THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

BY

ANNEHILTON

CLARENDON PRESS: OXFORD

1985

j ('-~

I

Contents

I. THE ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT

2. THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

3. EUROPEAN CONTACT: THE KONGO KINGDOM, 1483-1568

4. CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622

I. Economic and Administrative Change 2. Social Structure and Politicai Change 3. Ideology and Politica! Change

5. DECENTRALIZATION: !600-1641

I. The Evolution ofNew Trade Routes and the Decline of

32

50

69 85 90

the lvfaní Kongo 's Revenues I 04

2. The Changing Balance ofPower Between theCentre and the Provinces 119

3. The Military and Ideological Threat from Luanda 133

6. NEW OPPORTUNITIES: THE DUTCH OCCUPATION OF LUANDA, 1641-1648

I. Politicai and Economic Developments 2. Religious Developments

7. THE PORTUGUESE RESTORATION AND THE DES­TRUCTION OF THE UNITARY KONGO KINGDOM,

1648-1665

I. The Portuguese Restoration: Economic and Politicai

142 !54

Collapse 162

VIII CONTENTS

2. Collapse of the Capucin Policy and lhe Reviva! of lhe Indigcnous Rcligious Structures

H. THE LATER SEVENTEENTH TO THE EARLY TWEN­

TIETH CENTURY

I. The La ter Seventeenth to the Early Eighteenth Century 2. The Mid- and Later Eightecnth Century

3. The Nineteenth Century

1\l'PENDICES

J. Fcrtility Rites ofthe Mani Sonyo in the Late Seventeenth Century

2. The Kings ofK.ongo to thc Mici-Seventeenth CentUI)'. :i. K inship Tcrms Amongst thc Scvcnteenth-Cenl:ury Mwissikongo '}. Clan Reckoning and Individual Reckoning Arnongst the Sevcn-

teenth-Century Mwissikongo

1\RCHIVES CITED AND ARCHIVAL ABBREVIATIONS

USED

BrBLIOGRAPHY

INDEX

179

199 210 221

289 290 291

292

293

294

309

Preface

Kongo is one of the best known kingdoms in Bantu Afi-ica. Various missionaries, traders, anel officials published accounts in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and many of these, together with other, manuscript accounts, were republished in later editions. Modem editions of these and other works now abound. The most useful for the present purpose are the accounts of Cavazzi, Anguiano, Pigafetta, Montesarchio, Romano, and Caltanisetta, together with the seventeenth­century dictionary ofGeorges de Geel. 1 There are severa! series of documents. António Brásio's kfonumenta iV!issionarié is invaluable. It includes all the briefer extant documents of the late fifteenth, sixteenth, and early seventeenth centuries. Cuvelier and Jadin have published French translations of documents from the Roman archives,3 and Jadin alone has translated important seventeenth-century documents from the Dutch, Jesuit, and Propaganda Fide archives, together with major missiona1-y reports ofthe later seventeenth anel eighteenth centuries.4 Pavia Manso's pioneering volume5 includes some later seventeenth-century material which has not yet appeared in the more modem collections.

There are many secondary accounts ofthe Kingdom ofKongo. These are listed in the bibliography. Amongst them, Vansina's Kingdoms of t/ze Savamza/z6 still provides the best introduction whilst Randle's L'Ancien Royaume du Kongo7 is still useful for its narrative account. K.ajsa Ekholm has written a speculative analysis of the rise and fall of the K.ongo kingdom based on modem anthropological research and secondary historical material. 8 The present study endorses some, but by no means ali, its conclusions. Baziota's conclusions, which are based on modem oral tradition anel secondary works9 are substantially different from those presenteei here. A recent, stimulating study

X PREFACE

has been made of !ater seventeenth-ccntury Kongo by John Thornton. As with Ekholm, the present study endorses some, but by no means ali its conclusions in so far as they relate to the carlier period. The eighteenth anel nineteenth centuries have been studied by Susan Broadhead. 10

The study is primarily baseei upon contemporary documents. Published documents have bcen used wherever possible, but it has also been necessary to consult the many archives in Portugal, Spain, Italy, France, anel Holland described in the archival guides. These are listed in the bibliography. The most useful proved to be the archives ofthe West India Company at Thc Hague, which provided material on severa! aspects of Kongo rcligion, social structure anel politicai dcvelopment; the archives of the Overseas Council of Lisbon, which illuminated Kongo relations with Luanda in the years preceeding the Battle of Mbwila; anel the Archives of the Propaganda Fi de in Rome, which provided detailed information on the Capucin mission anel important material on indigenous Kongo religion. The long, unpublished reports of Antonio de Teruel in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, ofGiacinto Brugiotti da Vetralla in thc Biblioteque d'Este, Modena, anel of.Juan de Santiago in lhe Bibliotheca del Palacio Nacional, Madrid, 11 provide cvidence on many aspects ofKongo history.

The analysis is set within the framework ofmodern anthro­poligical research. The studies of Bittremieux, Doutreloux, Mertens, Laman, Van Wing, anel MacGaffey anel Janzen 12

proved especially useful in helping to determine the significance of the incomplete anel often hostil e comments of the sixteenth­and seventeenth-century sources. MacGaffey's Custam and Government13 was invaluable in helping to provide a more rigorous analysis of social structure anel process.

The study does not use modem oral traditions. These do have historical content. However, they add nothing to the documentary evidence anel would indeed be very difficult to interpret without the documents. Many of them scarcely refer lo the Kingdom of Kongo. The most widespread tradition in the Bakongo region as a whole 14 presents a model of nine or twclve original clans. These are said to have left a dispersai point after a quarrel. Within the arca of the old kingdom of Kongo this point is usually said to be Mbanza Kongo. Led by

PREFACE XI

their clan chiefs, they crossed a trackless waste until they carne to a stream. The chiefs magic enabled them to cross anel the clan sections then dispersed to their present lands. The latter were vacant or inhabited by pigmies. As MacGaffey has pointed out, this model is a normative account of a social structure which was in fact built up on the spot by the accretion of small groups which arrived at different times from different places. The present thesis suggests that the model itself derived partly from the clan structures which existed before, during anel after the establishment ofthe kingdom ofKongo, anel partly from the Kongo anel other similar structures which, in certain periods, imposed politicai chiefs upon the clan groups. Other traditions, notably in Sonyo anel the northern Kongo states, 15 explicitly derive the politicai as opposed to the clan structures, from Mbanza Kongo. Other traditions in the Mbanza Kongo region16

recall broad aspects of certain relationships, such as those of the priestly chief mani Vunda anel the Kings ofKongo, but they add nothing to the documentary evidence.

I have avoided using Kikongo terms wherever possible. Else­where, I have added an approximate English translation. An exception is the word mani, meaning governar, which was applied to ali title-holders anel which I have used throughout the book in place of the European titles usually found in the source material. ln the absence of a standard orthography, I have followed the Practical Ort!wgraphy r.if Ajrican Languages17 anel Laman's Dictionnaire Kikongo-Française. 18 I use the term Bakongo to designate the whole group of Kikongo speakers; Kongo to refer to the politicai structures, region, anel people of the nuclear Kongo Kingdom anel Mwissikongo to refer to the group that dominated the Kongo Kingdom. I use Mbanza Kongo in preference to São Salvador to denote the capital ofthe kingdom.

I t is a pleasure to acknowledge my profound gratitude to Professor David Birmingham who supervised most of the doctoral research on which the present study is baseei. His insistence on rigorous thought anel clear presentation have been invaluable. I must also thank Professor Richard Gray who supervised me with great understanding whilst David Birmingham was abroad. The late Professor LouisJadin helped in the initial stages of the thesis anel Professors Joseph Miller

XI! I'REFAC:E

and Wyatt MacGaffey gave important advice ata !ater stage of i ts development. None of those of course, are responsible for any remaining deficiencies in the work. The many librarians and archivists consulted in the course of the research were unfailingly kind and helpful but I must make especial mention of F. Isidore of the Instituto Storico dei Cappuccini in Rome. ·rhc School ofOriental and African Studies and the University of' London Research Fund gave financial assistance for which I am deeply grateful.

"~OTES

L Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi, Desáj;ção do Congo, Matamba e Angola (ed. P. Graciano Maria de Leguzzano, ü.M., Cap., Lisbon, 1965);Juan Mateo ele Anguiano, Misiones Cajmclzinas en Aji-ica: I. La Mi.rion del Congo (Madrid, 1950); W. Bal (ed.), Descrijition du R~yaume de Congo el des Contrées Environantes jJar Filij;o Pigajetta el Duarte Loj;es (1591) (Louvain, 1963); O. de Bouveignes andj. Cuvelier,Jérôme de Montesarchio, AjJÔlre du Vieux Congo (Namur, 1951 ); François Bontinck (ed.), Breve Relation de laFondation de la Mission des Freres Mineurs Capucins . .. au Royaume de Congo (Louvain, Paris, 1964); François Bontinck (eel.), Diaire Congo/ais (J(i90-J701) de Fra Luca da Caltanisetta, O.F.M., CajJ (Paris, 1970); J. Van Wing anel C. Penders, Le Plus ancien dictionaire Bantu (Brussels, 1928).

2. António Brásio, Monumento Missionária Africana ( Africa Occirfental), Series I, Vols. I-X (Lisbon, 1952-6:-J); Series 2, Vols. 1-3 (Lisbon, 1958-64).

3. J. Cuvelicr anel L. Jaelin, L'Ancien Congo d'ajnes les Archives Romaines (Brussels, 1954).

4. L. .Jadin, 'Rivalités Luso-Néerlandaises au Soyo, 1600-1675', in Bulletin de l'lnstitut Historique Belge de Rome, XXXVII (Brussels, 1966), 137-359; L. Jaelin, 'Rclations sur le Congo et L' Angola tirécs eles archives ele la Compagnie ele jesus 1621-1631', ibiel. XXXIX (Brussels, 1963), 333-454; 'Le Clergé Seculier et les Capucins elu Congo et d 'Angola aux XV I c et XVII c

Siecles (sic, = XVII anel XVIII centuries), Conflits et Juridietion, 1600-1726', ibiel. XXXIII (Brussels, 1964), IB5-1B3; 'Le Congo et las Secte eles Antoniens. Restoration du Royaume sous Pedro IV et la "Sainte Antoine" Congo1ais (1691-1718)', ibid. XXXIII (Bmssels, 1961), 411-615. 'Voyages Apostoliques aux Mission d'Afi·ique du P. Andrea ela Pavia, Prédicateur Capucin, 1685-\702' ibid. 40 (J3russels, 1970), 376-5 74; 'Aperçus ele la Situation du Congo et Ri te d'Élection eles Rois en 1775, d'aprcs le P. Cherubino da Savona, Missionaire au Congo de 1759 à 1774', ibid. XXXV (Brussels, 1963), 343-419;'Relations sur le Royaume du Congo du P. Raimonelo da Dicomano, n1issionaire de !791 à 1793', Bulletin des Séances de l'Académie Royal des Sciences Coloniales, III, 2 (Brussels, 1957), 307-37.

PREFACE XIII

5. Visconde Paiva Manso, História do Congo (Dowmentos) (Lisbon, IB77). 6. J an Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savannah (Milwaukee, London, 1966). 7. W. G. L. Randles, L'Ancien Ro_vaume du Con[;o rfes Origins à la Fin du XIX

Siecle (Paris, The H ague, J 96B). 8. Kajsa Ekholm, Powe~ and Prestige. The Rise and Fa!l qf the Kongo Kingdom

Uppsa1a, 1972). 9. Francois Baziota, Ne-Kon,[J,o en Ajíique Central XV'-XVII' (Rome, 1971).

10. John Kd1y Thornton, The Kingdom rif Kongo: Civil TVar and Transition 1641-1718 (Madison, 1983); Susan Broadhead, 'Trade anel Politics on the Congo Coast, 1770-1870, Ph.D. Thesis (University of Boston, 1971); ibid. 'Beyond Decline: The Kingdom of Kongo in the Eíghteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, /ntemationalJoumal of Aji·ican Historical Studies, 12,4-(1979), 615-650.

11. Antonio de Teruel, 'Descripcion Narrativa', 12'~, J3E, MS Ita1icus 1330, alpha N-9-7, J3iblioteca Nacional, Madrid; Giacinto Brugiotti da Vetralla incorporated anonymously in Guiseppe Monari da Modena, 'Viaggio ai Congo ... ' Manoscritti Italiani (1380), Alfa N.9-7, pp. l-60 I, Biblioteque d'Este, Modena; Juan ele Santiago, l3rcve Relacion delo succedido a doce Religos Cappas ... ', MS 772, Bibliotheca dei Palacio Nacional, Madrid.

12. Leo Bittremieux, La Societé SecriHe des Baklzimba au Afavombe (Brussels, 1936); Albert Doutreloux, L'Ombre des Fetiches. Société et Culture Yombe (Leopoldville, Louvain, 1967); J. Mcrtens, Les Ch~fr Couronnés clzez les Bakon,go Orientaux (l3russels, 1942); I~. E. Laman, Tlze Kongo, 3 vo1s. (Stockholm, 1953-62);.]. Van Wing, Eludes Bakongo, I, Histoire el Sociologie (Brussels, 1921 ), 2. Religion et 1Hagie (Brussels, 1938); Wyatt MacGalley anel .J. M. J anzen, An Antlwlog)' rif Kongo Religion. Prima~)' Texts Jrom tlze Lower Zaire. (Kansas, 197<1). ·

13. vVyatt MacGaffey, Custam and Gouenmzent intlze Lower Congo (Los Angeles, London, 1970).

14. Van \Ving, Histoire el Soàologie, Chap. 2; J. Cuvelier, 'Traditions Congolaise', in Congo, l, 4 (Brussels, 1930), 469-87; II, 2 (Brussels, 1931), 193-208; Laman, Tlze Kongo, I, Chap. 2; l3ittremieux, Chap. I.

15. Joaquim Martins, 'As Causas da Emigração dos Povos de São Salvador clu Congo Segunda a Tradiçao Indígena', Mensari.o Administrativa, 6 (Luanda, 1946), 41-4-; P. Gilles Marchal, S.Sp., 'Sur L'ürigin eles Basologno', Aequatoria, 4- (Coquilatville, 1948), 121-5.

16. J Cuvelier, 'Traditions Congolaise'. 17. lnternational Institute of African Languages and Cu1tures, A Practical

OrtlzograjJI~v of,1frican Languages (London, l 930). 18. K.E. Laman, Dictiomzaire Kikmzgo-Frmzçaise (Brusscls, 1936).

List ofMaps

I . Geography of the Lower Zaire 2. Ecological Zones and Provinces ofthe Kongo Kingdom 3. The Mindouli-Boko Songo Copper Region 4. The Early-Sixteenth-Century Slave-Trade Route 5. Groups and Chiefdoms Drawn into the 'Greater Kongo' Economic

System 6. The 'Jaga' Attack 7. The Later-Sixteenth-Century Cloth- and Slave-Trade Routes

through Kongo 8. Principal Trade Routes from Luanda through Kongo in the Early

to Mid-Seventeenth Century 9. The Copper and Slave Trades to Sonyo and the Loango Coast

I O. The Southern Kongo Region in the Mid-Seventeenth Century I!. The Kongo Region in the Late Seventeenth to Nineteenth Century

List ofFigures

1 . Genealogy of the Kongo Kings 2. Genealogy of Álvaro VI and Garcia II

3 4

56 61

63 72

76

111 116 147 213

86 132

CHAPTER 1

The Economic, Social, Religious, and Politicai Environment

The Kikongo-speaking region of the lower Zaire is roughly bounded by the Rivers Kwilu and Niari to the north, Malebo Pool and the River Kwango to the east, the Dande to the south and the Atlantic Ocean to the west. 1 Major population changes have occurred in the south-eastern part of the region over the past 300 years, but the other boundaries, although blurred, have altered little. 2 ln the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries most of the people of this region spoke a form of Kikongo very similar to that which is spoken today. 3 lt was clearly distinct from Kiteke which was spoken at Malebo Pool and from Kimbundu which was spoken south of the Dande.4 The Kingdom of Kongo itself emerged in the region south of the ri ver Zai:re and east of the Ri ver Nkisi.

