for and from others - involvement in NGO and GO projects

Natural hazards - Problematic weather or natural hazards - description (what is it, when does it occur, how long etc and what

happens, life during its occurrence) - has it changed compared to 5 or 10 years ago - expectations for the future

Damage / impact - Human lives - houses and shelter - household items - crops and garden - animals - food and food security - work and income - drinking water and sanitation - possible other effects - local economy for each of these: - what is done to protect it - what are the effects on it - how overcome the impacts

Outside assistance - Help from NGO or GO (what, who, when and why) - expectations and opinion - needs and wants