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DELIVERY OF HEALTH CARE - organization and administration - standards
5. The contribution of health to wealth and societal well-being 12
5.1 The direct contribution of health to societal well-being 12
5.2 The effects of ill health on economic productivity 12
5.3 The impact of health on health care expenditure 14
5.4 The economic consequences of health inequalities 15
6. Assessing the impact of health systems 17
6.1 The nature of health problems in Europe 17
6.2 Do health services save lives? The contribution ofhealth services to population health 20
6.3 The contribution of public health interventions 25
6.4 Promoting equity? The impact of health systemson health inequalities 28
6.5 Responding to citizens’ expectations? The role ofhealth services in responsiveness 31
6.6 Health systems’ direct contribution to the economy 35
7. Improving health systems performance 37
7.1 Health system reform strategies 37
7.2 Assessing health systems performance 45
8. Making a case for investing in health systems:concluding reflections 50
9. References 57
Health systems, health and wealth
List of contributors
Josep Figueras is Director of the European Observatory on Health Systemsand Policies, Brussels.
Martin McKee is Head of Research Policy at the European Observatory onHealth Systems and Policies and Professor of European Public Health at theLondon School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine.
Suszy Lessof is Director of Management at the European Observatory onHealth Systems and Policies, Brussels.
Antonio Duran is Chief Executive Officer at Tecnicas de Salud, Sevilla andConsultant at the WHO Regional Office for Europe, Copenhagen.
Nata Menabde is Deputy Regional Director of the WHO Regional Office forEurope, Copenhagen.
Sara Allin is Research Officer at the London School of Economics andPolitical Science Hub of the European Observatory on Health Systems andPolicies.
Reinhard Busse is Associate Head of Research Policy at the EuropeanObservatory on Health Systems and Policies, and Professor and DepartmentHead for Health Care Management at Berlin University of Technology.
David B Evans is Director of the Department of Health Systems Financing atthe World Health Organization, Geneva.
Anton E Kunst is Assistant Professor at the Erasmus Medical Centre,Rotterdam.
Joseph Kutzin is Regional Advisor, Health Systems Financing, and Head ofthe WHO Office in Barcelona.
Johan P Mackenbach is Professor of Public Health at the Department ofPublic Health at Erasmus University Medical Center, Rotterdam.
Claudia Maier is Research Fellow at the European Observatory on HealthSystems and Policies, Brussels.
José M Martin-Moreno is a Professor of Preventive Medicine and PublicHealth at the Medical School and Hospital Quality Assurance Coordinator atthe Clinical Hospital, University of Valencia, Spain.
David McDaid is Senior Research Fellow at the London School of Economicsand Political Science (LSE) Health and Social Care and European Observatoryon Health Systems and Policies.
Ellen Nolte is Senior Lecturer at the London School of Hygiene & TropicalMedicine and Honorary Senior Research Fellow at the European Observatoryon Health Systems and Policies.
Charles Normand is Edward Kennedy Professor of Health Policy andManagement at the University of Dublin, Trinity College and Chair of theSteering Committee of the European Observatory on Health Systems andPolicies.
Willy Palm is Dissemination Development Officer at the EuropeanObservatory on Health Systems and Policies, Brussels.
Irene Papanicolas is Research Associate at the London School of Economicsand Political Science (LSE), England.
Govin Permanand is Programme Manager, Health Evidence Network, at theWHO Regional Office for Europe, Copenhagen.
Amit Prasad is Technical Officer at the World Health Organization Kobe,Japan.
Lorenzo Rocco is Senior Lecturer of Economics at the University of Padova,Italy.
Richard B Saltman is Associate Head of Research Policy at the EuropeanObservatory on Health Systems and Policies and Professor of Health Policyand Management at Rollins School of Public Health of Emory University,Atlanta, United States of America.
Regina Sauto Arce is Consultant at INFYDE (Información y Desarrollo, SL) inBilbao, Spain.
Peter C Smith is Professor of Economics and Director of the Centre forHealth Economics at the University of York.
Marc Suhrcke is Policy Development Officer at the WHO Regional Office forEurope, Venice.
Phyllida Travis is Health Systems Adviser at the World Health Organization,Geneva.
Nicole Valentine is Technical Officer in the Department of Ethics, Equity,Trade and Human Rights at the World Health Organization, Geneva.
Ewout van Ginneken is Researcher at the Berlin University of Technology.
Matthias Wismar is Senior Health Policy Analyst at the EuropeanObservatory on Health Systems and Policies, Brussels.
Health systems, health and wealth
List of abbreviations
AIDS Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome
BRC Breast cancer
CEE Central and eastern Europe
CHOICE CHOosing Interventions that are Cost-Effective (WHO project)
CIS Commonwealth of Independent States
DALY Disability-adjusted life year(s)
ECHP European Community Household Panel
EU European Union
EU10 Member States joining the EU in May 2004
EU12 Member States joining the EU in May 2004 and January 2007
EU15 Member States belonging to the EU prior to May 2004
EU25 EU10 plus EU15
EU27 All EU Member States up to and including January 2007 accession
Eur-A WHO subregion – countries of western Europe (Andorra, Austria, Belgium, Croatia, CzechRepublic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Luxembourg,Malta, Monaco, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, San Marino, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden,Switzerland, United Kingdom)
Eur-B WHO subregion – CEE countries (Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzegovina,Bulgaria, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, Poland, Romania, Serbia and Montenegro, Slovakia,Tajikistan, The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan)
Eur-C WHO subregion – CIS countries (Belarus, Estonia, Hungary, Kazakhstan, Latvia, Lithuania,Moldova, Russian Federation, Ukraine)
GDP Gross domestic product
GP General practitioner
HiAP Health in All Policies
HIV Human immunodeficiency virus
HSAF Health Systems Assessment Framework
HTA Health technology assessment
LLH Living Standards, Lifestyle and Health (survey)
NHS National Health Service (United Kingdom)
NICE National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence
NIS Newly independent states
NPM New Public Management
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
QALY Quality-adjusted life year(s)
R&D Research and development
RLMS Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey
SHI Social health insurance
WHO World Health Organization
WTP Willingness to pay
List of tables, figures and boxes
Table 6.1 Top 10 contributors to disease burden in the WHO European Region andsubregions
Table 6.2 Attributable mortality and DALYs, 2000, by selected risk factor and sex in“developed” regions
Table 6.3 Incremental cost–effectiveness analysis of treatments for breast cancer (Eur-A)
Table 6.4 Selected population-based interventions
Table 6.5 Ranking of the EU15 countries in selected recent surveys
Table 7.1 Dimensions of health performance measures
Figure 2.1 Health Systems Assessment Framework: functions and goals
Figure 3.1 Health systems, health, wealth and societal well-being: a triangularrelationship
Figure 6.1 Trends in life expectancy at birth, 1990–2004
Figure 6.2 Comparison of amenable mortality rankings based on aga-standardizeddeath rates per 100 000 in 19 OECD countries, 1997–1998 and 2002–2003
Figure 6.3 Mortality from amenable conditions among men age 0–74 years in 20 EUcountries, 1990–1991 and 2001–2002
Figure 6.4 Mortality from preventable conditions among men age 0–74 years in 20 EUcountries, 1990–1991 and 2001–2002
Figure 6.5 Public health matrix
Figure 6.6 Standardized death rates from chronic liver disease and cirrhosis, all ages,per 100 000, 1980–2004
Figure 7.1 Functions, intermediate objectives, strategies and goals: an interfacebetween performance measurement and practice
Box 1.1 Cost-containment strategies
Box 2.1 Health system goals and functions
Box 3.1 Gross domestic product as a measure of wealth and well-being: someconcerns
Box 3.2 The triangular relationship “health systems, health, wealth and societalwell-being”: some concerns
Box 4.1 The ageing population in Europe
Box 5.1 Health and exclusion from the labour market
Box 6.1 Responsiveness in theWorld Health Report 2000
Box 7.1 Functions, intermediate objectives, strategies and goals: an interfacebetween performance measurement and practice
Health is central to well-being and wealth
• Health is valued in and of itself
– The governments of the European Region arecommitted to better health, equity andsolidarity
– The people of the European Region place ahigh value on good health
• Health reflects the progress of societies. Measuresof social development must include health
• Healthier people are more productive
• Better health reduces demands on health care nowand in the future
• Health and wealth reinforce each other. Healthsystems are a catalyst for both
Health and health systems work across sectors
• Health systems go beyond health care
• Health systems have a key stewardship roleinfluencing interventions in other sectors thatimpact on health
• Ministries of health should be accountable for thehealth created by health services and across sectors
Health systems investment brings real benefits
• Societies can choose ‘how’ and ‘how much’ toinvest in health systems despite all the competingdemands for resources
• Appropriate investment in health systems is aneffective way of improving health and wealth
– Health systems support healthier moreeconomically active societies
– Health service interventions save lives
– Well targeted public health interventions makea difference
– Health systems help create societal wellbeing,not least by promoting equity andresponsiveness
Policy makers can make health systems and healthsystem investment work better
• Explicit strategies for improvement are key. Theywork best if they
– Reflect the burden of disease and risk factors,combining prevention and cure accordingly
– Address the whole system and health in allpolicies not just services delivered by the sectoritself
– Draw on the wealth of comparative evidenceon the impact of reforms and those, likestrengthening primary care, which work best
– Fit the national context
• Health system performance measurement captureswhat is happening and what can be done better.
– It is central to improving performance and tojustifying further investment
– Performance data must be fully aligned withgovernance systems and linked tomanagement levers that can deliverimprovements
Health systems, health and wealth
Health systems, health and wealth
A new paradigm
Health policy-makers have been under enormouspressure in recent years over concerns about financialsustainability and cost-containment. The resourcesavailable to any society are finite, but emerging evidenceis recasting health systems not as a drain on thoseresources but as an opportunity to invest in the health ofthe population and in economic growth. Health systems,health and wealth are inextricably linked in a set ofmutually reinforcing and dynamic relationships. This newparadigm offers an opportunity for a fundamentalreassessment of the role of health systems in society. Itposes three key questions.
• How can we improve health, wealth and societalwell-being by investing in health systems?
• How can we ensure that health systems aresustained in the future?
• How can we monitor, manage and improveperformance so that health systems are as effectiveand efficient as possible?
This background document to the WHO MinisterialConference on Health Systems (Tallinn, Estonia, 25–27June 2008) explores this evidence. It makes the case forappropriate investment in health systems because theycan improve health and impact positively on economiesand because they reflect core values that underpinEuropean societies.
Defining a health system
The definition of health systems adopted here builds onthat put forward by theWorld Health Report 2000 (20)and combines three elements:
• the delivery of health services (both personal andpopulation based);
• activities to enable the delivery of health services(specifically finance, resource generation andstewardship); and
• those stewardship activities that aim to influencewhat other sectors do when it is relevant to health,even where the primary purpose is not health.
This approach emphasizes the scope of health systemsbeyond health care. It is the role of ministries andministers, as the stewards of the health of their people,to take responsibility for all three and to be accountablefor the health sector and for action – across sectors –that influences health.
Health systems, health and wealth: A conceptualframework
The complex relationships between health systems,health and wealth are represented in a conceptualframework that features a dynamic interaction betweenhealth systems and health, health systems and wealth,and health and wealth. The model also shows that thesethree elements together impact on the central goal ofsocietal well-being. Finally, it recognizes that thesocioeconomic and political context is crucial indetermining how all of these interact with each other(Fig. 3.1). The framework can help policy-makers to:
• systematically review how health systems producehealth, impact on wealth creation and help tocreate societal well-being;
• marshal the evidence for discussions with othersectors; and
• make the case for investment in health systems.
Re-examining cost pressures
As pressure on health expenditure seems to riseinexorably, health services are all too easily portrayed asa burden, absorbing increasingly more resources. Theageing of Europe’s population, the emergence of newand more expensive technologies and the growth ofcitizens’ expectations all add to the upward pressure onhealth care. However, it is increasingly clear that thisassessment is too simple; demographic (and other)trends do not necessarily or inevitably translate intohigher societal costs.
Ageing need not pose a huge challenge to healthsystems, particularly if the health system and thoseoutside it that influence health adopt evidence-basedpolicies which promote healthy ageing, and if societiesarrange their employment policies (including retirementage) in ways that ensure that older people can remaineconomically active. While simple cross-sectionalanalyses suggest that health care costs increase withage, this does not mean that ageing populations will bemore expensive. It is now clear that cost is a function ofproximity to death and not simply being older. There isnow evidence from several countries that older peopleare healthier than ever and experience compressedmorbidity in part as a result of healthier lifestyles and inpart due to access to safe and effective treatments.
The introduction of new technologies can be managedin ways that secure their benefits while limitingaggregate costs. Proactive and adequately resourcedhealth technology assessment systems, coupled withmechanisms such as regulation and payment systems, toensure compliance, can reduce the risk of inappropriate
use of technology and promote cost-effective care.Similarly, initiatives to engage with citizens can manageexpectations, offsetting some of the pressures to providepotentially inappropriate technologies, and balancingresponsiveness with efficiency.
In summary, increased expenditure on health systems isnot inevitable. Governments can control it and with thejudicious use of policy levers and management tools,ameliorate the impact of spending pressures.
The contribution of health to wealth and societalwell-being
Health has a value in and of itself. It matters toindividuals and societies across the European Region.This value can be expressed in monetary terms, basedon the decisions that individuals make in their everydaylives, such as whether to undertake a dangerous job fora higher salary. Methods such as this do havedrawbacks, but nonetheless, the evidence demonstratesconclusively that people attach huge importance to thenotion and enjoyment of health, regardless of cultural oreconomic differences.
Health also has a significant impact on economicproductivity. Development economists have longrecognized the importance of the right mix of physicaland human capital. However, when thinking about thelatter they have traditionally focused on education andnot health. This changed with a publication by theCommission on Macroeconomics and Health, whichfound that, in developing countries, poor healthdragged down economic growth. Later work showedhow the same was true in high- and middle-incomecountries. People in poor health are less likely to workand, when in work, are less productive. They are lesslikely to invest in their own education or to save forretirement, and so to support the wider economy. Theeconomic position of countries today owes much to theextent to which they were able to achieve better healthhistorically. The current economic and labour marketcontext, social security arrangements, retirement ageand the interactions between them will need to betaken into account in addressing the economic benefitsof better health in the future. The evidence is clear; ahealthy population including healthy older people cancontribute very substantially to the economy.
Health status also clearly influences health expenditure.If no-one was ill there would be no need for healthservices. Analyses undertaken in several countriessuggest that policies which promote healthy lifestylesand early use of preventive care may be able to reducefuture demands on the health system. As already noted,ageing populations need not necessarily place greaterdemands on health systems. This does not, however,offset all the pressures to increase overall spending, nordoes it reflect the likely increases in demand for socialcare.
Finally, health inequalities have high economic costs.They undermine economic performance, increase socialcosts and diminish societal well-being. If the existinggaps could be narrowed, there would be substantialgains in national income, coupled with reductions in thecosts of health care as demands for ambulatory andinpatient care reduced. Similarly, there would besubstantial savings in unemployment and disabilitybenefits. Societal well-being and social cohesion wouldalso increase as health was distributed more equitably.
Assessing the impact of health systems
Policy-makers must demonstrate that health systemshave a discernable and positive impact on health if theyare to justify investment in health systems in annualbudget rounds. The evidence is unequivocal: ill healthhas a cost and, crucially, much ill health can be tackledby health systems. Preventive and curative healthservices and broader public health interventions doimprove health, while at the same time enhancingequity and responsiveness.
The burden of disease in the European Region isdominated by noncommunicable diseases, particularlycardiovascular disease, mental illness, injuries andcancer; each has enormous costs that fall within andbeyond the health system. The burden of disease needsto be understood in light of the main risk factors inEuropean countries. These include diet-related risks,physical inactivity and addictive substances (particularlytobacco) and together explain the bulk of morbidity andmortality in the Region. Many of the most burdensomediseases are amenable to medical care or to actionacross sectors but policy-makers can only tailor andcombine interventions effectively if they understand theevidence on risk.
Health services themselves do make a difference. Theevidence of this is complex but consistent, showing thataround a half of life expectancy increases in recentdecades stem from improved health care. What is more,there remains significant mortality from causesamenable to health care, suggesting that appropriateinvestment will have direct and tangible benefits.
At the same time, there is compelling evidence of thevalue of wider public health interventions both withinthe health sector and across sector boundaries.Moreover, the cost–effectiveness of these oftencompares favourably with clinical services. There isparticular scope for interventions on key risk factors,such as legislation on salt and saturated fats to addressdiet-related risks, fiscal and regulatory changes toinfluence tobacco use or traffic control measures toprevent accidents. These demonstrate how important itis that public health action takes place across sectors.Furthermore, health systems need to have acomprehensive perspective and combine “upstream”and “downstream” measures so that macro-level
initiatives shape determinants, while downstreammeasures help individuals to modify behaviours.
There is still debate around which measures are the bestvalue for money or how exactly to bundle them mosteffectively, to reflect the national context of diseaseburden and risk. What is no longer debatable is themajor impact of health systems on health status. Theydo make a difference and there is a powerful case forinvesting in them.
Well-targeted health system investment can alsoenhance equity both within and between countries. Lifeexpectancy at birth is over 15 years longer in the bestperforming country in the European Region than in theworst. There is also a gap of 10 years in life expectancywithin countries, including in the wealthier ones. Inmany countries, inequalities are widening as those thatare better off benefit from lifestyle changes andimproved health care, while the poor are left behind.This calls for effective action on the social determinantsof health and in particular upstream interventions, suchas changes in taxation and benefits. It is, however,essential to link these policies with downstream ones,directly tackling risk factors, such as smoking and poordiet. This will often involve taking on powerful vestedinterests. Finally, there is a need to ensure that healthsystems promote equity, by removing the barriers toaccess and to effective and responsive care that arefaced by those who are already disadvantaged. In theseways health systems can reduce the health gap withincountries, uphold the values of European societies, andmake inroads into the economic costs of the unequaldistribution of health.
Equity in the distribution of health must beaccompanied by fair finance. This means the financingfunction both guarantees an equitable distribution ofthe burden of financing according to ability to pay(equity of financing) and protects people againstimpoverishment as a result of having to pay for healthcare (financial protection). Financial protection feedsdirectly into the wider conception of health systems,health and wealth and forms a direct link betweenhealth systems and the anti-poverty agenda.
Responsiveness, like equity, is a goal of health systems. Itincludes all the interpersonal aspects of care. It is not,however, easy to capture because patient expectationsvary according to culture, age and class, and because itis difficult to disentangle their experience from otherfactors that affect their perceptions of the healthsystem.
Policy-makers have a range of tools they can use, fromtraining staff to respect patients’ dignity and autonomy,to improving facilities. They may use the levers of pay,regulation or contracting to specify what is expectedand afford patients defined rights through serviceguarantees or Ombudsman schemes. They need,however, to be clear about the trade-offs involved. The
issue of choice highlights the potential tensions betweenresponsiveness and other health system goals. While“choice” may be politically attractive, it favours theknowledgeable and articulate and may increaseinequalities. Similarly, while it may promote patientautonomy, choice can also allow for ineffective therapiesor fragmentation of care, both of which will impactadversely on health. Those responsible for health policyhave to balance these tensions. While challenging,helping populations to access and interpret transparent,valid and meaningful data related to performance cansupport an informed debate, provided that there areeffective safeguards against manipulation of data orpatients’ behaviour.
Health systems can impact positively on individuals’health and income, both of which strengthen societalwell-being. However, health systems also have a directand significant impact on national and local economies.The health sector is typically one of the biggest serviceindustries (if not the biggest) in European countries. It isvery labour intensive, thus impacting directly onemployment, but also indirectly, in terms of job mobility,labour market flexibility and indirect labour costs, all ofwhich affect international competitiveness. In addition,health systems contribute to research and developmentin areas such as biotechnology and pharmaceuticals.
The fact that health systems are significant to theeconomy of Europe does not on its own justifyinvestment in them in preference to other sectors.Investment choices will depend on the relative rates ofreturn of competing options. Nonetheless, it isacknowledged that where there is significantunderemployment, the health sector can form part of astrategy of demand stimulation or be a prerequisite forinward investment, particularly in the context of regionaldevelopment.
Improving health systems performance
There is an important distinction to be drawn betweenthe capacity to make an impact and actually making it. Ifhealth systems are to secure the investment needed torealize their potential, they must be seen to be efficientand effective, and it is here that performancemeasurement is crucial. Whereas policy-makers in thepast often reformed without critically evaluating theirefforts, they now need to define expectations, trackresources and demonstrate outcomes. Performancemeasurement makes possible a structured assessment ofhow health systems are doing and flags up what can bedone better.
The European Region has experienced waves of healthsystem reform. No countries have been exempt. Reformshave reflected wider societal debates, the search forefficiencies and, in many cases, wholesale political andsocial change. They have also consistently sought toenhance the performance of one or more health systemfunctions.
Health systems, health and wealth
Reforms of health services delivery have often beenprompted by concerns about costs or efficiency, but mayalso reflect concerns about responsiveness and equity.They have sought to integrate care, to substitute acrosslevels of care and to strengthen primary care, includinggiving it more responsibility for public healthprogrammes. Some reforms have focused on quality,introducing a wide range of initiatives at all levels.Others have been linked to new public managementstrategies that blur the boundaries between public andprivate. The more effective reforms have been alignedwith corresponding adjustments in resource generationand financing.
Reforms of resource generation try to secure the rightmix of human resources, fixed capital and technology.Human resource policies have been developed against abackground of staff shortages and typically seek tomatch skills to new types of service delivery, to giveincreased emphasis to primary care, public health andteamwork, and to ensure quality through continuingeducation and certification. Generation of physicalresources has undergone less extensive reform;examples include the use of private financing toconstruct hospitals. Investment in new technologies,particularly pharmaceuticals, has been shaped by healthtechnology assessment, regulatory measures and thepromotion of generic products.
Financing reforms have perhaps been the mostdominant and apparent because of concerns aboutcosts and the levers that funding offers for improvingother functions. Challenges to sustainability andsolidarity have been met with reforms of revenuecollection and pooling, while efficiency has been tackledby reforms of purchasing. In broad terms, collection andpooling reforms have involved the introduction of healthinsurance, particularly in eastern Europe, or have tried tostrengthen links between revenue collection andexpenditure by decentralizing responsibilities, or seekingto shift the burden of financing to individuals throughco-payments or complementary insurance. The issues offragmentation of funds, risk selection, and funding forpopulation health have been addressed, in part, byregulation, improved public pooling mechanisms andthe creation of dedicated health promotion funds.Funding long-term care remains a challenge.
Purchasing reforms address the issue of how to allocatepooled resources in order to lever the changes thatpolicy-makers want. They often involve more explicitmarket elements that allow fund holders to specifyvolume, timeliness and quality of care. These includestrategic purchasing, the introduction of a purchaser–provider split, contracting, case-based or performance-related payments, and sometimes more explicit marketelements such as provider competition or selectivecontracting. These mechanisms give purchasers leverageover priorities but have associated risks, not least thatproviders will focus only on specific targets to the
detriment of other areas. The success of purchasingreforms and management of potential adverse affectsdepends heavily on information to assess what is beingpurchased and on performance measurement.
Stewardship reforms have sought to ensure bettergoverned, more accountable and more responsivehealth systems. Nonetheless, the stewardship functionstill faces significant challenges, if only because of thecomplex overlap between health system functions andgoals. The environments within which health systemsexist are highly complex, demanding coordinationbetween branches of government (executive, legislatureand judiciary), levels of government (central andregional) and increasingly between the public andprivate sectors. Decision-makers are also accountable fora wide range of issues, ranging from those that areconsidered “broad brush" to the very specific. Thereforms enacted have sought to designate responsibilityexplicitly, to strengthen policy formulation, to makeregulation effective but flexible, and to take on boardthe fact that many of the key determinants of health areoutside the health sector and so require well-coordinated intersectoral action. Again, and importantly,success depends on effective information andperformance measurement systems that allow decision-makers to assess what is – or is not – happening.
The capacity to measure health system performance hasincreased in some countries in recent years, althoughfrom a very low starting point. Information technology(if successfully implemented) can facilitate datacollection and analysis and allows better scrutiny ofcosts, outputs and outcomes. However, the wayinformation is marshalled and presented can usually beimproved, particularly in terms of integrating findingswith governance mechanisms. If performance measuresare to improve performance, information must bereadily accessible at the level where decisions are made.
Systems must be designed to take basic data, interrogatethem and present them for different audiences so thatpatients and planners can both find what they needwhen they need it and in good time. Achieving this is notstraightforward, particularly given the need to track arange of functions and to link inputs and outputs.Selecting indicators that are valid, reliable and (crucially, ifthey are to guide management action) responsive tochange is vital, but very challenging. There have beenattempts to combine disparate indicators into a singlecomposite index to show overall performance, but thesehave not been successful. Such efforts do succeed,however, in flagging up the importance of transparency.They also touch on the value of intermediate orinstrumental objectives in signposting (and measuring)progress towards ultimate goals. Well-chosen anddefined indicators, provided that they are specific andamenable to action, can map how far a function ismoving along a critical pathway and can help to signpostthe steps that are to be taken to improve performance.
The effectiveness of performance measurement dependson how far it helps to achieve health system objectives,and it must therefore be linked to policy levers thatpromote real improvement. Public reporting ofperformance is a tool that can be effective, ifundertaken with great care, whether by informing thepublic or by prompting providers to react to the impliedthreat of scrutiny. Explicit financial incentives to rewardproviders achieving predefined standards can also act aslevers for change, as can health system targets whichlend themselves to work across sectors. As there is a riskin all these approaches that providers will focus onnarrow goals without enhancing patient care, vigilanceis required. Vigilance is also needed in the design andapplication of performance measures to avoid a short-term focus or a stifling of innovation. Policy-makersneed to take an active role in ensuring that the wholeapproach to performance measurement is embedded ingovernance systems. This means aligning it with thepolitical context, and providing for the properintegration of financing mechanisms, market structuresand regulation. It is also part of the stewardship role ofministries of health to foster the collection of relevantand appropriate data, ensure transparent analysis,promote the systematic application of evidence inplanning and evaluation, and to encourage an informedpublic policy debate. The combination of all thesefactors can best support the achievement of healthsystem goals and the managing of any trade-offsbetween them. Health system stewards are responsiblenot just for assessing performance but ultimately forensuring that performance measures lead to betterperformance.
There is no correct level of health system investment; itis for societies to chose how and how much to invest.However, the weight and range of evidence makes itclear that societies should be investing in health systemsas part of societal efforts to enhance health and wealthand to achieve societal well-being. Health policy-makerscan therefore be assertive in arguing for resources,provided of course that they have the performancemeasurement systems in place to demonstrate that theyare using investment efficiently and to good effect.
Health systems, health and wealth
This report takes a fresh look at investment in healthsystems, drawing on a body of new evidence. It showsthat health systems are not, as so often portrayed, adrag on resources, but rather part and parcel ofimproving health and achieving better economicgrowth. The relationship between health systems, healthand wealth is complex but the three are inextricablylinked and investing cost-effectively in health systemscan therefore contribute to the ultimate goal of societalwell-being.
The policy debate on health systems has beendominated in recent decades by concerns aboutsustainability and the ability to fund health systems inthe face of upward cost pressures. Health expenditure inmany European countries is growing at a faster ratethan the economy, accounting for an increasingpercentage of gross domestic product (GDP) andcreating unease about production costs andcompetitiveness in an increasingly globalized economy.Containing costs has thus become a major priority formost health systems in the World Health Organization(WHO) European Region and beyond. Typically, policy-makers have sought to find a balanced combination ofdifferent strategies acting on both the supply anddemand sides of health services (Box 1.1).