Of the various complex factors which helped to form the Kingdom of Kongo, ecology was the most immutable. 5 There were three ecological zones south of the Zaire, each of which roughly paralleled the coast. The undulating coastal zone was sparsely populated with concentrations of settlement in the river valleys and 011 the hills of the Zaire estuary. Although it consisted of infertile, acidic, or sa11dy soil, with very high temperatures risi11g to 25 to 27 oc 011 the banks of the Zaire, the criticai factor determining huma11 occupation was rainfall, which was poor or irregular throughout the zone. The most extreme conditions were experienced in the south in the region around Luanda with less than 400 variably distributed milli­metres of rain per year. The only vegetation that this would support was grass. Further 11orth, between the Ri ver Bengo and the River Za:ire, higher rainfall supported acacia, thorns, and some raffia palms interspersed with steppe a11d savannah. The flood plains of the rivers formed ribbons of green with oil palms and other trees. The hills of the Zaire estuary were the best-

') THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

watereel parts ofthe coastal zone anel the most proeluctive. The zone incorporateel the greater part of two Kongo provinces, Sonyo in the north anel Mbamba in the south.6

The mielelle zone was the most hospitable of the three zones and supported the highest popu1ation densities. It was hilly, rising steaelily to a mountainous rielge 1,500-2,000 feet high. For most of its 1ength this ridge ran north north-west, roughly parallel to the coast. At its northern extremity near Maque1o do Zombo it turneel north north-east, parallel to the south bank of the Za'ire until it reached a point between the Nkisi anel the Nsele Rivers. Most of the soi1s were formed from conso1ielatcd scdimentary rocks anel wcre relatively fertile. Temperatures were moelerate with no great diurnal-nocuturnal or seasona1 variations, the mountain rielge recoreling the lowest temperatures of' 15-20 °C. The mean annua1 rainfall, which was adequate throughout the zone, rose to over 1,400 mm on the eastern ridge, the vegetation varying from light savannah in the south­west to clouel forest on the mountains. The zone was generally more heavi1y wooeleel than it is today, anel the people deliberately lcft some wooel1ands intact to serve as fortrcsses. 7 Many sources aíiirm that the north-western Kongo province of Sonyo, which is toelay covereel with park1and, was formerly heavily wooded on its eastern border. There were also eleep woods in parts of l\1bamba, the south-westcrn province, anel in Nsundi, Mpangu, and Mbata, as well as in the mountain provinces ofWembo anel \Vanelu. 8 In the sixteenth anel seventeenth centuries, as today, the mielelle zone was the most densely populateel of the three zones, the region between the Za'ire anel the north-eastern ridge, which was elrained by the Nkisi River anel which contained the provinces ofNsundi, Mpangu, anel Mbata, being cspecially fertile anel popu1ous.9

The- thirel ecological zone south of the za·ire was the inhospitable eastern p1ateau which, although drawn into the 'greater' Kongo ofthe sixteenth century, eliel not lorm a part of the nuclear kingdom. The zone was unelulating anel draineel south anel east of the mountain ridge into thc Kwango River valley. I t consisted of loose, infertile, sandy sediments which lacked mineral nutrients anel organic matter. Rainfall was high, but quickly drained away through the porous soil. Vegetation was confined to grass anel stunted bush with forest in the river

ECONOMIC:, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POL!TICAL ENV!RONI\IENT :'

N

í

• Land over 1 000 m

D Land 500-1000m

Approximate boundaries of the nuclear Kongo kingdom

(BAKONGO) Major ethno-linguistic divisions

O 100 200 300 km

Map 1

' ' '

O Coastal zone

[ J Middle zone

D Plateau zone

THE KlNGDOM OF KONGO

Western extremity

The approximate boundaries of the nuclear kingdom

iSONYOI Provinces of the nuclear kingdom

(Mbanza Capitais of lhe provinces and the kingdom ·Lsonyo) O 100 200 300 km. [_____J____j _j

Map2

ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT 5

valleys. The zone was very sparsely populated with settlements irregularly concentrated in or above the valleys. European observers considered the zone arid and deserted. 10

Agriculture was the dominant economic activity in ali three zones and provided a surplus to subsistence needs. The principal crops cultivated in the fifteenth century were yams, pulses, and three types of cereal: sorghum, candle millet, and luco (Eleusine coracana)." The fields were cleared by slash-and­burn technique in September, an activity which also involved a communal hunt. ln lvfapanza, a season ofrains which began in September and lasted until November, the first crop was planted. The soil was scratched up with a small hoe, mounds made, anel the seed placed in the mounel. ln certain places, probably around the major towns, where land was relatively scarce, the mounds were manured, but it is not certain that this practice predated the European arrival and the major town expansions. More normally, the Kongo appear to have practised a system of long fallow, abandoning the fields after a few years. ln the season Nmtu, which lasted from November to January, there was heavier rain which provieleel the conelitions neeeleel for the crops to germinate anel grow. ln Ekundi, from late January to early March, the rains eneleel and the crops were harvesteel. During the heavy rains of Kintumbu from early March to the enel of April, some seconel crops were planteel. During Kíbisu from the end of April to May these seconel crops were harvesteel in light rain. From May to September there was a elry season calleel Kimbangala. This was the season in which people travelleel, traeleel over long elistances, anel engageel in major social activities inclueling war, for there was no agricultura! activity and travelling was far easier than in the wet seasons. The Europeans were generally impresseel that with so little labour the !anel proeluceel so much, 12 although elephants constantly menaceel the crops, anel elrought in the coastal zone and locust in both zones coulel elestroy whole harvests. 13 ln addition to these crops the Kongo cultivateel a variety of trees, especially varieties of banana anel palm, anel they kept fowls, goats, pigs anel, in the southern part of the region, which was relatively free of tsetse fly, cattle. 14

There was a strict elivision of labour between men anel women. 15 This division may have elateel from the periocl of early

(, THE KING DOM OF KONGO

scttlement when the heavy task of forest clcarance was unelertaken by the men, anel the women sowed anel tended the crops on the cleared !anel. ln the fifteenth anel sixteenth centuries the men were still responsible for clearing the forest or, more usually, the scrub. They also produced the tree crops such as palm oil, palm wine, fruit, palm or bark cloth, anel medicines, anel they built the houses from branches anel grasses. They engaged in other activities away from the cultivated !anel such as hunting, a limited amount of fishing, anel longer-distance traeling. Individual men were artisans anel wcrc held in great prestige. This was especially truc of the smiths who used both iron ore, found in isolated deposits throughout the region, anel copper, which was both mined within Kongo anel imported. They made tools anel weapons with the iron, anel ceremonial anel religious objects with the copper. 16 Various types of wooelworkers were also highly csteemecl. The women workecl the !anel, sowing, tencling, anel harvesting. They careci for the clomestic animais anel collecteel berries anel other 'free' gifts of the !anel. They cooked the cvening meal for their husband anel their children. Religious specialization reflected this elivision of labour to some extent. Both men anel women practised within a religious dimension concerned with the fertility of !anel, man, anel animais. Only mcn practised within a dimension concerned with the man­made worlel. 17

There were zonal specialisms. In the central zone, where the ralha palm thriveel, tbe men used the raflia to weave cloths. Others dyeel them. These cloths wcre so fine that !ater European observers likened them to elamask, velvet, satin, anel talTeta. They were named according to their place oforigin, size, value, anel other characteristics anel were useel for clothes, cushions, anel coverings. Production was especially important in the fertile Nkisi valley. Although palm cloth was proeluceel in the well-watcreel coastal zone north of the Za"ire and on the better-watered north-western tip of the coas tal zone south of the Zaire, much of the southern coastal zone was too dry for the rall!a palm. There, the men manufactured a coarse bark cloth.

18

The important specialisms ofthe coastal zone were salt anel sea shells. The women manufactured salt ali along the coast by boiling sea water. The shells came from the southern part ofthe

ECONOl\liC:, SOC:L\L, RELIGJC)US. AND POLITIC:.\L EN\'IRONMENT 7

coas tal zone. The best shells were called nzimbu anel the women divecl for them olT the island of Luanda. They were thin anel shining black. The women collected other shells, called songo from the sea shore a little further north. 19 Inferior deposits of copperwere workccl in Mpemba anel vVandu in the central zone but the finest anel most extensive deposits, which were to play an important role in the history of the kingdom of Kongo, lay north of the Zaire in the region between Mindouli anel Boko Songo.20

Throughout most ofthe coastal anel middle zones south ofthe Zai:re the people operated a four-day system of markets,Z 1 cach locality holeling a market in a dilferent village on each day ofthe fóur-day week. The markets, which were fi·equented by both men anel women, dealt in local or regional goods such as fooelstufis anel the products of craftsmen anel specialists. ln the coastal zone anel the western part of the middle zonc nc;:imbu shells were useel as currency; in the north-eastern part of the midelle zone, raflia cloth. By the sixteenth century both forms of currency circulated in standard units but it is not certain that this predated the establishment of the Kongo kingdom. Thc markets elid not only eleal in local goods; they were also a mcans by which regional specialisms passeei from one zone to thc other; salt anel sea shells being luxury items in the east, whilst raflia cloth was a luxury item in the vvest. Copper lrom north anel south ofthe Zaire circulated in these markets to a greater or lesser elegree according to politicai anel other circumstances.22

Whilst accurate estimates of the population density of the K.ongo region in the period of the Kongo Kingdom are clifficult to make, settlement patterns are clearer. ln the coastal zone, population was determined by the availability of water anel was concentrateel in the river vallcys anel the hills of the Zaire estuary as described above. ln the middle zonc, where rainfall was adequate, the population was distributecl lairly evenly throughout ali but the most mountainous terrain, with higher elensities in the more fertile arcas anel notably in the Nkisi valley to the north-east. The people's primary economic activities­long fà.llow agriculture and arboriculture supplementeel by animal husbandary, hunting, and collecting- determincd that settlement was normally dispersed. The villages, libata, which were elescent baseei, were very small, probably counting no

THI~ KINGDOI'v! OF KONGO

more than thirty houses. There were also innumerable clispersed hamlets called ki-belo, a term which indicated that a lincage segment had established a settlement or worked a fielcl. 23 The towns, called mbanza, which evolved as a result of trade, refugee settlement or concentrations of power, were cssentially arcas of denser settlement on the sarne pattern with small settlements interspersed with cultivated fielcls.

24 The

overall population elensity was probably not high - perhaps !Cwcr than four persons per square kilometre in the mid­scvcnteenth century25 anel the land teemecl with wild anel often

ela ngerous animais. Throughout much ofKongo history, land use, labour anel the

primary elistribution ofproduce have been largely controlled by rnatrilineal elescent groups calleel kandé

6 anel for these

purposes the Kongo have norrnally reckoned descent in terms of relationships with kanda, not with individuais. Thus the term 'brother' was applieel to all members of ego's kanda who could also be calleel collectively 'rnother'; 'father' referrecl to all mcmbers of cgo's fathcr's clan anel 'child' referred to ali members of ego's child's clan.

27

Within this system oflandholcling anel status defining matri-lincal elescent groups, patrifilial relationships were, for the individual, crucially important since they conferred spiritual iclentity, personality, anel practical guarantees offreedom. The importance ofthe relationship with the father was emphasized in thc seventeenth century, anel probably earlier, by the inhcritance of a foocl taboo from thc father. This usually concerneel a type of meat anel it was bclieved that anyone who transgressed the taboo would become ulcerous anel contract leprosy, a conelition which also debarred contenders frorn the kingship. The taboo was elescribed as a 'prescript of clan'. The Kongo also took their father's first name as their second name. I t is likely that then, as !ater, the heads of patrifilially related !.:anda, that is, of the fathers' anel paternal anel maternal granel­fathers' kanda joined with his own head in assuming respon­si bility for bis sociallife, including his freedom. The importance of the patrifilial relationship h as led J anzen to clescribe clescent amongst the Kongo north of the Za"ire as 'double unilineal' according to which principie complementary rights anel links Crom the mother anel the father come together in one person.

28

EC:ONO\!IC:, SOC:I.-\L, RELIGIOliS, .-\ND POLITIC:.\L E:"J\"IR<Y'Ji\IE:\T 'l

ln addition, howcver, kinship could, in thc scventeenth as in the twenticth ccntury, bc rcckoned individually anel bilatcrally. 29 'Individual' reckoning emphasizcs the elistinction of proximate gcncrations anel the unity of the sibling group. Accoreling to this, ego's half siblings by clifferent kanda were ali 'brothers', ali cgo's father's 'brothers' were 'fathers' anel ali ego's 'brothcrs' chilelren werc 'chilclrcn'. Thc 'individual' system of kinship reckoning createel a flcxibility in kinship relations which coulel have important politica! rej)ercussions.

The Kongo cconomic anel social structurcs were doscly rela teci to, anel reflecteel in, a broaeler view of the world. This view can be illuminatecl by modem accounts30 in which the worlel is conceivecl as being like two mountains opposed at thcir bases anel separateel by watcr. The conceptual barrier between them is not precisely locatecl but is calleel kalunga, a term which litcrally means oceano r a large boely of water. Kalunga is both a great barrier anel the water through which the eleacl pass to the other world. ln that worlel there is clarity, orcler, anel an abscnce of suflering. I t is clear from cóntemporary accounts that the sixteenth anel sevcnteenth-century Kongo helel a similar view anel believeel that 'when a man elieel, his sou! passeei frorn the pains of the present life to the felicities of the othcr world'. 31

The Kongo concept of man rela teci directly to this moelcl of the divicled worlel. ln the Kongo view it vvas thanks to the sou! (mo_yo) that man liveel his life (uánga) in this world. 32 When a seventcenth-century missionary healeel a man by making a sign of the cross anel tclling him to stand, the peoplc callcd the missionai)' 'mo)'O ame' which he translateel as meaning that he was the man's lifc (mo_yo). 33 When a man eneleel his life (u:cinga) in this worlel, the soul (mf!yo) rctirccl to the water where it took another body colourcel white, anel another name. The sou! rernainecl the samc but thc form changeel. vVhen a sou! conservcd its orelinary form, it was saiel, kitala buna, it is this, or, it lives still. If the sou! was transformeel, it vvas saic!,fwafu.Jidi, it is no longer the samc, it is dcad. 34

! The Kongo bclievecl that it was the powers in the othcr worlel that caused ali the gooel anel evil perceived in this world anel that all power anel authority in this worlcl deriveel from the other. It is possible to elistinguish three broael catcgories or

\li THE KINCDOiVI OF KONGO

dimcnsions of other worlelly powcr amongst the sixteenth anel c;('vcntecnth ccntury Kongo- thc catcgorics ofthe nameel eleael, 1 l mhumba anel the water anel carth spirits anel of nkadi mjJemba <tllcl the sky spirits. These categories may be elistinguisheel by t lwir spheres of influence, anel to some extent by the type of object which 'containecl' them in this worlel, the nature of the 1 1 tuals which activatcel them anel the role configurations of the !Jarticipants.

·!'h c im portancc of the category of the eleael is evidenceel by 1 hc claborate rituais that surrouncleel death.35 Thcse rituais, in dcldition to their normal functions of social anel politica!

i ustrncnt, scrveel to detach the survivor from the immediate mflucnce ofthe dead person anel to ensure that the ghost ofthe r 1 cad clid not return to haunt the living. They varicd from region I o rcgion but thcre was usually a period of mourning of eight da ys ( two Kongo weeks) cluring which the cognates, affines, i'ricncls anel slaves of the clcael person wcpt, anel eulogies were nncle. For thrce elays the father, son anel spouse were ritually irnmobilized. In the Mbanza Kongo region this period endeel vvhcn the principal wifc conducteel the relatives to thc nearest rin~r. There she cut the belt that her husband hael worn in life ;tnclthrew it in the ri ver. This 'carrieel it away, together with the :;adness for thc lost one'. Different rituais serveel the sarne r u nction in other parts ofKongo. During the eight days the men had worn a whitc cloth whenever they approachcel the corpse, white being thc colour ofrnourning, ofthe eleael anel ofthe other world. Now the women smeareel thcir faces anel brcasts with a mixture containing powelcreel charcoal, black being 'a preserva­tive anel antielote ofthe eleael'. ln the case ofnobility the corpse was shroueled first in white cloth anel then in black. The poor wcrc shroueleel in rough cloth of the country anel then covereel with a mat. Although the sources are not explicit, these were llndoubteelly also white anel black. lt was consielereel so impor­lant that the body bc completely covereel that the poor pleaeleel cloth from passcrs-by, thc governors, anel even the King. lt was said that they nevcr refuseel. The burial rites varicd regionally. ,\t the graveside, a pcrson 'respecteel in this function as a rclig-ious person' amasscel earth anel watcr, carrieel it on bis ~Jwuldcr then, with face averted, covered the corpse. The 'rclativcs' troei the clay, judging that thercby the spirit of the

ECONOJ\1IC:. SOC:L\L. RELIGIOUS, ,\ND POLITIC.\L EN\'IRONl\lENT' li

Jead woulel 'goto its rest anel having no more need, woulel never leave the sepulchrc'. The sixtecnth anel seventeenth ccntury Kongo appear to havc belicved, likc the modem Nsundi, that it took some rnonths ror the eleael to change thcir skin anel gain thc village of the anccstors. For a perioel which varicel in different regions from a month to a ycar after the death, the relatives of the surviving spousc 'to the scconel elegree', tcrrneel 'slaves', were not allowed to wash, cut their hair or leavc thc housc without licence from the relativcs of the dead person, termed the '!oreis'. At the end ofthe perioel, the survivor was considercd 'free from the virtues ofthe dcad' anel able to marry again. H e or she was still obliged, however, to wear a black mantle or hat as an anticlote to the elead.

If the ghost of the ancestor elid return to harm thc li\·ing, thc Kongo elug up the corpse, 'rcsurrected' it. cnquired into tbe mistake, anel reburied it with the correct rites. This appcars to have been the function of the nganga atombo/a, a titlc which the Capucin missionaries translated as 'priest of the rcsurrectcd', tombola mcaning 'to make somcthing mount or ascenel'. 'Thc relativcs ofthe elcaà person went to thc nganga atombo/a pleading that hc resurrect the dead person. The nganga receivecl the corpse anel, in public, maelc it appear to rise, walk about, anel spcak. The best explanation of these rites which were notcel in 'many' places throughout Kongo, seems to be that of \Veeks, who statcd in the nineteenth century that pcoplc had an etombola, ghost, which coulel risc from the grave, enter the body ofa living perscm anel become an nkwiva, evil spirit. A person with nkwiwz became an ndoki, witch, anel causccl sickness anel eleath.36

The graves were the principal mcclium through which the living communicated with the deael. They werc located in special wooels or thickets called ir!finda37 anel ol~jects wcre placcd upon thern to inclicate thc name anel status of the elcceascel. I n the miel-seventeenth century, chairs, bows, arrows, horns, cups anel other utensils were placed on the graves of title-holclcrs; skulls ofwilel bcasts on the tombs ofhunters; musical instrumcnts on those of musicians; baskets of roots and herbs on thosc of curers, harnrners, bcllows, anvils anel a crown on those of srniths. I t was customary in some parts to put elephants tusks or a halfrib ofa cow in the graves. 38

The pu blic cult of the kanda ancestors was conclucted by the

I:! THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

Children of the kanda anel was based upon the spiritual power which the Father was considered to exercise with respect to the Chile!. Thus, in the late sixteenth century, the 'children anel near relatives' visited the graves every new moon. They lamented the dead, left wine anel food for them, anel then ate anel drank as much as they could themselves. They continued to elo this for many years. 39 They also held occasional rites, probably at times of calamity, when there had been multiple deaths or other indications ofthe ancestors' anger.40

Communication between the living anel dead members ofthe /umda was normal anel necessary. I t seems that for the sixteenth anel seventeenth century Kongo, as for the modem Suku,41 the elders in the other world were believed to be at the apex of a continuum of relative eldership which extended from them to the most junior member of the kanda in this worlcl. Each rela tive c! der could bless o r curse the junior. The junior was expected to respect the elder, consult him or her anel offer gifts of tribute. The eldcrs ofthe kanda performed such functions with respect to their elders in the other world. They did not, however, head the public cult of the graves. Similarly when an individual died, the 'nearest relative' - in this context almost certainly the matri­lineal rela tive- cut a piece ofnail from the hands anel feet anel a lock ofhair from the head. He 'conserved them religiously in his honour'. This was probably equivalent to the relics contained in the 'basket ofthe ancestors' held by twentieth century Ndibu kmula chiefs. The baskets evoked 'humble dependence anel profound respect' but no public cult.42

ln addition to these communications, individuais could appeal to any dead person with whom they could establish a social or politicai relationship, as a living member of a cult to a elead member, a soldier to a dead warrior. The men, for example, commonly knelt before the graves tones ofthe warriors before they left for war, praising their valour anel imploring their aid.43 One purpose ofthe status designating objects left on the graves was undoubtedly to facilitate such appeals.

(' Although the named dead were considered to have power to bless or to curse the living, another dimension or category of power was considered to be more generally responsible for the farmers' crucial requirement, fertility. For the sake of convenience only, this can be called the dimension of mbumba

ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL ENVIRONivlENT \3

anel the water anel earth spiríts. The dimension appears to have conceptualized aspects of the natural world anel to have been expressed in a cluster of beliefs anel rituais involving a giant snake, water, trees, fire anel fertility rites as well as individual water anel earth spirits. Therc is some evidcnce that this power was referred to as mbumba. In the seventeenth century mbumba literally meant fecund, anel the rites of the nkimba mbumba cult, which appealeel to mbumba, appcar to have concemcd fertility.44

ln the mid-seventeenth century a spirit called imbombo was said to be veneratcd above all others amongst thc Bakongo north of the Za'ire estuary anel mbumba mbula, mani smith appeared in the etiologicallegenels of at least two states south of the Zai:re.45 ln the twentieth century mbumba was said to be a great power which ruled over the spirits ofthe carth in the middle belt north ofthe Za'ire. The obscure sayings ofthe twentieth century Nkisi valley people in the middle belt south of the Zaire suggest that mbumba was a power beyond the normal spirits. 46 The modem nkimba cult conceives mbumba as a gigantic snake which !caves the sea,jumps on the trees, anel throws itselfinto the air in order to bathe further in another \.vater.47 Although it is convenient to use the term mbumba to denote the general power of this dimension, it shoulel be noted that certain modem sources consieler mbumba to be no more than one amongst many spirits.48

The local manifestations of the mbumba climensions south of the Za'ire appear to have been the water anel earth spirits. Such spirits have often been confusecl with ancestral spirits or with the spirits of the 'first inhabitants' .49 ln the earlier perioel, however, they were probably more usually conceived, as thcy still are in some places toelay, as 'living, active, lucicl emanations of the earth anel water, available to local, rather than to descent groupings. 50 ln the relatively dry, coastal zone, south of the Zai:re, they were closely associated with water anel were known as simbi. ln the well watered midellc zone, they teneleel to be known as nkita anel to be more closely associatecl with the earth.51 Thcy were believeel to be pervasively present anel the Kongo recognizecl anel macle offcrings to them whenever they approacheel water, crosseel a forel with a strong current, fished, travelleel along paths, stumbleel uncxpecteelly on odel stones anel pieces of wooel, gave a gift of palm wine, or witnessed

i: THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

a 'Tackling flre, 52

Thc power of the mbumba elimension, like that of the ;u 1ccstors, was ambivalent. AJbumba, representing the natural \\r)r!el, elcmancled that man obey its laws,53 It rewareleel lu nnonious behaviour with fecunclity anel health but punished disobcclience with stcrility anel diseasc, ln thc coastal region sutll h ofthc Zaire, f(x cxample, the people believecl that mbumba p1 od ucecl a cliscase calleel mbumba which was contractecl in the r;; í n. They threw thc corpses of mbumba victims in to the water. \Yhcn, in thc sevcnteenth century, missionaries insisted on hurying them, anel thc rains faileel, the people elug them up anel t; ">k them to the water.54 When there wcre multi pie eleaths in a \·il!agc, thc people erected an altar to mbumba kindongo anel

ricd ali the goods belonging to the living anel the dead lwncath it.55

I n thc sixtccnth ccntury anel uncloubtedly bcfore, the people ui Jscrvccl nsona, the first clay of thc four-clay weck, in honour of thc power or powers of this dimension. Thc practice continuecl in to thc scvcnteenth anel eighteenth centurics although the day may have varieel. In the sixtcenth ccntury the people could only c a t lóocl which had becn prepared the previous evening. They wcrc said to clean the vessels used for the meal anel then to Í>I'Cak them anel bury them in thc earth. According to a mid­:>f'ventcenth century account many of them did not speak on t hat day, The practice was alrnost c:ertainly part of the cult of ( l1c mbumha dirnension, for the day was saicl to be kept 'in lwnour ofthe cult ofthe devi! anel in order to have a prosperous l1;1rvcst anel to prevent the devi! from harming it'.56

i\nother aspect ofthe public cult ofmbumba anel the water anel c;1rth spirits was the practice whic:h existed in many villages in Kongo anel neighbouring c:ountries of hanging nki.si-fetishes in ;1 n nsanda tree. The people 'passed much time before them with ;1 thousanel obscenities' anel they considered it an enormous crime to cut any branch ofthe tree even ifit wcre clead. Sorne of Lhe priests of' the mbwnba dimension disc:ussed below used the lll(lllda tree in ceremonies designeel to cnable women to bec:orne pregnant anel to have an easy delivery. Some villages had palms 'dedicated to the iclols' anel ornarnented in diverse ways. Only t l1ose chosen to guard the palms c:ould eat the fruit or drink the \Vinc Crom the trees.57 These practices may have approximated

EC:ONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, ,\ND I'OLITICAL EN\'!RONi\!ENT Li

to those of thc twentieth century Ndibu who planted an nsanda tree in a village square to provide a resting place fór the local water or earth spirit. Altcrnatively, a priest ofthe mbumba type coulcl 'find' a spirit in a stream anel bring it to dwell in the nsanda tree. 58 Some 'gigantic' trees were 'commemorated to the devi!' which was said to appear in the branches in the llxrn of a snake.59

The spirits of the mbumba dimension were oftcn inc:arnated in human forrn. ln the twentieth century people believed that when water or earth spirits wished to pass into hurnan existence, they chosc their parents from people that venturecl near the water. They were then born nine months !ater as human oclditics­albinos, dwarfs, twins or cripples. 60 There is arnple evielence that the seventeenth century Kongo held a similar belicf; albinos, clwarfs, pigmics, c:hildren bom with cripplecl feet twins, anel children born feet first, ali being consiclered incarnations of the water and earth spirits. They wcre 'vené'ratcd by ali' anel played a crucial role in the rites of the mbwnba climension. 61 ln addition to these incarnations of mbumba type power, there werc other, more institutionalizccl forms anel these are discussed below.

The water anel earth spirits sometimes chose to servé' 'normal' rnen anel women. l\llany of these were curers who specializecl in specific types ofillness anel who imposecl ritual prescriptions to bring the patient into harmony with the natural worlcl.62 As in the twenticth century, a spirit of the mbwnba type reveakel its intention of serving the chosen individual by manif(:sting itsclf in an unusually shaped object of the natural world, suc:h as a stone, a piece of bizarrly shaped wood, or a gra.in founel near water. 63 These objects were believed to be nkisi, ktishes,64

containers of the spirit power. After initiation into the use ofthé' nkisi, the individual, now an nganga-priest, was able to bc possesscd by the spirit, anel speak with its wisdom anel power. ln the case of such incarnated spirits as twins anel infa.nts born with crippled feet, the child itself was the nkisi anel its birth inclicated that the mother (anel, in the case oftwins, the f~tthcr too), should be initiatccl as ngan,ga. Aftcr initiatíon, thcy would then assist in establishing the ritual prescriptions surrounding the births ofothcr such spirits.

I n acldition to the dimensions of the dead anel of mbumba anel

lh THE KlNGDOM OFTHE KONGO

thc water and earth spirits the Kongo appealed to a third dimension of other worldly power which may, again for convenience only, be termed the dimension ofnkadi mjJemba and the sky spirits. 65 This dimension conceptualised a power of destruction and protection associated with the social and cultural world of the individual man. The term nkadi mpemba may have been used in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in this broad sense. The seventeenth century Europeans translated the term, variously, as the devi!, a dead man, a phantom, a spectre ofthe night, a devourer anda destroyer, and 'to curse' as 'to speak or repeat nkadi mpemba. Mpemba indicated white, the colour of the dead and of the other world.66 An early twentieth century missionary in the middle belt considered nkadi mpemba to be a pervasive power of the other world; north of the Zaire another missionary considered it to be a cruel dictatorial being, the supreme ruler of the grave, the 'Iord of sorcery'. 67 As in the case of mbumba the full significance of the tcrm is uncertain and in any case probably varied in time and place. I t may conveniently be used, however, to designa te a power of destruction and protection whiCh operated in the cultural world of the individual man of which the sky spirits were particular manifestations.

The dimension of power of nkadi mpemba and the sky spirits was analytically distinct from that of mbwnba and the water and carth spirits. Where the powers ofthe mbumba dimension were concerned with man's relationship with nature, securing or withholding fertility and health, the powers ofthe nkadi mpemba dimension were concerned with the social and cultural world of man. They could help manto acquire wealth, to defend himself a~ainst the evil deeds of others, to combat the many manifesta­tions of sorcery and to manipulate the natural world to his material ends. Thus, whereas the positive expression ofmbumba type power inevitably benefitted the whole community, and was sought and expressed in various forms of public cult, the positive expression of nkadi mpemba type power was more problematical. It normally helped individuais, and was sought through individual cult. Its ambiguous nature meant that in helping one individual it might harm another and it could only benefit the community as a whole ifit was used positively as an acyunct to a legitima te role, notably that of chief.

ECONOMIC; SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT 17

The nganga and the nkisi of the nkadi mpemba type were also analytically distinct from those of mbumba. The mbumba type ngmiga included women as well as men, and since they were either manifestations of a spirit or were intermittently possessed by one of them, they incarnated the purity of the other world, were considered altruistic, and imposed ritual prescriptions upon the people of this world. The nkadi mpemba type nganga, however, were exclusively male. They were not normally possessed but manipulated the spirit power contained in the nkisi and also used imita tive magic and human reasoning. Their motivation was considered very much ofthis world. 68 The nkisi containers, too, differed. Those ofthe mbumba dimensions were either human bodies or natural objects found near water. The nkadi mpemba type nkisi were manufactured by the nganga, who placed appropriate materiais such as 'small stones, feathers, herbs and similar things' in either a small sack or a piece of sculpted wood. The sacks were called nkisi mi mafuta. The sculptures were called nkisi mi biteke and may have been introduced in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries through the slave trade with the Tio; certainly they seem to have predominated in the north-eastern, and to a lesser extent the eastern, provinces of Kongo. The forms of the nkisi mi biteke varied from region to region and included animais, birds, humans, and monsters. Some were 'scarecely carved at all' .69

The nganga of the nkadi mpemba and sky spirit type used their nkisi, together with imitative magic and human reasoning and understanding, to benefit individuais and public authorities within the cultural world of man. Many of them specialized in discovering evil doers. Of these, the most important were the ubiquitous nganga ngombe, the diviners, who, in addition to foretelling the future, sought out ndoki-witches. The term kindoki witchcraft, may have been used for all malevolent action. 70 It certainly included three types of activity: that of the 'bom' witch, that of the individual who had been possessed by a malcontent ghost, turned evil spirit, and that of the individual who practised loka, that is who cursed or bewitched through his or her superior spiritual power within the sarne matrilineal or patrilineal group, the latter being a legitimate activity of elders and chiefs. 71 ln seeking out those who practised kindoki illegitimately, the nganga ngombe no doubt also helped to resolve

I " " Til I': KINCDOI\1 OFTIIE KONGO

conflict within anel bctween the lincagcs. Hc usually inelicatcel severa! possible suspects who then took the poisou oreleal nkasa, prepared with thc poisonous fruit of the nkasa trec. 72 \1\Then a civil juelgc coulcl not decide a case, h c rekrred thc mattcr to one oí'scvcralngan,ga who detennined guilt anel innoccnce by rncans ol' an ordcal. Thesc n_grmga were oftcn specializeel in both rncthod anel purpose. Thc n,ganga mbau, for cxamplc, administcred <Ul ordeal by hot iron to discover thievcs. 73

Many nganga specializcd in bringing gooel fórtune to inclivicluals, in protecting them against evil anel mislórtunc, anel in curing thcm from thc illnesses thc lattcr produced. The npwz,ga mjmn/.;u, for example, raised mOI·ale by appearing in battlc whcrever the combat was most furious. His nkisi prot:ccted him against swords anel arrows but, since he was consielereel vulnerable to poisoned arrows, he was supporteel by ;1 spccialist in countcr-poisons anel by a thirel nganga who coulel, i r ncccssary, treat them both. ln sorne regions nganga solei nkisi74 to the govcrnors to bring them prosperity, strength anel hcalth, anel in others lll!,artJ!,a installccl largc statucs which i>rought 'ccrtain bencfits' to thc principal peoplc. Many nganga spccializecl in protection against evil anel misfortune. The 11ganga mu!oco, for cxamplc, protcctecl those who suspccteel otllcrs of harrning thcm. Thcy also helpccl thc relatives of those who hacl diecl f'rom thunelcrbolts, protccting thcm frorn a likc i.zttc. Ccrtain nganga solei o~jects callecl úikua to protect chilclrcn ii·orn witchcraft anel discase, anel statues called milwzgu (a tcrm which was also used for protective bracclets) to protect womcn ;gainst cliscasc anel wilcl animais. Others solei nkisi to protect êhc founclations ofhouses, to kill thieves, to protect the crops, to prevcnt clephants from clcstroying the houses anel the fields, to prcvcn t thc king from depriving a governo r of offíce. Many ns;anga were curcrs. Unlikc thc curers ofthe mbwnba dimensions, who irn posecl ritual prescriptions in o reler to bring thc indÍ\iiclual into harmony with the natural world, these nganga uscd medicinal herbs, hurnan reasoning anel imitativc rnagic to 'nuntcr the malcvolence, whether natural or human, that had ,·aused lhe illncss. Thus the nganga ngombe not only sought out \vitches, but also healcd the sick, probably those whosc illness 'Vas attributecl to witchcraft or to inter- or intra-lineage friction. The ngan/;a nsambi administcred a elrink to cure a highly

EC:ONOl\JIC:. SOC:Ii\L, RELIGIOUS, AND l'OLIT!C,\L ENVIRONMENT !9

contagious clisease akin to leprosy. This was maele from the bark ofa tree useel by the Portuguese for the same purpose.

Np;anga of the nkadz: mjmncounter tlze malevolence, w!zetlzer natural o r /wman, tlwt lzad caused tlze il!ness. Tlws tlze nganga ngombe not only sought out witches, but also healed the sick, probably thosc whose illness was attributecl to witchcraft or to inter- or intra­lineage íi:iction. The nganga nsambi aelrninistcred a drink to cure a highly contagious disease akin to leprosy. cure for the ulcer was the same nkisi.76 ln the early eighteenth century the Capucin missionaries were believecl by their supporters to be nganga who used nkisi to protect against witches; they were believeel by the fóllowers of the Antonine movement to be witches. 77 In the miel-seventeenth century the nganga ndoki specialized in helping people to exact revenge. From the point of view of the plaintifl~ h e was aclrninisteringjust rctribution; from the point ofview ofthe victirn, witchcraft. 78

Some nganga of this dimension specializeel in manipulating the natural worlel. Thus, the nganga mpúzdi maele a smallmound of earth with !caves anel branches over it. He consecrated his nkisi. A small grub was then saiel to rise to perturb the air anel procluce rain. The nganga nzazi imitated the sound ofthuneler in orcler to bring thunder anel hence rain. The activity can be contrasteei analytically with that of the nganga of thc mbwnba dimension who sought to proeluce rain by bringing individuais anel cornmunities into harmony with the natural worlcl.

For many centuries before the evolution of the Kingdom of Kongo these broad economic social anel religious factors hael interacteel to produce a variety of politicai structures. These íncludeel various forms of kanda which were legitimizeel by reference to the ancestors, priestly chiefelorns anel cults, which were legitimized by reference to the dimension of mbumba anel the water anel earth spirits, anel cxtra-kanda chiefâoms which were legitimizeel primarily by the eleael anel by the elimension of nkadi rnpemba anel the sky spirits.

I n addition to being the essential units of social structure, thc kanda wcrc important politicai structures whose primary function was to provide other worlelly legitimation for their rnembers' status as free men anel their exploitation of the !anel anel ofkin-basecllabour. It is almost certain that they clid so in the sixteenth anel seventeenth centuries, as they do today, by

20 THE KINGDOM OF THE KONGO

estabiishing a direct geneaiogical Iink between their Iiving members and ancestors who were allegedly the first settlers or who were permitted to settle by a classificatory Father who was himself an original settler. Since every individual member of a kanda was thus a relative elder on a continuum of eldership which reached from the named elders in the other world to the most junior member of this, each contained within himself the full jurai and spiritual authority of the kanda. The affirmation of this authority was the responsibility of the priests of the kanda, usually the classificatory children and grand children of the kanda. Since these were normally members of neighbouring kanda, the claims of each kanda was, ideally, upheld reciprocally by its neighbours.

The kanda were exogamous79 corporate groups.80 They were perpetuai and had defined names, traditions and memberships. They had an exclusive body of common affairs which centred on the exploitation of the land and people they claimed. They aiso had the autonomy and procedures necessary to deal with these affairs with 'chiefs' or 'representatives' and committees at each levei of segmentation. The kanda chief who, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was often a woman, took the name of the kanda as titleY He or she probably had a subordinate counterpart of the opposite sex. Her authority, which was ultimately derived from the ancestors in the 'other' world, rested upon her real or assumed status as the senior member of the senior segmen t of the kanda. Other segments were headed by mbuta, a word which meant 'eldest'.82 The lowest public leveis of segmentation coincided with the villages and their associated hamlets. These were headed by nkuluntu, a term which derives from nkulu, age, and which indicated relative seniority.83 The nkuluntu judged civil and criminal matters and represented the group in its internal and externa! relations. He was responsible for the primary distribution of the harvest, extracting a surplus for himself and other authorities, ·reserving seed and redistributing the remainder according to need.84

The kanda could become powerful instruments in the extraction of surplus product. Their internal structure was flexible, authority at each levei being legitimated by the holder's position on the continuum of eldership and by his or her power to bless o r to curse his juniors. If power was diffused,

ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELI C IOUS, AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT 21

relatively egalitarian, network type structures prevailed. If power was concentrated an extremely hierarchical structure could develop, with the lineage heads extracting a considerable proportion of the surplus product. 85

The development of hierarchical kanda structures could be facilitated by, and reflected i11, the acquisitio11 of depende11t individuais a11d lineages. These included clie11ts, who chose to place themselves in a state of dependence, pawns who were temporarily transferred by their own kanda or lineage in exchange for a debt, and slaves who were involuntarily and, i11 theory, permanently, placed in a state of depe11dence. In the early sixteenth century, before the developme11t ofthe Atla11tic trade, the latter were normally captives and it was only recently acquired captives who could, it was believed, be legitimately soid. 86 These dependent individuais lacked, to a variable degree, the normal complement of four interested chiefs to aid and support them.87 They only had the kanda or lineage chief who owned them and who stood as their classificatory Father. This did not necessarily make their position radically inferior since anyone's social position depended 011 the number and power of the groups to which he was affiliated a11d 011 their willingness to support him, and in the seventeenth century as today, the position of the head of a descent group was described by the verb vwa 'to own', which applied to both slaves a11d free dependants.88 Nevertheless, clients, pawns, a11d slaves were normally more dependent and under greater economic obligatio11 than lineage juniors and their acquisition contributed to the development ofhierarchical structures.