There is however, a new wave of thinking that seeks tore-examine the long-standing focus on cost-containment. It draws on new understandings of theinterdependency between health and wealth; of the
value attached to health by citizens and societies; and ofthe role health systems play in improving health.
This re-examination of the contribution health makesand the value attached to it has been termed the“health and wealth” debate (1, 2, 3). It has brought tothe fore the interrelationships between health status,health systems and economic growth. Increasingly,better health is now hailed as a driver of economicgrowth. This is in no small part due to the seminal workof the Commission on Macroeconomics and Health (4),which, while focusing on developing countries, didmuch to bring evidence of the impact of health oneconomic development to a global policy audience.Three more recent studies have further developed thisapproach, looking at the European Union (EU) MemberStates before May 2004 (EU15), the Russian Federation,and countries of central and eastern Europe (CEE) andthe Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS),respectively (5, 6, 7). They have demonstrated itsrelevance to high- and middle-income countries,explored the pathways by which improved health leadsto economic productivity in the European Region andillustrated the magnitude of its impact.
At the same time as the utilitarian “case for health” hasbeen strengthened, Member States have also restatedthe fundamental value of health as a human right. Theyhave committed to the principles of universal access,equity and solidarity as core values of European societiesin a number of pan-European policy initiatives (2, 8, 9,10). Health is seen as a key indicator of socialdevelopment and well-being, as well as a means toincreasing social cohesion.
This shift in the debate, and with it our views on thevalue of health in our societies, has shed new light onthe role of health systems and the challenges they giverise to. Health systems, to the extent that they producehealth, could be seen to be a productive sector ratherthan a drain on our economies, which would in turnforce a re-examination of concerns about financialsustainability. Increased spending on effective healthsystems could be recast as a contribution to a bigger(and more productive) economy, as well as a way ofachieving health improvement and higher levels of well-being, which themselves are societal objectives. In theEU context, this places health systems firmly at thecentre of measures to further the Lisbon agenda,pursuing its twin goals of economic competitiveness andsocial cohesion (11), and challenges the simplistic viewthat rising health expenditure is a threat to financialviability.
Some analysts have gone further in arguing thatinvesting in appropriate health system interventions mayresult in reduced growth of health care expenditure in
Health systems, health and wealth
Box 1.1 Cost-containment strategies
Policy-makers have, for years, sought to contain costs using acombination of strategies that act on the demand and thesupply sides of health systems.
Demand-side strategies have focused largely on shifting thecost of health care from statutory sources to health service usersby increasing cost sharing and/or by rationing access to publiclyfunded services. Consequently, in some countries, services havebeen taken out of the statutory benefits package or moreoften, new, expensive types of care have not been included butare payable “out of pocket” or through voluntary healthinsurance. These measures are often highly regressive and tendto undermine social solidarity by decreasing access to thosewith the greatest need.
Strategies acting on the supply side have tried to secure moreor better value for money. They include the introduction ofstrategic purchasing; market mechanisms introducingcompetition between providers to improve efficiency;performance-related payments; health technology assessment(HTA); better integration between levels of care; andstrengthening the role of primary care. These have commandedbroad support among policy-makers and some have resulted inefficiency increases.
the future. The two Wanless reports commissioned bythe United Kingdom Treasury are a case in point. Theyexamined the financial sustainability of health services inthe United Kingdom and recommended furtherinvestment to strengthen the National Health Service(NHS) (12) and, in particular, its contribution to publichealth (13) as a means of achieving long-termsustainability. There is also considerable interest in waysthat appropriately targeted interventions by healthsystems might mitigate the health (and expenditure)consequences of population ageing, when coupled withcoordinated action on retirement age and pensionpolicies. Effective investment can be instrumental insecuring longer life expectancy, and crucially, healthierlife expectancy, by preventing and/or treating prematureor avoidable morbidity. This has been termed“compression of morbidity” (14, 15) and can already beobserved in some European countries with well-developed health systems. This could create a virtuoushealth systems cycle by which healthier older people usefewer services, retire later and contribute to theeconomy for longer, drawing less from pension fundsand generally reducing the potential challenge tosustainability.
However, while these arguments are pertinent and docreate a strong case for investment in health systems,they are far from justifying automatic additionalinvestment. There are inevitable concerns about valuefor money and competing calls for investment in othersectors, some of which may themselves contribute tohealth. Claims for health spending need to be seen inthe context of substantial and, in many cases justified,concerns about the appropriateness of current healthinterventions and technical inefficiencies in many partsof Europe’s health systems. In some countries manytreatments provided are not supported by evidence,which at best provides no benefit for the patient and atworst does actual harm. Whichever is the case, suchtreatments waste scarce resources and have a realopportunity cost. There also needs to be considerationof the way priorities are set and resources are allocatedbetween alternative or competing interventions andprogrammes, so that the choice between expenditureon areas such as mental health, primary care,prevention, secondary care and so on relates tooutcomes and maximizes health gains.
It is just as important to consider the opportunity costsof investing in health services rather than acting ondeterminants of health through action in other sectors.It is important to recognize the work on the socialdeterminants of health (16) and the renewed emphasison Health in All Policies (HiAP) (17, 18), whichdemonstrates that investment in the physical
environment, education or transport systems may yieldhigher health returns than investment in health systems.By the same token, health policy-making mustacknowledge that additional expenditure in other areasof government activity may result in higher societal well-being, which is, after all, the ultimate societal objectivein most, if not all, countries of the European Region. Thecase for health systems investment therefore needs tobe supported by strong and transparent performanceassessment, demonstrating cost–effectiveness as well asits strengths relative to other competing expenditureareas.
This document aims to support policy-makers as theyassess the case for investment in health systems. It wasprepared for the WHO Ministerial Conference on HealthSystems, Health and Wealth (Tallinn, June 2008) (19)and synthesizes the available evidence, undertaking asystematic exploration of the various issues involved andthe interaction between them. It can help policy-makersto marshal the information available and to work theirway through a complex set of issues so as to understandhealth and wealth dynamics better. It cannot, of course,provide definitive answers on how or to what extentpolicy-makers should invest in individual health systems.
This report is divided into a number of sections, each ofwhich draws on a chapter or group of chapters in themain volume.1 The first four sections set the scene; thenext three (the core of the document) explore the mainthrust of the arguments for investing in health systems;and the final section draws some relevant policyconclusions.
Section 1: (this section) seeks to introduce the documentand set it in policy context.
Section 2: explores what we understand by healthsystems, setting out a definition and a set of functions.
Section 3: presents and discusses the conceptualframework that underpins the study and that has helpedstructure the evidence collection and analysis.
Section 4: outlines and re-examines the main costpressures and their impacts.
Section 5: focuses on the evidence for health as a driverfor economic growth and societal well-being.
Section 6: examines the impact of health systems onhealth and on other societal goals.
Section 7: reviews mechanisms to address performanceimprovement.
Section 8: summarizes the main issues and suggestsnew ways of thinking about investment in healthsystems.
1 Throughout this document, the “main volume” refers to Figueras et al. (19), whereas the “accompanying volume” refers to Smithet al. (186).
Health systems, health and wealth
Policy-makers seeking to lever investment for health orto assess the impact of investment in health systemsover investment in other areas need to be able to defineand delineate what they mean by “health system”. So,what is a health system? This question seemsstraightforward, yet there does not seem to be a simpleanswer. The definitions of health systems put forward byanalysts and organizations vary enormously, withparticular differences in the way that health systemboundaries are determined. At one end of the spectrumare narrow definitions which focus on medical care with“patients, clear exit and entry points and servicesregarding disease, disability and death”. At the otherend are broad approaches that encompass all thosedeterminants that contribute directly or indirectly tohealth. We need to find a balance between thenarrowest definitions that only cover curative servicesand the all-embracing notion of a health system whichincludes everything that might improve health (not leasthousing, education, and environmental policy). Thisprocess of establishing a balance or “manageableboundaries” is particularly important when it comes tomaking definitions operational, as well as managing andoverseeing health systems and their performance inpractice.
Definitions and functions
The health system definition put forward by theWorldHealth Report 2000 (20) forms (along with later work)the basis for our approach here. TheWorld HealthReport defines a health system as “all organizations,people and actions whose primary intent is to promote,restore or maintain health”. This definition incorporates“selected intersectoral actions in which the stewards ofthe health system take responsibility to advocate forimprovements in areas outside their direct control, suchas legislation to reduce fatalities from traffic accidents.”
This definition underpinned the Health SystemsAssessment Framework (HSAF) (Fig. 2.1), which providesfor the review of the performance of health systemsagainst three major societal goals (Box 2.1).Performance is then understood as the attainment ofthese goals relative to the resources invested in them,which in turn implies a fourth goal, namely efficiency orproductivity. In order to achieve these goals, all healthsystems have to carry out four core functions, regardlessof how they are organized, or of the terminology theyuse (Box 2.1).
The HSAF, with its goals and functions, is discussed in
2. What is a health system?
Fig. 2.1 Health Systems Assessment Framework: functions and goals
Source: Adapted by P Travis from World Health Organization 2000 (20).
(collecting, pooling andpurchasing)
(investment and training)
(personal and populationbased
(level and equity)
(to people’s nonmedicalexpectations)
Financial protection andequity in the distribution
(maximizing goals relativeto potential)
Functions the system performs Goals/outcomes of the system
more detail in Chapter 2 of the main volume (21) and isused later in this report as the basis of discussion on theimpact of health systems and strategies (Section 6), andmechanisms to improve performance (Section 7).
This approach can be refined and taken further. A healthsystem would then include, in practical terms, thefollowing items:
• first, the delivery of (personal and population-based) health services, including primary andsecondary prevention, treatment, care andrehabilitation;
• second, activities to enable the delivery of healthservices, and specifically the functions of finance,resource generation and stewardship; and
• third, stewardship activities aimed at influencingthe health impact of “relevant” interventions inother sectors, regardless of whether the primarypurpose of those interventions is to improve health.
This approach relies on the understanding that thehealth system functions of financing, resource allocationand delivery relate directly to health services, while thestewardship function (above all others) has an additionalrole in other sectors beyond health services, influencingthe determinants of health.
Steering health systems: the role of the Ministry ofHealth
The above definition asserts the responsibility ofministries of health beyond health care. It emphasizesthe crucial message that those responsible for healthsystems are accountable for exercising stewardship inother sectors to ensure that health objectives areconsidered in their policies – what has been termedHiAP. The corollary is that it also acknowledges that thefunding, provision and management of many health-relevant interventions are the responsibility of othersectors. It is implicit in this approach that the Ministry ofHealth is the “steward of the stewards” and has astewardship function assessing performance acrosssectors and influencing the allocation of resources tomaximize health gains and allocative efficiency.Ministries of health are, therefore, to be heldaccountable not only for health services but for thestewardship they exercise over other sectors.
This method of capturing health systems points to apractical way forward with clear distribution ofresponsibilities. However, it is more normative thandescriptive, particularly with regard to the role ofministries of health. While it might be desirable thatministries exercise stewardship across sectors, in practicemany share responsibility even for the formal healthsector and have only limited authority beyond it.Furthermore, health ministries are sometimes relativelyweak, both technically and politically. Context is all-important and the level of decentralization, models offinance or delivery, and the role of other actors, amongother factors all complicate the Ministry’s own role.Moreover, exercising influence across sectors is far fromeasy. It requires a certain leverage, and there are notalways the appropriate intersectoral tools, mechanismsor implementation capacity available. Nor is it easy tohold other ministries accountable for the health impactof other sectors. Nonetheless, despite the complexitiesof shared stewardship and implementation, as well asthe normative nature of the assertion, the Ministry ofHealth must seek to develop a central role in the healthsystem, as defined here. This means it must see itself asprimarily accountable for the whole health system andtake steps that will empower it to steer the systemeffectively.
This section has sought not simply to assert theaccountability of the Ministry of Health for the whole ofthe health system, but additionally to enable healthpolicy-makers to exercise stewardship. It sets out wherehealth system boundaries lie and how health stewardsmust look beyond health care. This is vital if ministriesare to be able to secure investment in health systems inpartnership with other sectors.
Box 2.1 Health system goals and functions
• the health status of the population (both the average levelof health and the distribution of health);
• responsiveness to the nonmedical expectations of thepopulation, including two sets of dimensions, respect forpersons (patient dignity, confidentiality, autonomy andcommunication) and client orientation (prompt attention,basic amenities, social support and choice);
• fairness of financing (financial protection, that is, avoidanceof impoverishment as a consequence of health payments,along with equitable distribution of the burden of fundingthe system).
• financing (revenue collection, fund pooling and purchasing)
The case for health systems investment rests on theunderstanding that health systems are intricately linkedto health and wealth. The relationships between themare complex and dynamic. This section therefore putsforward a conceptual framework that can guide policy-makers in articulating the links between issues, and isthus the backbone for this review. The framework linkshealth systems (as defined in Section 2) to health,wealth and societal well-being, with the causal, directand indirect relationships between the key elementscaptured (at least in part) by the “conceptual triangle”2
shown in Fig. 3.1. It serves to support a systematicreview of the issues and also, crucially, positions healthsystem investment in direct relationship with theultimate goal of all social systems: societal well-being.
The notion of societal well-being requires someexplanation. It is generally accepted that health, despiteits importance to the public, is not viewed explicitly asthe ultimate goal of organized societies. Rather, societiesstrive towards a positive and sustainable state of well-being. This is a multidimensional concept and a verydifficult one to pin down, not least because so manydisciplines and experts have used overlapping but
slightly different language to explore it. For the purposesof this review, societal well-being stands for the totalwell-being of the entire society and touches on notionsof happiness and quality of life. It can also be taken toreflect many other elements, such as quality of theenvironment, levels of crime, access to essential socialservices as well as the more religious or spiritual aspectsof life. It is not, however, the purpose of this documentto give a detailed definition, although the main volumedoes discuss the issues and the complexities involved indefining and measuring well-being in more depth (22).“Societal well-being” has been chosen in preference to“social welfare” to avoid any potentialmisunderstanding, as social welfare is also understoodto be primarily about welfare services.
The understanding captured by the framework in Fig.3.1 is that health systems contribute to societal well-being in three main ways. First, and above all, healthsystems produce health (see (1) in the diagram), which isboth a major and inherent component of well-being ((A)in the diagram) and through its impact on wealthcreation (see (2)), an indirect (yet key) contributor towell-being (see (B)). Second, although to a much lesser
Health systems, health and wealth
3. A conceptual framework
Fig. 3.1 Health systems, health, wealth and societal well-being: a triangular relationship
2 This conceptual triangle was developed in a seminar at WHO Regional Office for Europe in Copenhagen in 2007, with theparticipation of Rifat Atun, Antonio Duran, Josep Figueras, Joe Kutzin, Nata Menabde, Elias Mossialos and Gerard Schmets (inalphabetical order).
extent, health systems have a direct impact on wealth asa significant component of the economy (see (3)), whichagain impacts on societal well-being (see (B)). Third,health systems contribute directly to societal well-beingbecause societies draw satisfaction from the existence ofhealth services and the ability of people to access them,regardless of whether or not services are effective orindeed whether or not they are used (see (C)). One finalpoint must be raised here – that of context., whichrefers to the country-specific social, economic, culturaland political environment in which the triangularrelationship between health systems, health, wealth andsocietal well-being is embedded. Fig. 3.1 seeks to reflectthe importance of different contexts in determining thenature and the extent of the individual causalrelationships shown.
There are “lesser triangles”, nestled within the maintriangle. These relationships are not all of equalimportance and not all are covered in equal detail here.Nonetheless, the most important are addressed in thesubsections that follow, including health systems andtheir contribution to health and societal well-being;health’s contribution to wealth and societal well-being;and health systems’ impact on wealth.
Health systems: their contribution to health andsocietal well-being
In reality this is the subset of relationships that isuppermost in the thinking of most health policy-makers.Most important of all is the impact that health systemshave on health improvement (see (1) in Fig. 3.1) and thisis also central to the analysis in this report. The impactof health systems on health includes all the goals andfunctions of the HSAF, outlined in Fig. 2.1, namelyhealth (levels and equity); responsiveness; and fairnessof financing (financial protection and equity in thedistribution of funding) that are not explicitly capturedby the triangle. We illustrate the impact of healthsystems on some of these goals in Section 6, includinghealth (Subsections 6.2 and 6.3), health inequalities(Subsection 6.4) and responsiveness (Subsection 6.5).
We also look extensively at how health systems can beimproved (Section 7) and efficiency maximized throughreform strategies and performance assessment,recognizing not only that value for money is absolutelyindispensable for sustained investment but also thatthere is a significant potential gap between the “whathealth systems can do” in theory and the “what theyachieve” in practice, which policy-makers have toaddress when competing for resources.
It should also be noted that the relationship betweenhealth systems and health is bi-directional and thatlevels and patterns of ill health will feed back into thehealth system, shaping its priorities and the allocation ofresources between interventions.
In addition to their impact on health, health systems
make a direct contribution to societal well-being (see (C)in Fig. 3.1) by virtue of the value that citizens attach tothem as guarantors of health protection. The right tohealth protection is not to be understood as the right tobe healthy. Most societies attach a distinct value simplyto the fact that an organized health system exists andcan be accessed – these are held to be truly importantand are de facto a fundamental component of socialcohesion and well-being (8, 23).
Health: its contribution to wealth and societalwell-being
A second set of key relationships link health, wealth andwell-being. These form the “inner triangle” at the baseof the main triangle, shown in Fig. 3.1. They alsoencapsulate the argument at the heart of this report(see Section 5). The contribution of health to societalwell-being can be characterized as follows. Healthconstitutes a major component of well-being in its ownright (see (A) in Fig. 3.1). Citizens draw satisfaction fromliving longer and healthier lives and value healthregardless of whether or not they are economicallyproductive. As already noted, health also plays animportant role in increasing economic productivity andthus national income (see (2)), which in turn makes akey contribution to the dimension of societal well-being(see (B)). Health has an additional impact on wealth (see(2)), as it allows for economic gains from savings onhealth expenditure.
Any discussion that touches on wealth demands thatfigures be produced as evidence. Quantifying wealthand the value of health and well-being in economicterms is of course complex, not least because health isnot a normal, traded commodity. Some of theseconcerns are detailed in Box 3.1.
While the focus of this analysis is on the impact ofhealth on wealth, it should be noted that thisrelationship is also bi-directional. Wealth has a majoreffect on health in its own right, both collectively andindividually. Its impacts are direct, through the materialconditions that improve biological survival and health, aswell as indirect, through its effects on socialparticipation and people’s control over their lifecircumstances. It should be possible, then, to establish avirtuous circle, or cycle, of better health improvingeconomic performance and better economicperformance improving health. This makes it all themore important that health systems exercise stewardshipof relevant public health interventions and interventionsin other sectors, addressing the socioeconomicdeterminants of health (Subsection 6.3).
Health systems: their contribution to wealth
The third relationship explored here, albeit far lesssignificant, refers to the direct contribution of healthsystems to the economy (see (3) in Fig. 3.1), irrespectiveof their impact on health improvement. Health services
are an important economic sector in many countries,often being the largest employer and playing asignificant role as a driver of and consumer oftechnological innovation, research and development(R&D). A note of caution is needed at this point, as thesizable impact of health systems on the economy doesnot alone create an automatic justification for investingin health systems (Subsection 6.6), since investments inother sectors may yield better returns. Finally, as withthe other relationships discussed, this “third side of thetriangle”, linking health systems and wealth, is also bi-directional. There is a widely held view that health carespending increases inexorably with national income.Recent research has shown that the debate is complex.The impact of economic growth on health careexpenditure is therefore addressed in more detail inSection 4.
Finally, although we believe that it has valuableexplanatory power, this conceptual framework must betreated with a degree of caution. There are certain issuesto be considered that relate to its deceptively normativeoutlook; the strength of causality of its variousrelationships; the bi-directional nature of some of thoserelationships; variation in meaning and terminology; the
role of context; and the values associated with societalwell-being. These are outlined in Box 3.2 and explored inmore detail in the main volume (19).
The triangle shown in Fig. 3.1 is an effective graphicalrepresentation of the main relationships between healthsystems, health, wealth and societal well-being.However, as an image it is almost deceptively simple andcould be misleading. There are therefore a number ofcaveats that need to be borne in mind.
First, while the model may come across as normative, itis positive/descriptive in its conception, describing aseries of causal relationships but without any valuejudgement as to their relative importance orappropriateness. The only normative position refers tothe achievement of societal well-being (the “bubble” inthe centre of the triangle) as the ultimate goal; aposition that nonetheless commands widespreadacceptance in most European societies.
Health systems, health and wealth
Box 3.2 The triangular relationship “health systems,health, wealth and societal well-being”: some concerns
The triangle shown in Fig. 3.1 is an effective graphicalrepresentation of the main relationships between healthsystems, health, wealth and societal well-being. However, as animage it is almost deceptively simple and could be misleading.There are therefore a number of caveats that need to be bornein mind.
• First, while the model may come across as normative, it ispositive/descriptive in its conception, describing a series ofcausal relationships but without any value judgment as totheir relative importance or appropriateness. The onlynormative position refers to the achievement of societalwell-being (the “bubble” in the centre of the triangle) as theultimate goal; a position that nonetheless commandswidespread acceptance in most European societies.
• Second, even when there is common ground about theimportance of well-being, there are significant differencesabout what aspects are included (or indeed how to measurethem), because this involves social preferences andunderlying value judgments. What constitutes themaximization of welfare will therefore depend on theobjectives and unstated ideals of a particular society.
• Third, the causal relationships between these componentsare not clear cut or linear, nor are they easily measurable.There needs to be a full discussion and proper exploration ofthe nuances, strength and nature of these links, as thetriangle tends to imply that all the relationships have thesame weight.
• Fourth, context matters enormously – all the relationships inthe triangle are context specific and depend on theparticulars of, among other things, the understanding ofsocietal well-being, the economic, social, cultural andpolitical situation, or the model of health systemorganization in the given setting. It is therefore clear that themodel will need to be applied with full consideration of howcontext will determine specific relationships, and bearing inmind all that this implies for drawing conclusions andpositing policy lessons that are relevant across countries.
Box 3.1 Gross domestic product as a measure of wealthand well-being: some concerns
There are at least three major sets of caveats relating to the useof gross domestic product (GDP) per capita both as a measurefor wealth and as a proxy for societal well-being.
• First, GDP per capita is no more than the sum of monetarytransactions in the economy. It pays no attention to the useof resources and does not differentiate between expenditurethat increases well-being, such as on many consumptiongoods, and that which diminishes it. Yet the true purpose ofeconomic activity is to maximize social welfare or societalwell-being, not solely to produce goods.
• Second, it does not capture the important economic benefitsfrom people who are not formally employed or paid, butwho provide significant support, for instance in terms ofcaring for older and younger people.
• Finally, it pays no attention to those elements of theeconomy that are not monetarized, whether negative, suchas pollution or fear of crime, or positive, such as happinessor, indeed, health itself. There are concerns about capturingthe contribution of health to wealth too narrowly throughforegone GDP income which tends to privilege those inemployment over the rest of the population. This can bepartially addressed by translating the contribution of healthto social welfare or societal well-being into economic termsand thus attributing a monetary value to health – andindeed, this is done routinely when individuals demandincome premiums to undertake jobs associated with a risk ofdeath. Following this approach, and in spite of themethodological challenges involved, a number of studieshave calculated what is termed the value of statistical lifethrough “willingness to pay” (WTP) methodologies anddeveloped “full income” measures (see Subsection 5.1).
Second, even when there is common ground about theimportance of well-being, there are significantdifferences about what aspects are included (or indeedhow to measure them), because this involves socialpreferences and underlying value judgments. Whatconstitutes the maximization of welfare will thereforedepend on the objectives and unstated ideals of aparticular society.
Third, the causal relationships between thesecomponents are not clear cut or linear, nor are theyeasily measurable. There needs to be a full discussionand proper exploration of the nuances, strength andnature of these links, as the triangle tends to imply thatall the relationships have the same weight.
Fourth, context matters enormously – all therelationships in the triangle are context specific anddepend on the particulars of, among other things, theunderstanding of societal well-being, the economic,social, cultural and political situation, or the model ofhealth system organization in the given setting. It istherefore clear that the model will need to be appliedwith full consideration of how context will determinespecific relationships, and bearing in mind all that thisimplies for drawing conclusions and positing policylessons that are relevant across countries.
This section has explored the complex interactionsbetween the four components of a dynamic model(health systems, health, wealth and societal well-being).Clearly, this model cannot establish a set of quantitativefunctions or tools which will lead policy-makersautomatically to the optimal investment decisions. Nordoes it argue that increasing investment in healthsystems is necessarily “the right choice” automatically.Rather, it constitutes a framework for policy-makers thatwill help them to balance the key elements in decision-making. While it acknowledges on the one hand theinexact nature and limitations of measurement, it alsoemphasizes on the other hand the need to measure,evaluate and assess performance in order to improvedecision-making.
Health systems, health and wealth
Before policy-makers can even begin to make a case forhealth systems investment they must first address thewidespread, but exaggerated concern that health careexpenditures are rising uncontrollably. There is anundeniable and significant rise in health care costsacross Europe and this is often, and justifiably, a concernfor policy-makers. The picture is, however, more intricatethan it appears at first and it is worth considering costpressures before continuing to the core of the discussionin this report. There is a consensus that the ageing ofthe population, or the demographic transition; medicalprogress through new technologies; and higherpopulation expectations are “inflationary”. Togetherwith the impact of economic growth and higher relativeprices for health care inputs, these factors push costsupwards. However, these challenges, their effects andthe interplay between them are not particularly wellunderstood. The policy debate, as a result, has beenshaped by myths and misunderstandings.
This section draws on Chapter 3 of the main volume(24) to re-examine and clarify the role and the impact ofthe drivers of health expenditure. It first provides someestimates on the impact of demographic changecombined with the other cost pressures on healthexpenditure. This is followed by a brief discussion on therole played by each factor: ageing, new technologies,citizens’ expectations, economic growth and relativeprices of health care inputs.
A number of studies across various countries havesought to forecast future health expenditure, in light ofthe known demographic factors and in combinationwith other cost pressures and economic aspects. Forinstance, Organisation for Economic Co-operation andDevelopment (OECD) projections (2005–2050) (25)foresee a significant increase in health and long-termcare public spending from almost 7% to between 10%(cost-containment scenario) and 13% (cost pressurescenario) of GDP. A European Commission (EC) study(26) based on the EU Member States belonging to theEU before January 2007 (EU25) predicts that thecombined effects of health and long-term care willaccount for an additional 1.1–3.8% of European GDP,while World Bank research indicates an increase in GDPfor the majority of CEE and CIS countries, although to asmaller extent than in the EU25 (27). However, thesefigures should be treated with some caution. Notenough is known about the implications of emergingevidence on some important areas: utilization levels andthe likely changes that will come with new technologies;age-related health expenditure and the probable impactof compression of morbidity and death-related costs; or,indeed, the complexities of projecting GDP growth,especially in transition countries.
The ageing of the population
Despite the complexities of measuring and modelling, alldemographic projections agree on one issue: Europe’spopulation is ageing. This means shrinking populationsin some countries and major increases in dependencyratios across Europe (see Box 4.1).