The development ofhierarchical kanda structures could also be facilitated by the variety of residence options open to individual males. There is evidence that in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, as today, a kanda male could normally dioose between severa! places of residence, that is, of physical location or of social zone. He had direct rights and politicai interests in the lands of his own kanda. However, he could normally settle, if he wished, on the lands of his father's and grandfathers' kanda and he would normally choose the most advantageous option.89

Marriage could be used to legitimate a11d to further the politicai relationships pertaining between and within neighbouri11g

22 THE KING DOM OF KONGO

kanda, syphoning female labour and, in certain circumstances, reproductive capacity, to dominant kanda, restricting it to reciprocating allied kanda, or confining it to slave owning lineages within the kanda.Thus, in the highly stratified society of the mid-seventeenth century, lineage segment heads normally had at least severa! wives.90 There was also a clear preference for patri- and matrilineal cross-cousin marriages,91 both of which would have reinforced existing relationships between the groups, father's sister's child standing as classificatory Father to the kanda and the mother's brother's child standing as Child. Marriage with either would re-create in the next generation the sarne or inverse relationship. Matrilateral cross-cousin marriage generally occurs within polities and settlements. It is a well-known device for centralizing power, wealth and offices ofauthority. If it is not conducted as a 'circulating connubium' it becomes an asymetrical relationship between unequal groups in which the offspring's position may be controlled. It is especially useful in controlling the reproductive capacity of slaves. Patrilateral cross­cousin marriage occurs between settlements and polities and is used as a strategy to create regionally interlocking networks.92

Severa! forms of marriage contract were available in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as today. The most usual arrangement was for the man to make a gift to the woman with the intervention and acceptance ofthe parents ofboth parties. Domesticity, however, was the minimal condition for a marriage and in these cases no gifts were given at ali. When a man sought to secure a right to an infant he would present a small gift of cloth and wine to the father as well as the girl. The dissolution of a marriage between members of Iow status reciprocating groups was easy and frequent; it was unknown between members of high status reciprocating groups where marriage cemented important politicai relationships, or between members of groups of grossly unequal status where the politicai position of the woman approximated to that of a slave. 93

Whilst most kanda could, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, be termed matrilineages, there is some evidence that, bcfore the evolution of the Kingdom ofKongo, some kanda were deeply segmented and controlled a number of discrete areas of land which were interspersed with those ofneighbouring kanda.

EC:ONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT 23

ln the sixteenth century some of the 'greater' kanda, which could perhaps be called matriclans, could still be mobilized for politicai purposes. The Mbala, which occupied an extensive area of north-western Kongo, was probably a kanda of this type. It appears to have been divided into six segments which occupied the lands known as Ntari, Kiondo, Savona, Kiova, Kainza and Masongo.94 If such matriclans had once been a general phenomenon, then, by the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, changing circumstances, probably including migration and the evolution of other politicai structures, had caused most of them to segment into smaller autonomous matrilineages. An alternative explanation ofthese matriclans is that they represented the final stage in a process which began with the developrnent of extra-kanda politicai structures as described below and culminated in legitimation through the kanda ideology ofdescent as described in Chapter 8.

Kanda, which, as a result ofmigration or segmentation had no politicai relationship 'but which shared the sarne categorical name, believed that they descended from the sarne 'mother'. Such categories may conveniently be termed mvila95 although the term does not appear in the extant sources. Severa! mvila are known from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries96 but there is no evidence that they wielded politicai influence either within the kingdom or rela tive to their constituent kanda.

The kitome priestly chiefdoms, which were found throughout the Kongo region south of the Za"ire, represented a quite different type of politicai structure from the kanda, being based upon local, as opposed to descent groupings. The fact that similar chiefs with similar titles once ruled throughout west central Africa97 suggest that they were very ancient.

The kitome titles relate them both to the mbumba dimension and to smithing. The word kitome meant the pure, the initiated, in contrast to the profane. The most common kitome title was kalunga. 98 Kalunga indicated a Iarge body of water and also the ideal water boundary between this world and the other. lt clearly referred to the kitomes' streams and lakes on the one hand and to their role as mediators between the worlds on the other. Both of these are discussed below. Other common titles were nzimba or nzwnba, which may have referred to severa! of the kitomes' spiritual attributes;99 mbumba 100 which referred directly

71 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

to the dimension of fertility power in the other world; and jJangala, which meant smith. 101 The connections between the kitome and smithing is obscure but in the seventeenth century smiths were held in high esteem and they were also associated with myths of origin and the regalia of chiefship. 102 I tis possible that the kitome were once smiths and had succeeded in institutionalizing themselves as the established representatives of the mbumba dimension through their command of an art which was of key importance in the early period of forest clearance and agricultura! settlement.

F ew details are known concerning the structure of the kitome chiefdoms. They did not coincide with the boundaries of the kanda, for one kitome ruled the two section lands of Kainza and Masongo in the 'greater' kanda o[ Mbalc. in north-western Kongo whilst severa) ruled within the section land ofKiova. 103

Rather, the boundaries ofthe priestly chiefdoms appear to have related to the drainage areas of specific stretches of sacred ri ver or lake which, with a sacred tree, were believed to contain orbe visited by the mbumba snake. 104 The chiefdoms were controlled by priestly lineages, 105 and the people believed that ifthe kitome office were not continuously filled, the earth would become barren and mankind perish. 106 For this reason, the kitome)s successor was chosen before his death. When the kitome fdt his death approaching, he communicated his powers to his successor and then, always in public, ordered the successor to kill him by strangulation or the club. This, it was said, secured the continuous occupation of the office and prevented disputes. 107

The kitome appointed a representative to each of the villages within his jurisdiction. 108

The kitome were believed to embody in themselves the power of the mbumba dimension and it was their function to bring the people into harmony with the natural world and thereby to secure the fertility of man, animais, and plants. To this end, they established rituallaws within their domains. ln the mid­seventeenth century the kitome ofNsevo, Nsundi, promulgated his Iaws from two great stones. He sat on one and his female chief sat on the other. The people sat on the ground, although the mani Kongo~í governar was permitted to use a small piece of cloth. Having heard the laws promulgated, the people drank from the kitome~í sacred stream. 109 The kitome resolved confticts

{!

ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT 25

within his domain by means of the poison ordeal bolungoY0

This differed from the ordeals of the nganga of the nkadi mpemba dimension, for the kitome did not manipulate an nkisi spirit, he was himself mbunzba power in this world and h e washed his foot and his bow in the poison drink to symbolize his other worldly powers ofhealing (the foot) and harming (the bow). He infused the drink with both powers to confound the guilty and preserve the innocent. The kitome also maintained one or two fires, which were closely associated with fertility, and sold firebrands to supplicants. 111 Although there is no direct evidence, it is almost certain that the kitome and their village representatives were responsible for maintaining and regulating the public cults of the mbumba dimension and of the water and earth spirits discussed above.

The kitome were described as the owners, masters, lords or chiefs of the land and the gods of the earth, seed, or region 112

and it was believed that, as the incarnation of the power of the mbumba dimension in this world, they could grant or withhold the rain, thereby making the world fecund or barren. 113 As a result they were able to extract a substantial proportion of the agricultura! surplus. The kitome initiated the tillage, either directly or through their village representatives. They blessed the seeds, gave permission for the crops to be harvested, and received the first fruits with rituais of fecundity. 114 ln the mid-seventeenth century one kitome was said to receive more tribute than the Mwissikongo governor. 115

ln certain circumstances the kitome could wield considerable power. ln the mid-seventeenth century they were held in great esteem. No one could approach them except for reasons judged honourable. Then, given leave, they spoke to them extended on the ground with eyes averted. When the kitome solemnly announced their intention of touring their domains, the married people observed strict continence on pain, it was said, of death. The kitome intervened in elections, invested the Mwissikongo governors, and inftuenced the latter in matters of government as well as ritual. 116

The kitonze claim to meJiate the power of the mbumba dimension and to promote health and fertility could, in certain circumstances, be rivalled by other institutionalized and probably very ancient forms of mbumba based power, the

:Zfi THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

mlmmba based cults. ln the seventeenth century the kimpassi cult dominated the Kongo region, 117 although the closely-related nkimba cult, which centred in Kakongo and Loango may have had some influence in Sonyo. 118 The structure, organization and even to some extent the function of these cults has varied considerably over the centuries. 119 ln the seventeenth centuryl20 they were continuous and sometimes very ancient associations which met regularly outside the villages and towns in 'deep places where the rays ofthe sun never penetrated'. The sun, of course, was associated with the dimension of nkadi mj;emba, and the deep places, over many centuries, with mbumba and the water and earth spirits. 121 The kimpassi were secret associations. The password was changed at each meeting, and thc date fixed for the next, although the initiates also assembled when a diviner arrived in the village. Each branch had a chief, thc nganga mani nkita, and the various incarnations of the water and earth spirits such as albinos, and people with crippled feet, held office under him. Like the kitome chiefdoms, the kimjJassi were based upon local, not descent, groupings.

The fundamental purpose ofthe cults in this period appears to have been to enable the male and female initiates to die and to resurrect as water or earth spirits possessed ofthe health and fertility of the mbumba dimension. The initiation procedure of thc seventeenth-century kimpassi cult is fairly well documented. The initiate approached a semi-circle of nkadi mpemba type fetishes which kept out non-initiates and which, in order to ens ure respect, was called the 'wall of the King ofKongo'. At its entrance the members threw the initiate a small decorated cord, ordering him to pass under it many times. Eventually the ini tia te fainted and fell to the ground 'as if dead'. The members carried him into the inner part ofthe enclosure and 'cured' him. H e swore to remain a member ofthe cult until bis death. 122 The belief implicit in this practice was probably revealed in a statement by a Kongo woman called Dona Beatrice who, in the first years of the eighteenth century, claimed to be possessed by St Antony. She said that she was ill and at the moment of death a friar appeared to her saying that he was St Antony and that God had sen t him in to her head to preach to the people. She was dead because St Antony had entered her head in place of her sou!. She did not know how this had happened but she felt

ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITIC:AL ENVIRONMENT 27

herself revive. 123 The word the commentator translated as 'soul' was almost certainly moyo. ln Kongo thought, the sou!, moyo, resisted death and took another body appropriate to its new life in the other world. Dona Beatrice appears to say that at the mornent of death when her moyo was passing to the other world, the moyo ofSt Antony entered the vacated body, revived it and used it as his vehicle in this world. Thus she was not Dona Beatrice, but St Antony. The cult rnembers appear to have viewed their 'death' and 'resurrection' in a similar way. 124 The kimpassi initiates, for example, were called nkita people or nganga (priest) nkita, and they were said to invoke a 'devi!' called nkita, nkita of course being an earth spirit of the mbumba dimension. The Europeans translated nganga nkita as 'a man come back from the other world'. 125 Thus the initiates appear to have believed that, d uring the ini tiation ceremony, their moyo passed to the other world and an nkita or simbi spirit entered the vacated body and revived it. The initiates wore a certain seed on their left shoulder, seeds being one of the signs of the water and earth spirits. 126

The people became water or earth spirits in order to be imbued with the health and fertility of the mbumba dimension. This is irnplicit, rather than explicit, in the sources. One seventeenth-century commentator stated that 'when the bon­fires of bomba (mbumba) are made- the daughters of kimbo bombos (nkimba mubumba) ali dance, moving their bodies, eyes and head, and with obscene gestures, they sing certain verses. A thousand more ridiculous and bestial ceremonies these shameless nganga practise at their bonfires'. Another noted that the kimj;assi initiates made 'acts of leaping of extreme obscenity' in front of the semi-circle of idols. The kimpassi cult was usually described as an association in which men and women invoked the devi!, danced and then 'mixed carnally without respect of relationship or affinity.' 127 The kimpassi assemblies were also associated with agricultura! fertility. One of the severa! meanings of the word vela, used to designate the kimpassi enclosure, was 'to collect fruits.' Vela mbongo rneant to make the harvest. A mid­seventeenth century kimpassi enclosure two miles from Mbanza Nkusu contained an ido! venerated as 'protector ofthe tillage'. 128

The limited evidence suggest a dose relationship between kimpassi south of the Zaire and lemba to the north, and in the

2B THE KINGDOM OF THE KONGO

sixteenth anel seventeenth centuries lemba too, appears to have been primarily concerned with fertility although by the early eighteenth century the emphasis of both cults had changed from fertility to health, a kimpassi enclosure being described as 'a place of superstition destined to the care of the ill anel other pagan ceremonies' .129 ln the late nineteenth century, e mbumba jintumbula- may mubumba punish me- was a kimjJassi oath. 130

To some extent, anel in certain circumstances, the cults could provide a more open anel flexible mbumba baseei alternative to the autocratic kitome structures. Through them the initiates acquired the state ofbeing characteristic ofthe kitome, the 'pure ones'; the term for the kimpassi enclosure, vela, for example, also meaning 'to become white' 131 anel indicating a state ofpurity. The key difference between the kitome chiefdoms anel the mbumba baseei cults was that the chiefdoms were corporations sole, the kitome mediating on behalf of the group, anel the office being occupied by a series of individuais in succession, whilst the cults were corporations aggregate, the office of nganga nkita being held by ali the initiates simultaneously. That these corporations aggregate could rapidly be transformed into corporations sole, was to be amply demonstrated by the Antonine movement of the early eighteenth century. ln the mid-seventeenth century the cults rivalled the kitome as a source of power anel authority baseei on the mbumba dimension. Observers considered that it was 'incredible the fear that everyone has of the (kimpassi) sect, even the authorities of the cities anel of the provinces in whose districts andjurisdictions it exists. In this way, these criminais live with great impudence, maintaining themselves immune from any prosecution. Ifthey consicler themselves persecuted, they guickly venge themselves against whoever it may be, making them die by means of witchcraft'. The Antonine movement of the early eighteenth century became a major politica! force in Kongo. 132

ln addition to the kanda, the kitome anel the cults, the Kongo kingdom incorpora teci more complex politicai structures which may conveniently be termed extra-kanda chiefdoms. The processes underlying the formation of these chiefdoms is unclear. However, it is significant that the most important chiefC:loms arose in the most fertile, procluctive, anel prosperous part of the region along the Nkisi River valley. Severa! factors

EC:ONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT 29

may have been involveel. The first was client settlement as people sought refuge from the periodic elrought of the coas tal zone anel the aridity of the plateau. Client settlement would strengthen both the hierarchical tendencies within the kanda anel the position of the kanda relative to neighbouring groups. The second factor may have been trade, the prosperous cloth inelustry of the Nkisi valley attracting salt anel shell-traders from the coast anel perhaps copper-traders from north of the Zaire. This too could have strengthened the hierarchical tendencies of certain kanda anel their position rela tive to others. A wealthy anel powerful kanda or kanda segment chiefwould be in a position to draw neighbouring groups into tribute. The result would be chiefship baseei upon a ruling kanda supported by other client anel tributary kanda. Such chiefs were normally male anel they used their principal wives to cement alliances with egual kanda anel their other wives to cement relationships with subordinate kanda. The best known Nkisi valley chiefeloms were those elominated by the kanda Nsaku Lau anel Mpangu respectively. 133 Other chiefeloms which arose to the south along the mountain ridge may have owed most to client lineages escaping war or the more frequent anel intense droughts of the southern coastal strip. Amongst these Wembo anel Wandu were to play a part in the formation ofthe Kongo kingdom.U4

The extra-kanda chiefs attempted to use ali three elimensions of other-worldly power to confirm their legitimacy. They attempted, with some success, to elevelop cults of the chiefs' predecessors anel of the dimension of nkadi mpemba anel the sky spirits. They also sought the support of the institutions of the mbumba elimension 135 although the strength ofthe kitome anel the mbumba baseei cults normally prevented them from dominating this source of other-worldly power.

A cult of a chief's predecessors could be properly followed by both the chief's own kanda members anel by ali those who stood as classificatory Child to the chief. ln theory this coulel include not only the chief's actual children anel the members of the client anel tributary lineages, but also the kanda o[ all children born to the kanda members. There is some evidence that cults of the chiefly graves were developed by the extra-kanda chiefs anel that in the sixteenth anel seventeenth centuries people continued to visit them to plead aiel. I t was said that 'formerly' two o r three

30 THE KING DOM OF THE KONGO

of thc chiefs' favourite concubines were buried alive with them. 136

The dimension of nkadi mpemba anel the sky spirits offered the extra -kanda chiefs fürther possi bili ties of spiri tuallegi timacy, for the dimension was associated with powers of destruction, protcction, anel manipulation; with material striving; anel with the cultural world of man. These were at the root of the chiefs' powcr. Moreover, the powers of the nkadi mpemba dimensions were not associated with other, entrenched politicai structures, as those of mbumba anel to a lesser extent, the ancestors were, anel their significance in Kongo cosmology may well have developed concomitantly with this type of chiefship. Certainly the use of the powers of this dimension, regarded with ambivalence when sought, as they normally were, by individuais for individual advantage, could be perceived as legitimate anel ofbencfit to the whole community when used by or on behalf of chiefs. I t may be inferred fromlater evidence that very powerful chie(c; could attempt to associate themselves directly with nkadi mpemba type power as the kitome had clone with mbumba. That is, they could claim to embody in themselves the powers of protection anel destruction associated with that dimension. ln the seven­teenth century the mani Loango, north of the za·ire, was called nkisi, fetish, because 'he has, as they say, the power to kill anybody with a word, anel can spoil the whole country, anel prefcr anel put down, make rich or poor, at his pleasure'. ln the ninetccnth century powerful Nsundi chiefs claimed to 'be' nkadi mpemba. Today, tradition exalts the destructive power ofthe old chiefs. They 'killed anel burned anel enslaved; they put down evil, maintained order, anel assigned !anel to their dependants. The idea of such power horrifies anel fascinates the people of today'. 137 Whether or not they could convince their subjects that they embodied these powers, the chiefs could claim the protcctive manipulative powers normally associated with priests of the nkadi mpemba dimension. ln the seventeenth century, for example, the mani Loango performed rain making ceremonies of the nkadi mpemba type anel the people believed that, by means of these anel other activities of his priests, he procluced rain. 138 The ngola a kiluanje to the south of Kongo similarly claimed to be 'Iord of the sun anel the rain' anel to be able to make or withold the rain. 139 ln addition, extra-kanda

ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND POLITICAL ENV!RONMENT 31

chiefs normally employed a variety of nganga o[ the nkadi mjmnba type to assist them in aspects of government. 140 Some chiefs established a house of the idols guardeei by nganga of the nkadi mpemba type. 141 The nkisi protected supplicants against a variety of evils anel could attract people from a wide arca, proving the legitimacy of the chiefs rule in terms of his protection of the people.

When the Kongo kingdom evolved in the early fifteenth century, then, it did so within a social formation which included kanda matrilineal descent groups, kitome priestly chiefdoms, mbumba baseei cults anel extra-kanda chiefcloms. Of these, the extra-kanda chiefcloms were probably the most recent structures, developecl on the basis ofthe Nkisi valley's fertility anel trade anel the mountains' precipitation anel fastness. The chieiS legitimizecl their rule primarily by reference to the other worlclly categories of their cleacl preclecessors anel the climension of nkadi mpemba anel the sky spirits although they sought anel often securecl the support of the mbumba baseei institutions. However, their centralizing activites coulcl be resistecl by reference to the kitome anel cults of the mbumba climension which securecl fertility anel health anel the kanda icleology which legitimizecl rights in !anel, regulatecl the primary clistribution ofproduce, anel affirmecl the free status ofits members.

CHAPTER2

The Kingdom of Kongo

Although the early history of the Kongo kingdom is uncertain, some conclusions may be drawn from sixteenth- and seven tcenth-century evidence and traditions. 1 These, despi te their inconsistencies and inevitablc tendency to reflect contemporary rather than historical concerns and circumstances, suggest that the Kingdom ofKongo represented a new type of chiefship which developed from a prototype evolved north of the Zai"re in the region of the Mindouli-Boko Songo copper mines. The precise circumstances of this development are unccrtain. It may bc hypothesized, however, that as cxtra-kanda chiefdoms evolved in the Nkisi valley, in the southern mountains, and in othcr locations north ofthe Zai:re, increasing numbers of smith-traders began to seek copper to work and to sell at the chiefly courts and markets. Thc Mindouli-Boko Songo coppcr, which was the bcst in the region, was scattered ovcr a wide arca. If the local kanda wcrc to maximize thcir bencfit from the trade, thcy needed to co-operate to providc safe passage and to cstablish a uniform system of taxation. It was probably in such circumstances that thc kanda began to elect an individual who, rather than representing his own kanda broke the bonds of kin and reprcsented all the co-opcrating groups. H c was, no doubt, assistcd by a council of all the kanda chiefs or their rcpresentativcs. Various dcvices may have been used to ensure that the office of 'king' circulatcd amongst the partici­pating kanda.

Thc politicai device evolved north of the Za"ire probably passed south ofthe river in the early fifteenth century. It seems likely that the success of the copper controlling chiefdom or chiefdoms, possibly called Vungu, further stimulated the copper tradc across thc Zai:re. This tradc route from Vungu to the Nkisi valley chiefdoms and perhaps to the southern

!' I r t I! i: 1:

li ~~ i L li i:

THE KINGDOM OF KONGO 33

mountains too, crossed an older trade route from the salt and shell producing coastal strip to thc Nkisi vallcy. It was in this central region, where the two routes crossed, that the Kingdom of Kongo arose. There are at least two possible hypotheses concerning this development. The one which is most congruent with the traditions is that Vu'ngu became so powerful that it was able to· impose governors upon neighbouring kanda and espccially upon the kanda which controllcd the principal Zaire crossing. Thc Za"irc governar used his control of the copper tradc to intervene in the coastal-Nkisi Valley trade, seceded Ü'om Vungu and established an independent capital on the mountain of the !ater Mbanza Kongo (São Salvador), in the region of the trade route intersection. H e secured the support of the local kanda by marriage alliances and the children of these kanda, or in practice, ofthese marriages, became contenders for the new title of mani Kongo (lord or governar of Kongo). A second hypothesis, less congruent with the traditions, is that the kanda of the central region developed a device similar to that of Vungu in order to maximize the benefits of the trade which passed through their lands.

The mani Kongo taxed the trade which passed between the coast and the Nkisi Valley on the one hand and Mindouli-Boko Songo, the Nkisi Valley and perhaps the southern mountains on the other. As bis power grew, he sent men to subject the rclatively weak kanda and kitome on the coast, establishing two provinces, Sonyo to the north, and Mbamba to the south. ln the late fifteenth century, the mani Nfbamba conquered coastallands further south, establishing the nzimbu shell producing island of Luanda as the southernmost tip of the kingdom.- The mani Kongo subjugated the kanda, kitome and chiefs to the north and north-east, forming a province called Nsundi, and the mountain chiefdom of \Vembo to the south, which became a province ofthe sarne name. A further mountainous region to the south, which may also have been an extra-kanda chiefdom, was conquered and given the name ofWandu, together with other, smaller, mountain chiefdoms such as Nkusu, Ololo (Lukinga) and Damba which may, initially, have been incorporated in one of the major provinces. The powerful chiefdoms of the Nkisi Valley, based upon Mpangu and Nsaku Lau kanda, accommo­dated themselves to the new power and were incorporated into

3+ THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

the kingdom as Mpangu anel Mbata provinces respectively. The central region, which contained the lands of the participating kanda became the province ofMpemba. Ali these governors attempted to extend their influence, anel in the late fiftccnth century the mani Mbamba was still drawing Mbundu groups under his controi,Z the mani Nsundi was conflicting with the makoko of the Tio over control of copper-producing groups north of the Zaire anel the mani Mbata was extending his influence over groups east ofthe Nkisi.

The governors established their capitais in the most fertile parts of the provinces. Mbanza Sonyo, for example, was located in the Zaire estuary in the north-west. This was the best watered the most populous part of a generally arid province. Mbanza Mbamba, which generally governed an even less hospitable region, was located in the wetter, northern part of thc province in a fertile region south of the Ri ver Mbrije. The capital of the central province of Mpemba was strategically located away from Mbanza Kongo at its southern extremity in a fertile region on the River Loje. The eastern capitais, Mbanzas Nsundi, Mpangu, anel Mbata were ali located in the fertile Nkisi Valley near the eastern frontier ofthe kingdom. 3

The conquest or incorporation of the neighbouring kanda, kúome, anel extra-kanda chiefdoms established the Kongo kingdom on a new economic basis. Instead of simply taxing the trade which passeei through the central region, the mani Kongo anel the central kanda now exploited the resources ofthe severa! ecological zones directly. The governors exacted tribute from the subject groups anel sent a proportion of it to Mbanza Kongo. The governors of the coas tal zone sent salt anel shells; those of the eastern provinces, cloth. The governors of the sou thern mountain provinces probably sent some of the inferior copper which was mined in that region. Many of the governors sent agricultura! produce, especially live animais. Wherever possible, the mani Kongo or the provincial governors directly controlled the centres ofproductions. The best-known example of this is the production of nzimbu shell money on the island of Luanda. ln the sixteenth century anel almost certainly before, the appointees ofthe mani Mbamba and the nzani Kongo ensured that the shells were gradeei by size and placed in sacks of standard measure before being sent via Mbanza Mbamba to

THE KINGDO!'v! OF KONGO 35

the capital. There may have been similar direct control over some of the salt pans.4 The governors sent tribute because the mani Kongo gave them presents from a different ecological zone in exchange. Since the products of each zone were relatively low in value in the producing area but ofhigh value in the alterna te zone, the governors benefited. They in turn attracted rather than coerced the subordina te kanda anel other chiefs into tribute anel so, through their politicai structures to the primary producers. 5

The general effect of the system was to stimulate the production ofluxury items- cloth, nâmbu shells, and salt, and to concentra te, but not confine them, in the hands of the ruling élite. There was also a general movement of live animais upwards through the system, creating a dietary distinction between the élite who ate pigs, chickens, goats, and sometimes beef, anel the rest of the people who seldom di c! so. 6

The precise structure of the Kongo kingdom in the late fifteenth century is uncertain, but some conclusions can be drawn from !ater sources. The politicai title of maní Konl;o belonged to the Mwissikongo ruling élite. ln the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, the Mwissikongo could be defineel as the members of the kanda of the central region. There were said to be twelve of these7 but this may have been a conventional rather than an actual number. It is possible they inclueleel Nimi, Kitima, Nlaza, Lukeni, anel perhaps Nsundi and Nkusu. 8 The Mwissikongo kanda constituteel a corporate group9 with clear identity, presumed perpetuity and doseei membership. They had an exclusive body of common affairs - the election of thc mani Kongo anel thc government anel exploitation ofthc subject regions - anel set procedures for organizing these affairs. ln subsequent centuries, the composition ofthe Mwissikongo élite was to change considerably but it remained a corporate group analytically distinct from the subject peoples.

The kings fulfilled a representa tive role within the Mwissikongo group. The Mwissikongo, not the king, 'owned' the !anel of Kongo. The king distributed offices anel received tribute, but he could not alienate the !anel anel hc was expected to reelistribute the tribute to the central and provincial Mwissikongo. 10 His movable goods, wives, anel slaves belonged to the office, not the individual, anel his successor, not his relatives, inherited

:)h THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

them. 11 On ali important issues he assembled the Mwissikongo in the public square anel explained in cletail the circumstances surrounding the matter. Public oaths, exarninations, anel receptions followed a similar proceclure. In very clelicate matters, it was often essential to secure the public agreement of all the principal Mwissikongo. 12

Whilst the king fulfillecl a representative role with respect to the M wissikongo, h e was also set apart from them by the investiture, anel this createcl an ambiguity in bis position which he was able to exploit in the late sixteenth century. The cletails of the investiture changecl over the centuries but it is probable that it always consistecl ofthree parts, an election, an investiture anel a ritual seclusion, followed by acclarnation. 13 The election emphasized the mani Kongo'l' representative role. In theory there were four electors. ln the earliest pcriod of the kingclom, thesc probably represcntecl the most powerful of the participating kanda, with the possible acldition of the kúome of Mbanza Kongo, the mani Vunda. 14 Latcr, the elcctors variecl with the vagaries of power. By the end of the fifteenth century, for example, the chiefofthe Nsaku Lau kanda, thc mani ;Vfbata, had the 'first voice in Kongo' anel he continued to be considered a nccessary elector into the mid-scventeenth century. 15 ln practice, the most powerful electors resident in Mbanza Kongo normally endorsed the strongest candidate, revising their position if he were overthrown by another. 16 There is sorne evidence that in periods when kanda relationships were important, the electors preferred the sons of the daughters of title-holdcrs. 17 This gave the succession to members of kanda that had given a woman to a titlc-holder anel which therefore stoocl as classificat:ory Chile! to his kanda. As the kingdorn cxpancled anel the ruling kanda of clistant extra-kanda chicfdoms proviclcd wives for the mani Kongo, the possibility ofkings being sclected from members of these non-Mwissikongo kanda grew. [ t was not realized, however, until the election of an Nsaku Lau in the early sixteenth century. 18 The name of the elect was announccd to the assembled Mwissikongo by the mani Vunda who thereby enclorsed the decision in tcrrns of the mbumba dimension.

I n thc second part of the process the mani Kongo was invested pu blicly with the insígnia of oflice. ln the earliest period of

THE KINGDOM OF KONGO 37

Kongo history the mani Vunda probably perforrned this ceremony alone; from the early sixteenth to the early seventeenth century, the mani A1bata dominated thesc proceedings too. 19 The mani Vunda, however, remained an essential officiant since he alone could legitimize the invcstiture in terms of the mbumba dimension. ln the early sixteenth century the insígnia included a copper bracelet worn on the left arm, a cap, called mpu, a fly whisk, anel a throne of ivory anel sculpted wood. They probably also included the drum simbo e bulo (power of the elclers, chiefs) which made a sound like a blacksmiths hammer, the sembo an.sure, the smiths whistlc, anel an ancestral sachet. Other, principally Christian, insígnia, were added in the sixteenth century.20 Many of these insígnia implied legitimation in terms of mbumba; the ancestral sachet implied legi timation in terms of the chiefly prcdecessors.

The third part of the investiture was a ritual seclusion. The king was conclucted from the place of investiture by twelve Mwissikongo, no doubt representing the twelve real or conventional Mwissikongo kanda. The king elect anel the people threw dust (the dimension of mbumba) upon him. He then passecl eight days, that is two Kongo wceks, in seclusion. During this period h e broke the bonds ofkin, thereby fitting him to represent the whole Mwissikongo group. According to !ater accounts, earlier mani Kongo killed a junior member of their kanda anel had intercourse with a female member during this period, a practice ora myth which would also have legitimizcd him in terms of the nkadi mpemba dimension. This period cnded with the mani Kongo~s appearance in the public squarc, at which point the Mwissikongo title-holders sworc to obey him.

Thus, the process ofinvestiture was ambivalent. On the one hand it demonstrated the mani Kongo~s status as the representative ofthe Mwissikongo group; on the other hancl, it established his separateness anel legitimized it in terms of ali three dimensions of spiritual power. This spiritual separateness established a basis upon which the mani Kongo was able, in the late sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries, to develop a more dominant role within the Mwissikongo group.

Severa! institutions balanceei the power of the king at thc centre. The council, ne mbanda, was the most important. An individual's principal wife, who wielded great authority,Z 1 was

')I_) ,)() THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

called mani mbanda, anel the ielentity of name suggests that the council was expecteel to fulfil a comparable role with respect to the king. Theoretically at least, wars coulel not be eleclareel, ollicials nameel or elepriveel, roaels openeel or closeel without the consent of the council.22 The most eletaileel accounts of the cotmcil come from the early seventeenth century, but its general structure seems to have been similar in the earlier periocl. lt consisteel of twelve members who may 'orginally' or symboli­cally, have representeel the twelve real or conventional M wissikongo kanda. ln the early perioel, the offices were almost certainly clistributeel amongst the senior members of the Mwissikongo kanda but the structural position of councillors in thc late sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries altereel elramatically. The councillors were elivielecl into three groups of four. ln the mid-seventeenth century, the four principal male councillors were the principal judge, who presided, the principal secretary, the major-domo, mani lumbo, who was responsible for the king's householel, anel another individual whose responsibility is unknown. There were four lesser male councillors anel four women councillors. The latter were usually widowed queens anel the aunts anel sisters of the reigning kingY Only one of these female titles is known- that of n:ámbu mjmngu, great nzimbu. The n:ámbu mpungu was the king's female co-chief, investecl, like him, with the powers of the other worlel. ln thc only known instance, she was the king's paternal aunt, probably the chíef ofhis father's kanda. 24 Following the idiom of the kanda she was also entitled 'Mother anel Daughter of the King'. The king investeel the councillors in 'rcnts'- provincial govcrnorships- from which they received the tribute income. 25

'fhc office-holelers of thc king's houschold constituted a seconel axis of power which could restrain o r support the king. Thc householel inclueleel relatives, the sons anel nephews of provincial governors anel their Mwissikongo supporters sent to be eelucated at the king's court, religious functionaries, anel, especially in the late sixteenth century, slaves. Most of these wcre housecl within the royal enclosure - lumbo. The most irn portan t official was the heacl of the household, the mani lumbo who, in the early seventeenth century, was also a member ofthe council. Other sixtcenth- anel seventeenth-century officials incluelecl three ollicials who took personal care of the king-a

THE KINGDO!vl OF KONGO 39

cup-bearer, a principal cook anel an individual responsible for the foocl, four commanclers ofthe king's guards, a chief ofpolice, a treasurer, a collector of tithes anel a collector of taxes, lesser secretaries, ancljuclges. With the possible exception ofthe early seventeenth century mani lumbo, the household officials were not rewarclecl with provincial 'rents' but clepencled upon the king's bounty. ln the micl-seventeenth century there was a tenclency for these offices to become hereclitary. 26

Certain non-Mwissikongo chiefs also exercisecl power in Mbanza Kongo anel balanceei that of the king, the council anel the householcl. They tencled to be mjJemba nkazi,Z7 powerful extra-kanda or kanda chiefs who, having submitted to Kongo overlorclship, were given the privilege of supplying the mani Kongo with a kanda member- frequently their 'own' sister- as wife. They exerciseel power at Mbanza Kongo clirectly anel also through the sons of their sisters who were important members of the Mbanza Kongo court anel their own closest relatives. The identity ofthe mpemba nkazi varied accorcling to the exigencies of power. Throughout the sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries, the most important was the mani Mbata, the chief of the Nsaku Lau kanda which had dominated the most powerful of the Nkisi Valley chiefcloms. He hacl submitteel to the Kongo kings anel acceptecl the Kongo title of mani ;Vi bata. However, he retained much of his former power anel even increaseel it, for the upper Nkisi valley was the most fertile anel populous part of the kingclom anel the richest in cloth, anel the mani Mbata received salt anel nzimbu shells in exchange for bis clotb tribute. The mani Kongo never succeeclecl in imposing a non-Nsaku Lau governor on tbe province anel in the fifteenth anel much of the sixteentb anel seventeenth centuries, they simply confirmed the local election. Even the fact of submission was concealecl, for tbe mani Kongo hacl agreed to take an Nsaku Lau as bis principal wife anel the tribute submitted by Mbata was said to be a subsidy to help support the queen. ln the early sixteenth century, the mani Mbata was describecl as tbe 'head' ofthe kingdom. Throughout the sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries, he was generally regarclecl as a necessary elector since his position could be clecisive. H e was entitlecl Granclfather of the king of Kongo, a title which impliecl authority witb equivalence, since the merging of alternate generations is explicit in Kongo usage. Hc

-lO THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

could sit nearer the king than any other title-holder and eat at his table. Only h e and the king could use the drum called simbo e bulo (power of the elders, chiefs) and only h e, the king, and the kitome mani Vunda could wear an ancestral sachet on their left shoulder.28 ln the early seventeenth century the mani Wembo, governor ofthe former southern chiefdom, was also an important mjmnba nkazi, as was the smaller neighbouring mani Ololo on the Lukunga River. These two title-holders acted with the mani Vunda as stake-holders during interregna. They attempted to prevent the lawlessness that usually occurred when the king díecl, and they summoned the Mwissikongo to bury the old king anel to invest the new. 29 The power ofthese mpemba nkazi in the electíon period derived from the fact that, in theory at least, thcy had no Ínterest in the electíon. ln general, of course, their power derived from the fact that they were powerful chiefs with inclcpendent bases whose opinions and interests had to be accom­modated.

Throughout the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, there were eight major provinces in Kongo. ln the early sixteenth century the cloth-producing provinces ofMbata and M pangu, located in the fertile Nkisi valley, were the 'principal' provinces.30 Nsundi, Mbamba, and Wembo were also impor­tant,31 the first because it had access to the copper trade of Mindouli-Boko Songo, the second because it controlled nzimbu production, and the third because it controlled the copper mines of Mbembe. Sonyo, which had few natural resources, M pcmba, which was dominated by Mbanza Kongo, and Wandu, which was distant and without any unique resource, were less important. Of least importance were the small mountain provinces such as Nkusu, Damba, and Ololo, which were probably also incorporated in the kingdom. All the major provinces incorporated sub-provinces based upon kanda, extra­kanda chiefdoms or regional identity. The rela tive importance of both the provinces and the sub-provinces was to change dramatically in course ofthe succeeding centuries following the vagaries of power.