The European population will change dramatically in thecoming decades. Projections developed for the EuropeanUnion (EU) Member States before January 2007 (EU25)suggest that its fertility rates will remain well below thenatural replacement rates; life expectancy will rise by sixyears; and the elderly population will increase sharply,with old-age dependency ratios doubling so that if theretirement age remains unchanged by 2050 there willbe only two people of working age for every elderlycitizen (26). Inward migration is expected to onlypartially counterbalance the ageing trend and lowfertility. Trends in the Commonwealth of IndependentStates (CIS) and the countries of central and easternEurope (CEE) are very similar, with the median ageprojected to increase by 10 years by 2025, andpopulation numbers shrinking in 18 of the 28 countries.It is expected that the number of people over 65 yearsold will rise to one person in every five in most countriesof the region (27).
Population ageing poses two (potential) sets of pressuresfor financing health care: on utilization of health careservices on the one hand, and in terms of decreasedincome linked to the falling proportion of thepopulation that are economically active on the otherhand.
On the utilization side, the widespread belief that healthcare use and, more critically, expenditure increases with
4. Re-examining cost pressures
Box 4.1 The ageing population in Europe
The European population will change dramatically in thecoming decades. Projections developed for the European Union(EU) Member States before January 2007 (EU25) suggest thatits fertility rates will remain well below the natural replacementrates; life expectancy will rise by six years; and the elderlypopulation will increase sharply, with old-age dependency ratiosdoubling so that if the retirement age remains unchanged by2050 there will be only two people of working age for everyelderly citizen (26). Inward migration is expected to onlypartially counterbalance the ageing trend and low fertility.Trends in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) andthe countries of central and eastern Europe (CEE) are verysimilar, with the median age projected to increase by 10 yearsby 2025, and population numbers shrinking in 18 of the 28countries. It is expected that the number of people over 65years old will rise to one person in every five in most countriesof the region (27).
age is challenged by a growing body of evidence. First, itseems that proximity of death (28) is a more importantpredictor of increased health care expenditure thanageing itself. Evidence shows a large share of a lifetime’shealth care costs fall in the last year of life, wheneverthat may be, and the “costs of dying” are lower in olderage groups (since the elderly receive less intensivetreatment at the end of their life). Living longer anddying at an older average age will, therefore, lower theaverage costs of dying. Secondly, a stagnation ofutilization rates is evident (along with falling levels ofutilization) in older age groups, with use peaking at 80years of age, which suggests that the increase innumbers of the very elderly is not such a cause forconcern as often believed. Finally, the impact of ageingon health care expenditure is increasingly challenged bythe “dynamic equilibrium” and “compression ofmorbidity” (14) theories, which hypothesize that aspeople live longer morbidity and disability will affectpeople for shorter periods of time in absolute terms(compression of morbidity) and/or in relative terms(dynamic equilibrium), resulting in longer and healthierlife expectancy. These concepts are addressed in moredetail in Subsection 5.3.
On the funding side, as the dependency ratio increases,the burden of funding the health system will fall onfewer individuals. In other words, the intergenerationaltransfers from the young to the old will need to increasedramatically. Immigration, which adjusts the agestructure of populations, will not necessarily be able toaddress the problem, particularly given the decline in thelabour force, which, in the EU15, for instance, may beas high as 14% by 2050 (29). However, an increase inretirement age would effectively reduce the dependencyratio and increase contributions. A scenariocharacterized by healthier longevity is defendable andwould go some way to mitigating the pressures onhealth and social expenditure. For instance, OliveiraMartins, Duval & Jaumotte (30) argue that adjusting“working age” (currently 15 to 64) by a fairly modestincrease of 1.2 years every 10 years, in line with theexpected increase in longevity, could stabilize the size ofthe working population relative to that of theeconomically inactive.
It can be argued, with some assertiveness and contraryto popular belief, that ageing is not an inevitable andunmanageable drain on health care resources. It will, itseems, explain a much smaller part in increasing healthcare expenditure than is sometimes predicted, while amore effective health system can help to address andminimize the cost pressures of ageing, not least byensuring healthy ageing and allowing older people toremain economically active.
Medical innovation and new technologies
It is common for analysts to identify innovation, newtechnology and medical progress in general as major
drivers of rising health care spending (25, 31, 32, 33,34). While commentators all note the methodologicaldifficulties in defining and assessing the impact oftechnical and medical developments, it is argued thatthey have accounted for an average of 50% of thehistorical increase in health expenditure (34, 35). Somesuggest that this may increase again in the future asnew technological innovations are adopted, but thisdoes not need to be the case in all areas. For instance,there are now few new pharmaceuticals for commonconditions in the development pipeline, while some ofthose that are being developed offer little advantageover what is already available. Furthermore, prices of anumber of widely used pharmaceuticals are likely to fallas they become off-patent medicines.
It is crucial, when we consider the impact of newtechnologies, to distinguish between the effects oftechnology on overall costs and the increase (orotherwise) in health system effectiveness or cost–effectiveness. So, while in general the medicalinnovations of the last decades have improvedeffectiveness, substituting for or improving the existingarsenal of treatments and diagnostics and (often)lowering unit costs, they have often not reduced overallcosts at aggregate level. There are a number of reasonsfor this. On a positive note, medical innovations haveextended the scope and range of treatments available,allowing previously unmet health needs to be addressedand extending quality and length of life. Lessappropriately, treatment has sometimes been extendedto a wider set of indications, even when it does not addto the overall health gain of society. This has been thecase both when new technologies offer only marginalimprovements over previous therapies and whenmedical progress is applied inappropriately, for exampleto patients or conditions where there is no extra, evenmarginal effect, or real cost benefit. This is typicallyassociated with perverse supply-side economicincentives such as skewed payment systems that createsupplier-induced demand.
This suggests that the policy focus should be less on thecost of technological developments per se than onensuring that new technologies are appropriate andcost-effective. Policy action ought therefore to addressthe most appropriate introduction and utilization oftechnology, and in particular encourage the use ofhealth technology assessment (HTA) (36) and moreappropriate tailoring of payment systems. These issuesrelated to improving health systems performance areaddressed in Section 7.
One of the factors fuelling the (sometimesinappropriate) introduction of technology and upwardpressure on costs is the weight of citizens’ expectations.Given that responsiveness is now recognized as a centralgoal of the health system in its own right, health
systems are under ever greater obligation to respond topeople’s concerns and indeed demands (discussed inmore detail in Subsection 6.5). It means that the healthsystem cannot ignore patients’ expectations but muststrive to meet them or, rather, to understand andaccommodate them as appropriately as possible. Inmany countries in the WHO European Region, there areindeed high expectations about the range of treatmentsand quality of services that “should” be available.Patients have better access to information and patientorganizations seek to influence decision-makingprocesses. In some countries they are empoweredthrough a policy emphasis on consumer choice. Medicaltechnology and pharmaceutical industries also seek toinfluence decision-makers directly and through theirsupport to patient groups. Health care professionals anddecision-makers sometimes face intense pressures toadopt the latest available medical innovations, oftenwithout reference to cost–effectiveness or indeed thepotential for waste.
The policy focus must therefore be on how to informcitizens, involving them in an evidence-based debate sothat their expectations can reflect not only thelegitimate desire to secure the best treatment possiblebut also an understanding of the issues of effectivenessand cost–effectiveness. The goal must be to makeresponsiveness sustainable by agreeing with citizens toinvest in innovation cost-effectively and with no loss ofsocietal welfare.
Economic growth as a cost pressure
The level of economic growth, as measured by the levelof GDP, is widely regarded as an important explanatoryvariable for higher expenditure, both in terms of totalamounts spent per capita, as well as in relative terms orthe percentage of GDP devoted to health (33). It iswidely argued that health is a luxury good rather than anecessity, which implies that as national income orwealth increases, so expectations will rise and healthcare spending will rise too, inexorably, regardless ofneed and while making little contribution to populationhealth. The OECD estimated that 2.3% of the 3.6%growth per year in public health spending per capita inOECD countries between 1981 and 2004 was due toincome effects (25). However, there is no consensusabout the income elasticity of health expenditure orwhether or not health care is a “luxury good”. Moresophisticated analyses that address earliermethodological weaknesses (cross-sectional versuslongitudinal studies, controlling for price inputs and trueprice effects) have shown how results are conflicting,with significant variations linked to year, country,methodology, level of aggregation and health systemmodel.
Price increases of health care inputs
Finally, another often-mentioned but poorly understoodfactor influencing health care expenditure is the relativeprice increase of key components of health carespending, such as pharmaceuticals, capital investmentand, particularly, wages. Wages are especially importantin health care as the sector has many of thecharacteristics of a “handicraft industry”, being heavilyreliant on human resources and less amenable to labour-saving technological developments than otherindustries. This is further exacerbated by labourshortages. Labour productivity growth is thereforeslower than for other sectors (37) and wages are likelyto rise more rapidly than productivity. This is borne outby Baumol’s model of “unbalanced growth”, which issupported by empirical evidence from 19 OECDcountries showing that health care expenditure is drivenby wage increases in excess of productivity growth (38).
This section has illustrated the various dimensions of thecost pressures on health services and shown that themagnitude of these impacts can be ameliorated throughjudicious investment in health systems and appropriatemanagement tools and reform strategies (Section 7).
Health systems, health and wealth
This section addresses the “inner triangle” at the baseof the main triangle, the geometrical and conceptualbase of the model (see Fig. 3.1, Section 3) and thecentral tenet of this study. The core proposition is thathealth (its level and equity dimensions) is directly, in andof itself, a major contributor to societal well-being. Inaddition it makes an indirect contribution to well-beingthrough its impact on wealth creation. This justifiesmajor investment in health and, to the extent thathealth systems improve health, in health systems.
This section summarizes the results of a comprehensivereview of the evidence on the economic consequencesof ill health (39) that was also prepared for the WHOEuropean Ministerial Conference on Health Systems,Health and Wealth in Tallinn, June 2008. The evidence isgrouped in four categories; the direct contribution ofhealth to societal well-being; the effects of ill health oneconomic productivity; the impact of health on healthcare expenditure; and the economic consequences ofhealth inequalities.
5.1 The direct contribution of health tosocietal well-being
Any decision on health investment is underpinned bythe value that individuals and societies attribute tobetter health (as a major component of societal well-being), regardless of the immediate economicconsequences of ill health. However, quantifying this orcomparing it to the value attached to other componentsof societal well-being is far from straightforward. Healthdoes not, for example, have a market price like manyother goods and services, so determining its valueinvolves complex methodologies and indirectmechanisms. While an economic value of statistical lifecan be derived, there is considerable variation betweenstudies, so caution and sensitivity analyses are needed,particularly given the differences in the valuation ofindividual lives in distinct cultural and socioeconomiccontexts.3
GDP has already been shown to be an inadequate wayof capturing societal well-being (Box 3.2, Section 3),only giving a limited picture of the economic costs of illhealth and premature death. Initiatives to remedy thisallow the value of mortality reductions to be introducedinto national income accounting through “full income”measures. These “add” the “full” value associated withthe years of life expectancy gained to the sum of growthin GDP, reflecting the overall impact of health on social
welfare or, in the terminology of this report, societalwell-being. Usher, in a study of high-income countries,attributed some 30% of the growth in full income todeclines in mortality (40). Nordhaus, in the UnitedStates, found that the economic value of increasedlongevity in the last century has approximately equalledgrowth measured in non-health goods and services (41),with other studies finding impacts on a similar scale.Suhrcke et al. (5) adopted this approach to estimate themonetary worth of recent increases in life expectancy inselected western European countries and showed thatbetween 29% and 38% of notional GDP increases from1970 to 2003 could be attributed to gains in lifeexpectancy. This illustrates the very substantial valueattached to health. They also applied this model to asample of CEE and CIS countries, showing a decrease inlife expectancy and a consequent welfare loss ofbetween 16% of per capita GDP in Moldova and 31%in the Russian Federation between 1990 and 2003. Thisillustrates the scale of the negative health impacts oftransition in some parts of the European Region andmakes clear that the implications of ill health go farbeyond the health system.
Clearly these valuations of welfare gains from longer lifeare highly simplified, but they are nonetheless indicativeof the impact of health on wealth, when the importanceof non-monetary elements are acknowledged. If only afraction of life expectancy gains are the result of healthinterventions, the benefits are huge. Health expenditurethrough health systems and other sectors that impact onhealth can then be shown to achieve “socialproductivity” many times greater than that associatedwith other forms of investment.
5.2 The effects of ill health on economicproductivity
There is a sound theoretical and empirical basis to theargument that human capital contributes to economicgrowth. Human capital is demonstrably interlinked witheconomic outcomes and since health is an importantcomponent of human capital, it follows that health islinked with economic outcomes. Health contributes (atboth the individual and the country level) throughhigher productivity, securing labour supply, through skillsand the savings that become available for investment inphysical and intellectual capital (5). These assertions aresupported by a significant volume of evidence both atthe microeconomic (individual and household) and
5. The contribution of health to wealth and societal well-being
3 Willingness to pay (WTP) methods are an example of how the complex issue of attributing an explicit value to health has beentackled. WTP methods assess how far people will trade off health against things for which a known price exists, for instance thepremiums paid for undertaking hazardous work. This makes it possible to calculate the value of a statistical life that in turn allows avalue to be placed on changes in life expectancy and supports comparisons with other measures of economic activity, such as GDP.
Health systems, health and wealth
macroeconomic (country) levels, as discussed in thefollowing sections.
At the microeconomic level there is a wide range ofstudies showing that poor health negatively affectslabour market productivity, as measured by earnings andwages.4 For instance, evidence from the RussianLongitudinal Monitoring Survey (RLMS) shows that (self-reported) good health, compared to less-than-goodhealth “increased” the wage rate by 22% for womenand by 18% for men. Similarly, a workday missed due toillness reduces the wage rate by 3.7% for men and5.5% for women (7). An analysis of the EuropeanCommunity Household Panel (ECHP) reveals similarlylarge differences in personal earnings dependent on thegeneral health of people in wealthier Europeancountries. People reporting “very good” or “good”health had earnings about four times higher than thosewith “poor” or “very poor” health (42). There is alsoextensive evidence on the negative impacts of riskfactors such as obesity, smoking and alcoholconsumption on labour market outcomes in terms ofproductivity, earnings and labour participation, (43, 44,45) although the picture is complicated by theoverlapping relationships between ill health, poverty andpoor health behaviours.
There is also ample evidence confirming that ill healthreduces labour supply, measured, for example, by labourforce participation or hours worked. Much of theavailable evidence relates to labour force participation inpeople over 50 years old. This is particularly relevantgiven that the lower rates of labour force participation inEurope are a significant factor explaining thecomparatively sluggish economic performance of Europecompared with other regions.
A large number of studies in high-income countries finda significant and robust role for ill health in explainingthe decision to retire from the labour force andexclusion from it (Box 5.1). However, the importance ofhealth in predicting exit from the labour force isinfluenced by the employment and benefits regime inplace. Some countries, for example, have policies thatencourage people to register as unable to work throughillness rather than as unemployed, which complicatesthe interpretation of data.
Garcia Gomez (46), using European CommunityHousehold Panel (ECHP) survey data for nine Europeancountries, shows that individuals who suffer a “healthshock”5 are significantly more likely to leaveemployment, and will often also experience a significantreduction in income. While the magnitude andsignificance varies, the largest effects are seen inDenmark, the Netherlands and Ireland, where healthshocks reduce income by over 7%. Other studies inGermany and Ireland show that becoming disabledreduces the probability of being employed by about10% (47). Hagan et al. (48), using the same data, foundthat a medium acute health shock would, all else beingequal, increase the probability of retiring by 50%, whilea larger health shock would increase this likelihood by106%. Even having suffered a severe condition in thepast significantly lowered the probability of labour forceparticipation in four countries by between 11% and28% in women and between 13% and 31% in men(49).
Suhrcke, Rocco and McKee (6), using data from the
4 The magnitude of impact differs across studies (given different health proxies and methodologies) and direct cross-countrycomparability is therefore limited.
5 Many studies using panel data to examine labour supply look not only at health at one point in time but also sudden changes inhealth status (so-called health shocks). These prove to be particularly good at capturing the impact of exogenous variations in healthover economic variables.
Box 5.1 Health and exclusion from the labour market
Garcia Gomez (46), using European Community HouseholdPanel (ECHP) survey data for nine European countries, showsthat individuals who suffer a “health shock”5 are significantlymore likely to leave employment, and will often also experiencea significant reduction in income. While the magnitude andsignificance varies, the largest effects are seen in Denmark, theNetherlands and Ireland, where health shocks reduce income byover 7%. Other studies in Germany and Ireland show thatbecoming disabled reduces the probability of being employedby about 10% (47). Hagan et al. (48), using the same data,found that a medium acute health shock would, all else beingequal, increase the probability of retiring by 50%, while a largerhealth shock would increase this likelihood by 106%. Evenhaving suffered a severe condition in the past significantlylowered the probability of labour force participation in fourcountries by between 11% and 28% in women and between13% and 31% in men (49).
Suhrcke, Rocco and McKee (6), using data from the LivingStandards, Lifestyle and Health (LLH) survey in eightCommonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries showhow self-reported poor health and limited activity decrease theprobability of being employed. The range is from 6.9% lowerthan for individuals without such limitations in Georgia, to 23%in the Russian Federation and 30.4% in Kazakhstan. Theseresults are also confirmed in a number of studies for countriesof central and eastern Europe (CEE). In Estonia, for instance, illhealth increased the probability that a man would retire thefollowing year by 6.4% compared to a healthy counterpart(50).
Living Standards, Lifestyle and Health (LLH) survey ineight Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)countries show how self-reported poor health andlimited activity decrease the probability of beingemployed. The range is from 6.9% lower than forindividuals without such limitations in Georgia, to 23%in the Russian Federation and 30.4% in Kazakhstan.These results are also confirmed in a number of studiesfor countries of central and eastern Europe (CEE). InEstonia, for instance, ill health increased the probabilitythat a man would retire the following year by 6.4%compared to a healthy counterpart (50).
Turning to the effect of health at the macroeconomiclevel, historical studies have shown that a large share oftoday’s economic wealth can be attributed directly topast achievements in the health sphere. It has beenestimated, for example, that about 50% of theeconomic growth experienced by the United Kingdombetween 1780 and 1980 can be attributed to improvedhealth and nutrition (51). Many studies have shown thathealth helps to explain economic growth differencesbetween poor and rich countries. These findings can beused to predict future trajectories of per capita incomeon the basis of a country’s reduction in mortality. Theoutcome of such an exercise in five low- and middle-income countries in CEE and the CIS showed that evenrelatively modest scenarios bring substantial increases inGDP. When compared with the base scenario of nochange, an annual reduction in mortality of just 2%would increase GDP by 26% in Kazakhstan and theRussian Federation and by 40% in Georgia and Romaniaover 25 years (52).
In studies limited to high-income countries, health hasnot always been associated with economic growth and,in some cases, a negative relationship was found. Thisgives rise to the view that when both health and incomeare high, the scope for further gains is limited, as aconsequence of the law of diminishing returns. Suhrckeet al. (53) have argued against this, showing that thefailure to detect an effect may be attributable to the useof health indictors such as life expectancy that vary littleamong high-income countries. They show that ifcardiovascular disease mortality is used as a healthproxy, health also has a substantial impact on economicgrowth in high-income countries (53).
The question then is this: does better health make apositive contribution to economic growth in thecountries of the European Region? The detailed answeris complex, but the evidence does suggest that a healthypopulation improves productivity and labour supply,which leads to economic growth. Clearly, this is not asimple, linear relationship and much depends on thestate of the economy and the labour market, levels ofunemployment, the existing institutional setting, andwelfare and social security arrangements. For instance,
when retirement age is fixed and low, it may act as aconstraint on the contribution better health can make tothe economy. However, when healthier ageing isaccompanied by changes in the retirement age,improvements in health can contribute very substantiallyto the active labour market (see earlier discussion inSection 4).
5.3 The impact of health on health careexpenditure
This subsection looks at how ill health affects what wespend on health. For many years, commentators havedebated whether investing in better health now willsave money in the future. It has been suggested thathealthier people will need less care and so will cost less.This thinking underpinned the influential 2002 Wanlessreport (12) on the financial sustainability of the NHS inthe United Kingdom. Others have suggested theopposite, and argue that better health status willincrease future health care spending (54). This viewsometimes gives rise to bizarre arguments about theeconomic benefits to societies (or the young people inthem) and to ministries of finance if people died beforebecoming too old and costly. The evidence in this area isnot definitive, but the impact of improved health statuson health care expenditure raises four importantpossibilities, discussed here.
First, less disease and disability at any given point for agiven population, or at a given age, could lead to lowerhealth care use and expenditure. For instance, Dormontet al. (35) calculated that the improvement in healthstatus of the French population between 1992 and2000 reduced health care expenditure in 2000 by 8.6%,although, somewhat predictably, other pressures, suchas technological progress, cancelled out this gain.
Second, and in contrast, longer life as a result of betterhealth status could increase the number of years duringwhich health care costs accumulate, increasing totallifetime health care expenditure. In fact, the evidence onlifetime health care costs is mixed, with studies showingcontradictory results. Crucial here is an understanding ofthree alternative hypotheses: the expansion of morbidity,dynamic equilibrium and compression of morbidity. Thefirst and bleakest of the three scenarios (expansion ofmorbidity) argues that health care prolongs the survivalof people with chronic illness without improving theirhealth state, and that longevity increases vulnerability tochronic diseases, which in turn act as additional riskfactors for further ill health. These factors result inpeople living longer with ill health while making greatercalls on health services. The dynamic equilibriumapproach proposes that as life expectancy grows thenumber of years spent in ill health will remain constant(55, 56), with relatively neutral cost consequences. Thecompression of morbidity theory (14, 15) hypothesizesthat the onset of morbidity and disability will be delayedto a greater extent than life is prolonged. Hence, the
years spent with disability and disease will decrease, notonly as a proportion of the whole but also in absoluteterms, cutting back on demands on health services (seealso costs of dying, discussed in the next paragraph).There is growing evidence in support of both the“dynamic equilibrium” and “compression of morbidity”scenarios.
Third, evidence on the cost of dying suggests that betterhealth care and better health throughout a lifetime cancontribute to savings overall. A large proportion oflifelong health care expenditure is spent in the last yearof life and indeed in the last weeks before death. Sincedeath in Europe tends to occur in (relatively) old age, thecosts of dying are often and inappropriately attributedto ageing, which distorts the picture of health careexpenditure for older age groups (57, 58). Rather, theevidence suggests that the cost of dying at older ages islower than the costs of dying in youth or middle age, asolder people tend to be treated less intensively as theynear death and so incur fewer costs (59). This challengesthe contention that ageing will result in higher totallifetime expenditure, since longer life expectancy maydecrease the costs associated with the most expensiveperiod of a person’s lifetime – the last year of life.Furthermore, there is some evidence that people whohave been healthier in earlier life actually consumefewer resources when they do come to die. Thus“prevention” (and longer life) might actually decreaselifetime costs though the positive impact of improvedhealth on the costs of death and lower costs in the lastyear of life of those dying at older ages (60, 61).
Finally, and importantly, decision-makers in the healthsystem must recognize the evidence that expenditure onlong-term care increases with both age and proximity ofdeath. While many of the costs of long-term care fall onthe social care sector or on individual carers, they areindisputably significant in terms of wealth and societalwell-being. The fact that savings in the health systemmay fall to the social care sector should therefore beborne in mind, when the impact of health on longevityis considered.
Notwithstanding the implications for non-health systemcare, the evidence as a whole undermines the claim thatlonger lives will inevitably result in increased overallhealth spending. It suggests a more intricate picture,with healthier ageing reducing some healthexpenditures and, in some circumstances, even reducingoverall spending on health, given an otherwise cost-neutral environment. Other cost pressures exist,however, and the savings from healthier ageing areunlikely to be sufficient to offset the impacts of newtechnologies or rising expectations (Section 4). Thesewill remain challenges for health system policy-makers.Improvements in population health could, at best, beexpected to diminish the rate of increase in healthexpenditure.
5.4 The economic consequences of healthinequalities
The previous three sections looked at the economic andwelfare effects of improving overall levels of health. Inthis section the distribution of health within populationsis addressed, drawing on Chapter 7 in the main volume(62) and on a recent EC publication (42).
Health equity is a fundamental societal goal and one ofparticular importance for health systems. The argumentsfor investing in interventions to address healthinequalities are essentially the same as those outlinedabove. Health inequalities undermine economicperformance, increase social costs and diminish societalwell-being.
First, the impact of health inequalities on overalleconomic performance is clear. The analysis of the ECHPdata (Subsection 5.2) showed how the deleteriouseffects of health on labour force participation and onearnings were greater among those with lower levels ofeducation. These findings were used in a “levelling up”exercise, in which the prevalence of “very good” or“good health” in lower educational groups wasassumed, to increase to the level of higher educationalgroups in the same country. In the resulting model,income losses attributable to health inequities wereestimated at about 1.4% of GDP, or €141 billion peryear for the EU25 as a whole (42).
Second, the ECHP data confirmed that health inequalityhas an impact on health care and social securityexpenditure. Poor health was consistently associatedwith higher levels of ambulatory (general practice andspecialist) visits as well as hospitalization rates. A“levelling up” scenario would decrease ambulatory visitsby 16% and hospitalization rates by 22%, yielding acost saving of €26 billion and €59 billion, respectively. Ifthese findings were applied to all health services, theimpact of health inequalities on health care costs wouldamount to approximately 20% of total spending in theEU25. A similar approach shows that education-relatedhealth inequalities account for 25% of the costs ofdisability benefits and 3% of costs of unemploymentbenefits, amounting to a total of 15% of the total costsof social security systems (42).
Finally, the impact of inequalities on societal well-beingis considerable, both in terms of the direct damage tooverall health levels and in terms of the value that manyEuropean societies attach to equity in itself. The numberof life years lost due to inequalities in mortality and thestatistical value of the years lost have been assessedusing a different approach to that described above, buta consistent methodology, nonetheless. The resultingestimate suggests that the losses have a huge economicimpact of the order of €1000 billion a year or 9.4% ofthe GDP of the EU25 (42).
Health systems, health and wealth
Taken together, all the evidence reviewed in Section 5shows clearly that ill health acts as a drag on theeconomic situation of both individuals and entirecountries, and exerts upward pressure on healthexpenditure. It demonstrates how better health levelsand greater equality can produce tangible micro- andmacroeconomic benefits and help to reduce futurehealth care costs. Although the benefits are notcaptured adequately by conventional economicmeasures, European people and societies attribute realand very significant monetary value to good health. Thegains in terms of societal well-being are thereforeenormous. By the same token, the benefits that couldbe derived from investing in health systems are also verysignificant.
Health systems, health and wealth
The evidence reviewed in previous sectionsdemonstrates that improving population health,including both its levels and its distribution, benefitsnational economies and societal well-being. It supportsthe proposition that societies should invest in health.However, if policy-makers are to make the case forsignificant investment, they need to go beyond this toshow to what extent health systems have an impact onhealth and to demonstrate the concept of value formoney.
The discussion in this section focuses on the “left side”of the conceptual framework and the “inner triangle”that links health systems and health and societal well-being. It also includes all the goals and functions of theHSAF, which include health (levels and equity),responsiveness and fairness of financing (financialprotection and equity in the distribution of funding),although they cannot be covered exhaustively. Rather,the discussion focuses on the impact of health systemson health and on the cost–effectiveness of some of theinterventions available, as well as illustrating some of theother equity and responsiveness issues.
• addresses the nature of health problems in Europe,outlining the burden of disease of the main healthconditions, along with the underlying risk factors,and illustrating their concrete economic impacts(Subsection 6.1);
• looks at the role of health services (both atindividual and population levels) in producinghealth (Subsection 6.2);
• assesses the contribution of preventive and publichealth interventions within health services and inother relevant sectors, acknowledging again therole of the health system as steward of healthdeterminants in other sectors (Subsection 6.3);
• tackles the impact of health systems on healthinequalities (Subsection 6.4); and
• discusses the role of health services in increasingresponsiveness (Subsection 6.5).
Taken together, these elements will illustrate the impactthat a well-run health system can have on desirablesocietal objectives and highlight some of thoseinterventions that function well, thus asserting the verymajor potential for investment in health systems. Thisreport cannot, however, give an exhaustive account ofavailable health system interventions and their relativeeffectiveness. Moreover, the value of alternativeinvestment options can only be assessed in nationalcontext and will, of course, depend crucially on theperformance of the health system and its ability to
deliver. This key issue is addressed in Section 7Improving health systems performance.
6.1 The nature of health problems in Europe
Policy-makers need a good understanding of the mainhealth problems in Europe and their socioeconomicconsequences before they can decide how to invest inhealth system interventions that can improve health.This section draws from a policy brief prepared for theWHO Ministerial Conference on Health Systems (Tallinn,June 2008) (63), and looks at the burden of disease; riskfactors (which fall within the scope of public healthinterventions); and the economic impacts of some mainhealth problems in the WHO European Region.
The debate is set in a “positive” context, as health hasbeen improving across much of Europe over recent years,with average life expectancy at birth reaching 74 years by2005 for the whole of the WHO European Region.However, this masks significant variations across theRegion, with life expectancy ranging from just 65 years inthe Russian Federation to 81 in Iceland. In general, healthstatus is poorer in many of the countries in the centraland eastern parts of the Region. In those countries thatwere EU Member States prior to May 2004 (EU15), lifeexpectancy in 2005 was 79 years, compared with anaverage of 74 years in the post-2004 new EU MemberStates and just 67 years for countries in the CIS (64) (seeFig. 6.1). Moreover, even where life expectancy is high,morbidity poses major challenges for societies, in termsof their economic and societal well-being.
The burden of disease
The burden of disease in the WHO European Region,which includes both morbidity and mortality, isdominated by noncommunicable disease, whichaccounts for 77% of the total disease burden. Externalinjuries and poisoning contribute a further 14% andcommunicable disease just 9% (65). Table 6.1 furtherillustrates the composition of the burden of disease,showing the top 10 contributors at regional andsubregional levels in Europe. At subregional level, thereare much higher rates of injury and communicabledisease in the countries of CEE (Eur-B) and the CIS (Eur-C) than in the more affluent western Europe (Eur-A) butnonetheless the top four contributors to the country’sdisease burden are the same (albeit in a different order).Table 6.1, while it emphasizes how the European Regionas a whole faces common challenges of cardiovasculardisease, mental health, injuries and cancer, also showsthe need to implement different population healthstrategies adapted to local circumstances and localneeds. The same is also true in respect of sex, as despitethe similarities in the burden of ill health overall, there
6. Assessing the impact of health systems
are significant differences between men and women.Similarly, the data in Table 6.1 fail to capture the oftenincreased burden of disease in particular populationgroups (migrants, adolescents), nor in people withparticular health-compromising behaviours (such asintravenous drug use) or with particular conditions (suchas HIV) that are of great importance both in particularcountries or regions and in terms of inclusion andsocietal well-being.
Addressing the risk factors for ill health
The caveats on the burden of disease also apply to riskfactors. Table 6.2 reports estimates made by WHO ofthe shares of mortality and disability-adjusted life years(DALYs) lost that can be attributed to the main riskfactors in the developed world. These measures allowdecision-makers to look at the overall impact ofparticular risks and to tailor their preventive orintersectoral interventions accordingly. However, asnoted above, it is essential to be aware that thesefigures are simply averages. As discussed above,practical policies will always need to be based on adetailed assessment of the burden of disease in thecountry in question and, at least in the larger countries,on the regional situation. It is also necessary to take
account of how this burden is changing over time andby age cohort.
Table 6.2, despite these caveats, does give a sense of therisk factors that “matter” most for European countries:diet-related risks, physical inactivity and addictivesubstances (especially tobacco) account for by far thehighest share of DALYs and mortality. This, when usedwith national or regional data, should form the basis forprioritizing and implementing promotion and preventioninterventions.
Economic impacts of major health problems
As shown earlier (Section 5), poor health has majornegative impacts on societal well-being, economic costsand health expenditure. Here, the impact of the majorcauses of poor health in the WHO European Region arediscussed again in light of these three economicdimensions, but with disease-specific costs drawn fromkey studies on cost of illness.6 While cost-of-illnessstudies face a number of major methodologicalchallenges,7 they give some sense of the economicimpact of some major health problems. Thus, togetherwith evidence on the cost–effectiveness of availableinterventions, they might help policy-makers to setpriorities for investment.
Fig. 6.1 Trends in life expectancy at birth, 1990–2004
1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004
States since2004 or 2007
Source: WHO Regional Office for Europe 2007 (64).
Notes: EU: European Union; CIS: Commonwealth of Independent States.
6 These studies follow broadly the three categories above, separating the costs of illness into three components: direct costs fallingon the health sector (health expenditure); indirect costs typically measuring productivity lost due to illness (economic costs); andintangible costs or the psychological dimensions, such as pain and suffering (well-being), as well as expressing all these in monetaryterms.7 Cost-of-illness studies, despite unifying categorization schemes, can differ enormously in how and what costs they are actuallymeasuring. They also fail to identify the direction of causality in the relationship between health and economic outcomes.
Health systems, health and wealth
Table 6.1 Top 10 contributors to disease burden in the WHO European Region and subregions
Eur-A Eur-B Eur-C Region
Cause % DALYs Cause % DALYs Cause % DALYs Cause % DALYs
Notes: Percentage of DALYs by WHO subregion (Eur-A: western Europe; Eur-B: CEE; Eur-C: CIS countries); DALY: Disability-adjusted lifeyear(s); CEE: countries of central and eastern Europe; CIS: Commonwealth of Independent States.
The single greatest cause of poor health in Europe,cardiovascular disease, has been estimated to cost morethan €168 billion per annum in the EU25 alone, ofwhich more than 60% falls on health care systems (68).Studies looking at the economic impact of common riskfactors for cardiovascular disease and other healthproblems have estimated that illness related to obesityaccounts for between 1.5% and 4.6% of total healthcare expenditure in France (69), 1.9% of total healthcare expenditure in Sweden (70) and 4.6% of healthcare expenditure in the United Kingdom (71). This givessome sense of the scale of the problem and thepotential benefit of appropriate and effective investmentin this area.
Similarly, depression is now a major problem in Europe,with unipolar depression in the EU25, accounting forthe majority of costs (64%), estimated at €118 billionper annum. In this case the bulk of costs fall outside thehealth care system due to the high rates of absenteeismfrom work and premature retirement from the labourforce (72). In fact this estimate may be conservative;United States studies include the cost of “presenteeism”due to depression, that is, of reduced performance ofthose continuing to work while affected, and suggest
this may be five times or more greater than the costs ofabsenteeism (73, 74). Again, this is a factor of realrelevance in determining where to invest societalresources.
Another leading cause of poor health in Europe isalcohol disorders. Such disorders have beenconservatively estimated to cost European economiesaround 1% of their GDP (75) and to account for115 000 deaths annually in the EU25, at a total cost of€125 billion. Even allowing for the beneficial effects ofmoderate alcohol consumption for those at risk ofcardiovascular disease, this is significant and as withdepression, and the burden falls largely outside thehealth care system, in terms of lost productivity, crimeand violence (76).
Finally, turning to the economic costs of unintentionaland intentional injuries, road traffic injuries have beenestimated to be equivalent to 2% of European GDP or€180 billion per annum (65). They are the leading causeof hospitalization and death for people under the age of50 years in the EU. Data are sparse and therefore thesecosts are likely to be even higher in the east of theregion because of the higher injury rate. The same
might also be said of self-inflicted intentional injuries,although again, data are only available from westernEurope. Evidence from Ireland and Scotland suggeststhat each completed suicide has a cost to society ofaround €2 million (77). Again, these figuresdemonstrate clearly that if the health system can act onsuch issues, there is likely to be a real case for investingin them.
6.2 Do health services save lives? Thecontribution of health services to populationhealth
If policy-makers are to make a case for investment, theyneed to demonstrate that health systems can deliver theultimate goal of improving health. While health systemsplay a stewardship role across sectors, this sectionfocuses on the particular role of health services inimproving health. Health services9 are understood asincluding all preventive, curative, rehabilitative orpalliative interventions, whether directed at individualsor populations (Section 2). The subsequent subsection(6.3) follows on from this one and addresses public
health in and beyond health services, taking forward thediscussion of preventive interventions.
The key question is: do health services save lives? Thismay seem flippant but it reflects a long-standing andcontroversial debate. In the 1960s, commentators suchas McKeown and Illich (78, 79) argued that heathservices made little meaningful contribution to popula-tion health. They saw major health advances as the resultof social, environmental and economic progress andportrayed the role of health services in health improve-ment as negligible or harmful (79). The argument thathealth care made little difference was probably correct atthe time they were writing, referring to data only up tothe mid-1960s (80). However, since then the scope andquality of health care have changed almost beyondrecognition, as has its impact on health. Nonetheless, theinfluence of these authors is still felt today. This sectiongoes some way to challenging their relevance. It providesestimates of the overall contribution of health services(personal care and population interventions) to health. Itdraws on the relevant chapter in the main volume (19)which itself builds on much relevant work from the sameauthors (81, 82).
Table 6.2 Attributable mortality and DALYs, 2000, by selected risk factor and sex in “developed” regions 8
Mortality (%) DALYs (%)
Male Female Male Female
Diet-related risks and physical inactivity
Blood pressure 20.1 23.9 11.2 10.6
Cholesterol 14.5 17.6 8.0 7.0
Body mass index 9.6 11.5 6.9 8.1
Low fruit and vegetable intake 7.6 7.4 4.3 3.4
Physical inactivity 6.0 6.7 3.3 3.2
Smoking and oral tobacco 26.3 9.3 17.1 6.2
Alcohol 8.0 -0.3 14.0 3.3
Illicit drugs 0.6 0.3 2.3 1.2
Occupational risks 1.8 0.3 2.3 0.7
Sexual and reproductive health risks 0.2 0.6 0.5 1.2
Environmental risks 2.1 2.0 2.0 1.7
Childhood and maternal undernutrition 0.2 0.3 1.0 1.5
Total deaths or DALYs (thousands) 6 890 6 601 117 670 96 543
Sources: McDaid, Suhrcke & Shiell 2008 (in press) (66); WHO 2002 (67).Notes: DALY: Disability-adjusted life year(s)
8 This is an abridged version of the table published in the chapter based on McDaid et al. (66). When grouping countries into regions by theireconomic development level, WHO (2002) (67) distinguishes three regions: low-mortality developing countries, high-mortality developingcountries and developed countries. The latter category includes the entire WHO European Region.
9 Here we use the terms health services, health care and health care services interchangeably.
Attributing indicators of population health tohealth service interventions
Stewards of health systems can and should be assertivein defending the contribution of health systems topopulation health. However, attributing populationhealth gain to health care interventions is far fromsimple. In specific cases (for example, vaccination forsmallpox, use of insulin for type I diabetes, orchemotherapy for testicular cancer) the role of healthservices is self-evident. In many other instances, however,the situation is less clear, particularly as outcomes arerarely attributable only to health care. Factors beyond thehealth sector, such as education, housing andemployment, also impact on premature mortality.
Data on “avoidable mortality” (83, 84) or “mortalityamenable to health care” (85) can help to separate outthe scale of the impact that health services alone haveon health, although recognizing this gives an indicativeor illustrative picture, rather than a definitive one. Thismeasure captures “unnecessary untimely deaths”,arising from conditions from which death should notoccur in the presence of timely and effective health care.Examples include deaths under the age of 75 years fromconditions such as breast cancer, asthma or appendicitis.The approach does have limitations. It requires robustestimates regarding large populations, it focuses onmortality rather than other health care outcomes, andby default it attributes outcomes to health servicesactivity. Nonetheless, the concept is extremely valuableas a tool for capturing how health services impact onhealth, for communicating the value of health servicesand for assessing performance and making comparisonsbetween countries and over time.
A further iteration of this approach has attempted toexpand the scope of “avoidable” mortality so that itcaptures both causes of mortality that are “amenable tohealth care” (cure and prevention) and those that are“preventable”, that is those that are consideredresponsive to interventions that are mostly outside thedirect control of the health services. These include, forexample, lung cancer and liver cirrhosis (which arepreventable by policies that reduce smoking orhazardous drinking). This makes it possible to distinguishimprovements in health care from the impact of policiesoutside the health care sector (see below).
The “tracer” concept (86) complements the “avoidablemortality” approach. It is based on the premise thattracking a few selected health problems can bothindicate how health services are performing and identifyfunctions that might be improved. Tracer conditions andthe health service area they reflect include vaccine-preventable diseases (soundness of public healthpolicies); neonatal mortality (access to health care);diabetes (quality of health care delivery) and survival fromselected cancers (coordination between levels of care).Again, this concept is closely allied to performance mea-surement and is addressed in more detail in the section
of the accompanying volume that deals with perform-ance (186), but here it allows some sense of impact.
How much difference do health services make?
Amenable and preventable mortality data and the tracerconcept show that population health can now beattributed at least in part to health services. It is logical,then, to ask how much of a difference health careactually makes. An early study on the effectiveness of“key” health service interventions argued that abouthalf of the total gain in life expectancy in the UnitedStates (some 7.5 years in the 40 years from 1950 to1990) could be attributed to clinical (secondary)preventive and curative services (87).
Further studies have used deaths from ischaemic heartdisease, one of the most significant causes of mortalityin Europe, to assess the impact of health services. Astudy in New Zealand showed that 42% of the declinein deaths from ischaemic heart disease between 1974and 1981 could be attributed to advances in medicalcare (88). A study in the Netherlands over a similarperiod claimed that 46% of the observed decline inmortality could be attributed to specific medicalinterventions, such as coronary bypass grafting, while anadditional 44% was attributed to primary preventionefforts, such as smoking cessation campaigns (89).Overall, there is broad agreement that between 40%and 50% of the decline in ischaemic heart disease maybe attributable to improvements in health care.
Nolte & McKee have studied “amenable” mortality inEurope (81). They provide clear evidence thatimprovements in access to effective health services(defined as primary and hospital care as well assecondary prevention) have made a substantialcontribution to changing life expectancy between birthand age 75 since the 1980s in most countries. Thelargest contribution was from falling infant mortality,but there have also been improvements among themiddle aged, for example in Denmark, France, theNetherlands, Sweden and the United Kingdom. It isimportant to note that the rate of decline in amenabledeaths has begun to slow in many countries in the1990s, and at the same time, rates continue to fall, evenin countries that had already achieved low levels, asdemonstrated by 19 industrialized countries between1997–1998 and 2002–2003, although the scale andpace of change varied (82). The largest reductions wereseen in countries with the highest initial levels ofamenable mortality, including Finland, Ireland, Portugaland the United Kingdom. The figures are significant,despite the wealth of the countries included, and theyaccount for an average of 23% of total mortality underthe age of 75 for males and 32% among females. Thedecline in amenable mortality averaged 17% for allcountries over just five years. Fig. 6.2 illustrates thetrends for these 19 countries.
A similar study (90) looked at changes in avoidable
Health systems, health and wealth
mortality in 20 EU Member States between 1990 and2002. This supplemented the notion of “amenable”conditions (reflecting cases that are responsive to healthcare) by adding “preventable” causes which, as noted,are considered responsive to interventions that areusually outside the direct control of the health services(82). It showed that many EU countries experiencedsubstantial declines in amenable (Fig. 6.3) andpreventable mortality (Fig. 6.4). The study also showsthe significance of amenable mortality, which accountedfor between 13% and 30% of mortality of men under75 years (Netherlands and Bulgaria, respectively) andbetween 26% and 44% in women (Sweden andRomania). In terms of preventable mortality, the relevantfigures were between 10% and 21% for men (Swedenand Italy) and between 4% and 11% for women(Bulgaria and Hungary) (90). This study serves as areminder of the high levels of both “amenable” and“preventable” mortality in parts of eastern Europe,
highlighting a persisting disparity between east andwest (90). In a number of countries the situation isparticularly worrying as they have seen no significantdecline over the period of study since the mid-1990s.
Again, it is worth emphasizing that the data detailedabove illustrate the potential of health services to impacton health. (At the same time, the figures also reflect theinfluence of other parts of the health system and othersectors, and these are addressed later). Similarly, theexamples given flag up impact, even though they arenot exhaustive in any way, and touch upon research inparticular countries at particular times, rather thanreflecting the whole of the European Region or themultiplicity of contexts and challenges faced. Still,overall and even given the methodological caveats,these findings support the argument that effectivehealth care and improvements have a significant andmeasurable impact on health status. They confirm the
New Zealand (95.57)
United States (109.65)
United Kingdom (102.81)
New Zealand (114.54)
United States (114.74)
United Kingdom (129.96)
Amenable mortality1997 – 1998(SDR 0 – 74)
Amenable mortality2002– 2003(SDR 0 – 74)
Fig. 6.2 Comparison of amenable mortality rankings based on age-standardized death rates per 100 000a in 19 OECD countries,1997–1998 and 2002–2003
Sources: Authors’ compilation based on data from the World Health Organization mortality database; Nolte & McKee 2008 (82).
Notes: a Both sexes combined; SDR: standardized death rate; Denmark: 2000–2001; Sweden 2001–2002; Italy, United States: 2002.
Health systems, health and wealth
Fig. 6.3 Mortality from amenableconditions among men age 0–74years in 20 EU countries,1990 –1991 and 2001–2002
0 50 100 150 200 250 300
Age-standardized death rate 0–74 (per 100 000)
Source: Newey et al. 2004 (90).
Fig. 6.4 Mortality from preventableconditions among men age 0–74years in 20 EU countries,1990–1991 and 2001–2002
0 50 100 150 200
Age-standardized death rate 0–74 (per 100 000)
Source: Newey et al. 2004 (90).
potential gains from investment in health services. Thisin turn leads to the next question: what areas of healthservices could we usefully invest in?
Are there “best buys”?
Policy-makers look to “best buys” to maximize thehealth gain they can lever from any additional resourcesinvested and because highlighting effective interventionscan strengthen the case for investing additionalresources. Their considerations can now be informed bycost–effectiveness analyses (91). This approach has beeninstitutionalized in several countries, typically to guidedecisions about funding of pharmaceuticals (92, 93) but,in a few cases, also to examine other types ofinterventions, as, for example, in the United Kingdom,with the National Institute for Health and ClinicalExcellence (NICE) (94). Such organizations assess thecosts and effects of new options, arguing – sometimesimplicitly – that they are cost-effective if the costs perunit of health outcome are lower than a specifiedthreshold. NICE, for example, has used a threshold ofbetween €26 000 and €39 000 per quality-adjusted lifeyear (QALY) gained (94).
It is, however, necessary to ask additional questions.10
One is where the funds required for cost-effectiveinnovations might come from, another is how to put inplace mechanisms to disinvest in interventionsdiscovered to be ineffective, and a third relates to thepotential impact of any intervention at population level.More may be gained, in aggregate terms, by anintervention that yields a small gain among largenumbers of people (particularly if it is inexpensive), than
by an intervention yielding a large benefit among a few(again, particularly if this is more expensive). Examplesmight include treatment of mild and severehypertension, respectively (95), where the less“dramatic” intervention yields greater aggregatebenefits. Furthermore, it is important that stewardslooking across health systems do not considerinterventions in isolation. There may be economies ofscale and benefits from creating a package ofinterventions, for example, blood pressure reduction,nicotine replacement therapy, and advice on exerciseand diet, that would not be achieved throughimplementation of each in isolation (96, 97, 98, 99).
To address these challenges, WHO has developed theCHOICE project (CHOosing Interventions that are Cost-Effective) (100). This recognizes that the informationneeded to evaluate all possible interventions, at differentlevels of coverage and with different types ofinteractions, is beyond the capacity of many countries,and so seeks to provide a set of “priors” that countriescan use. It has analysed over 800 interventions so far,taking into account scale and interactions. It has alsosought to assess whether the most cost-effective mix ofinterventions is currently being undertaken, at the sametime as assessing what would be appropriate if moreresources became available. Calculations were made for14 different subregions, broadly following WHO geo-graphical boundaries, but taking into account differentlevels of child and adult mortality. Tools have beendeveloped to allow countries to modify and adjust thesubregional estimates to their own epidemiological andcost structures. An example is shown in Table 6.3 andserves to illustrate the kind of information policy-makers
10 The questions tackled here all concern securing best value for money. In addition, governments could usefully address informationon effectiveness and iatrogenic effects, particularly given the general public’s increasing use of the Internet and role in shapingtreatment choices. Providing reliable information, regulating and providing incentives and disincentives that discourage the use ofharmful and ineffective medical technologies are all important government roles, but this goes beyond the scope of this section.
Table 6.3 Incremental cost–effectiveness analysis of treatments for breast cancer (Eur-A)
Code Interventions Cost per 1 millionpopulation per year(international $)
Notes: Eur-A: WHO Region, western Europe; DALY: Disability-adjusted life year(s); BRC: Breast cancer.
need if they are to choose where to invest resources.
Clearly, there are no simple answers. Contextual factors,such as underlying health status or the value attached todifferent health states will shape each country’s decision-making. Similarly, the scale of resources will make ahuge difference, given that the European Regionincludes countries with total health expenditures lowerthan US$ 30 per person per year (2006) (101, 102) withothers spending in excess of US$ 5500 per person eachyear on health. Still, all health systems face costpressures and pressure to ensure value for money andmust deal transparently with the issue of what is boughtwith the resources available.
6.3 The contribution of public healthinterventions
This section addresses the contribution of public healthinterventions to population health and the extent towhich health systems investment should include(effective) health promotion and primary and secondaryprevention activities. This includes activities delivered byhealth services, as well as those of other sectors thatimpact on health and that health systems ought,legitimately, to influence. The discussion draws on thechapter covering this topic in the main volume (66) aswell as on the related policy brief (63) prepared for theMinisterial Conference in Tallinn in June 2008.
There is now considerable evidence that substantialreductions in mortality and morbidity can be achievedthrough preventive measures, such as vaccinations orbetter control of hypertension, that are deliveredthrough individual health care services. At the sametime, as is the case for hypertension, it is increasinglyclear that interventions are most effective when bundledtogether with related population-based actions.Moreover, and crucially here, the socioeconomicenvironment in which individuals live has a substantialimpact on the risk of premature mortality and avoidablemorbidity. Any comprehensive strategy to promotepopulation health needs therefore to take a broadperspective and to involve actions within and beyondhealth services.
Such an approach will require a combination of“upstream” and “downstream” measures. Upstreamaction may include measures where health benefits aresecondary to other policy goals (such as fiscalredistribution, housing improvements, or extending theschool leaving age) and much will be delivered (andfunded) outside the health service’s domain.Nonetheless, those benefits that are related to healthare part of the health system and health stewards stillplay a critical role, liaising with other sectors to identifyhealth impacts, advocating positive change and,crucially, where impacts are adverse, in addressing this.
Downstream interventions have promotion of healthand prevention of disease as their primary goal. They
include initiatives such as providing diet and lifestyleadvice, interventions to reduce tobacco and alcoholconsumption, along with vaccination campaigns andcancer screening programmes. In several cases they willbe under the direct control of the health system. To beeffective, downstream interventions often need to bealigned with upstream action and should certainlycombine measures targeted at individuals, along withsocietal interventions (for example, nutritional advice inthe primary care setting would be coupled withrestrictions on advertising unhealthy products). Abalance is essential, as health system advice on lifestyleor behaviours by health professionals will be futile ifpeople are bombarded with contradictory messages assoon as they leave the health facility, or if the tax systemencourages them to consume unhealthy products, forexample.
What do we know about effectiveness of availableinterventions?
Evidence on the effectiveness of many public healthinterventions has been frustratingly weak, particularly incontrast with the evidence on curative interventions andthose involving pharmaceuticals. This is beginning tochange, although there is still relatively little evidence onthe economic justification for intervention (103). TheWHO CHOICE project, described in the earlier section on“best buys” (100) (96) is helping to address this.However, like other recent reviews (104, 105), it shows aheavy bias towards evaluations of individually focusedinterventions, such as the prevention of communicablediseases, the use of pharmaceuticals such as statins toprevent disease onset, as well as mechanisms to detectdisease early, such as cancer screening. There has beenmuch less focus on upstream health-promotinginterventions and there is therefore a very real (andperverse) danger that a focus on cost–effectivenessevidence will lead to upstream policies beingoverlooked, even though they are likely to be muchmore effective and, in many cases, more cost-effective.A programme of individual counselling backed bynicotine replacement therapy might be funded inpreference to a ban on smoking in public places becausethe evidence on the former is more readily available,despite the fact that the latter would yield greaterbenefits.
This situation is unsurprising. Public health researchcapacity in Europe is relatively weak. Also, and incontrast to the United States, basic data on the healthof the population, its behaviours and risk factors overtime, are only available in a very few countries.Furthermore, the necessary research is complex andposes major methodological challenges, not least howto handle the long time lag between intervention andoutcome; attribution and the plethora of concurrentchanges; and the political difficulties regardingrandomizing populations. Much of the available researchis from North America and Australia and, although these
Health systems, health and wealth
results can be used to inform decision-makingelsewhere, there are further difficulties in the modellinginvolved in transferring findings, particularly those oncost–effectiveness, to new settings.
It is not possible for these reasons to present figures onthe cost–effectiveness of interventions at anything otherthan a very high level of generalization (see Table 6.4).The cost–effectiveness of any given intervention willdepend on the scale of the problem being addressed inthe particular country (such as the initial rate ofsmoking), the effectiveness of the chosen intervention inthe particular context, the costs of inputs, and thevalues placed on outcomes. All of these may varyconsiderably. For the WHO European Region as a wholethis means analysts will have to draw on evidencespecific to their own circumstances to calculate therelevant figures for their own country.
Despite all these complexities, there is evidence tosupport many policies. This evidence, while limited,shows that interventions to promote population healthcompare very favourably with many personalized clinicalinterventions in terms of effectiveness and cost–effectiveness. Furthermore, it is possible, in very generalterms, to identify measures that should be taken, if theyare not already in place.
Applying the evidence: some priority issues
The evidence of effectiveness and cost–effectiveness ofpublic health interventions may still require furtherdevelopment. It is already clear, however, that theinterventions themselves are enacted in complex settingswhich typically involve actors from a range of sectors andcut across established boundaries. Each public healthpolicy or programme can be characterized along a
number of dimensions. A widely used model is a 3-dimensional matrix, originally developed by the EC (106)(see Fig. 6.5). This considers policies as “interventionsaddressing one or more issues, in one or morepopulation groups, in one or more settings” and allows abetter understanding of who is involved and who willrespond to particular evidence or particular kinds ofintervention. Coalitions can then be developed accordingto the appropriate set of primary interests. Thus,interventions to improve adolescent health may involvethose with an interest in schools, in adolescents, and insexual health, alcohol, tobacco and drugs. In thefollowing subsections we outline some main priorityissues, together with available public health interventionsto address them, thus highlighting their very significantimpact in improving the health of our populations.