Throughout most of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, the mani Kongo, with the approval of the council, appointed all the major provincial governors for an initial period of three years. He invested them in the public square,

THE KING DOM OF KONGO +I

giving them a special cap, called mpu; the characteristic Kongo títle mani and the authority to rule. ln theory the mani Kongo and council could renew or withdraw the governorship at any time. He could appoint a regent for a very young title-holder or, having deprived one title-holder, make an ínterim appointment.32

ln practice, of course, his control over these appointments was directly related to his politica! position at the time. ln the case of Mbata, his possible choice was always confined to members of the ruling kanda Nsaku Lau and he was often able to do no more than confirm a local electíon.33 ln other provinces, the king's power varied considerably according to time and circumstance.34

ln the course of the fifteenth and !ater centuries, the kings attempted to extend their right of appointment to the governor­ships of sub-provinces, districts and sub-districts. These corresponded to various permutations of earlier structure norm­ally based upon kanda and extra-kanda structures.35 The royal policy sometimes resulted in severa! authorities sharing power. ln the sixteenth centu[y, for example, three authorities ruled the nzimbu shell-producing island ofLuanda: a direct appointee of the mani Kongo, a representative of the mani iV!bamba within whose province the island was situated, and the local kanda chief.36 Direct royal appointment not only helped to secure the mani Kongo~s financial interests, it also increased the number of appointments under his patronage and helped to balance the power of the provincial governors. At other times, powerful mani Kongo simply supplanted the provincial governar in selected sub-provincial appointments. By the late fifteenth century, this process of direct appointment to sub-provincial office had scarcely begun.37

ln the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries, the governors constituted the principal source of danger to individual kings. U ntil the !ater seventeenth century few governors sought to secede from the kingdom. Their economic dependence upon l\1banza Kongo was too great, for they needed the high value products of the Mbanza Kongo redistri­butive system in order to maintain the subjection of the local chiefs. Moreover, they had strong ties of kinship and politica! interest with the centre and, on completing their period of office, they returned either to their kanda or to the court where they sought further advancement. The principal danger to the

-1:! THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

kings in this period was not that the governors would secede, but that they would use the province as a power base from which to challenge the throne. Under weak kings, able men could some times secure the governorship of severa! provinces or districts simultaneously,38 anel full brothers could amass power in <l similar way.39 From these bases, anel from the major prm incial governorships, individuais could challenge the king.40

Thc kings sought to avert this danger in three principal ways. First they attempted to replace their predecessors' appointees with thcir own men, anel often with dose relatives. This could takc considerable time anel politicai skill.41 Second, they insistcd, as the most rigorous condition of their appointment, that tbc governors attend at Mbanza Kongo every three years or \\ henever called to do so. From the early sixteenth century omYards, the triennial attendance was normally on StJames's day (25 J uly) in the middle of the long dry season. The mani KonJ!,O \ power was directly reflected in bis ability to secure obcdience in this respect. The mere sending oftribute in no way com pensateel anel the kings construeel failure to attenel as rebcllion. 42 Thirel, the kings sought to maintain dose !ines of cornmunication with the provincial governÓrs. They nameel an official at Mbanza Kongo to represent the provincial Iord. The official normally took the sarne title as the lorel anel received a certain sum from him each year.43 The king appointed amhassadors to the provincial governor's court.44 They encourageel the governors to senel their sons anel nephews to be eelucatcel at Mbanza Kongo45 anel they insisteel upon a frequent exchange of messengers.46

From the mani Kongo~> point ofview, the governors hael three relatccl functions- military, fiscal, anel aelministrative. ln the !ater Portuguese terminology, the governors were the king's captains-general.47 They accompanieel him whenever he went in pcrson to war anel failure in this eluty was consielereel rebdlion. The governors exacteel the sarne obligation from the suhordinate chieis anel in this way the mani Kongo coulel mobilize a mass army.48 The captain generalleel the army. ln thc fiCteenth century this title was probably inelepenelent of the major provincial titles anel elrew upon the manpower of the central Mwissikongo province ofMpemba.49 At the enel ofthe fiftccnth century, the mani Kongo was saiel to have been able to

THE KINGDOtvl OF KONGO "f3

raise an army of80,000 men.50 The governors' seconel function was fiscal. The mani Kongo appointeel the governors as 'captains of some parts of his !anel in the collection of his rents.'51 They hael to collect tribute from the subject groups anel eleliver a proportion of it on their tricnnial visits to the capital. The amount was not fixeel. 52 l\II uch elepeneleel upon the prevailing politicai situation. A relatively strong king coulel deprive a governor who disappointeel him;53 a weak king would have to accept a lesser tribute. The governors' third function was to administer the province in the king's name anel especially to dispense justice, provieling a court of appeal for the suborelinate groups.54 ln aeldition, they maintaineel the communications system within the province, opening or dosing the roaels on the mani Kongo~<; orelers,55 anel intercepting messages of the mani Kongo>s enemies or potential enemies. 56

The provincial governors tendeel to duplicate the administra­tive proceelures of the capital. They appointed identical state anel householel officials.57 When they eliel not attenel at Mbanza Kongo, they assembleel their subordinate governors anel chiefs at their capital on Stjames's elay.58 They expccteel them to fulfil the sarne military, administrative, anel fiscal functions as they diel for the mani Kongo. Like the mani Kongo, the provincial governors generally attempteel to extenel their authority within the provinces anel to impose their own nominees on the subject chiefdoms, kanda anel sections, either directly or by daiming the right of confirmation.59 They sornetimes appointeel a politicai chief to represen t them alongside the locally electeel one. 60 This process, however, had scarcely begun in the late fifteenth century.61 They received a member ofeach ofthe subject kanda as concubine. 62

The establishment of the kingdom hael an important effect upon the kanda, shifting them further towards the hierarchical pole of their structural continua. The provincial governorships constituteel the most important sources of wealth anel power available to the mernbers of the Mwissikongo kanda at the centre, anel competition for them within as well as between the kanda was intense. The successful competitors tended to be the senior members of the kanda or their dose relatives anel these strengthened their position vis-à-vis their kanda juniors. The title-holelers secured some (few) slaves in the initial wars of

44 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

conqucst, luxury gooels of cloth, nzimbu shells anel salt. They also recciveel wives from the subject kanda anel, on their retum to Mbanza Kongo, these further increaseel both their agricultura! wealth anel their prestige. Their sons by kanda anel slave wives directly increased their p9wer. ln the provinces kanda anel extra-kanda chiefs strengtheneel their position by controlling prestigc goods which they receiveel from the Mwissikongo governors in exchange for locally proeluceel tribute. The senior members of the central Mwissikongo kanda anel their non­M wissikongo chilelren, who were the dose relatives of kanda anel extra-kanda chiefs, increasingly formeel a privilegeel group at the expense of the junior Mwissikongo kinsmen. This was to have important repercussions in the late sixteenth century. 63

Meanwhile, however, the structural elistinction between the Mwissikongo, defineel as members ofthe central kanda anel the non-Mwissikongo remained.

The establishment of the kingelom hael some effect upon demographic distribution within Kongo, the region of the capital, Mbanza Kongo, becoming increasingly elensely populated. The capital64 centred on a fertile, well watered mountain plateau roughly ten miles in circumference. The mani Kongo 's direct elependants accounteel for some ofthe increased settlement on the plateau, anel in the late sixteenth century the king's householel occupieel an enclosure roughly a mile anel a half in circumference. lt containeel labyrinthine walleel paths, courtyarels, huts elecorateel with palm cloth, anel garelens. A second major source of settlement was that of the senior members of the Mwissikongo kanda anel title-holelers who sought to establish enclosures containing their householels as near as possible to the king. These householels, too, consisteel of a large number ofhuts to accommoelate aelelitional wives from the subject kanda anel, especially in the !ater sixteenth century, slaves. The sons of the Mwissikongo also sought to establish themselves near the mani Kongo rather than with their less powerful matrilineal relatives. ln the sixteenth anel seventeenth centurics there was also aPortuguese quarter of about a mile circumference. The !anel between the enclosures was intensively cultivateel, most settlements provieling for their own subsistence neeels. I n aelelition fooel was bought anel solel at the Mbanza Kongo market. Governors invariably inclueleel fooel, particularly

THE KINGDOM OF KONGO 45

animais, amongst their tribute, thus provieling for their subsistence eluring their stay at the capital. 65 The region arounel the plateau for a circumference of about twenty miles was also densely settleel with the enclosures ofthe Mwissikongo set amielst cultivateel fielels. The Europeans estimateel the population of the Mbanza Kongo region in the late sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries at between 60,000 anel 100,000.

The Mwissikongo aelministration hael little effect upon the elemographic pattern of the provinces, the capitais of which normally remaineel relatively small. The principal reason for this was that in the fifteenth, sixteenth, anel early seventeenth centuries the governors selelom serveel more than three years in one office anel Mbanza Kongo, which alone coulel offer them further career aelvancement, remaineel their principal focus of interest. They travelleel to the province with their frienels anel relatives anel investeel them in provincial anel householel offices. On completing their term of service, they took them on to their next appointment or back to Mbanza Kongo. The chilelren of the M wissikongo by local wives, together with the wives themselves, moveel on with the governors or, in the case of the sons, sought their fortune anel serveel their father's interests in Mbanza Kongo. As a result of this, the provincial capitais remaineel relatively small areas of elenser settlement on the usual pattern of village o r householel enclosures surrouneleel by cultivateel !anel. I t was not until a miel-seventeenth century mani Sonyo establisheel an inelepenelent source ofwealth anel power .anel severeel the link with Mbanza Kongo that a more extensive settlement on the moelel ofMbanza Kongo arose. 66

The Mwissikongo attempteel to legitimize their power by reference to ali three 'other worlelly' elimensions. The most explicit was that of nkadi mpemba, the power of elestruction anel protection in the material worlel of man which coulel be affirmeel by both the mani Kongo anel the provincial governors. The myths of origin which elevelopeel arounel the figure of the 'first king', Lukeni, emphasizeel his 'unnatural' violence anel cruelty especially with respect to his 'own aunt', perhaps the female chief of h is kanda. 67 La ter traeli tion as cri beel similar 'unnatural' cruelty to Afonso I, the 'first Christian king', a violence which is contraelicteel by the contemporary sources.68 ln seventeenth century Kwilu, the people venerateel a site in the mielelle of

·I fi THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

wooels which, accoreling to traelition, was the elwelling place of the first kings ofKongo. They believeel that ifthey looked upon the si te, they would suddenly die. Some people believeel that the whirlwinds, which were very tempestuous and dangerous, were the sc)lds of Mwissikongo princes or governors. They also attribu teci to the mani Kong o the manipula tive powers associated with Lhe nkadi mpemba elimension, believing, like their neighbours in Loango anel Ngola a Kiluanje, that he could control the rain. 69

. Thc mani Kongo also developed a cult of his predecessors' graves. Since he broke the bonds ofkin during the investiture, he stood as classificatory Father to ali the Mwissikongo and ineleed to ali the subject groups. His graves could be venerated by them as those of an actual father would be. The mani Kongo graves were located in a special wood dose to the capital and it was said in the seventeenth century that 'formerly' the Mwissikongo buried twelve virgins (one for each real or conventional kanda?) alive with the dead king. The graves were highly vcnerated. ln the fifteenth, sixteenth, and early seventccnth centuries, the Mwissikongo governors were unable to elevclop provincial grave cults since they seldom died in the provincial capital. 70

Thc mani Kongo also attempted to claim a dominance over the mbumba dimensions. Thus, one seventeenth-century tradition assertcd that the mountain of Mbanza Kongo had formerly belongcd to the kitome, mani Vunda and that on taking possession of it, thc first mani Kongo hael fillecl in the latter's sacred lake. Anothcr traelition asserteel that the 'first King of Kongo' hael hael to defeat the kitome mbwnba a mbula, mani pangala (mani smith) in oreler to establish the kingdom, anel an annual ritual was hcld to recall this victory. Other traditions associated the mani Kongo with the realm of smithing, which was also associa ted with the kitome, asserting that the first King ofKongo inventcd the art ofsmithing or was descended from a 'very wise anel skil l'ul artisan'. 71 This association was, of course, reinforced in various rituais ofkingship and especially in the investiture.

More crucially important in establishing the mani Kongo~r legitimacy in terms of the mbumba dimension, was the readiness of the kitome, the established representatives of that dimension, to invest the mani Kongo and the provincial governors in office.

THE KING DOM OF KONGO ·17

The involvement of the kitome o[ Mbanza Kongo, the mani Vunda, remaineel essential to the investiture of the mani Kongo throughout the history of the kingdom. ln the provinces the governors in effect recognized and thereby confirmed the kitome's spiritual authority, and the kitome in return sanctioned their secular power. This bargain was struck in a ritual which was performeel every time a new governor entered the province. The only detailed account derives from seventeenth-ceÍ1tury Nsundi. At that time the ritual was performed by the kitome whose domain straeldled the route from Mbanza Kongo to Mbanza Nsundi in the Nkisi valley. When the mani Nsundi and his wife arrived at the kitome~s sacred stream, he stood on one side anel the kitome and his wife on the other. The two parties simulated battle, using straw arrows, and the mani Nsundi, his wife anel people, acknowledged themselves clefeated. The kitome then gave his hand to the mani Nsundi, his wife gave hers to the governor's wife, and they helpecl them and their people across the stream. The next morning the mani Nsundi anel his wife removed their clothes anel tramped them at their feet. The kitome poured some water on the earth and daubed some mud on the governor and bis wife. This mud represented the land, the water, anel the mbumbq dimension. Thus sanctified, the mani Nwndi anel his wife gave their clothes to the kitome anel bis wife. The kitome gave the mani Nwndi some objects including a sacred firebranel, symbol offertility, from which the Mwissikongowere to take their fire. They were to be kept in the governor's wife's house. 72 ln a more generalized seventeenth-century account, the kitome was said to tread the governor under bis feet 'to elemonstrate that he must be subject' and the governor swore perpetuai obedience. 73 The kitome~r spiritual authority was reinforced when he invested a dose matrilineal relative of the governo r with the power of the mbumba dimension. The rela tive - a pre-pubertal virgin - was kept apart and coulcl only be visiteel by the governar and other females, for it was believecl that if she were touched by another man she would Jose her power. When she grew oleler she was clismissed and the kitome invested another in her place. The girl, it was believed, helped to 'conserve the kingelom' anel her title, kz:vela, referred directly to the purity of the mbumba climension. 74 The kitome imposed certain taboos on the governor and the governar also obeyecl the

48 THE KING DOM OF KONGO

general 'laws of the land' established by the kitome and deferred to him in ritual matters. 75 When the governor finished his term of office, his house and effects were destroyed and the new governor passed through the sarne ritual procedures. 76

The !Seneral effect of the kitome investitures was to strengthen the kitome as well as the Mwissikongo. In effect, the M wissikongo recognized the kitomes' position as incarnations of the mbumba dimension essential to life and fertility, in exchange for thc kitomes' recognition of their nkadi mpemba and ancestral based power. The effect of this was not only to legitimize the Mwissikongo overlordship in terms ofthe mbumba dimension; it also strengthened the position of the kitome with respect both to the Mwissikongo system and to the cults. Over the centuries, the kitome developed a hierarchical structure which paralleled that of the Mwissikongo. The mani Vunda, kitome o[ Mbanza Kongo, dominated the system, enjoying the greatest prestige and power; the kitome who invested the major provincial governors occupied an intermediary position and those who invested lesser governors or none were as 'priests amongst bishops and archbishops'. 77 The two spheres of the M wissikongo and the kitome were kept discrete. ln the seventecnth century and no doubt before, it was held that the kitome could not hold a position within the Mwissikongo system. 78 It was also asserted that the mani Kongo and the mani Mbamba (like other kikongo-speaking chiefs north ofthe Zaire), could not look at the sea, which was most especially associated with thc mhumba dimension. Ifthey did, it was believed that the sea would cease to render the nzimbu shell money so crucial to the economy ofthe Kongo kingdom.79

The Mwissikongo governors did attempt to associate them­selves with other aspects of the mbumba dimension. ln the late fifteenth century, the governor ofthe north-western province of Sonyo appears to have taken a leading role in the mbwnba based cult nkimba. When he met the first European arrivals, he wore a cap embroidered with a snake, the symbol of nkimba and he greeted them with an nkimba cult ceremony.80 ln the seventcenth century, and no doubt earlier, he administered an oath identical to that of the kitome and which implied that he, too, was an expression of rnbumba power. Other governors sometimes administered a similar oath to those suspected of

i \,

r r

THE KINGDOM OF KONGO 49

treason. 81 A governor of Wandu province performed certain ceremonies every four days in honour of mbumba and the water and earth spirits, 82 and the principal wife of a mani Nsundi had two 'superstitious trees' near her house. 83

Whilst the mani Kongo and the Mwissikongo élite thus sought and to some extent achieved legitimation in terms of ali three dimensions of 'other worldly' power, they lacked a unique source of legitimation under their direct control. Neither the cult of the chiefty graves nor the directo r indirect assumption of the manipulative powers of nkadi mpemba were unique to the mani Kongo, whilst, despite occasional success, the mani Kongo and the Mwissikongo élite ultimately failed to dominate either the kitome o r the cults of the mbumba dimension. I t was this absence of a unique source of legitimation under their direct control which caused the mani Kongo and the ruling élite to welcome the Christian cult in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.

CHAPTER3

European Contact: The Kongo Kingdom 1483-1561

Whcn the first Europeans arrived in Kongo in 1483, the Kongo n'g·arded them as water or earth spirits of the mbumba d irncnsion. I t was understandable that they should doso. They loukcd like albinos, who were venerated as water spirits; they carne from the sea which, with other stretches of water, constituted the ideal barrier between this anel the other world; thcy spoke a strange language, as the kimpassi cult initiates did, alld they brought rich gifts unknown to 'this' world. Incleed, C\Tn in the micl-seventeenth century the people of eastern Kongo, who had not seen them before, callecl them nkita, earth spirit.