This is arguably the most straightforward problem toaddress, given that tobacco will kill 50% of those whosmoke, 50% of whom will die before retirement age.About 26% of mortality and 17% of DALYs in malescan be attributed to this risk factor (see Table 6.2).Almost all countries in the WHO European Region haveacceded to the Framework Convention on TobaccoControl, which commits them to implementing a rangeof measures to reduce smoking, including banningtobacco advertising; large health warnings; measures toprotect non-smokers; and action on smuggling. Theevidence suggests that the most effective approach is acomprehensive one, including fiscal, regulatory andeducational measures, with progressive increases in pricethrough higher taxation (typically a price increase of10% leads to a fall of 3–5% in consumption (107) andbans on smoking in public places. Growing experience
Fig. 6.5 Public health matrix
Source: European Commission1998 (106).
Health systems, health and wealth
with the last of these is showing that the health benefitsare substantially greater than previously thought,reflecting biological research on the toxicity of secondhand smoke. In several places, bans on smoking inpublic places have been associated with rapid reductionsin heart attacks of around 20%. Health serviceinterventions are also effective when in the form of briefinterventions by health professionals, supported by easyaccess to nicotine replacement therapy.
Some superficially attractive measures are notappropriate. These include those educational campaignsdirected at adolescents and promoted by the tobaccoindustry in some countries. They state that smoking isnot for children, while subtly conveying the messagethat it is acceptable for adults.
Although alcohol can be beneficial to health whendrunk in small quantities by those at moderate or highrisk of cardiovascular disease (such as those over age40), it exacts a large toll in terms of premature death,especially among men. Approximately 8% of mortalityand 14% of DALYs can be attributed to this risk factor(see Table 6.2). The problem is greatest in the CIS andthe Baltic states, and research in the Russian Federationhas shown that alcohol accounts for 40% of deathsamong working age men (108). The precise nature ofthe problem varies. In some western European countries(Finland, United Kingdom), liberalization of alcohol sales,coupled with lower prices, has been associated withincreases in deaths from cirrhosis (see Fig. 6.6). In theCIS and Baltic states, a major factor is the widespreadand easy availability of inexpensive surrogate alcohols,such as aftershaves and firelighting liquids (109, 110).Since 2006, a change in the law in the Russian
Federation has reduced availability of some of thesesubstances, with accompanying reductions in alcohol-related mortality. Clearly, in all of these countries, thepolicies that are needed will reflect the nature of theproblem. In the former case, increases in taxation maywork best; while in the latter, controls on liquidscontaining alcohol and the addition of emetics totechnical alcohols will be more effective. There is somescope for health service interventions, with growingevidence emerging to support the use of techniquessuch as motivational interviewing. However, even thiscan achieve little without a comprehensive andcoordinated programme of preventive interventions.
Diet and physical activity
Experience demonstrates that the food and soft drinksindustries’ products are central to this rapidly increasingproblem. Government-funded campaigns to educate thepublic will employ a fraction of the amounts spent onadvertising calorie-dense foods and cannot competewith promotions that tie in with film characters ordownloadable ringtones that send promotionalmessages to adolescents, for example. Policies willtherefore be more effective if they can genuinely engageindustry. Alternatively, governments may opt forregulation in place of cooperation and enact controls onmarketing of unhealthy foods. In addition, legislation onreduction of salt content or replacing trans fat inmanufactured foods, as well as on food labelling, haveproven to be effective.
However, the greatest challenge in this area is that, overthe past few decades, many countries have,unconsciously, created “obesogenic environments”(111), that is, environments in which people arediscouraged from walking and where energy-dense fast
Fig. 6.6 Standardized death rates from chronic liver disease and cirrhosis, all ages, per 100 000, 1980–2004
Source: WHO Regional Office for Europe 2007 (64).
food is both cheap and easily available, thus promotingobesity. Any effective policy response requires a coalitionof a broad range of sectors, especially engagement by,among others, urban planners, finance ministers andpublic health professionals, as well as industry actors.
Again, there is some role for downstream interventions.A Swiss review of economic studies in the area ofobesity found that investment in programmes targetedat promoting physical activity and healthy eating washighly cost-effective (112), although, as always,evidence cannot be transferred between settingswithout caution.
Traffic injuries also account for a large part of burden ofdisease, especially in the CIS. Again, the most effectiveinfluence will be upstream, through measures to changethe environment on the roads, introducing legislation onseat belts and crash helmets and reducing speed limits,better lighting and the use of traffic calming measures,particularly in residential areas. However, many of theseimportant steps are often already in place but areineffective if they are not implemented routinely. Thereis an issue regarding enforcement in some countries,with efforts undermined by police corruption, whereincomes are low and the local culture is permissive. Thesolution, whether this includes increasing police pay orintroducing automatic speed cameras and collectingfines centrally, is beyond the scope of this report.
Evidently, actions outside the health service itself areparticularly important here. The case for health systemstewardship, however, is clear. For instance, research inAustralia shows a cost–benefit ratio for road safetyprogrammes of at least 3:1, including only governmentcosts and without taking into account the impact on theeconomy or in terms of “human suffering” (117).
Poor mental health has many causes. Some, such aseconomic turmoil or urban decline, are clearly upstream.They might respond to policies on economic or urbanregeneration and community strengthening, althoughthese will tend to be undertaken primarily with aneconomic or housing focus, rather than a mental healthone. Downstream interventions are more likely to behealth focused, although a review on promoting mentalwell-being and preventing mental health problemsfound the most compelling evidence of effectivenesswas in interventions targeted at children in their earlyyears and their parents and on interventions aimed atprimary-level prevention of depression and suicide (116).Again, health system stewardship is important here, butimplementation is likely to cut across sectors.
As noted, the aim here is to outline some of the mainpublic health issues and interventions available, withouta comprehensive overview and not attempting toprovide a priority list. For instance, HIV/AIDS preventionstrategies are not covered here, but have been shown tobe highly cost-effective strategies in terms of reducingtransmission and reducing the harm associated with riskbehaviours. HIV/AIDS is a good example of thecomplexity of priority-setting and of how important it isthat health system stewards play an effective role intranslating evidence on burden of disease and cost–effectiveness into appropriate action plans that meetpublic health and public policy priorities.
Applying the evidence: some data on cost–effectiveness
As stated earlier, it is not possible to provide data on thecost–effectiveness of public health interventions whichwould be readily applicable across the differentcountries in the WHO European Region. However, it isstill possible to provide approximate estimates whichillustrate the impact of some of these interventions.Thus, Table 6.4 draws on data collected for the WHOCHOICE project and the Disease Control PrioritiesProjects that focus on low- and middle-incomecountries, and demonstrates that there is some relevantevidence supporting interventions that would be highlycost-effective, even in the least affluent countries of theWHO European Region (117, 118, 121). Again, theseinclude the use of fiscal policy measures to influencealcohol and tobacco use, legislation to restrict salt andsaturated fat content in foods and a whole range oftraffic accident prevention measures that also apply inhigh-income countries.
In spite of the large contextual differences betweencountries, the limited evidence on cost–effectivenessand the methodological complexities involved ininterpreting it, this section shows that there are anumber of interventions to promote population healththat have a high return in terms of health gain and thatwould benefit from additional investment.
6.4 Promoting equity? The impact of healthsystems on health inequalities
Health equity constitutes one of the main goals of thehealth system (see details of the HSAF, Section 2). It isdefined here as “the absence of systematic andpotentially remediable differences in one or moreaspects of health between social, geographic ordemographic groups of people” (120). This sectionlooks at how health system interventions can reduceinequalities in health and thus promote equity.11 Itdraws on chapter seven in the main volume (62) and
11 In this section we refer to health inequalities rather than health equity. The latter reflects one of the main health system goals andthus is more normative and value laden as well as more difficult to measure in objective terms. By contrast the term “healthinequalities” is more descriptive, and lends itself to objective measures of the extent of the problem to be tackled.
Health systems, health and wealth
builds on the discussion of the economic consequencesof health inequalities (Subsection 5.4 in this report),which shows that economies, health expenditure andsocial well-being are all negatively affected by inequality.
Inequalities in health are substantial throughout Europe,and represent one of the main challenges for publichealth policy across the WHO European Region. Arecent EU study argues that inequalities in mortalityaccording to education account for some 707 000deaths per year in the EU25, corresponding to about
11.4 million life years lost (42). Reducing theseinequalities by improving the health of people withlower levels of education, occupational class or income,would therefore lead to substantial improvements inpopulation health overall and a significant drop inavoidable mortality.
Differences in healthy life expectancy between rich andpoor typically amount to 10 years or more (121) in thoseEuropean countries with available data. Theseinequalities in general health (are linked to education
Alcohol abuse 50% increase in excise tax Eur-A : 258*
Eur-B : 489*
Eur-C : 156*
Excise tax plus advertising ban Eur-A : 570*
Eur-B : 466*
Eur-C : 209*
Excise tax, advertising ban, and brief primary care advice Eur-A : 2 359*
Eur-B : 616*
Eur-C : 593*
Excise tax, advertising ban, brief primary care advice, random breath testing Eur-A : 2 690*
Eur-B : 5 070*
Eur-C : 1 168*
Coronary artery disease Legislation substituting 2% of trans fat with polyunsaturated fat at a cost ofUS$6 per adult (Assuming 7–40% reduction in disease)
Diabetes, ischaemic heartdisease, stroke
Legislation with public education campaign to reduce salt content 1 937
Media campaign to reduce saturated fat 2 617
Tobacco addiction Excise tax 600% of supply price (double the regional rate) Eur-A : 32*
Eur-B : 21*
Eur-C : 5*
Excise tax at 600% of supply price, plus advertising ban Eur-A : 859*
Eur-B : 163*
Eur-C : 53*
Excise tax at 600% of supply price, advertising ban, clean indoor air lawenforcement, plus information dissemination
Eur-A : 1 909*
Eur-B : 251*
Eur-C : 82*
Traffic accidents Increased speeding penalties, enforcement and speed bumps, combined withmedia campaigns and better law enforcement
Enforcement of seat-belt laws, promotion of child restraints and random driverbreath testing
Sources: Laxminarayan, Chow & Shahid-Salles 2006 (117); Chisholm et al. 2004 (118); WHO 2003 (119).
Notes: DALY: Disability-adjusted life year(s); Eur-A: WHO Region, western Europe; Eur-B: WHO Region, CEE; Eur-C: WHO Region, CIS;
Figures all use 2001 prices, US$ and are unweighted for age, except those marked *, which are 2000 prices, use international $ and are ageweighted.
level and occupation and) are roughly the same size inall parts of Europe (122, 123). There has been no clearnarrowing of this gap over the past two decades andindeed, it has widened in some countries. This isexplained by the fact that where mortality has declinedin all socioeconomic groups, the decline has beenproportionally faster in higher socioeconomic groups,exacerbating inequities. Certainly people with higherlevels of education prove better able to protectthemselves against increased health risks, both in termsof moderating their health-related behaviours (involvingsmoking, diet and exercise) and in securing benefitsfrom effective health service interventions (especiallydetection and treatment of hypertension). In addition tothese differences within countries, there are alsosubstantial health inequalities between countries in theWHO European Region, with life expectancy at birthdiffering by up to 13 years.
Can health inequalities be reduced?
The (large) scale of the variations in the magnitude ofhealth inequalities between countries demonstrates byextension that there is real scope to narrow thedifferences that exist. For example, the very smallinequalities in ischaemic heart disease mortality in somesouthern European populations show that similarlyequitable outcomes are attainable in northern Europeand indeed in all countries. This makes it all the moreimportant that investment decisions reflect the extent towhich the programmes or expenditure involved reducehealth inequalities and promote equity.
Good progress has been made in unravelling thedeterminants of health inequalities and in providingpolicy-makers with the information they need to tacklethe issues involved. A number of specific determinants(particularly material and lifestyle factors, with someevidence also suggesting a role for psychosocial factors)have been found to contribute to health inequalities andto be – largely – amenable to policy action. Althoughfurther research is necessary, current understandingalready makes significant reductions in healthinequalities feasible. The question, then, concerns whichinterventions are most effective.
Effectiveness of interventions
Governments face a scarcity of evidence on cost–effectiveness in determining which strategies to pursuein order to reduce health inequalities. Furthermore, thestage of policy development in this area variesenormously across the WHO European Region.Countries have responded differently, for example, inEngland political windows of opportunity created theconditions for implementation of policies on healthinequalities, while the Netherlands, Norway and Swedenworked through comprehensive and systematic plans(which are now at various stages of implementation).Other initiatives have sometimes been opportunistic and
based on the plausibility of proposed interventionsrather than on rigorous evidence, and on occasion thesehave failed or had adverse effects (124).This sectionreviews some of the interventions that have been testedor are being appraised and these are reviewed in three“groups”, discussed in the following paragraphs.
The first group comprises upstream strategies ontaxation and benefits linked to universal welfare servicesthat aim to narrow inequalities in income and wealth.These clearly involve actors outside the health sector,although health system stewardship has an importantrole in highlighting the adverse consequences ofinequalities. It is also clear that this approach respondsto much that is known about the roots of healthinequalities. However, the persistence of large healthinequalities in countries with universal welfare systemsemphasizes the need for caution. A sweeping approachusing progressive tax and benefits policies has not on itsown been sufficient to eliminate health inequalities,suggesting that additional policies running in tandemand addressing more specific risk factors are alsoneeded.
The second group includes policies that are directed athealth-related behaviours, particularly smoking, alcoholand poor diet (and as discussed in Subsection 6.3).Global policies, such as smoking bans in public placesand increased taxes on alcohol, have been shown to beeffective in bringing about behavioural change.However, they too may need to be accompanied bymore targeted interventions, such as communitydevelopment schemes, as well as downstreaminterventions with individuals. Evidence from Finlandshows how universalist welfare policies that act at thecollective (mid-stream) level can be effective, withsubsidies for healthy meals at school and in theworkplace improving healthy eating and contributing toa narrowing of socioeconomic inequalities in nutrition.There is, however, an unfortunate paucity of evidenceon how well interventions that are targeted specificallyat lower socioeconomic groups work.
The third group of interventions tackle access toeffective health care, since lack of access to good qualityhealth care is part of a causal chain from lowsocioeconomic position to premature mortality,aggravating inequalities in health or even causing them.This is illustrated by the striking difference in the burdenof conditions amenable to medical intervention bysocioeconomic status (125, 126). This corresponds toevidence of disparity in health service utilization, withlower socioeconomic groups more often reporting thatthey have foregone health care and prevention (127)because of associated costs or because services were notaccessible to them (128).
The most significant barrier to access relates directly tofinancing systems (although barriers and the inequitableexperience of them are complex). Interventions thatpromote financial protection and universal access to
health services by dissociating ability to pay fromutilization will reduce health inequality. By contrast,interventions which allow direct out-of-pocket payments(including informal co-payments) at the point of use willsever the link with need and result in inequitable use ofservices, contributing to health inequalities. While mostEuropean health services are based predominantly onpublic or statutory sources and rely on insurancecontributions and/or general taxation, rather than out-of-pocket payments, policy-makers must be mindful ofthe economic and social impacts of any reforms(including those that seek to contain costs) and theirpotential to exacerbate inequality.
Further barriers relate to service design and delivery, andstrategies that address delivery, for example those thatmake primary care more effective, have been successfulin reducing inequalities (129). Reforms that have had amajor impact on inequalities include those ensuring thatfirst contact care had a personal focus, providingcontinuity of care, building in a comprehensive approachand supporting coordination between providers. Thesedirectly tackled the needs of the socioeconomicallydisadvantaged, who otherwise experienced particulardifficulties in negotiating their way through complexsystems. Health services can also reduce healthinequalities by targeting programmes at thedisadvantaged, for example managing cancer screeningprogrammes, to monitor uptake by different(socioeconomic) groups and to remedy low uptake indisadvantaged populations. This offsets the (morecommon) opportunistic and unmonitored approaches inplace in many countries that allow the more vocal tosecure services, while those in most need (and with theleast voice) may be overlooked. Health services can alsousefully take the lead in working with other agencies,such as local authorities in comprehensive intersectoral(pro-poor) intervention programmes to reduce healthinequalities.
In all three cases there is some (but not wholly sufficient)evidence on the effectiveness of particular interventionsin reducing inequalities, but a there is also clear evidencethat pro-equity policies can work and should bepursued.
Evidence that greater equity has direct economicbenefits would be highly supportive of policy-makerspromoting the uptake of pro-equity strategies. However,not enough is known about the impact ofsocioeconomic inequalities in health on the economy ofEU Member States. Nonetheless, the economicimplications are likely to be substantial (Subsection 5.4),so investing in strategies to reduce health inequalitieshas potential and major economic benefits. For instance,anti-tobacco policies that consciously looked at equityreduced the prevalence of smoking by 33% in lowersocioeconomic groups (as opposed to 25% in higher
groups) could both reduce inequalities in health(mortality and morbidity) and have a substantialeconomic impact of between €9 billion and €75 billion,depending on whether health is seen as a capital goodor as a consumption good. Whichever estimate is used,and they do vary enormously, the potential contributionto societal well-being is immense.
Taken together, the evidence outlined here shows thathealth systems can play a major role in reducing healthinequalities and that this will benefit economies, healthand societal well-being.
The evidence also suggests that policy-makers have adistinct and valuable role to play, not least because theenergy with which governments pursue the reduction ofinequalities in society (or even whether or not theyrecognize that inequality exists) is intrinsically a politicalmatter. Health system stewards might contribute to avirtuous circle whereby they foster pro-equity policiesand support the development of an evidence base thatbenchmarks the magnitude of inequalities in health andeconomic terms, thus further supporting (and shaping)equitable initiatives. Certainly, a base line of comparableinformation would serve as a tool for enhancingperformance, as well as supporting comparisons acrosscountries and offering a powerful way ofcommunicating across sectors, levering resources forequity in health.
Policy-makers’ inputs might be channelled in line withthe roles of the health system (Section 2), for exampledelivering personal and population health programmesand behavioural interventions that are pro-poor andreflect the needs and culture of the disadvantaged;ensuring that financing, resource generation andstewardship promote comprehensive and accessiblehealth services; and influencing the health impact ofother sectors. Leading and coordinating intersectoralaction is particularly important, given that so many ofthe social determinants of health inequality are shapedbeyond the health system. If those working in healthsystems are supported by the information describedabove, they will be well placed to influence widerwelfare and redistribution policies.
6.5 Responding to citizens’ expectations?The role of health services in responsiveness
Responsiveness is included in the fundamental healthsystem goals of WHO (Section 2) and in some (althoughnot all) countries, health services do place increasingemphasis on meeting citizens’ expectations (Section 4).This section looks at responsiveness, and how usersderive satisfaction (or not) from their interactions withthe health system. It offers a working definition ofresponsiveness, outlines strategies policy-makers can useto enhance it and flags up the trade-offs with otherhealth system objectives. This section draws on chaptereight of the main volume (130).
Health systems, health and wealth
What is meant by responsiveness?
While health systems are primarily intended to achievehealth improvement, the way people interact with thehealth system involves many dimensions that do notrelate directly to clinical or health outcomes, not leastthe interpersonal aspects of the care process.Responsiveness includes all the non-technical aspects ofhow people are treated by the health system (see Box6.1).
A wide range of methods has been used to attempt tomeasure responsiveness over the last two decades, forinstance, the introduction of consumer satisfactionquestions in Eurobarometer surveys (133), thedevelopment of satisfaction surveys, such as those byBlendon (134) and by the Picker Institute (135), as wellas the recent Euro Health Consumer Index (136). Allhave faced conceptual and practical challenges, many ofwhich have proved difficult to resolve. Three overlappingsets of concerns are briefly highlighted here (130)(137).12
Cultures and expectations: adjusting for variations inexpectations between countries is extremely difficult,particularly given differences in wealth, publicexpenditure or cultural norms. The same holds true forvariations within countries given the differences in“sense of entitlement” between genders and socialclasses.13
Objective and subjective: balancing expert opinion withusers’ experiences is far from straightforward, and iscomplicated by the range of perspectives of differentuser groups.
Combining measures: reaching an “overall” judgementon the level of responsiveness of a system is fraughtwith difficulty because it means combining judgementson different dimensions into a single composite index(see Subsection 7.2, later), which is an all-but-impossibletask.14
Table 6.5 illustrates the problems involved in setting sideby side the results of different assessments (using threedifferent methodologies). It shows the rankings for EU15countries using WHO responsiveness surveys (for bothinpatient and outpatient care), the Eurobarometer(question 57.2 on satisfaction) and the Euro HealthConsumer Index of 2007.
The results of these assessments are sometimesinconsistent or contradictory and are very difficult tointerpret. The differences between the three rankingsmay be explained by insufficient adjustment for culturalexpectations (Eurobarometer or the ResponsivenessIndex), the use of value laden indicators (Euro HealthConsumer Index), or the fact that measures may becapturing very different phenomenon. More detailedanalyses provide even more evidence of problems;surveys in the United Kingdom consistently find a lowlevel of satisfaction with the health system in generalbut a high level of satisfaction with the actualexperience of care among those who have recently usedit. It has been suggested that this reflects the impact ofwidespread adverse media coverage. In other countriesthere is evidence that negative perceptions reflect amore general dissatisfaction with the government.
Overall, therefore, it is impossible to draw from thesesurveys any clear conclusions about the differencesinvolved in the degree of responsiveness between healthsystems and even less about the health system strategiesthat may explain these differences. However, they do
Box 6.1 Responsiveness in the World Health Report 2000
This study uses “responsiveness” as the most apt term for thecombination of dimensions defined by theWorld Health Report2000 (20), which saw responding to citizens’ expectations as acentral health systems’ goal and a desired outcome in its ownright (see details of the HSAF in Section 2).
Responsiveness is therefore all (non-technical) “aspects of theway individuals are treated and the environment in which theyare treated during health system interactions” (131) andincludes two sets of dimensions, subdivided into eight domains(132):
• Respect for persons
• Client orientation
quality of basic amenities
access to social support networks
choice of institution and care provider.
12 For a detailed discussion of these methodological issues see Busse et al. (130) in the main volume and in particular Chatterji et al.in the accompanying volume on performance (186).
13 WHO initially used a “vignette” methodology to correct for different cultural expectations, but due to the complex datarequirements, the approach was dropped in subsequent work.
14 The Euro Health Consumer Index is a case in point. It uses criteria such as “generosity” of the system, which assesses access tonon-essential interventions or new pharmaceuticals. However, the notion of generosity is highly culturally bounded and its relevancein less affluent health systems is unclear, while many questions on the efficacy and efficiency of new or non-essential treatmentsremain unanswered (133).
exist, and often attract considerable media attention.Policy-makers have to deal with the pressures exerted byleague tables and cannot simply dismiss the data asunreliable, even in cases where they are used to call forineffective additions to the package of care.
Health system strategies to enhanceresponsiveness
Policy-makers might begin work to enhanceresponsiveness simply by addressing some of theconcerns detailed above and by taking steps to improvethe quality and comparability of assessments. Certainly,ensuring transparency in the composition of indices andthe attribution of weights; flagging up underlyingvalues; and promoting rigour in interpretation of resultsare all areas in which health stewardship could (andshould) take a lead and which will support efforts toimprove the way health services treat citizens.
Strategies to increase the first four WHO dimensions ofresponsiveness (dignity, autonomy, confidentiality and
communication) tend to be centred on changes inorganizational and policy development. Staff educationand training can be refocused to promote greaterrespect for human dignity; to ensure health system staffcommunicate effectively; and to foster appropriateapplication of confidentiality policies. Informationsharing can be made more effective and mechanismsput in place to allow patients a more autonomous roleand to participate more in clinical decision-making, asthe legitimate “co-producers” of care. Improvements inthese dimensions can be secured without necessarilyrequiring significant additional investment.
Perhaps more challenging is the task of creating aclimate that encourages health services personnel totreat patients well. Health workers typically valueprofessionalism, but where pay fails to meet legitimateexpectations they may become de-motivated and fail todeliver the highest quality care. Those that are paidparticularly badly may raise money illicitly, respondingonly to informal payments and creating barriers to
Health systems, health and wealth
Table 6.5 Rankings of the EU15 countries in selected recent surveys
Euro Health ConsumerIndexc
Austria n/a n/a 2 (67) 1
Belgium 5 4 3 (65) 8
Denmark n/a n/a 6 (52) 7
Finland 9 4 1 (73) 6
France 5 4 4 (64) 3
Germany 8 2 8 (47) 4
Greece 13 13 14 (19) 15
Ireland 2 1 13 (20) 11
Italy 11 11 12 (31) 13
Luxembourg 2 9 5 (58) 9
Netherlands 5 4 9 (46) 2
Portugal 11 11 12 (14) 13
Spain 9 10 10 (46) 10
Sweden 4 4 7 (48) 5
United Kingdom 1 3 11 (31) 12
Sources: a Valentine et al. 2003 (138); b European Commission 2002 (139); c Health Consumer Powerhouse 2007 (136).
Notes: EU15: Member States belonging to the EU prior to May 2004; n/a: Not available.
access. Maintaining responsiveness therefore impliesproviding adequate resources, which is a potentiallychallenging proposition. However, while increasing paymay be expensive, it does create an opportunity torefocus management and specify expectations. Healthsystem managers must recognize, however, the evidencethat policies seeking to micro-manage clinical behaviourcan lead to a loss of professional identity and undermineautonomy and motivation, so that health workers doexactly what they are meant to, but no more.
The other dimensions of responsiveness, those thatimprove client orientation of services, are also likely torequire commitment of considerable resources. This isparticularly the case if capacity is to be increased toreduce waiting times or facilities are to be improved, butalso if there are to be new client information systemsand new complaint procedures.
Overall, policy-makers may advance the responsivenessagenda directly by including explicit requirements tomeet clients’ expectations in contractual arrangements,where these apply, or by building them into servicedelivery strategies. They can also take an indirectapproach to influencing provider behaviour throughbroader regulatory initiatives such as the creation ofpatient rights legislation or patient charters or by specificservice guarantees (for example on waiting times), or bysetting up an Ombudsman function. These initiativesempower consumers and enable them to demandgreater responsiveness.
In addition, and in light of Subsection 6.4 above, policy-makers may usefully include equity considerations inresponsiveness initiatives. There is explicit evidence ondisparities in responsiveness, particularly towards ethnicminority populations. One of the best documentedexamples is the widespread discrimination against Romapopulations. Direct and indirect strategies on equity inresponsiveness will tend to improve access and soreduce health inequalities. Strategies that overlook theability of different population groups to benefit fromresponsiveness initiatives, such as choice (see discussionbelow), may exacerbate those inequalities.
Are there trade-offs between responsiveness,efficiency and equity?
Policy-makers addressing responsiveness must thereforeconsider the ubiquitous yet critical issue of trade-offs(140). As always, investing in one area has impacts onothers and responsiveness raises particular challengesfor the other health system objectives of efficiency,health gain and equity.