1 The Europeans said they carne from the 'King of

Portugal'. The Kongo, seeing the enormous1y rich gifts he sent, called the king ofPortugal nzamb1: mjJUngu, which the Portuguese tr;mslated as 'Iord of the world'2 anel which was a rela tive term rncaning 'highest spiritual authority' (in this case ofthe mbumba dirncnsion). 3

Diogo Cão, the leader ofthe first expeclition of 1483landecl at 1\:l pi nela near Mbanza Sonyo in the Za"ire estuary. He dicl not visit the capital, Mbanza Kongo, although he sent messengers and gifts. He did take some Mwissikongo hostages anel when he rcturnecl with them in 1485 they personally witnessecl to the marvels ofthe 'other worlcl' beyoncl the water.4 ln view ofthis, it was appropriate that the mani Kongo should sencl the kitome of M banza Kongo, the mani Vunda, with return presents.5 lt was also politic from the mani Vunda~r point ofview, since the new conLact potentially threatenecl his position as the principal mcdiator of the mbumba elimension in Kongo. The mani Vunda elicd cm the return journey in 1491. Any misgivings the Mwissi­kollgo may havc felt on this scorc wcrc qucllcd by cxccptionally rich prcscnts. The new cxpeditions brought cloth, clothes, ornaments, instrumcnts, horscs, anel many peoplc, including

EUROPEAN C:ONTACT: THE KONGO KINGDOM. 1-IR3-15(il 51

priests, stonemasons, carpenters, anel also women, who wcre inteneleel to instruct the Kongo in Portuguese housekeeping. The mani SonJio was overwhelmeel by the sight of the gifts, touching both hancls to the grounel anel putting them to his heael in a gesture associateel with the mbumba dimension.6 He then organized a festival which was clearly an nkimba cult assembly. The people were nakeel to the waist anel their skins were painteel white, the colour of the other worlel. They wore palm cloth from the waist to the grounel anel feathers in their hair. The mani Sm!JIO wore a hat embroiclerecl with a snake, the symbol of mbumba. The people praisecl the king of Portugal, nzambi mjmngu, the highest other worlel1y authority of the mbumba elimension. The mani Sort)IO anel his son were then baptizeel, that is to say, they were initiateel into the new mbumba cult inspireel by nzambi mpungu. As in similar initiations, the ceremony took place in seclusion in a newly built special enclosure, a 'church'. The Mwissikongo remained outsiele 'fearful'. The mani Sm!JIO then gathered all the olel nkisi-fetishes anel the priests burneel them, thereby reelefining them as fetishes of kindoki, witchcraft, the destructive aspect of nkadi mpemba power. 7 Later, the mani Kongo greeteel the expeelition with similar respect. ln a gesture to the mbumba elimension, he put his hanel on the grounel, took some elust anel toucheel the Portuguese ambassaelor's chest anel his own. vVhen he receiveel the mission before the assemblecl Mwissikongo, the people praiseel the king of Portugal, nzambi mpwzgu. The stonemasons set to work with the help of the Mwissikongo to bui1el a new enclosure, a 'church' of stone. The king was baptizeel before it was finisheel, however, since h e hacl to leave for war. H e took the same name as the king ofPortugal,João. Six title-holelers were also baptizeel. They took the names of members of the Portuguese king's householel. A certain Don Diogo then found what luokecl like a cross macle of black stone. Diogo was the brother of the mani Vunda who hael travelleel to Portugal. He was almost certainly a member ofthe Nsaku ne Vuncla kanda anel may even have been the new mani Vunda. The fineling of the b1ack stone, an unusual natural object clearly relateel to the mbumba elimension anel the new cult, authenticated the initiations in terms of mbumba anel the water anel earth spirits. 8

Although the king of Portugal sent his gifts, inclueling the

.'1~ THE KING DOM OF KONGO

ncw cult, elirectly to the mani Kongo, this eliel not substantially strengthen the mani Kongo~r position within Kongo. The principal reason for this was that Kongo lackeel tbe resources to tempt tbe Portuguese into furtber generosity. Tbe best João could offer was ivory anel palm clotb anel subsequent Portu­gucse gifts were proportionately moelest: some clotb in 1493, anel some clergymen, vestments, crosses, anel religious books in !''J04. 9 A seconel factor, relateel to tbis, was that.João faileel to confine the new cult to bimself anel his dose allies, as be bael wisheel to do. After tbe iriitial baptisms of 1491 ,.João was forceel to concede to the wisbes to tbe otber title-bolelers to be baptizeel. Within a short wbile most of the Mwissikongo title-ho1elers of thc court anel tbe provinces hael been baptizeel with Portuguese narnes. This gave the emerging élite amongst tbe Mwissikongo a unique source of mbumba-baseel power, but it ceaseel to be unique to tbe king anel bis dose allies. 10

vVithin a few years of the initial baptisms, most of the M wissikongo title-holelers, together with tbejunior members of thc central kanda anel the mani Vunda, bael reelefineel tbe new cult as kindoki, witchcraft, the elestructive aspect of nkadi mpemba power. The mani Vunda~r opposition was inevitable since tbe mlmmba definition cballenged his own position. Tbe king of Portugal sent presents to the mani Kongo, not to him, anel tbe Portuguese priests opposeel him. Tbe Mwissikongo title­holelers became elisaffecteel wben the Christian priests elcmanded tbat the king abanelon ali but bis principal wife. The mmzi Kongo~r principal wife was a member ofthe Nsaku Lau, the kmzda that ruleel Mbata. Sons by tbis wife coulel not succeeel to the throne. The mani Kongo~r lesser wives were almost ali members of tbe central kanda, tbe dose relatives anel often tbe sis ters of the M wissikongo title-holelers. I t was from tbe sons of these lesser wives that the next mani Kongo was cbosen. The missionaries thus challengeel the title-holelers' most vital interests. The junior members of tbe Mwissikongo kanda objected to a cult which was exclusive to the title-holelers anel thcir dose relatives. The general elisaffection was strengtheneel by a drought in the coastal zone wbich people attributeel to tbe ncw cult anel the assault that it hael maele upon the position of thc kitome anel the ineligenous cults. The Mwissikongo pointeel ou t that the elrought also meant less tribute anel that this in turn

EUROPEAN CONTACT: THE KONGO KINGDOivl, !~83-!56! 5:3

meant fewer gooels with which to rewarel fielelity anel avert rebellion. The disaffected groups were leel by one ofJoão's sons, Mpanzu a Kitima, a member of one ofthe central kanda anel for most of the !ater years of his reign João aelhereel to their position.ll

João's son by bis principal wife, who hael been baptizeel Afonso, hael a suprem e interest in supporting the new Christian cult. He coulel not, in theory, succeeel to the kingship, since it still belonged to the central kanda anel he was an Nsaku Lau. 12

The Christian priests, however, regarelecl Afonso, the son ofthe principal wife, as the only legitima te heir. Afonso's mother, anel bis uncle, the Nsaku Lau mani 1Vibata, hacl a similar interest in supporting the new cult. Afonso hael been governor of the north-eastern Kongo province ofNsuneli when the 1491 mission arriveel, anel he succeeelecl with some elifficulty in retaining this position throughout the rest ofhis father's reign. He was helpeel by Portuguese resielents who were few, but who tcneleel to gravi­tate to Nsuncli which thcy believeel to be on thc routc to the fabled !anel of Prester .John. They helped Afonso to establish contrai over the copper traele route to Mindouli-Boko Songo. 13

ln the !ater years ofjoão's life, the priests also moveel to Nsundi to seek refuge, anel perhaps wealth, with the 'Christian prince'. Afonso useel the presence ofthese hitherto unknown nkita earth spirits to develop an mbumba type cult anel to gather support from the local groups. 14

WhenJ oão I clieel in 1506, Afonso seizeel the throne. From the severa! extant versions of this episoele, 15 it appears that most of the Mwissikongo ofMbanza Kongo anel the provinces supporteel his half-brother, Mpanzu a Kitima, anel it is likely that Mpanzu was, in fact, investcd as mani Kongo. Afonso came from Nsuneli and the brothers met in a battle outsiele the capital. Afonso was said to have hael thirty-six or thirty-seven meu, inclueling some Portuguese, some 'noblemen', probably members of the Nsaku Lau who were also sons of l\1wissikongo title-holelers, anel . members of his own householel. He was far outnumbereel by Mpanzu's men, but, accoreling to the story, St.James interveneel on bis behalf, appearing with a cross anel with one or more horsemen dressed in white. The horsemen may have been Portuguese riding one or more of the horses that hael been sent to Kongo with the 1491 mission anel they may have hael firearms.

:i-~ THE KINGDO!V! OF KONGO

M panzu's men fled anel Afonso executed him. Despite the victory, Afonso's immediate position was weak.

'rhc Mwissikongo title-holders, the central kanda anel the kitome mani Vunda were defeated but not reconciled. Afonso appointed bis cousin Pedro to the vacant governorship ofNsundi. Pedro was probably an Nsaku Lau. He lmew Nsundi well, having served thcre during Afonso's governorship anel he was entirely trust­worthy. Afonso's only otber supporterwas tbe Nsaku Lau kanda chicf, tbe mani Mbata, wbo was bis dose matrilineal relative. The dissidents also sougbt tbe mani Mbata's belp, for be was tbe classificatory Grandfatber of the mani Kongo, of the sarne mvila­categorical group as the mani Vunda, anel governor of the most powerful of the Kongo provinces. H e supported Afonso, however, for, as h e said, 'who could be king that was a closer rela tive?' Ali thc other provincial posts were held by Afonso's enemies. 16

Afonso eventually drew the provincial anel central Mwissikongo title-holders into tribute anel submission, partly through the sword, but principally through the European goods that he was ablc to acquire anel redistribute to them. These goods were very highly valued indeed anel Afonso could acquire them immediately bccause, unlikeJoão, he controlled a commodity which was of considerable value in Europe, namely copper. There are several rcasons for supposing tbat this copper carne from Mindouli­Boko Songo nortb of the Za"ire anel that Afonso had secured a source of supply during his governorship ofNsundi. First, the copper that be exported in the early years ofhis reign was 'fine' coppcr. 17 The copper from within the nuclear kingdom was poor anel in the mid-seventeenth century, it was unacceptable 011 the European market. 18 The Mindouli-Boko Songo copper, however, was of excellent quality, dominating the inter­rcgional copper trade of that century. 19 Second, the captain of São Tomé understood in the mid-sixteenth century that the mines of copper were 'further up along the river' (Za1re),Z0 that is to say, in the general direction of Mindouli-Boko Songo. Third, ali the early sixteenth-century Kongo copper was exported in the form of manilla arm-rings anel this was the characteristic form of the Mindouli-Boko Songo exports.21

Fi nally, the only known late fifteenth-century Kongo wars were fought against the Tio, anel the Tio state ofMakoko was the only state neighbouring Kongo known to the Portuguese.22 Copper

EUROPEAN CONTACT: THE KONGO KINGDOM, 1483-1561 55

was the resource most likely to have been fought over. The contest probably occurred downstream of the Pool in the Nsundi sub-provinces ofMazinga anel Nsanga which straddled the Za:ire anel neighboured or even incorporated parts of the copper region.23 Afonso was governor of Nsundi from at least 14-85 untilJoão's death in 1506 anel it is likely that the wars were intended to secure o r to win back these provinces anel with them control of the copper trade. João I had only been able to ofier the Portuguese ivory anel palm cloth. 24 Between 1506 anel 1511 Afonso was able to export 5,200 arm-rings of copper. He also traded ivory, cloth, skins, anel honey which were obtained through the normal tribute mechanisms, anel some slaves who were probably acquired in the Tio wars. 25 The European goods he secured in exchange were more than enough to bring the provincial governors into tribute anel submission.

Afonso traded with the Portuguese at severa! leveis. He established an official trade with the Captain of the island São Tomé, which the Portuguese had begun to colonize in the late fifteenth century. Although the exchange rate was very much to bis disadvantage, tbis constituted the greatest part of the trade in the first ten years of bis reign. Afonso bought gooels from individual Portuguese traders, who were beginning to establish themselves in Mbanza Kongo. He successfully monopolizeel tbis trade too, for the Portuguese were a few in number anel elepencled upon bim. Moreover, be was the only title-holder in a position to purchase European goods on a large scale, for he con trolled the flow of copper through Pedro, mani N'iUndi, anel h e bad re-established a flow of goods from ali the provinces through the tribute system. Afonso also attempted to purchase goods directly in Portugal. He was less successful in this since tbe Captain of São Tomé seized the goods be dispatched to Portugal in Portuguese boats anel frustrated his attcmpts to purchase hi_s own boats. 26

In the seconel decade ofthe sixteenth century, São Tomé anel metropolitan Portugal began to experience an acute labour sbortage anel the king of Portugal, hoping to secure slaves, renewecl bis interest in Kongo. In 1508 he had merely sent some canons, churcb ornaments, anel workmen, 27 but in 1512 be sent an ambassador, a factor, priests, workmen, anel many gift:s. He instructecl tbe ambassador to send the Portuguese then in

Sfi THE K!NGDOM Of KONGO

The Mindouli-Boko Songo copper region

o 100 200 l ___ __, ___ __, ___ __j

MAP3

EUROPEAN CONTACT: THE KONGO KINGDOivi, !483-156! 57

Kongo back to Portugal, to examine the trading potential of the country, to establish a royal factory and to impose a royal monopoly on the slave trade. H e expected Afonso to send return gifts of slaves, copper, and ivory.28 Afonso welcomed this initiative. He had himself attempted to establish a direct exchange but the Captain ofSão Tomé had seized the gifts and sometimes the letters and ambassadors that he had sent, too. Now, Afonso appointed the king's factor as Captain of the Portuguese. He gave him nzinzbu shells to buy slaves and decreed that no one else could buy them. He kept a strict account of these purchases. There were in fact very few slaves available for purchase and scarcely any had so far been exported from Kongo. 29 ln order to secure the return gift Afonso had to raid the neighbouring Mbundu - probably Ndembu,30 newly acquired captives being the only people who could, at this time, be legitimately sold.31 Afonso also gave the factor nzinzbu shell money with which to buy slaves in the Mbanza Kongo market. The São Tomé officials and resident Portuguese, hitherto divided, united against the royal monopoly and the Captain of São Tomé offered to ship any slaves that the Portuguese residents bought.32 ln the face ofthis opposition, the royal enthusiasm declined and the king's presents of 1526 were substantially fewer than those of 1512.33

Finally, the king abandoned the proposed royal monopoly in fa vour of taxing the slave trade and insisting that all the trade be carried in official boats. The latter refused to carry the alterna tive exports that Afonso wished to send to PortugaJ.34

ln the third decade ofthe sL-xteenth century the abandonment of the attempted Portuguese royal monopoly and the growth in the demand for slaves undermined Afonso's monopoly of the Atlantic trade. São Tomé needed slaves for the growing sugar industry and metropolitan Portugal needed to replace the manpower lost to the expanding empire. 35 Afonso was ill­equipped to conduct frequent slave-raiding campaigns at the periphery ofthe kingdom. H e had no disciplined standing army and mass levies were destructive in their passage and incapable ofmore than the briefest campaign.36 ln general, Afonso dared not second Portuguese gunmen to the provincial governors. This would have simplified slave raiding but it would also have decentralized power and encouraged a direct exchange of

:)B TI-!E KINGDO!vl OF KONGO

European anel Kongo goods. Afonso's monopoly collapsed as thc balance of the traders' demands turned fi·om copper to si aves anel began to outstrip his raiding capacity?7 As it did so, thc Portuguese began to trade directly with individual Kongo in hoth Mbanza Kongo anel the provinces. 38

Direct Portuguese trading threatened to destroy Afonso's h a rd-won position at the apex of the Kongo redistributive system. Certain Kongo, avie! for European goods, began to kidnap people to sell as slaves. ln 1526 Afonso complaineel that 'thicves anel men without conscience' seizeel 'filhos da terra' ( people of the su bject kanda) anel 'jillzo.r de nossos fidalgos e vassallos' (pcople ofthe Mwissikongo anel ofthe tribute submitting kanda anel cxtra-kanda chiefs) to sell to the merchants.39 Some ofthis dircct trade undou btedly occurred in Mbanza Kongo where the Portuguese had openeel three or four factories.40 Other Portuguese, however, began to seek slaves in the provinces anel this threatened to undermine the whole economic anel politicai basis ofthe state. Afonso complained in the same letter that, as a result, the tributary governors anel chiefs became richer in European goods than he. 'Formerly', he saiel, 'we would have givcn them these things in order to satisfy them anel keep them under our suzerainty aneljurisdiction'. Now, having no need of thc Mbanza Kongo redistributive system, they rebelleel; that is, they refused tribute anel obedience. Afonso attemptcd various palliatives. H c askcd thc king ofPortugal to ban thc factories in 1Vl banza Kongo. Hc establishcd three ofhis household officials as j uclgcs to examine the slavcs bought by thc white mcn anel to determine whether they were truly war captives or whethcr they were kiclnapped free men. Atone stage, Afonso consiclerecl the tracle so destructive that he proposed to end it. H e informed thc king of Portugal that he wanted Portuguese teachers anel pricsts but he no longer wantecl traders anel mcrchants, 'for it is ou r will that in ou r kingdom there should no longer be a trade o r export of slaves. '41 U nfortunately for him, this was not a practical proposition. If Afonso ejected the Portuguesc traders the tributory govcrnors would certainly have welcomed them and hastened the clisintegration ofthe statc.