The right to exercise a degree of choice betweeninstitutions and care providers is a case in point and
illustrates well the kind of trade-offs that policy-makersface. Choice is often portrayed as a core issue touchingon fundamental rights and instrumental in increasingresponsiveness.15 Yet, in countries where choice hasbeen extended or there is essentially a free choice ofprovider (141, 142, 143) there are concerns about theresulting fragmentation of care and duplication ofinvestigations when, for example, consumers chosedifferent primary care and ambulatory care providers forthe same episode of care. While this responds to theexpectations of users, it may be clinically undesirable,result in poorer health outcomes and lead tooverutilization of services, which undermines efficiency.There are also “treatments”, therapeutic interventionsand medicines that are neither efficacious nor cost-effective but which are valued by patients, posing adirect conflict between responsiveness and efficiency.Policy-makers need to manage these trade-offs,although there is growing evidence that theyoverestimate the importance patients attach tounlimited choice. In France, they have recently done sothrough the introduction of gatekeeping schemescoupled with some disincentives, while Denmark, inwhich the majority of its population are registered witha general practitioner (GP), offers a “doubling upscheme”, through which a small percentage of thepopulation opts to choose a GP for each episode of careby paying a fee-for-service payment.
Equity is another key consideration in the review oftrade-offs with potentially very significant conflictsbetween it and responsiveness. Measures aimed atincreasing responsiveness (and again, those that focuson choice are a case in point) may privilege thosesegments of the population who are better able tocompare and chose between options, as recentlyexperienced in the United Kingdom (144). This tends tobenefit the younger, healthier, more affluent and bettereducated, who can negotiate the services that theywant – what has been termed the inverse care law (145)– widening the equity gap. Again, policy-makers need tobe explicit in how they balance competing issues and tobe proactive in pursuing equity, widening access toinformation about services and through positivediscrimination strategies to increase access and choicefor the socioeconomically disadvantaged.
All trade-offs need to be considered in light of the widercontext within which they are situated. This is an areawhere culture plays a very significant part in shapingperceptions, making it particularly difficult to extrapolatefrom one country or one population group to another.Policy-makers need to adjust the priority they attach toresponsiveness and the measures they take to achieve it,to reflect societal norms and expectations as well as theavailability of resources. However, resource constraints
15 Choice has also been used to undermine provider monopoly. The objective of these strategies has been to increase efficiencythrough the introduction of competition and not to enhance responsiveness per se.
(and a commitment to equity) do not lead inevitably tolevelling down to the lowest common (responsiveness)denominator.
In sum, responsiveness is a value in and of itself and adimension of health systems that is genuinely valued bypatients and citizens. It is something that can involvesignificant extra expenditure, which begs the question:how much extra are societies prepared to pay forresponsiveness, and how much will they pay for equityof responsiveness? However, many strategies thatincrease responsiveness are also cost-effective in termsof health gains. For instance, responsiveness leads tobetter compliance with treatment, which is especiallysignificant for chronic disease treatments. The role ofhealth system stewards then must be to promote (asalways) good governance, transparency andaccountability, to refine the use of existing resources toenhance responsiveness and to manage the trade-offsbetween goals when these arise. They will also need toplay a role in offering and interpreting information onresponsiveness, empowering populations to take anappropriate part in decision-making, including on trade-offs and in assessing the opportunity cost of investing inresponsiveness rather than other health goals.
6.6 Health systems’ direct contribution to theeconomy
The previous five subsections have addressed the impactof health systems on health (personal and public) andthe goals of responsiveness and equity, which in turncontribute directly to societal well-being. Health systemsalso have direct and significant impacts on the economy.This section addresses very briefly the “right side” of ourconceptual triangle (see Fig. 3.1). It is tackled here as itrelates so closely to the discussion of investment and itspolicy implications.
The health system “matters” economically if onlybecause of its size. It represents one of the mostimportant sectors in developed economies, and is,typically, one of the largest service industries. Estimatesof its output vary, but it accounts for approximately 7%of GDP in the EU15, which is more than the financialservices sector or the retail trade sector (at 5% each)(146). The economic importance of the health sector isfurther illustrated by its direct labour market effect. It ismuch more labour intensive than, for example,manufacturing or information services and 9.3% of allpeople (aged 15–64 years) currently employed in theEU27 work in the health and social sector (147).Furthermore, health sector employment in Europe hasbeen growing over recent decades, with an average
growth rate of 1.7% a year from 1990 to 2001 for theEU15, albeit with significant variations betweencountries (146).
In addition, the performance of the health sector affectsthe competitiveness of the overall economy through itseffects on labour costs, job mobility and labour marketflexibility. Moreover, increased health expenditure ismainly funded by increases in taxation and/or insurancecontributions that will affect labour costs and thusinternational competitiveness. It is therefore importantthat increased spending is offset by better healthoutcomes which can increase productivity.
The health system may also contribute to the economythrough R&D. Biotechnology, medical devices,pharmaceuticals and eHealth16 (148) all involve high-level innovation with considerable market potential.R&D may also have “spillover” or multiplier effects,whereby the impact of one discovery increases theresearch endeavours and productivity of others (149).Biotechnology developments in health care may, forexample, have benefits for other sectors, such as thefood industry, and this is one of the reasons why manydeveloped countries have an explicit policy goal ofincreasing R&D expenditure in health.17 A total of18.7% of all domestic R&D expenditure in 2004 in theEU25 governmental and higher education sectors was inmedical sciences (150), exceeded only by naturalsciences, engineering and technology. Nevertheless,there is thus far little clear evidence that health-relatedR&D has significant economy-wide benefits in Europe,or indeed globally.
The size of the health sector and its commercialpotential are not, however, sufficient grounds forinvestment in the health sector as an explicit strategy forgrowth. Certainly, if health expenditure increases, all elsebeing equal, GDP will also grow, just as it would if therewas increased spending on video games or sports cars.The key is the statement “if all else remains constant”.In most cases this condition does not – and cannot –hold true. If a government increases expenditure onhealth, it will have to cut spending on something else,thereby drawing labour and/or capital from othersectors, especially if the available resources are alreadyfully employed. The critical question is whetherinvestment in the health sector will, in the long term,achieve better returns than investments elsewhere. Thesituation will be different, however, where there issubstantial underemployment, as the costs of additionalhealth spending – in terms of displacing resources fromelsewhere – will be low or even close to zero. Publichealth spending might then be seen as a strategy of
Health systems, health and wealth
16 For example, eHealth has been identified by the EU as one of the six markets with the highest growth potential and at the sametime providing high societal value.
17 For instance, in the revised version of the EU Lisbon Agenda, one of the very few quantitative goals is about reaching a level ofR&D equal to 3% of GDP by the year 2010.
demand stimulation, creating jobs and promotingeconomic growth,18 and may be especially important inthe context of regional development. Furthermore,investment in health facilities in these circumstancescould be an essential prerequisite for inward investment.In the EU, for instance, this issue is recognized in theCommission’s health strategy 2008–2013 (“Together forhealth”), by some regional networks,19 and through theinclusion of health infrastructure as an area forinvestment of EU structural funds (151).
The extent to which investing in health systems isjustified in economic terms depends, then, on itseconomic productivity and the opportunity cost relativeto investment in other areas. The arguments of parts ofthe pharmaceutical and medical devices industry againstcost-containment (through price regulation and HTA),on the grounds that industry fuels economic growth,need to be carefully balanced against the value ofalternative investment strategies and – more importantly– against possible inefficiencies in the health sectorcaused by the inappropriate use of these technologies.
18 The alternative strategy would be to cut tax rates in order to encourage more consumer spending. The main difference would bethat additional health spending draws more real resources into the production of health care, while tax cuts draw real resources intothe production of whatever consumers purchase with their extra disposable income, which may, however, include added production(and jobs) abroad from additional imports purchased domestically.
19 An example is “healthclusternet”, a network of 13 European regions that are working together to improve the contribution thathealth care sector spending makes to regional development.
The previous section amassed substantial evidence thatwell-run health systems can have a significant impact onhealth (in all its dimensions), wealth and the central goalof societal well-being. There is, however, a veryimportant distinction between the capacity to make animpact and actually making a difference. If healthsystems are to realize their potential, they must be wellmanaged and adequately resourced, and if they are tosecure new investment, they must demonstrate thatthey are indeed effective and efficient.
Policy-makers have long understood this and havesought to ensure that health systems improve through awide range of reforms touching on all health systemfunctions. However, they have not (typically) been asactive or successful in assessing whether functions areactually better as a result. This tendency to “reform”,without critically evaluating the outcome, is changing.Policy-makers and managers increasingly recognize thesignificance of structured and systematic approaches tomeasuring performance in defining what is expected ofthe system, tracking how resources are used anddemonstrating what is being achieved. Performancemeasures on their own cannot, of course, solve allproblems facing health systems but, when linked to theright combination of governance tools and incentives,they can be highly effective.
This section describes the main reform strategies used inthe WHO European Region to improve health systems(Subsection 7.1), albeit that these have not often beenlinked to explicit steps to measure benefits in terms ofenhanced performance. It goes on to focus ondevelopments in performance assessment and the waysin which it can enhance the design, stewardship andimplementation of reform strategies (Subsection 7.2).Ultimately, it argues, health system stewards will only beable to ensure (and be seen to ensure) optimal andefficient performance when appropriate, transparentand accountable performance assessment systems areembedded within health systems at all levels, and thatthis is the key to securing further health systemsinvestment.
7.1 Health system reform strategies
Many health systems in western and eastern Europe areengaged in a process of reform. Countries have beenexperimenting with a wide range of strategies toimprove quality and value for money and to ensuresustainability. This is particularly the case since the late1980s in western Europe and the late 1990s in easternEurope.
This section draws on chapter nine in the main volume(152) and the extensive catalogue of comparativeresearch on system reforms generated over the last
decade, including work by the European Observatory onHealth Systems and Policies (153). It briefly outlines themain reform strategies that have attempted to addressperformance and highlights the main guiding objectiveof each set of reforms in line with the four health systemfunctions (see Section 2, Fig. 2.1). These are:
• delivery of health services (with reforms tacklingappropriate and cost-effective delivery);
• resource generation (with reforms seeking toensure the right level and mix of inputs, particularlyhuman resources, technology and capital);
• financing (with reforms focusing on twosubfunctions):
– revenue collection and pooling (to improvesustainability and solidarity);
– purchasing (with an emphasis on effectivepurchasing to improve allocative and technicalefficiency); and
• stewardship and initiatives to strengthengovernance, accountability and responsiveness.
This section could not hope to asses the impact of thehuge range of abovementioned strategiescomprehensively, or indeed in any detail. Instead, itattempts to provide a snapshot of the steps thatMember States of the WHO European Region havetaken in recent years to improve performance, and indoing so it is descriptive rather than normative. It is alsonecessary to note two additional points. First, there isstill in many cases insufficient evidence to evaluate fullythe reforms to date. Second, and crucially, many ofthese reforms are highly context dependent. The historyand organizational structures in place and theenvironment, culture and value systems in whichreforms are embedded will determine to a significantextent how far they succeed. This makes it more difficultto generalize about factors that facilitate or blocksuccess or to transfer lessons between countries.
Delivering services cost-effectively
Curative health services form a major part of the servicedelivery function, and are highly valued by populations.They also command a large share of health systemresources. They have therefore been a major (andlogical) focus of health reform activities across Europe.Policy-makers have sought to improve the performanceof service delivery, and in particular its cost–effectiveness, through a wide range of reform strategies,particularly initiatives to integrate and coordinate servicedelivery. There have also been efforts to substitute acrosslevels of care (in many instances replacing hospitalservices with strengthened primary care provision which
Health systems, health and wealth
7. Improving health systems performance
in turn allows rationalization of hospitals); decentralizeprovision (which has seen the introduction of an array ofnew organizational models and greater involvement ofthe private sector); and a series of initiatives to improvequality assurance. Some of these reforms are brieflyoutlined here.
The ageing of the population in most of Europe (seeSection 4) raises the spectre of an increased burden ofchronic disease and further challenges for servicedelivery. Certainly, there are issues around how best tocoordinate and integrate services across levels andensure a continuum of care (154, 155, 156). Countrieshave developed a diverse range of new models ofservice delivery to promote seamless treatment of thechronically ill in the most appropriate setting(s). Theseinclude primary care-based networks and nurse-ledstrategies (especially in countries with strong primarycare traditions such as the Netherlands, Sweden and theUnited Kingdom): explicit mechanisms to coordinateproviders such as “health networks” in France or“chains of care” in Sweden; and disease managementprogrammes (Germany, the Netherlands) (157). Theseare often facilitated by strategies to adapt the skill mixof the health workforce, to foster multidisciplinary teamsand to support audit and quality monitoring. Reforms infinancing and in incentive schemes have been equallysignificant in terms of ensuring care is more integrated.Examples included risk-based funding or reallocation tosickness funds (Germany, the Netherlands), exemptionfrom (or reduction of) co-payments and bonuses forpatient “recruitment” (France, Germany) and paymentfor performance (United Kingdom) (157). These havecreated levers to achieve more integrated servicedelivery, and although – as with most reforms – themodels are highly context specific, they do offer anenormous potential for learning between countries, notleast on how to work across functions to achievereforms.
There has also been a trend towards health servicesubstitution, with care being reassigned across tertiary,secondary and primary care boundaries and at thehealth and social care interface. There has been moreemphasis on delivering care in the most cost-effectivelocation, supported by the most appropriate healthworkers and technologies. In particular there has been atransfer of inpatient care to other settings, and so, forexample, substituting high-cost inpatient care with themore cost-effective alternative of day care surgery (158);this not only addresses costs but also helps in tacklingthe challenges of providing care to dispersedpopulations and of making health services moreaccessible to the public.
These reforms enable (and have been accompanied by)progress with the rationalization of hospitals (159, 160).Again, links between functions facilitate theimplementation of new approaches, so the introductionof tailored purchasing mechanisms involving contracts,
selective contracting and performance-based paymentmechanisms have helped to achieve change, as evincedby the declining number of hospitals and hospital bedsacross the region and particularly in CEE and the CIS –these are discussed in the subsection on financing, later.
These reforms (particularly on integration andsubstitution) have often involved shifting the locus offinancial and decision-making power to primary careand strengthening its role in integration across theinterface. Indeed strengthening primary care, or“putting primary care in the driver’s seat” (161) hasbeen central to many attempts to improve the cost–effectiveness of service delivery (162). One modelinvolves giving some, or all, of the hospital sectorbudget to primary care providers (municipal health andsocial boards in Finland, subcounty district health boardsin Sweden, Primary Care Trusts in the United Kingdom).Another popular strategy is the introduction and/orstrengthening of primary care models based on familypractitioners (or GPs) within a broad, multidisciplinaryprimary care team. Other reforms look more explicitly atincreasing the effectiveness of primary care itself, andthese include changing (and expanding) task profiles,managing behaviours through payment incentives (seethe subsection on financing, later) and introducing newinformation and communication technologies andquality assurance mechanisms. These link servicedelivery, financing and stewardship functions. Inaddition, success in primary care reforms dependsheavily on resource generation and the putting in placeof appropriate training programmes, such as those forfamily practitioners (see later).
One further set of reforms that involve primary care andare of particular relevance to this analysis is theintegration of a series of health promotion andprevention activities into primary care (whether aimed atthe individual or population based). Thus, primary healthcare has taken on an increasing role in cost-effectivepublic health interventions, such as systematic screeningfor hypertension, cholesterol and a range of cancers;and the provision of health advice on risks includingdiet, alcohol and smoking. An important aspect of thisprocess has been a shift of vertical health programmes(such as immunization, tuberculosis control or sexuallytransmitted infections) into horizontally integratedprimary care service structures. This integration ofvertical programmes responds to increasing evidencethat integration increases efficiency and improvesoutcomes in areas such as HIV, mental health andcertain communicable diseases. Despite themanagement advantages, however, this approach is notwithout its problems, nor is it applicable across all healthprogrammes or in all national contexts (163).
Some governments are introducing innovative servicemanagement strategies (often grouped under theheading New Public Management, NPM) in an effort toshift public sector service delivery from a “passive
administration” model to a more “active management”approach. One of the most widely adopted NPM modelshas been to restructure publicly owned hospitals intosemi-independently managed public firms (Estonia,Norway, Portugal and United Kingdom, with regionalexamples in Andalucía (Spain) and Veneto (Italy)). Thesenew models of hospital ownership have a quasi-autonomous management structure (often with its ownseparate Board of Trustees), while remaining underpublic ownership and retaining some form of publicaccountability. The creation of these new organizationalmodels has arisen as a consequence of the separation ofpurchaser and provider functions, the introduction ofstrategic purchasing, provider competition and selectivecontracting – all of which are discussed in the latersubsection on financing.
Other NPM strategies that seek to improve standardsinclude contracting out of the management of primaryhealth centres to private non-profit-making and profit-making firms (Finland, Sweden) and providing patientswith a publicly funded fixed budget with which to paydirectly for providers of home or chronic care(Netherlands and the United Kingdom), respectively.
There is growing interest in a number of countries instrengthening patient choice, in an effort both toincrease responsiveness (Subsection 6.5) and to allowfunding flows to be harnessed to patient preferences,thus spurring provider competition (and, by extension,efficiency). In tax-based systems, choice has typicallybeen introduced on the production side of the system(Denmark, Norway, Sweden), while at the time ofwriting the United Kingdom is in the process of offeringpatients some choice between private and publichospitals. In countries with social health insurance (SHI),choice has focused on selecting sickness funds(Germany, Switzerland) or “insurance companies”(Czech Republic, Netherlands), so discussion of thesereforms belongs more accurately under the latersubsection on finance. It is important to note,nonetheless, that many of these experiments have notbeen accompanied by (sufficiently) robust systems ofregulation and have had negative consequences forinsurance coverage and equity. Experience in several CEEcountries demonstrates clearly why strong regulatorysystems are needed if such reforms are not toundermine solidarity.
In addition to increased choice, some Member Stateshave put in place a wide range of measures aimed atempowering the patient, increasing participation andthus responsiveness of service delivery (Subsection 6.5),including patient rights legislation, formal representationin the boards of purchaser and provider organizations;introduction of ombudsman services and increasedparticipation of patients in decision-making about theirown care. The latter is particularly relevant in the contextof chronic diseases, as patient participation and self-management has been shown to improve outcomes.
This requires the system to build health literacy, promotepatient involvement in treatment decisions and educatepatients to play an active role in self-management ofchronic conditions (164).
Many of the measures described above reflect achanging stance toward the differentiation betweenpublic and private in European health systems. Thetraditionally rigid boundaries between these two sectorshave melted, to some degree, and there is now awillingness to combine various forms of public andprivate within a publicly accountable market structure insome countries. In practice, if not by decree, the 1990sdebate as to “whether” to utilize market mechanisms isover and has been replaced by a spirited discussionabout “how” to adapt traditional market structures toserve new health sector needs. The range of thesepublic–private mix models and their impact is very wide,but in most cases their introduction has demonstratedthe need to strengthen governance arrangements (165),including regulatory efforts and performance assessment(see later discussion on stewardship).
Just as many reforms involve an overlap between theobjectives of increased efficiency and enhancedresponsiveness (like the initiatives mentioned earlier onchoice of service deliverer), so there are reforms that usequality and cost–effectiveness to lever broadimprovements in service delivery. Member States haveput in place a series of quality initiatives, from the broadsystem level to the clinical setting. These includenational legislation and policies on quality of care;comprehensive patient safety strategies; registration andlicensing for new technologies and pharmaceuticals;training programmes on quality; accreditation ofproviders and clinical guidelines; information systemsand quality assurance methods (166).
One such key quality initiative is HTA. Many countrieshave promoted the specific assessment of the cost–effectiveness of pharmaceuticals and other medicaltechnologies, with the conscious aim of ensuring thatservice delivery avoids inefficacious or iatrogenicinterventions and achieves value for money. Formal HTAagencies have been established across Europe fromFrance, Sweden and the Netherlands in the 1980s,respectively; Austria, Spain, Finland, Latvia, the UnitedKingdom, Denmark and Germany in the 1990s,respectively; and Hungary and Belgium (2001–2003).Most play an advisory or regulatory role in the decision-making process (36) and all have the potential to bringtogether commitment to quality and efficiency and toenhance health system sustainability. Nonetheless, theuse of HTA in practice is often restricted by resourceconstraints and complicated by ethical, technologicaland political challenges.
Resource generation: appropriate level and mix ofinputs
A second health system function and another major
Health systems, health and wealth
focus for reform activity is resource generation, whichencompasses human resources, capital development andthe introduction of (new) technologies.
Human resources are under pressure from demographicchanges, including migration, threatening staffshortages. Most countries face challenges around thegeographical distribution of personnel and particularlythe inequitable distribution of physicians between urbanand rural areas. In addition, new models of care posechallenges for staff, especially in terms of changes inskill mix (167, 168).
The shortage of staff is often very significant. Manywestern European countries have sought to remedy thesituation by bringing in physicians and nurses from otherEU countries (Polish physicians to Sweden; Swedishnurses to Norway) and beyond (GPs from south-eastAsia and Africa to the United Kingdom). In 2005 theUnited Kingdom and Ireland ranked alongside theUnited States, Australia, Canada and New Zealand inhaving the highest shares of foreign-trained doctors ofall OECD countries; between one quarter and one thirdof all practising doctors had trained in another country.The share of foreign-trained doctors is also growingrapidly in France, Switzerland and some of the Nordiccountries. A number of innovative strategies have beenput in place to manage migration and especially tominimize negative impacts in exporting countries and tooffset “brain-drain”. These include twinning and staffexchange, educational support, internationalmonitoring, bilateral agreements and international andethical recruitment codes, as in Norway (169). At thesame time, a mix of financial and/or regulatory measureshave been put in place to attract physicians to rural anddeprived urban areas and to tackle geographicalimbalances within countries.
Policy-makers have sought to address skill-miximbalances (170) through a number of strategies, suchas substitution, delegation and innovation. Theseinclude creating new professional roles, training and/orretraining staff and adapting training programmes tonew technologies and to reflect new models of care.Measures to train additional primary care physicians(United Kingdom) and to encourage more medicalgraduates to take up positions in primary care (Finland,Sweden) are common in western Europe. CEE and CIScountries tend to pursue initiatives to transformpolyclinic specialists into freestanding GPs in line withreforms that began in the mid-1990s in countries likeEstonia and Hungary (although, paradoxically, England isnow seeking to create polyclinics). Efforts to acceleratethe training of nurses (Netherlands), to retain nurseswho were considering leaving the profession and toencourage those who have left to return are alsocommonplace. National policy-makers have alsointroduced pilot schemes to develop a range ofphysician or carer substitutes (particularly nursepractitioners and physician assistants).
In public health, several CEE and CIS countries have putin place a range of programmes to retrain their formersanitary-epidemiology workers to take up more modernpublic health practices, including health promotion andprevention, although with only limited success.
In terms of re-skilling and maintaining skills, as opposedto filling skill gaps, a growing number of countries nowrequire continuing education as part of a regularphysician re-certification process (171). For instance,national regulating bodies may require a certain numberof training hours, or specific types of courses orrotations to be provided by an institution or completedby a candidate. These reforms contribute to widerefforts to improve quality of care.
With regard to capital development, there has been arethinking of the importance of public–privateboundaries (mentioned earlier). Innovative policies havebeen tested, creating new models of ownership andallowing the use of private finance to build publichospitals (for example the United Kingdom privatefinance initiative). This approach is controversial, and theresults mixed. Australian hospitals built with this modelhave had to be taken back into public ownership whilethose in the United Kingdom have had problems withquality and cost.
With regard to pharmaceuticals, there has beenconsiderable (and universal) growth in the proportion oftotal health spending in this area, with policy-makersstruggling to maintain quality, contain costs and respondto patient expectations. Policy-makers have put in placea wide range of regulatory strategies to increase thequality and efficiency of pharmaceuticals (172). Forinstance, the substitution of less expensive genericpharmaceuticals for brand name pharmaceuticals oncethe pharmaceutical patent has expired has become afavoured approach to containing costs in many countries(and is certainly more equitable than the demand-sidestrategy of increasing cost sharing). Also, and as notedearlier, many European countries have put in place HTAagencies that scrutinize new pharmaceuticals for cost–effectiveness. HTA agencies are also used to reviewevidence on the introduction of new technologies, butas with all measures to control the uptake of innovationthere are countervailing pressures from consumers andindustry that can be difficult to withstand.
Financing (revenue collection and pooling):sustainability and solidarity
Health systems can only meet their clinical and socialresponsibilities if they are able to raise the funds theyneed to operate. Implementing appropriate systems topool risk is an essential part of this function, since thecost of services can rapidly outstrip the ability to pay forall but the wealthiest people. Furthermore, thesearrangements must be sustainable into the future,without sacrificing social and intergenerational solidarity(itself a core policy commitment). All countries find
revenue collection and pooling challenging, regardlessof the main source of funds (for example, generalgovernment revenues or earmarked payrollcontributions), the arrangements for pooling (forexample, through single or multiple agencies,competing or non-competing, etc.), or whether thecountries are in western Europe, CEE or CIS. They haveadopted a wide range of divergent, sometimescontradictory initiatives, which reflect theireconomic/fiscal context (for example, formal labourforce participation, capacity of governments to collecttaxes, etc.) and political choices and, in particular, theextent to which they are pursuing redistributive policies.
Several countries have changed responsibilities andagencies for pooling funds. In some cases, the shift waswithin “budgetary” systems of universal population-based entitlement such as Finland (1990s), Italy, (1997–2001) or Spain (2001), which all decentralizedresponsibility for pooling (and purchasing) health carefrom the national level to the regions, and Denmark(2007) where the shift was conversely from regional tonational level. There was also a widespread shift withinthe public sector (most particularly in CEE) from areliance on general tax revenue and universal,population-based entitlement to dedicated (usuallypayroll) tax funding and contribution-based entitlement.
Most CEE and the Baltic countries introduced SHIarrangements that marked, at least in form, a return tothe systems in place in the pre-Communist era. Thisincluded eight countries between 1990 and 1999(Hungary, Estonia, the Czech Republic, Slovakia,Lithuania, Bulgaria, Poland and Romania, respectively).The successor states to Yugoslavia addressed the issuefrom a different historical and motivational perspective,having inherited a highly decentralized system of SHIdating back to 1948 (173). Most of these countriesswitched to a centralized single insurance fundapproach early in the 1990s (The former YugoslavRepublic of Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro,respectively, each with its own fund, as well as Croatiaand Slovenia). Pooling in Bosnia and Herzegovinaremains decentralized, with 13 funds for 3.9 millionpeople. The 12 CIS countries have been less inclined toshift to SHI, with only five countries introducing someform of compulsory health insurance between 1993 and2004 (including the Russian Federation, Kyrgyzstan andMoldova). The two others (Georgia and Kazakhstan)have since dismantled their SHI funds, although in thelatter case some of the changes that were made remainin place (174).
In some countries, the focus has been on shifting theburden from collective financing to the individual,whether through the encouragement of private, risk-
related voluntary insurance, as in CEE (although theprivate market remains limited) or indirectly, throughcomplementary insurance covering statutory costsharing (France, Israel and Slovenia) (175). Elsewhere,costs have been shifted directly to those receiving care,through increased co-payments, deductibles and no-claims bonuses. Cost sharing was introduced in all CEEcountries as a means of raising revenue following thewidespread and intense economic and fiscalcontractions at independence. In CIS countries inparticular, this largely reflected necessity (givengovernment spending cuts) and the desire to formalizerampant out-of-pocket payments, rather than explicitpolicy choices to shift funding from public to privatesources. In 2004, for example, out-of-pocket spendingconstituted over half of total health spending inArmenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan andUzbekistan (176). More recently, cost sharing has beenextended elsewhere, including in several EU MemberStates (Austria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, France,Germany, Hungary, the Netherlands, Portugal andRomania).
Other countries have sought to create or extendcompetition between funds managing compulsory socialinsurance revenues (including non-profit-making andprofit-making insurers). This has sometimes reflected adesire to improve responsiveness or equity incontributions or entitlements (by introducing choice andrisk adjustment) and sometimes a wish to improvepurchasing and incentivize greater efficiency and quality(Czech Republic, Germany, the Netherlands, Slovakiaand Switzerland). However, this approach faces manychallenges, especially in terms of the scope for riskselection, which poses serious threats for equity. Whilecertain types of risk-adjustment mechanisms are in placein these countries to compensate funds for high-riskmembers, they incur high transaction costs and can betechnically and politically challenging. Still, the examplesof the Czech reform of 2003–2006 and of Germanpractice (both of which are working towards 100%reallocation) demonstrate that redistribution of healthinsurance contributions can effectively offset thedifferences in conditions for people enrolled in differentfunds and the potential benefits of risk selection byinsurers20 (177, 178).
The Czech and German examples touch directly on theissue of improved public pooling mechanisms, whichhave been a priority for some countries. The goal ofthese initiatives is to ensure that insurance fund revenue(or those of regions in countries that rely on local taxes)fairly reflect the risk pool they are covering. In otherwords, they aim to compensate those funds (or regions)with poorer members and/or members at higher risk ofill health, typically older people.
Health systems, health and wealth
20 Germany currently uses a complex risk-adjustment formula which accounts for age, sex and health risk, but from 2009 it willinstitute a new national health insurance fund.
Other countries that have introduced insurance fundsused them to reduce fragmentation of pooling.Certainly, CIS countries such as Kyrgyzstan saw them asan opportunity to move away from the Soviet era linkbetween each separate administrative level ofgovernment (central/Republican, provincial/oblast,district/city/rayon) and the “corresponding” healthservice delivery and management which had led tooverlap and duplication of infrastructure, particularly inurban areas that counted both as both cities and asoblast capitals. The Kyrgyz example used the MandatoryHealth Insurance Fund as an agent of change over thefour years from 2001, pooling general budget revenuefrom local (rayon and oblast) governments at oblast leveland paying (separately administered) providers on thebasis of outputs (case-based payment for hospitals) andpopulation need (capitation for primary care). Thiseliminated the fragmentation that had existed withinoblasts, and paved the way for the locus of pooling tobe shifted to the national level in 2006. This has helpedreduce inequalities in government health spending percapita between oblasts (177). Similarly, in Moldova in2004, the implementation of a compulsory healthinsurance fund managing a single national pool (in placeof the previous system in which pooling wasdecentralized to the rayon level) led to improved equityin government health spending across the country (179).
Some areas however, are proving especially difficult,such as funding for long-term care. Insurance is bestsuited to situations where, although everyone is at risk,the actual risk is small and unpredictable. It is moredifficult when the risk of “having to” pay out is muchhigher. Dedicated funding arrangements based onseparate insurance funds have been established in somecountries with existing social insurance schemes that arenow facing particularly acute problems. These includethe Netherlands (as early as 1967), followed by Austria,Germany and France. In some countries that relypredominantly on general government revenue ortaxation to fund health care, reforms were introduced toprovide basic entitlements to long-term care (Sweden,Luxembourg, Scotland and Spain).
Similarly, funding for population health is a challengeand one that is especially acute in countries in whichfunds are pooled in SHI agencies that have historicallybeen oriented towards paying for individual, curativecare. Increasingly, however, many sickness funds andothers have recognized the need to boost healthpromotion, prevention and public health activities. Afew countries have explored reforms, including havingevery insured individual pay an additional contributioninto a national health promotion agency (Switzerland)(180, 92); setting aside federal support for a national“health” (or health-promoting) fund (Austria) (181);having non-health ministries pay into a national lifestyleprogramme (Kyrgyzstan); and earmarking health sectorrevenue to municipalities specifically for (private) primarycare physicians, to include work on health promotion
and prevention (Denmark) (142).
All of the abovementioned approaches are complex anddepend heavily on national context, values and culture.There are also many challenges for the future,particularly given widespread concerns about the abilityof countries to sustain universal coverage and high levelsof financial protection in the future. The emergingevidence on the connection between health systems,health and wealth may, however, help to secure theinvestment needed to move forward, even if this meansdiversifying sources of funding (182, 183).
Financing (purchasing for health gain): allocativeand technical efficiency
A critical dimension of financing is purchasing: theallocation of pooled revenue to health service providers.The process of allocating resources should allow healthsystem stewards to influence the services provided and afew countries made tentative moves towards strategicpurchasing from the early 1990s onwards. These tendedto revolve around the separation of purchaser andprovider functions, which aim to focus resources onpriority areas, give purchasers levers to improve providerperformance and allow the introduction of selectivecontracting and provider competition. The British NHSintroduced an “internal market” in 1991, and wasfollowed by Italy, Portugal and some regions in Spainand Sweden, each introducing diverse forms ofpurchaser–provider split. This approach has also had aninfluence in some long-established SHI-based countriesin western Europe (France, Germany, the Netherlands),which already had a separation of functions but wherepurchasing was previously a passive exercise to pay theprovider(s) (184). Strategic purchasing involves a widerange of mechanisms, including the use of health needsassessment, contracts, quality monitoring andperformance-based payment systems. Each brings adifferent package of incentives (often financial) to bearon the performance of health professionals andinstitutions (184).
Even where the language of markets and marketmechanisms are not used, an increasing number ofcountries have experimented with ways of specifying incontracts what care is to be delivered, as a means ofimproving the efficiency of hospital care. Typically, therehas been a move away from retrospectivereimbursement, based solely on numbers of cases andfrom (prospective) line-item budgets that definedfinancial flows but not service specifications. Instead,first prospective global budgets, and then case-basedpayments were introduced (mainly variants of diagnosis-related groups), or some combination of case-basedreimbursement within a global budget cap. Currently,many countries use case-based payments for hospitalcare, although the specific goals of the financingreforms vary across countries. Some aim to increaseactivity and lower waiting times, while others prioritize
cost control and improved transparency in financing.There are also variations in the design of hospital case-based payment systems, for instance the broaderDiagnose Behandel Combinatie in the Netherlandsincludes payment for both specialist physicians andhospitals in one package. However, all approaches aimbroadly to create incentives for greater providerefficiency.
There are inevitably risks associated with incentiveschemes that fix case payments (not least the possibilitythat hospitals will discharge patients prematurely,necessitating readmission) and with incentive schemesmore generally, so careful monitoring is required.However, well-designed purchasing mechanisms shouldbe able to offset the effects of any perverse incentivesby linking funds to compliance with quality indicators.Provider contracts have successfully included qualityindicators in a few countries, creating an obligation thatthe provider meets accreditation standards, or followsquality assurance procedures, or achieves quality targets.Similarly, some countries are moving towardsperformance-based payment systems for professionals,with explicit financial incentives to reward certainbehaviours and outcomes. The recent contract (andpayment) reform for English GPs awards higher rewardsto those achieving certain quality targets. However, italso illustrates the well-known and almost universaldangers of individual performance-related pay. Thecontract reform set targets too low and as aconsequence budget expectations were soon exceeded.The subsequent efforts to claw back the unanticipated“over”-spend led to fee increases below inflation, whichundermined physician morale.
There also has been considerable interest in thepotential of selective contracting, although it has yet tobe extensively introduced (185). Selective contractingdefines explicitly a (narrower) range of providers apatient can use, allowing payers to introduce service andcost specifications. For this approach to work, it requiresappropriate regulatory systems accompanied bytransparent monitoring of performance and a levelplaying field between public and private providers. Inaddition, it encounters major resistance from providers,with often limited “political” leverage of purchasers toimplement selective contracts. In the same way that thisapproach conflicts with the notion of patient choice, itfaces the opposition of consumers in countries wherethey had a wide range of choice of provider.
Performance indicators are crucial to the effectiveness ofpurchasing mechanisms. Their application is reviewed inmore depth in the companion background document(187) and in Subsection 7.2 of this report.
Stewardship and governance are used interchangeably,here. They sit at the heart not just of health reformstrategies, but of health policy-making in general,
covering both core health service activities and the partsof the health system that lie in other sectors. They signalthe obligation of governments to ensure that policyinitiatives are well informed and well designed, balancethe implications of policy for different constituencies andsecure optimal and fair health system outcomes.
Challenges to stewardship
Stewardship cuts across all health system functions. Thismeans that stewards are accountable for a huge rangeof issues from the quality and responsiveness of servicedelivery to the planning of resource generation or theefficient allocation of finances. In addition, they answerfor progress towards the goals of equitable healthattainment, fairness of financing and responsiveness.The demands in terms of information flows, planningand management skills and evaluation arecorrespondingly huge. They are made more complex bythe fact that “government” is not a monolithic entity.Although the precise arrangements differ, countriestypically have an executive that proposes and enactslegislation (such as a Cabinet of Ministers), a legislaturethat debates and agrees legislation and scrutinizesimplementation (such as a Parliament), and a judiciarywhich ensures actions in accordance with the law (thecourts).
Health system stewardship sometimes suffers fromwider governance failures, particularly when the threeelements of government cut across each other or actwithout sufficient coordination. So, executives may issuedecrees that are not supported in the legislature; lawsmay be passed when there are inadequate mechanismsto implement them; and policies that are contradictorymay leave those charged with implementation uncertainabout what they should do. This is not a health systemproblem as such, but undermines the efforts of healthsystem stewards. It also touches on the problems thathealth system stewards have in trying to ensure thatpolicies which are led by other sectors, but which impacton health, do maximize health gain.
The problems that some governments have inarticulating decision-making levels and coordinatingbetween authorities are even more common when itcomes to working between ministries.
There are related challenges to governance posed by thenew sets of relationship between central and regionalentities. Some health systems have increased thecentralization of political and fiscal decision-making(Czech Republic, Denmark, Ireland, Italy, Norway andPoland); or consolidated regional government intofewer, larger units (Denmark, Finland, Norway, Sweden);while in other instances powers have been devolvedfrom the centre (Spain, the United Kingdom). Similarly,revenue collection has sometimes been centralizedthrough the creation of a national pool (Germany, theNetherlands and Romania) or the merging of regionalfunds into a national fund (Estonia, Kyrgyzstan and
Health systems, health and wealth
Poland), and has sometimes been devolved (see sectionon financing above). This has complicated governance,creating legal ambiguity about the precise division ofpowers between the different levels.
Similarly, the melting of public–private boundaries hascreated a significant challenge to governance regardinghow best to manage the increasing public–private mix.The WHO European Region has seen extensiveinvolvement by the private sector in management ofpublic services, public contracting of private services,and private finance for public institutions (mentionedearlier), often in response to perceived failings on thepart of the public sector to manage health care deliveryeffectively. However, the management of these newarrangements is often more complicated thananticipated. Furthermore, the higher private sectorsalaries have led in some countries to better qualifiedpublic sector staff moving, further undermininggovernance capacity.
In addition to the structural challenges of exercisingstewardship, there is a range of very specific anddetailed challenges that touch on service delivery,(human) resource generation and, particularly, finance.The examples here give some sense of the range ofissues involved and their importance. For example, thewidespread use of informal payments in some countriesthreatens many of the goals of health system. First,informal payments may deter those in need fromseeking care, jeopardizing health gain and equity orplacing them at risk of catastrophic expenditure,cancelling out financial protection. Second, they mayaffect the quality of care patients receive, in turnimpacting on both responsiveness and health gain.Furthermore, patients may be given unnecessarytreatments (including surgical procedures), as healthprofessionals look to generate income, rather thanseeking to provide the most appropriate care for thepatient, which is damaging in terms of both health andefficiency. Finally, informal payments can act as anobstacle to reform, encouraging staff and professionalbodies to resist positive developments that mightdiminish their informal income.
There are also damaging governance problemssurrounding the over-prescription of pharmaceuticalsand the prescription of ineffective and overpricedmedicines. In some countries, the price ofpharmaceuticals is inflated by multiple mark-ups alongthe supply chain. This problem is sometimes exacerbatedby the practice of pharmacists splitting the fees theyearn for dispensing certain pharmaceuticals with theprescribing physicians. There are also industry pressureson physicians to prescribe expensive new products,rather than cheaper generics, which is a particularproblem in CIS countries.
A final set of examples of stewardship challenges revolvearound concerns regarding patient satisfaction andresponsiveness. These issues are discussed in detail in
Subsection 6.5, looming increasingly large on theagenda of health system stewards. As they restructureclinical services to meet changing and patient-drivenneeds, for example, through care guarantees (such as inDenmark and Sweden) or initiatives on choice (UnitedKingdom), they must address the trade-offs these implyand tackle the equity and sustainability implications.
Weaknesses in governance are not, of course, limited tothe health sector. They can reflect more profoundconstitutional weaknesses or simply the complexity ofoverseeing a mix of ever-changing services in dynamicand multilayered settings. It is clear, though, that thechallenges to stewardship are growing, withdevelopments in health care and as citizens’expectations rise. It is also clear that while there areshared values and principles which apply across Europe,the actual context in which stewardship takes placemakes each country and the challenges it faces quitedifferent.
The problems health system stewards face are distinctand “solutions” will not transfer easily from one contextto another, but there are some common steps that canimprove stewardship. It is important, for example, forgovernments to designate which agencies and actorsare responsible for making, implementing, andevaluating health policy in a particular country. Thisincludes agreeing designation of responsibility betweennational and regional authorities, which appliesparticularly where ministries of health do not have fullcontrol over the operating decisions of regional or localhealth service facilities. Another key issue is to ensurethat the actors with responsibility can secure access toadequate information and evidence to formulateappropriate policies and that they have the means andcapacity to implement them.
A second key issue is to put in place an adequate systemof effective but flexible governmental regulation. Newregulation may be needed in light of the increasing roleof the private sector, the growing assertiveness ofpatients, and other reform initiatives touched on earlier.Good stewardship demands that countries re-regulatebefore they de-regulate, so avoiding lacuna ingovernance, as evinced by numerous examples of late orineffective regulation spanning countries from Georgiato Sweden. This, as with good policy-making describedearlier, will often require the development of newinformation systems, which allow stewards to assesswhat is happening (or not happening). Many countriesin the WHO European Region have inadequate systemsin place to monitor policies or performance. Nor arethey all making use of governance initiatives regardingevaluation, such as the systematic assessment ofpharmaceuticals and new technologies and procedures(the formal HTA discussed earlier).
Finally, and crucially, the stewardship function is central
in terms of influencing the determinants of health inother sectors. The HiAP movement21 builds on Healthfor All and the Alma Ata Declaration of 1978, and isleading action in this area. It embodies WHO policy,guides the EC’s new health strategy (2) and was recentlychampioned by the Finnish Presidency of the EU andendorsed through the Rome Declaration in 2008 (18). Inessence, HiAP calls for a focus on those determinants ofhealth that are largely controlled by the policies of othersectors (17) (4) and which can be improved throughjoint action with these sectors, to achieve public healthgains. There are a range of approaches to implementingHiAP, including through intersectoral governmenttargets (France, Lithuania, Sweden, United Kingdom)(see Subsection 7.2); health impact assessment units atlocal authority, parliamentary and interministerial levels(Sweden, Wales, the Netherlands and Lithuania,respectively), or by passing “shared” legislation, such asbans on smoking in public places (Ireland, Italy, Norway,Scotland, and Spain). There is also a range of structuresand processes to facilitate intersectoral action, includinghorizontal public health committees (England, Sweden),formal consultations and communication betweensectors (Wales) and public health reporting with othersectors (Finland, the Netherlands, Wales).
The above description gives a brief sense of the range ofchallenges for health systems and the diverse sets ofresponses to those challenges. It demonstrates the rolehealth system stewards have in steering each function,from health services delivery, through to resourcegeneration and finance. It is the task of health systemstewards to address all of these areas, and to ensurethat each one is balanced (so, for example, achieving anappropriate mix of population-based and personalhealth services), effective (for example, producingenough staff with the right skills mix and the right clientorientation), equitable (funds pooled and risk shared)and efficient (cost-effective purchasing and delivery ofservices). They are also accountable for responsivenessand equity, and for those elements of health that aredetermined beyond the health sector. In order toimprove health system functions and achieve healthsystem goals, policy-makers and managers need clearand relevant information and levers to promote change.It is in this respect that performance measurement isable to make such a significant contribution.
7.2 Assessing health systems performance
Policy-makers and politicians are the stewards of healthsystems. They have used a range of reform strategies tomeet the challenges of health system change and torespond to increasing patient expectations (Subsection7.1). However, if reforms are to succeed and contributeto societal objectives, then stewards must know how
these reforms are progressing and what impact they arehaving. Assessing performance is therefore central tothe stewardship function, to successful health systemsand to making the case for investing in health.
Since the late 1980s significant efforts have been madeto measure the performance of health systems.Advances in information technology have facilitatednew approaches to data and intelligence and haveattempted to address issues relating to cost-containment, accountability and audit (of both healthprofessionals and institutions). They have also sought tomeet demands from service users for help in makinginformed choices. However, the growing number ofinitiatives has often fallen short of expectations. Thereare still many unresolved issues regarding howinformation is collected, analysed and presented.Moreover, there has been a tendency to concentrate onthe minutiae of the details of measurement and thepresentation of data. Put simply, not enough attentionhas been paid to how to use the information generatedor how to integrate findings into effective governancemechanisms. There is a pressing need to ensuremeasurement is carried out correctly, but even more soto move from measurement to management that isbased on a realistic assessment of performance. Thissection draws on the accompanying volume (186) andbackground document (187) regarding performance, tooutline some of these issues and to highlight thelinkages between performance measurement andstewardship for health systems improvement.
The ultimate goal of performance assessment is toenable better performance. This implies fosteringaccountability by giving stakeholders the informationthey need to make appropriate decisions. Clearly,different stakeholders with different areas of authorityrequire different levels of detail and different degrees oftimeliness. So, while purchasers and patient groups willboth seek to hold providers accountable, they do notneed the same amount or type of information on cost,average length of stay, health outcome and so on. Thechallenge is to design information systems that satisfythe very diverse needs of the various stakeholders,without imposing a huge burden of new data collectionand analysis. This means using the same data sourcesbut exploiting them and presenting information indifferent forms. The performance measurement systemsdeveloped must be mindful of the providers ofinformation and of the ultimate “audiences” who willreview it. They must also reflect and be consistent withthe political and organizational context in which theyare sited.
Health systems, health and wealth
21 “Health in all policies is about the health system working proactively with other sectors to identify the impact of their policies onhealth and health determinants and propose policy alternatives”. (17)
Performance measures must also reflect the variouslevels at which health systems act and the way theseinteract to impact on outcomes. The HSAF (see Section2, Fig. 2.1) offers a useful structure, since it tackleshealth systems by function and links these “inputs” tothe “outputs” of health system goals (with performancedefined as maximizing goals relative to potential). A setof indicators has been developed for each dimension ofperformance at the various levels involved (see someexamples in Table 7.1). However, there remain complexmethodological issues surrounding the validity andreliability of indicators, and (of particular importance ifindicators are to support improved performance) theirresponsiveness to change.
These issues become even more problematic whenindicators are combined into composite indices. Thesehave the superficial attraction of simplicity and havesome value as indicators of overall performance.
However, they are fraught with methodological pitfallsand all too often are imperfectly understood, which maymislead rather than support policy-makers and causeserious failings in decision-making. This makestransparency in the methodology crucial, particularly interms of the way different elements are selected,combined, and weighted. These issues are dealt with inmore detail in the accompanying volume (186) andbackground document (187).
The Health Systems Assessment Framework:assessing and improving performance of functions
The previous subsection touches both on the HSAF oftheWorld Health Report 2000 and the problems ofcomposite indices. The HSAF was, initially, best knownfor its controversial use of a composite index to comparethe health system performance of different countries(the Health Systems Performance Index) (188, 20). While
Table 7.1 Dimensions of health performance measures
Measurement area Description of measure Examples of indicators
Population health Aggregated data on the health of the population Life expectancy
Years of life lost
Individual’s health status (whole population/groups)
the index was problematic (particularly in terms of someof the data included and its approach to modelling), itwas, ultimately, instrumental in taking forward themethodology of performance measurement (186).
One of its main contributions has been the impetus itgave to the development of intermediate orinstrumental objectives, plausibly linked to the maingoals and able to serve in assessing particular functions.
For example, the performance of the delivery functionhas been assessed through the intermediate objective ofeffective coverage, with effective coverage defined asthe probability that “individuals achieve health gainfrom an intervention that they ‘need’” (189). Theperformance measure sought to establish the extent towhich those who needed a particular service wereactually able to use it and whether the quality of the
Health systems, health and wealth
Box 7.1 Functions, intermediate objectives, strategies and goals: an interface between performance measurement andpractice
Health systems are intended to improve health, and reducing infant and maternal mortality may (in specific countries) be a significant steptowards achieving that goal. Fig. 7.1 shows how the Health Systems Assessment Framework can help stewards to establish intermediateobjectives and strategies to this end.
The model shown in Fig. 7.1 works backwards from the national objective of reduced infant and maternal mortality. It sets out specificand actionable, intermediate objectives aiming towards the final objective (for example, increased vaccination coverage or improvedquality of delivery). Each intermediate objective then has its own series of measurable indicators to capture performance (for example,immunization rates or compliance with Integrated Management of Childhood Illness guidelines). Policy-makers can then designappropriate health system strategies to address these intermediate objectives. The functional framework acts in effect as a “checklist” tohelp decision-makers develop a comprehensive approach to meeting their overarching objectives, which includes concrete and specificmeasures (such as creating incentive payments for immunization). The diagram shows how intermediate objectives can make tangible andachievable the stewardship and management challenges that are implicit in the national objective.
Fig. 7.1 Functions, intermediate objectives, strategies and goals: an interface between performance measurement andpractice
Source: Kutzin 2005 (190).
Notes: GP: General practitioner; IMR: Infant mortality rate; MMR: Measles, mumps and rubella.
Reorganize primaryhealth care
New GP and familynursing curricula
Renovate and equipmaternity services
Incentive payments forcoverage targets
Influence policy on birthregistration fees
Promote production ofiron-enriched food
Improved quality ofdelivery, infant andchild care
Improved accessto safe deliveryservices
Improved maternaland infant nutrition
FUNCTION POSSIBLE STRATEGY INTERMEDIATEOBJECTIVES
service was good enough to make a difference to thatperson’s health. This approach begins to “unpack” boththe function and the notion of performance and to lookat aspects that can be influenced by policy-makers.Intermediate objectives then outline (a series of) causalpathways from the particular element being assessed tointermediate objectives, such as equity, efficiency,quality, transparency, accountability or choice, and fromthese on to the ultimate health system goals. In effect,they provide a bridge between functions andperformance measurement.
This approach has also already been applied to a rangeof functions and subfunctions, including financing (190).In addition, a number of other indicators explored earlier(Subsection 6.1), such as “avoidable mortality” or“tracer conditions” can also serve to assess theperformance of a given health system function or aparticular strategy. What is important is that goals orintermediate objectives can (and should) be madeincreasingly specific, so that they identify those barriersto performance that are amenable to intervention. Theyshould also be linked to the strategies (andimplementation of strategies) that can achieve theoverarching objectives. See an example of theapplication of this approach in Box 7.1.
Linking with governance
The ultimate goal of any performance measurementinstrument is to promote the achievement of theobjectives of the health system (if these have indeedbeen defined). Its effectiveness should therefore beevaluated in terms of how far it promotes orcompromises these objectives, and not solely in terms ofits crucial, but narrower, technical performance.However, it is less clear how to deploy performancemeasurement to promote real system improvement or,more succinctly, how to link it to policy levers. Theparagraphs that follow briefly outline a number ofrelevant experiences that are covered in more detail inthe main companion study (186).
Public reporting of performance essentially involvesplacing information in the public domain so that citizensand other stakeholders can see how purchasers andproviders perform. Data often take the form of “reportcards” or “provider profiles” that summarize measuressuch as waiting times, patient satisfaction ratings andmortality rates. A number of countries haveexperimented with these measures (Canada, Norway,United Kingdom, United States) and there isconsiderable evidence that public reporting can, in somecircumstances, lead to performance improvement.Interestingly there is little evidence that patients showmuch interest in report cards, but rather they seem tobring about changes by providers through the impliedthreat to their reputation. Caution is required, however,given the very considerable scope for opportunisticbehaviour, as providers either find ways to record data
so as to portray themselves in a more positive light, orchange their behaviour in ways that improve theirranking without providing better services. An example ishow providers avoid taking on complex patients whoseoutcomes might “damage” their perceived success rate.Considerable vigilance is required to counteract suchtendencies.
Performance measurement can be particularly effectivewhen used alongside explicit financial incentives toreward provider performance. Clinicians and other“elements” of the health system do respond to financialincentives (191), so this approach offers promisingavenues for future policy. However, the use of financialincentives is far from straightforward and results are notalways consistent. Countries that have experimentedwith innovative mechanisms to pay for professionals andinstitutions have had different degrees of success(Finland, the Netherlands, United Kingdom, UnitedStates). Many issues need to be considered, both in thedesign of performance incentives and in monitoringthem. Key design issues include how to set targets, howclosely to link rewards to achievement, and how well toreward improved performance. Detailed and oftenexpensive monitoring is required to avoid unintendedresponses such as “gaming” or “cream-skimming”,through which providers manipulate the system.
Some countries have experimented with health systemtargets, which comprise a quantitative expression of anobjective to be met in the future (192). Well-designedtargets can help organizations and practitioners focuson a manageable number of achievable goals, therebyleading to system improvement. Targets have been usedin some countries in Europe as a means of pursuingpublic health goals (France, Latvia, Lithuania, Sweden,United Kingdom), although with varying degrees ofsuccess (192). Targets are most successful when there isbroad ownership by key actors; when they aresupported by evidence, particularly on what policieswork; when they are based on valid data; where there ismanagerial capacity to act; and when they are linked toresources. An uncritical approach to using targets posesrisks, including neglect of those aspects of the healthsystem that are not subject to targets, a focus on short-term targets at the expense of more important long-term ones, and the stifling of initiative and innovation.Excessively aggressive targets may have perverseconsequences, encouraging gaming and the misleadingcollection of data.
These are only a few illustrative examples of how toembed performance measures within health systemsand link them to governance strategies. They allunderline the same message: for performance measuresto bring about positive change they need to be alignedwith, and embedded in, a system of governance. Thisinvolves integration with financing mechanisms, marketstructures and regulation. Also, and by extension,performance measurement must pay attention to the
political context within which it is to be implemented.Without full and careful consideration of these broaderhealth system factors, even the best performancemeasurement system will be ineffective.
Steering performance assessment
Information on performance is a “public good” that canhelp governments to formulate and evaluate healthpolicy. However, like any public good, it is notsomething that will occur naturally. Governments needto ensure that integrated systems – that are consistentwith the design of the health system – are in place tocollect, analyse and use information. Governments playa fundamental role in ensuring that maximum benefit issecured from performance measurement, whetherthrough persuasion or legislation, coordination orregulation. Implementation is not, however, easy andrequires strong analytic capacity throughout the healthsystem, linked to sustained political and professionalleadership at the highest level, to ensure the evidencegenerated is acted upon.
One of the specific and key stewardship responsibilitiesof government, in relation to performance assessment,is to provide and promote a clear and conceptuallycoherent vision of how to integrate the performancemeasurement system with accountability mechanismsand with financing, resource generation and servicedelivery. Policy-makers also need to ensure that themechanisms they put in place are technically sound andwill assure public trust. Thus, governance must be of thehighest calibre, with integrated quality control. At thesame time, there is a need to find ways to enable usersto understand the data, and this may require capacitybuilding amongst analysts so that they cancommunicate better. It is also essential that theinformation is acted upon. This means ensuring that thepolicies, strategies and incentives in place are alignedwith each other and translate performancemeasurement into better performance management. Italso implies a proactive engagement in the politicalprocess to foster a healthy political debate aboutpriorities and the trade-offs that they imply.
Health systems, health and wealth
This document has tried to marshal the evidence tosupport health policy-makers in assessing the case forhealth systems investment. It has not attempted to offerdefinitive answers or prescribe norms about “howmuch” to invest or “what” to invest in. These are highlycontext-specific decisions. Rather, the document sets outa framework outlining the central issues, synthesizes keyevidence, and structures it so that policy-makers cansystematically review investment decisions, whatevertheir values or socioeconomic setting. The issues arewide ranging and the evidence, particularly in someparts of the European Region, is still limited.Nonetheless, the document shows unambiguously thatstrengthening health systems has the potential tosignificantly improve the health and well-being ofEurope’s people, provided of course that investment isunderpinned by evidence on cost–effectiveness andaccompanied by rigorous performance assessment.
The sections above have summarized the main evidenceon the three sides of the conceptual triangle of healthsystems, health and wealth and the central goal ofsocietal well-being. They focused on the contribution ofhealth to economic growth and well-being and theimpact of health systems on health and economicactivity, but also addressed the dynamic relationshipsbetween wealth and health and the size and shape ofthe health system. In addition, they highlighted theimportance of performance measurement in making thecase for investment and in ensuring better performanceand value for money.
The policy summary itself and the key messages at thebeginning of this document summarize the evidence,which the main volume explores in more detail (19). Thisfinal, concluding section seeks to provide somereflections on what the results of this study mean forpolicy-makers and the case for investment in healthsystems, by addressing a series of policy-relevantquestions, on the following items:
• “appropriate” level of funding and sustainability
• contribution of health to society
• hows and whys of investing in health systems, and
• hows and whys of improving performance.
What is the appropriate level of funding? Whatabout financial sustainability?
The debate on health systems investment is rooted inconcerns that health system costs are rising inexorablyand will imperil financial sustainability. There is however,no clear consensus on either its meaning or its policyimplications. Broadly speaking, financial sustainabilitytouches on:
• the ability to generate sufficient resources to allowfor continued health care provision in the face ofincreasing costs;
• balancing expenditure and revenues (fiscalsustainability);
• whether the share of resources a society commitsto health is (felt to be) “appropriate” and“affordable”;
• whether health expenditure threatens a country’smacroeconomic competitiveness in an increasinglyglobalized economy.
These areas of concern are all valid but they are allunderpinned by a set of unspoken assumptions. Policy-makers ought perhaps to question these before tacklingthe complex issue of how much their society should bespending on health systems.
First, there is no objective formula to determine the“appropriate” or “affordable” share of societalresources that can and should be invested in health andwhich will not undermine macroeconomiccompetitiveness. The most common way of expressinghow much should be invested in health is as apercentage of GDP. Comparative figures and Europeanaverages are often used as a reference for policy-makers. Cross-country comparisons, however, cannotdetermine what is right but rather simply what iscommonplace. Moreover, share of GDP is a relativemeasure against an economic level and cannot definethe optimum level of spending either in macroeconomicterms or in terms of societal priorities. Arguably,therefore, under certain economic circumstances it maybe more appropriate to focus on economic growth thanon the share of resources to be devoted to health. Cost-effective investment in health, which will ensure ahealthy and therefore competitive labour force, thenbecomes part of a strategy to build up the economy andnot become a drain on it.
Second, the debate is often framed as one on fiscalcontext or what is “possible”, when in fact what isregarded as appropriate or sustainable is largelydetermined by governments and their political priorities.In most European countries, most health funding comesfrom public or statutory sources. Governments have ahigh degree of control over the share of total publicspending or government fiscal capacity that is allocatedto the health sector. There is significant scope forgovernments to exercise choice, as evinced by the factthat the actual share varies widely between EuropeanRegion Member States (from 3% to 20%). Fiscal limitsdo matter, of course, but the level of health expendituregovernments can “sustain” is negotiable and not purelya feature of the wider economic and fiscal context.21
8. Making a case for investing in health systems: concluding reflections
This in turn gives rise to a discussion of how fargovernment decisions on the priority given to healthreflect societal views and the population’s willingness topay for health systems. In some societies, there seems tobe a separation between political decisions and theviews and expectations of societies. As Europeansocieties have become richer, citizens’ expectations haveincreased. Arguably, they are now willing to increasefinancial statutory contributions (taxes or socialinsurance premiums) for health services, provided thereis specific earmarking of funds. The evidence, however,is still controversial and there are contradictions,specifically around the extent to which individuals areprepared to pay for solidarity for some social groups (seebelow).
Third, it has been argued that there is a trade-offbetween financial sustainability and solidarity. Somecommentators argue that societies can no longer“afford” universal coverage or a generous package ofhealth benefits. They posit the end of the welfare state,suggesting that a move towards increased privatizationof funding and a shift from statutory contributions toout-of-pocket payment or voluntary private healthinsurance is inevitable.
This position rests on a false dichotomy betweensolidarity and sustainability and a misrepresentation ofthe impact of privatization on sustainability. The trade-off between solidarity and sustainability is determinedby the willingness of societies to pay for solidarity, andsocieties can chose to pay. If societies choose to privatizefunding, the evidence shows that financial protectionand equity will be compromised, resulting in somepopulations being impoverished and/or inequalities inaccess and utilization of services. Given that the wholenotion of finite limits on “possible” expenditure hasbeen called into question (see above), the extent ofcoverage through statutory funding will depend on howfar citizens value equity and solidarity itself. Certainly,the privatization of funding, in so far as it relies on anincrease in private insurance, will not necessarily containexpenditure or confer sustainability. Privatization offunding does in the first instance seem to ease pressureon the public purse and on taxation, but many countriesinclude voluntary insurance (for complementary orsupplementary benefits and co-payments) inemployment packages. This means employers incuradditional expenses that push up their production costsand reduce competitiveness. Moreover, employment-linked health benefits and ties to particular insuranceproviders reduce mobility because of risk-relatedpremiums and exclusions for pre-existing conditions, andnegatively affect the economy.
Fourth, and finally, European Region Member Stateshave put in place cost containment strategies to achievefinancial sustainability. There is a common perception in
policy-making that containing cost equates to increasingefficiency. In many instances, however, this is not thecase. In practice, arbitrary budget cuts can contain costs“successfully” without having any bearing on cost–effectiveness and without reference to health needs orequity implications. By the same token, efficiencyincreases do not necessarily prevent cost increases, forinstance where new technologies are genuinely cost-effective but also expand the range of conditions thatcan be treated, so increasing overall costs (Section 3).
Thus, while balancing income and expenditure is indeeda fiscal obligation, it does not ultimately determine whatis financially sustainable. Policy-makers can cut costs butthey can also choose to increase funding to balance thebooks. The key considerations must be to address thehealth systems central objectives of health, equity,fairness of financing, and responsiveness, as well as toensure efficient use of resources. This involves bothtechnical efficiency that is either minimizing costs ormaximizing outcomes to secure “value for money” andallocative efficiency, which distributes resources betweeninterventions in ways that maximize health gain oroverall health levels. Containing costs should thereforebe seen simply as part of a broader strategy whichsucceeds only if it improves performance, or at the veryleast maintains it.
These four strands of argument suggest that whilefinancial sustainability is convincing from a fiscalperspective it cannot be given primacy over other socialpriorities, nor indeed determine the “right” amount ofhealth spending. Policy-makers need on one hand toengage in an open public debate to agree the value ofhealth and equity and to ascertain to what extent theirown society is willing to pay for both of these throughstatutory contributions. On the other hand, they need tomaximize performance and ensure the most efficient useof existing resources, as the only appropriate approachto containing costs.
What does health contribute to wealth andsocietal well-being?
The amount that societies will pay for health, equity,fairness of financing and other health system goalsdepends not on an objective calculation but, to asignificant extent, on willingness to pay. Policy-makersneed then to understand how much their society valueshealth over other objectives in their particular socialcontext and what it contributes to the economy and tosocietal well-being.
First and foremost, most societies and most individualsconsider health to be of value, in and of itself. They alsorate highly an equitable distribution of health. WHOEuropean Region Member States have explicitly statedthat health is a fundamental human right and have
Health systems, health and wealth
21 Kutzin (177).
committed themselves to health protection, equity andsolidarity at national level and as regards Europe-widepolicy initiatives.
Second, Europe’s policy-makers recognize that healthand health equity are a major component of societalwelfare; a way of increasing social cohesion; and a markof social advance. The EU Lisbon Strategy, for example,employs Healthy Life Years as indicators of progresstowards its aims of increasing economic competitivenessand social cohesion.
Both the above points should be powerful argumentsfor investment in health systems. They are, however,hampered by the fact that the value of health itself isnot normally expressed in monetary terms. Socialdevelopment is often too narrowly equated witheconomic (GDP) growth. The utilitarian contribution ofhealth to the economy is of real importance but thevalue of “being healthy” should not be overlooked. Thefocus on GDP also fails to differentiate betweeneconomic activities that add to welfare or well-beingfrom those which diminish it, for example throughnegative health impacts. Researchers have thereforedeveloped tools that translate the contribution of healthand equity to societal well-being into economic terms.“Full income” measures, for instance, show thatchanges in life expectancy in some parts of theEuropean Region could achieve a notional GDP increaseof 20–30% or a corresponding decrease if lifeexpectancy were to worsen. Another approachcalculates the statistical value of life years lost due tohealth inequalities in the EU25 as equating to 10% oftheir collective GDP. These exercises allow decision-makers to express the cost of ill health and to illustratethe significance of its contribution to economic andsocial development relative to other sectors. They alsoflag up the magnitude of health’s value within and tosocieties.
Third, “health’s more utilitarian contribution to theeconomy”, which was touched on above, is a real andsignificant argument for health system investment.Evidence shows that health affects wealth through itscontribution to human capital, improving labour supplyand productivity and supporting economic growth, aswell as through its impact on health care expenditure.While the extent of these impacts vary with context andparticularly factors such as the state of the economy orlabour market and welfare arrangements, they seem tobe significant in most societies. In some parts of easternEurope small mortality improvements would result insignificant GDP growth of 20–40% in the next 25 years,while in some countries mortality crises among youngmen will have catastrophic impacts on growth unlessthey are addressed.
Levels of wealth are also affected by the indirect impactof health on health care expenditure. There have beenfears that better health and more specifically increasedlongevity will inevitably increase overall health spending.
There are indeed significant implications for social careand long-term care but in most countries these falloutside the health system. The evidence on healthsystem costs suggests that longer, healthier lifeexpectancy will not automatically create impossiblechallenges. It seems that there are expenditure savingsas a result of lower health service use; that healthierageing can compress morbidity; and that the “costs ofdying” at an older age are reduced. Better health statusmight then reduce overall health spending. Research onequity also shows that there are potential savingsthrough investment. Addressing health inequalities toreduce mortality and morbidity could save approximately20% of total spending and similar amounts ofexpenditure on social benefits. There are, however, othercost pressures, particularly from new technologies andrising expectations. Any savings from healthier ageingare unlikely to offset all of these but they will help todiminish the rate of increase in health expenditure.
Clearly, this area is extremely complex in methodologicalterms and the valuations generated are highly simplified.Nonetheless, they illustrate the magnitude of the parthealth plays in European societies. Better health levelsand greater equality can and do produce economicbenefits and could help to reduce future health carecosts. The benefits are not captured adequately byconventional economic measures but Europe’s peopleand societies ascribe real and very significant monetaryvalue to good health. Health makes an enormouscontribution to societal well-being and, by the sametoken, the benefits that can be derived from investing inhealth systems are also enormous.
On what bases should societies invest in healthsystems?
Given the value people attach to health and thecontribution it makes to societal well-being and nationaleconomies, there is a powerful case for investing in it.Health policy-makers must, however, go further todemonstrate that health systems merit investmentbecause they actually improve health and improve itcost-effectively.
Section 6 of this document marshals the evidence todemonstrate that health systems do impact on healthand indeed make a significant difference. It outlines thenature of Europe’s health problems, the burden ofdisease and risk factors and their economicconsequences. It then explores in detail the way healthservices and broader public health initiatives, includinghealth promotion, prevention and cross-sectoral work allaffect health and health outcomes. The followingsubsections reflect on what this evidence means for theallocation of resources both to the health system andwithin it (to its different elements).
Health systems – boundaries and investment
Health systems were defined at the start of this
document as including three elements:
• the delivery of (personal and population-based)health services;
• activities to enable the delivery of health services;and
• stewardship activities aimed at influencing thehealth impact of interventions in other sectors thatmight improve health.
Investment needs to cover all these elements, whichmeans investing not only in curative and preventivehealth services but also in the determinants of healththat are controlled by other sectors. Indeed, much of thebudget that shapes determinants will be held by policyactors beyond the health system. Health ministriestherefore need to acknowledge the impact andimportance of other sectors and to work in closepartnership with them. The ministries’ role is toadvocate for investment in health services and beyond;to monitor and assess the health impact of interventionsled by other sectors; and to be accountable for healthoutcomes, even where they do not have direct controlover resources.
Balancing health system investment
There are different ways of reviewing the health systemand its constituent parts. However, it is clear that ifsocieties are to invest in health systems they must belooking for an appropriate balance between healthservices and work with other sectors, with the balancereflecting the national context.
There are difficulties in attributing population healthgain to health service interventions. Despite these, theevidence is fairly consistent in showing that around halfof the life expectancy increases of recent decades can beattributed to improved health care. This is furtherunderlined by the reductions in “mortality amenable tohealth care” in many countries of the region. Thiscreates a strong argument for investment in healthservices, which is reinforced by the fact that “amenable”mortality still accounts – on average – for a quarter of allmortality, albeit with considerable differences betweencountries. This highlights the scope for furtherimprovement in health services and the role investmentcould play in achieving mortality reductions with all theassociated economic benefits.
There are also major methodological complexities inevaluating public health interventions and in assessingwhether population health services are more cost-effective than individual health services. However, thereis now considerable evidence that public healthinterventions, whether they sit within the health sectoror work across boundaries, compare very favorablywith clinical or curative services in terms of effectivenessand cost–effectiveness. There is also evidence thatinvestment in public health action is most successful
when a comprehensive approach is taken, combining“upstream” measures that work at macro level to shapedeterminants with “downstream” measures that focusmore on health promotion for the individual.
Upstream actions are typically beyond the direct controlof the health sector and tend to revolve aroundeducation measures or fiscal policy, for exampleredistributive taxation or housing improvements. Therole of health system stewards is critical but depends oncreating partnerships, providing information on healthimpacts, advocating positive change and liaising onimplementation, rather than delivery. Downstreamactions aim primarily to promote health and preventdisease and are more often under direct health systemcontrol. They address behavioural and lifestyle factorsand so combine measures targeting individuals withbroader societal interventions, such as nicotinereplacement therapy which supports people giving upsmoking through antismoking campaigns. In order to beeffective, downstream actions must be aligned withupstream actions, so – using the example of smokingonce again – bans on smoking in public places andchanges in taxation or agricultural subsidies willreinforce and support downstream interventions thatfocus on people’s behaviour.
Policy-makers must ultimately decide on how far toinvest in health services over public health and how tocombine upstream and downstream actions. There is anextensive debate on whether prevention is better thancure, but as the evidence above illustrates, there is nosimple, universal answer. The health system is acontinuum of activity to prevent illness, promote health,cure people and influence the determinants of health,all linked by public health. To what extent societiesinvest in prevention and to what extent in cure willdepend on the particular health challenges, burden ofdisease and risk factors; the cost–effectiveness ofindividual interventions; health system capacity; and thesocioeconomic, political and cultural context, not leastthe value attached to different health states. The factthat there is no single formula to guide decisions makesthe role of health system stewards all the moreimportant. They must marshal and present theinformation needed in order to best combine activitiesto fit the specific national setting.
A further challenge revolves around providing definitiveevidence on which interventions represent the “bestbuy” for a health system. This is particularly the casebecause evidence on the cost–effectiveness of any givenintervention or set of interventions will reflect theparticularities of the setting in which the evidence wasgathered. The health needs assessment, the scale ofresources available and the cost of inputs, not tomention the values placed on outcomes, will all affectcost–effectiveness, making it hard to transfer ortranslate evidence from one country to another.However, there is a growing body of international work,
Health systems, health and wealth
including the WHO-sponsored CHOICE initiative thatprovides evidence that can be adapted to differentregional and socioeconomic contexts and indeed todifferent national settings. There is also an increasingweight of evidence regarding the cost–effectiveness ofintervening on a series of core issues such as tobacco,alcohol, obesity, mental health or traffic accidents. Thismakes it clear that there is real scope for improvingpopulation health and that there are cost-effectiveinterventions that warrant increased policy action onthese priorities, across most of Europe.
It is easy to charge policy-makers with responsibility forallocating limited resources as effectively as possible soas to maximize health gain, but less easy for them todeliver. The evidence on cost–effectiveness is muchimproved but still cannot provide simple answers or beapplied uncritically in decision-making. Nonetheless,ministries of health must persevere in this area, not onlybecause they need to provide value for money, but alsobecause doing so helps to strengthen the case foradditional resources.
This section has focused on the health system goal ofimproving levels of health. There are also importantgoals concerning the distribution of health and thefairness of financing, as well as meeting citizensexpectations. These are not only integral to healthsystems but also contribute to health, wealth andsocietal well-being.
Health equity is a core health system goal. It is a value inits own right and is highly valued in many Europeansocieties. Furthermore, health inequities have a negativeimpact on national economies, health care expenditureand well-being. Policy-makers therefore ought toconsider the potential impact of the health system inreducing inequalities in health and in shapinginvestment policy. That said, their role and accountabilityare complicated by the fact that most health inequalitiesare determined by socioeconomic factors with rootsoutside the health sector.
Interventions to address health inequalities tend to begrouped into three categories: those that focus on thehealth system functions of finance and service deliveryto tackle barriers to access; downstream policies directedat health behaviours and lifestyle; and upstreamstrategies aimed at narrowing inequalities in income andwealth. Evidence shows that the health system has a keyrole in all three areas. Within health services there isample evidence that reforms such as those that makeprimary care more effective or that disassociate theability to pay from utilization have lowered accessbarriers to services and been successful in reducinginequalities (see also discussion of the fairness of financegoal, below). The tailoring of health services to be “pro-poor” makes a difference. The health system can alsotake on the leadership of more comprehensive pro-poor
interventions through downstream policies. Addressinghow the poor perceive health promotion messages, usescreening services or access support with behaviourchange can all reduce health inequalities. Similarly, thehealth system has a stewardship role in more upstreamstrategies. Decision-makers need to highlight theadverse consequences of inequalities and advocate forchanges in other sectors to address them, for exampleencouraging regulatory strategies or subsidies thattarget lower socioeconomic groups.
It is worth emphasizing the role of fairness of finance,touched on above, since it is a goal of health systemsand central to improving equity. Fairness of finance,which is addressed by the health financing function,promotes a more equitable distribution of the burden offinancing (equity of financing) according to ability topay. In addition, it ensures people will not becomeimpoverished as a result of having to pay for health care(financial protection), by promoting universal protectionagainst financial risk. Financial protection feeds directlyinto the wider conception of health systems as tied towealth, and is perhaps the most direct link betweenhealth systems and the anti-poverty agenda.
Responding to citizens
Finally, responsiveness is a health system goal in its ownright and something that adds to societal well-being.Policy-makers allocating resources need to considerstrategies that will enhance the way health systemsrespond to citizens’ expectations, just as they must bemindful of equity considerations. There are strategieswhich make few calls on resources, for exampleadapting staff training and education to improvecommunication or dignity and confidentiality, which donot require significant additional investment but have areturn in terms of patient satisfaction. However, manyother attempts to be responsive have more challengingimplications. Increased choice, for example, although itdirectly increases responsiveness, can undermine otherobjectives or force trade-offs between goals. This isbecause users may value access to technologies oramenities which do not actually enhance health orwhich are not cost-effective and because policies whichallow for choice advantage the articulate and so haveequity implications. Policy-makers will then have tomanage trade-offs between responsiveness, efficiencyand equity.
The evidence on responsiveness does not, unfortunately,offer easy answers. In large part this is becausemeasuring the phenomenon is very complex. Culture,class, gender and age all colour expectations of healthsystems and indeed the whole notion of satisfaction.International league tables and benchmarks ofresponsiveness measures are not consistent with eachother or directly comparable. It is therefore difficult forpolicy-makers to draw firm conclusions aboutresponsiveness or the relative value of strategies to
promote it. Nonetheless, the evidence that expectationshave been rising and that they add to pressures onexpenditure is compelling. Policy-makers therefore needto develop the stewardship function in order to assesthe validity of responsiveness measures, to facilitate atransparent debate and to ensure that choices are asinformed and as appropriate in terms of context aspossible.
The economic basis for investing in health systems
This document has demonstrated the absolute andeconomic value of health and that health systemsimprove health and societal well-being. Theseconclusions argue that investment is needed across allhealth system dimensions, with a balance that fits thenational context. On this basis alone health systemsinvestment can be justified. However, health systemshave an additional and direct impact on nationaleconomies; they are a major economic sector and asignificant source of employment in their own right. Ithas been argued, often by the pharmaceutical andtechnology industries, that investment in health systemsshould be encouraged (for which read less regulated) onthe strength of this economic contribution and as amotor for growth.
The evidence reviewed for this study shows that the sizeof the health sector and its commercial impact are notsufficient grounds for investment simply as a strategy topromote economic growth. Health systems can be a toolfor regional regeneration or a precursor for inwardinvestment, but the extent to which health systemsinvestment is justified in economic terms depends, as inany other sector, on levels of economic productivity andthe opportunity costs involved. Of the manyjustifications for investment in health rather than inother sectors, the direct impact of health systems oneconomic growth is not the most compelling.Nonetheless, policy-makers have sufficient evidence onits value to the economy, to wealth and well-being toinsist that it is a significant and prominent part ofgovernment spending plans.
Investing for performance improvement
While the case for investing in health systems issupported by substantial evidence, there is still a need toshow that new investment will actually improve health,or rather the amount and distribution of the health,equity and responsiveness that the health systemcreates, and that it can deliver value for money. Policy-makers need to show that they can utilize new resourcesto achieve more and that they have the tools to ensurevalue for money. Performance measurement is vital,both to improving performance and to being seen to becost-effective. Section 7 looks in detail at the range ofreforms that have been or are being implemented acrossEurope to improve performance and at the performancetools that assess how far health systems are achieving
reform objectives. The following subsection brieflyreviews how that evidence supports policy-makers.
Looking for best-performing reform strategies
The case for health systems investment depends onbeing able to show that more resources will make adifference. Policy-makers therefore need to constantlysearch for reform strategies and innovations to improveperformance. However, there are no absolute bestreform strategies. Reforms are highly context dependentand must reflect national circumstances, theorganizational structures and environment in place, theresources and capacity available, and the culture, valuesand expectations of patients, citizens and health sectorstaff.
There is a growing body of comparative evidence ondifferent reform models and while there are issues oftransferability, it does offer important pointers as to therange of strategies that work for each health systemfunction. In service delivery, for example, coordinationacross the continuum of care has been shown to ensurethat prevention and care are delivered in the most cost-effective setting and to promote access for the lessadvantaged. This will be increasingly relevant as theshare of health services used by the chronically illincreases. Similarly, in terms of resource generation, theevidence on HTA makes clear that the approach iseffective in reducing iatrogenic or inefficaciousinterventions and in improving value for money.Interestingly, both these examples illustrate how, inaddition to the short term cost benefits, judiciousinvestments in key areas may ameliorate the longer termcost pressures of ageing and new technologies.Financing reform strategies to improve pooling ofresources and to ensure better cross-subsidization havebeen fundamental in improving financial protection andincreasing fairness of financing. Finally, there are goodexamples of strengthened stewardship successfullyenhancing health service functioning and work acrosssectors to influence the determinants of health.
Policy-makers can draw on the evidence, even thoughthey cannot simply pick “best” reforms off the shelf andapply them without reference to the relevant nationalcontext. They need to constantly adapt and updatereforms, innovating as circumstances change so thatthey deliver the potential of health systems and sustainthe case for health system investment.
Assessing performance and ensuring performancemeasures have an impact
If health policy-makers are to ensure that health systemsdo what is expected of them and if they are to continueto secure resources in the face of competing demands,they must:
• assess performance, including tracking howresources are used; and
Health systems, health and wealth
• embed performance assessment in health systemgovernance, so that measurement and analysis leadto ongoing improvements.
This means setting up transparent performancemeasurement at all levels of the health system, withclose correspondence between the objectives of anintervention and the outcomes tracked; appropriateindicators of progress and impact; and measures thatcapture elements of performance amenable tomanagement action. Health system stewards will thenbe able to be properly accountable for optimalperformance, to address problems and make the bestpossible case for further health systems investment.
The tasks for performance measurement are clear, butthere is less clarity about how to manage the complexmethodological issues of validity and reliability inpractice. Nonetheless, this is an area of constantprogress. There is recognition that performancemeasures need to be aligned with and embedded ingovernance systems and that this means linking them toregulatory tools, financing mechanisms and incentives asa whole. Governments need to build on thisunderstanding and to ensure that well-designed, well-integrated performance assessment systems are in placeand are given a fundamental role in steering healthsystems and investing
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This report is one of three background documents prepared for the WHO EuropeanMinisterial Conference on Health Systems: “Health Systems, Health and Wealth”,held on 25–27 June 2008 in Tallinn, Estonia. Together, these reports demonstratethat:
• ill health is a substantial burden economically and in terms of societal well-being;
• well-run health systems can improve health and well-being, and contribute towealthier societies, and
• strategies are available to improve health systems’ performance.
These are the key themes of the Conference. These detailed syntheses highlightimportant research findings and their implications, and underline the challengesthat they pose for policy-makers. They support the Conference position that cost-effective and appropriate spending on health systems is a good investment that canbenefit health, wealth and well-being in their widest senses.
These three background documents together provide the theoretical foundationsaround which the aims, arguments and rationale for the Conference are oriented.Document 1 gives the background evidence on the cost of ill health and issupported by twin volumes on health as a vital investment in eastern and westernEurope. Documents 2 and 3 represent concise synopses of the two comprehensiveConference volumes being coordinated by the European Observatory on HealthSystems and Policies. These volumes on health systems, health and wealth andperformance involve a range of leading experts and will be made available todelegates in draft for comment. They will be revised in light of feedback beforepublication at the end of 2008.
Background document #3Health Systems, Health and Wealth: assessing the case for investing inhealth systems
This summary provides a conceptual framework that captures the complexrelationships between health systems, health and wealth and an analysis of theevidence which demonstrates that investing in health systems can contribute tosocietal well-being. It shows that health services combined with stewardship ofrelevant activities in other sectors do not undermine financial sustainability,but rather can drive economic growth. It further shows how careful andappropriate health system investment in personal and population healthservices, and in health in all policies coupled with performancemeasurement, can improve health, enhance equity andresponsiveness and contribute to economic growth.