Disintcgration was averteel in the late l520s by the evolution of si ave markets on the Nsundi-Tio boundary near Malebo Pool. Severa! factors facilita teci their evolution there. There had

EUROPEAN CONTACT: TI-!E KONGO KINGDO!vl, H83-l5GI 59

been Tio-Kongo wars connected with the copper trade since at least the late fifteenth century anel this had created a pool of recently acquired captives. Afonso had welcomeel the Portugucse to Nsundi anel thcy, attracted by rumours ofPrester John anel the evidence of copper, had resided anel traeled there during Afonso's governorship. \Vhen Afonso succeeded to the throne, he gave a Portuguese aid to the new mani Nsundi, his kinsman Pedro, anel this aid helpcel Pedro to keep the copper route open.42 When the Portuguese began to demand slaves, Pedro anel his aid were able to supply them with their own captives anel with those that people began to sell in the markets. As the supply of reccntly-acquired captives dried up, Tio began to trade in captives from more distant rcgions. The Tio state of Makoko began to control the trade anel to funnel it through the Malebo Pool markets. The markets were called Mpumbu, a toponym thàt corresponds to Wumbu, the ethnic name of the people that occupied the rcgion. The term was !ater used generically for ali the slave markets on the Kongo border. 43

The evolution of the Mpumbu market restored Afonso's politicai anel cconomic dominance. First, Tio, not K.ongo, organized the supply. This recluced the dangers incurred in direct trade between thc Portuguese anel Kongo vassals. Second, the Mpumbu supplies were abundant anel cheap. This drastically reduced the traders' incentive to seek slavcs in the Kongo provinces. Third, the traders had to pass through Mbanza Kongo, which commandcd the route between Mpinda on the Sonyo coast anel the Pool, anel which became a base for the Mpumbu operations. Some Portuguese anel !ater, mulattos, called pombeiros, began to specializc in trading in the interior, sending thc slaves they purchased to Mbanza Kongo or to Mpinda. Other Portuguese resided in these towns. They acted as agents for the pombeiros anel also owned slaves that they sent to the interior to trade on their own account.44 Fourthly, anel most importantly, the Tio demanded nzimbu shells which the Portuguese had to buy fi·om the mani Kongo. 45 This largely restored Afonso's monopoly on European imports, his dominance of the Atlantic trade anel his traditional position at the apex of the Kongo redistributive system. The markets at Malebo Pool domina teci the supply of slaves through Kongo until after the 'Jaga' invasion ofthe late sixteenth ccntury.46

(){) THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

Having re-established control, Afonso reversed his position on the slave trade. ln 1540 he wrote to the king of Portugual vaunting the Kongo trade and his own protection ofit: 'Put all thc Guinea countries on one side and only Kongo on the other and you will find that Kongo renders more than all the others put together ... no king in all these parts esteems Portuguese goods so much or treats the Portuguese so well as we do. Vve favour their trade, sustain it, open markets, roads and Mpumbu where the pieces [slaves) are traded.'47

Through his monopoly on European products, Afonso was able to draw many ofthe neighbouring groups into tribute and to crcate a 'greater' Kongo which far exceeded the nuclear kingdom of the late fifteenth century and which added to his wcalth, prestige, and power. By the second decade of the sixtccnth century two important Mbundu chiefdoms, Ngola a Kiluanje in the south and Matamba in the south-east, had sent prcsen ts. By the mid-thirties, severa! states north of the Zai:re, including Ngoyo and Kakongo on the coast, Vungu which had formcrly controlled the Mindouli-Boko Songo copper, and Makoko had also clone so. So too had the plateau groups, the Sosso and the Suku, and some of the Ndembu in the southern mountains.48 All these groups sent presents and offered homage in order to secure European goods. ln 1563, aJesuit noted that tbe mani Kongo 'could not bear that we should go to Angola bccause he customarily sent presents ofPortuguese goods to the King of Angola and the King of Angola sent him many small cattle in payment for these, the land of Kongo having few domestic animais and Angola an abundance.' 49 The only groups drawn into Greater Kongo by conquest were the Pangu a Lungu, who occupied the islands and north bank ofthe Zai:re anel who had attempted in the second decade of the sixteenth ccntury to establish an independent trade with the Portuguese, raiding the south bank for slaves.50

Afonso used not only the Atlantic trade to strengthen his politicai position; he also used Christianity. He established Christianity as a royal cult under his direct control, which lcgitimized his own position and that of the Mwissikongo and which elevated the kingship above compcting groups. ln arder to do this, hc had first to makc thc cult acccptablc to thc lVf wissikongo ruling group. Paradoxically, the key to this had

EUROPEAN CONTACT: THE KONGO KINGDOM, 1483-1561 61

MAKOKO

- - The slave trade route o 1 00 200 300 km

MAP4

()2 TI-IE KING DOM OF KONGO

been founel when the Mwissikongo title-holelers abandoned their earlier elefinition ofChristianity as an mbumba baseel cult anel reclefineel it in terms of kindoki, witchcraft. Kindoki was an aspcct of nkadi mjJemba power anel Christianity was much more appropriately locateel in this dimension. The nkadi mpemba elimcnsion was concerneel with the cultural worlel of man anel with man's material striving, anel its associateel spirits were located in the sky. lt was especially associateel with traele baseel chiefShip. Afonso also associated Christianity with the cult of the royal graves, for which there was also a strong precedent amongst the normally traele anel client based extra-kanda chiefs. Thc Mwissikongo title-holders anel their relatives were prepared to support a reelefined Christian cult for three reasons. First, it elid not challengc the established representatives of the mbumba dimension, the kitome priestly chiefs. Second, it offered the ruling group as well as the king a unique source of spiritual power ancllegitimacy within the climension of nkadi mjJemba anel the clcael anel thereby facilitated its evolution as an élite indepenclent of the kanda structures. Third, its status rose as Afi!nso consolidated his position in the centre anel the provinces. I t did indeeel appear to be a cult of the nkadi mjJemba dimension, productive ofwealth anel power in the cultural world ofman on the one hancl, anel of the Mwissikongo title-holders in the other world, successfully consolidating anel extending the power of thcir descendants in this world, on the other.

J\Jonso's first task was to establish the Christian cult in Mbanza Kongo as the established cult of the nkadi mpemba elimension anel the royal graves. To do this, he had to destroy the great 'house of the nkisi-fetishes' in Mbanza Kongo which con tained the protective fetishes of the 'old' nkadi mpemba type. H e hacl hoped to obtain guns anel ammunition from São Tomé to cnforce this, since only his household anel bis cousin Pedro, mani Nwndi, supported him f1rmly. When São Tomé failed to supply guns, he proceeded without them. ln the event his N saku Lau kinsman, mani Mbata, stood by him, anel Afonso believed that it was this which 'maintained our kingelom anel Christianity'. Afonso then cut elown the great trees that encloscel the royal cemetery anel built a church on the site. 51 He thus establisheel Christianity as a new cult of the royal prcdecessors. ln the miel-sixteenth ccntury this church was the

EUROPEAN CONTACT: THE KONGO KINGDOM, 1483-1561

Approximate boundaries of the nuclear Kongo Kingdom

INGOYOJ Drawn in during reign of Afonso I (1506-43)

(KUNDI) Drawn in after the Jaga invasion of 1568

O 100 200 300 km

MAP5

63

G·l THE KING DOM OF KONGO

centre of the Christian cult in Mbanza Kongo anel was calleel mbila, meaning tomb. 52 It was eleelicateel to Our Laely of the Victory, a reference to the allegeelly miraculous intervention that hacl secureel Afonso the throne. Afonso proceecleel to builel other churches in Mbanza Kongo anel to futnish them with Christian fetishes obtaineel from Europe. 53

Having clestroyeel olel forms ofnkadi mpemba anel royal grave cults in Mbanza Kongo, Afonso neeeleel a hierarchy of priests anel teachers to elevelop the new cult uneler his elirect control. H e pursuecl two !ines of approach, seneling thirty or forty ofhis sons anel Nsaku Lau kinsmen to stuely anel seek orelination in Europe, anel pleaeling European priests anel teachers from the King of Portugal.54 Both approaches bore fruit. The King of Portugal, minelful of the temporal as well as the spiritual aelvantages of furthering pagan conversion, sent successive missions of priests anel teachers. These men were often more intercsteel in traele than in religion, but they eliel elevelop the Christian cult in Mbanza Kongo anel they taught basic literacy anel Christian eloctrine to the Mwissikongo youths. Ineleeel, by 1526 Afonso fdt he hael sufficient Portuguese anel Kongo teachers for these purposes anel he askeel the King ofKongo to sencl three or four gooel masters of grammar.55 U nlike the priests of the ineligenous cults the Portuguese hael few local conncctions anel were elirectly elepenelent upon the king. The Kongo kinsmen who returneel from Europe further aelvanceel the new cult. Amongst them was Henrique, one of Afonso's sons, who hael been orelaineel bishop. He returneel to Kongo in the carly 1620s anel heaeleel the cult, resieling in Mbanza Kongo anel rcceiving the 'rent' from the province ofMpangu.56

H thc Christian cult were to serve the interests ofthe kingship anel the Mwissikongo ruling group, it hael to be establisheel in the provincial capitais as well as in Mbanza Kongo. Afonso achieveel this as a elirect corollary of his growing economic power; as he elrew the provinciál governors into tribute, so they acccpted the Christian cult. The eletails of this are not clear. However, churches were built in Mbanza Mbata anel Mpangu by 1514 anel a new church was built in Mbanza Sonyo by 1516. ln the early 1620s ngola a kiluanje, who hael just been brought into tribute, accepteel a Portuguese cleric from Mbanza Kongo. 57 Concomitantly, Afonso sent 'officia1s of justice'

i' i I i i

EUROPEAN CONTACTS: THE KONGO KINGDOM, I483-I:i6l 65

through the kingelom to burn fetishes anel to seize those who possesseel o r maele them, anel 1iterate Kongo to estab1ish schools anel teach Christian eloctrine.58 ln 1526 Afonso estimateel that he neeeleel another fifty priests to serve the provinces.59 No king ever receiveel so many. Nevertheless, in 1561, some eighteen years after Afonso's eleath, there were saiel to be churches in all the 'kingeloms, lorelships anel provinces' of the kingelom. Each hael a Mwissikongo youth from the mani Kongo~r chapei to teach the Christian eloctrine.60

ln oreler to gain anel to retain Mwissikongo support Afonso ignored the Christian strictures against po1ygamy anel, in the !ater years of his reign, he favoureel his sons by Mwissikongo wives against his Nsaku Lau kinsmen. Afonso presenteei himself to the European powers as a marrieel Christian monarch anel in 1514 he boasted that ali the Mwissikongo dose to him were married. 61 There can be no eloubt however, that, in aelelition to his 'legitimate' wife, Afonso continueel the nonnal anel po1itically necessary practice oftaking concubines from all the Mwissikongo anel mpemba nkazi kanda. Unlike his father, he avoieled clerical strictures, partly because ofhis greater power, but also because his priests were more lax in this respect thanjoão's hael been.62

As a conseq uence of this policy, Afonso hael many sons anel they belonged to a cross section ofthe Mwissikongo anel mpemba nkazi kanda. A1though Afonso hael initially placeel great reliance upon his Nsaku Lau kinsmen anel especially upon his 'own' nephews, he !ater favoured his sons, who provided him with a means of winning the support ofMwissikongo alienated by his succession. By 1526 Afonso hael appointed sons to three ofthe eight major provincial governorships, Nsuneli, Mbamba, anel Mpangu. He hacl also appointed a brother, who may have been a halfbrother anel a member of the ruling mpemba nkazi kanda, to the governorship ofWembo. 63

Diogo I (1545-61), Afonso's granelson by his elaughter N zinga, succeeded to the throne after a brief strugglé4 anel h e continued Afonso's policy of using the Atlantic traele anel the Christian religion to strengthen the kingship. He hael to resolve elifficulties on both fronts. Afonso hael commaneleel the slave trade anel expanded the tribute system through his contrai of the nzimbu shell supply. Only he could supply the pombeiros with the large quantities of nzimbu they needeel to traele at the Pool.

GG THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

ln rcturn for the nzimbu he received the European goods he needcd to keep the provincial governors and the neighbouring chicfs in tribute. By the mid-sixteenth century the Tio slave tradcrs began to demand European goods. 65 The pombeiros needcd fewer nzimbu shells and the mani Kongo~r income in European goods declined. This threatened his position at the apex of the tribute system, for the provincial governors would no longer be satisfied with the products ofthe alternate zone. If the mani Kongo did not supply them with European goods they would seek them directly from the jJombeitos. The problem was com pounded by the fact that many of the Portuguese had now residcd in Kongo for fifteen or twenty years. They had formed local alliances through trade and concubinage and were less depcndent than hitherto on the mani Kongo. Diogo restored his posi tion by taxing the trade. H e charged the jJmnbeiros 27 reis, 43 reis and more to leave Mbanza Kongo for the Pool and he fixed the cxchange rate at the Mbanza Kongo market ata measure of cloth, which was longer than that currently used in either Portugal or its dominions. He imposed strict rules on the pombeiros to confine them to the Sonyo-Mbanza Kongo­Mpumbu trade route and, in 1555, expelled those that were trouhlesome. 66 ln the religious sphere, the latent problem of monogamy revived when a .Jesuit mission, fired with counter­reformation enthusiasm, arrived in Kongo and attempted to persuade Diogo to abandon his secondary wives. When they failccl to do this, they conspired with his rivais to replace him with a candidate more amenable to their doctrines. ln 1555 Dio.u;o expelled the mission, and, with the support of the secular pricsts, continued to develop Afonso's Christian policy. 67

By the mid-sixteenth century Christianity anel the slave trade had shifted the balance of power in Mbanza Kongo anel the coun try dramatically in favour of the king, and this was exprcssed in attempts by the king to designate an heir, bypassing both the established claims of the s"enior members of the central Mwissikongo kanda anel the new daims being made by powerful men who were the children ofMwissikongo fathers by provincial kanda wives. The Portuguese, who believed in the principie of primogeniture, had tried to persuade Afonso to name his eldest 'legitimate' son, Pedro, as successor. Afonso had been unwilling to challenge the electoral claims of the

EUROPEAN C:ONTACTS: THE KONGO KINGDOl'vi, UB3-I56I 67

Mwissikongo kanda. Moreover, Pedro may have been an Nsaku Lau, since Afonso probably conformed to the cus tom of taking an Nsaku Lau as his principal wife, overcoming the obstacles of consanguinity through the ritual of investiture which broke the bond ofkin. The kanda leaders, whom Afonso had spent much of his reign subjecting and propitiating, would have unanimously opposed the succession ofanother Nsaku Lau. Afonso therefore refused to designate a successor, saying that it was contrary to custom.

68 At his death in 1543 the Portuguese tried to impose

Pedro but the kanda quickly overthrew him and after a further struggle elected Diogo I. By about 1550 Diogo felt sufficiently strong to attempt to designate one ofhis sons as successor, and h e deposited copies of his will with five of the principal title­holders.

It was this attempt by Diogo to designate an heir which triggered a confrontation between the forces that supported the strengthening kingship and those that opposed it. 69 Diogo had three bases of support. The most important was his household Ied by the major-domo, the mani lumbu. The household had been considerably strengthened in the first part of the sixteenth century by more or less dependent Portuguese priests and traders, by the Christianized Kongo who acted as interpreters and teachers, and especially by slaves whom the mani Kongo began to purchase at the Pool. These acted as functionaries, messengers, cultivators, and, if necessary, as soldiers. They were all directly dependent upon the king. The mani Kongo~r second basis of support was the mani Vwzda, kitome o[ Nlbanza Kongo. The mani Vunda had much to gain from a strengthened kingship since his dose association with the institution ensured that his prestige and powcr vis-à-vis and other Kongo kitome rase concomitantly. The third basis ofDiogo's support was the mani Nwndi, who depended upon the king for the passage of the pombeiros and for the wealth that he thereby accrued.

The opposition was led by two non-Mwissikongo grandsons of Afonso I, D. Rodrigo and D. Pedro, who considered that they had a claim to the throne and who were incensed by Diogo's action in favour ofhis son. Their principal basis of support vvas their own 'greater' kanda Nlbala, which consisted of severa! Iarge discrete sections located in north-western Kongo in Sonyo and Mpemba. This straddled the slave-tradc route bctween

63 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

Mbanza Kongo and the port of embarkation, Mpinda, and was no doubt strengthened by the profits which accrued from the passage of traders. As one of the few kanda matriclans, it could mobilize considerable support although, conventionally, it was still cxcluded by its non-Mwissikongo status from providing a royal candidate. The brothers were given tacit support by senior members of the central (Mwisskongo) kanda whose electoral claims were directly threatened by the king's action, as well as by junior members who may have been alienated by the growing status differentiation between themselves on the one hand and the senior members and their non-Mwissikongo sons on thc other.

Diogo succeeded in suppressing the opposition but not in determining the succession. D. Rodrigo escaped to São Tomé from whence he attempted to acquire a papal bull supporting his claim to the throne. Diogo I was said to have sought a papal bull permitting him to exterminate the Mbala. He did kill or exile severa! of the kinsmens' sisters, nephews, and sons. Nevcrtheless, his attempt to designate the succession failed. At his cleath his designated son succeeded to the throne as Afonso II, supported by the Portuguese. However, he was quickly ovcrthrown by another son, Bernardo. The issue of the succession, on which issues concerning the limits of royal powcr, the role of the central kanda, and the status of the title-holders' non-Mwissikongo children centred, was not resolved until after thejaga invasion of 1568.

CHAPTER4

Centralization: 1568-1622

ln 1568 the 'J aga' invaded Kongo and in the course of repelling them the ruling élite strengthened its position within the Kongo kingdom. It did so, in the immediate post-restoration period, through the use of armed Portuguese and guns. I t then received augmented trade revenues which it invested in slaves. It used many of the slaves as soldiers and cultivators, so rendering itself relatively independent of the kanda structures. I t used improved communications, including literacy, to develop its administrative efficiency. The definition of the group changed to include the children of the senior Mwissikongo kanda members by provincial and slave wives and to exclude the junior members of the central kanda. This reftected and facilitated the élite's growing independence of the kanda. The changes were furthered, and the whole state structure strengthened, by the development ofChrist­ianity as a legitimating ideology.

I. Economic and administra tive change

The J aga invasion of 1568, which proved a watershed in these developmen ts, h as been the subject of much speculation. 1 The sole source, Pigafetta, states that the Jaga entered Mbata _erovince in 1568, overcoming all resistance. The mani Kongo, Alvaro I, met them and was defeated. He sought refuge in Mbanza Kongo and then fted to an island in the Zai:re. The priests and principal title-holders accompanied him. TheJaga seized the capital and then divided into groups to subject the provinces. They burnt the villages and churches leaving no one they met alive. The Kongo fted and sought refuge in the mountains and deserts. On the island, Álvaro and his followers suffered hunger and disease. Álvaro appealed to the King of Portugal for help and the latter sent the Captain ofthe island of São Tomé with 600 men. This army rallied the Kongo forces

70 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

anel in one anel a-halfyears drove thejaga from the kingdom. It owed its victories to thejaga's 'extraorelinary fear' ofthe sound anel power ofthe guns.

I t seems likely that the J aga invasion resulted from elevclopments to the south-east of the slàve-proelucing state of Makoko. The introeluction of the Atlantic traele hael a similar effect upon Makoko as it hael upon Kongo. The makoko confineel the pombeiro traders to the markets at the Pool, which he controlleel, anel with the high value goods he thereby obtaineel, he consolielateel his power anel drew more elistant states into tribute. By the miel-sixteenth century these probably inclueled Ngobila, on the south bank of the Pool, Mfuningu, east of the Pool, anel Okango on the lower Kwango. The very limited evielcnce suggests that, as in the early Kongo traele, the slaves solel at the Pool were raieled from peoples at the perimeter of the makoko '1 em pire, anel it was these people that experienceel the mosl elisruptive effects of the slave trade. One region that was almost certainly affected was the lower-middle Kwango, south of M akoko's tributary state of Mfuninga. ln the seventeenth century the people ofthis region were called Muyaka which is a form of the worel -aka, meaning foreigner, brigand; in the mid­sixtcenth century, they were probably Kongo or Tio speakers dislocateel by slave-raiding. Some slight evidence for elislocation in this region is afforeleel by the fact that the Suku of the middle Kwango, who paid tribute to Kongo in the early sixteenth century, retreateel later in the century from the west to the east bank of the Kwango. The predecessors of the Muyaka, who livecl immediately north of them, may well have been implicated in these events.

Thus, it was probably dislocated groups from the lower­middle Kwango that attacked Mbata in 1568. Mbata was especially attractive to raiders. I ts relatively good soils and

· climate produced the largest agricultura! surpluses anel population densities in the Kongo kingdom, whilst its men were relatively peaceful doth-weavers. There had been Jaga incursions in 1567 anel possibly re1ated difficulties with the Tio of the Pool early in 1568. Thejaga invasion of 1568 probably began as raieling for slaves anel perhaps for food anel continued as an attempt to break the Makoko's slave-selling monopoly anel establish direct contact with the European traders. Kongo was

CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 71

i !I adapted to cope with sudden invasion for she had no standing army. The moblization of mass 1evies took time and was impossible in the wet season. Moreover, the invasion coincided with a period of change anel conflict as the mani Kongo, the children of Mwissikongo title-holders, anel kanda struggled for power. Although Diogo I had succeeded in suppressing opposition to his centralizing policies and had designated bis son to succeed him, his death had been followed by a bitter succession dispute. When Álvaro I (1566-87) succeeded to the throne he was in a poor position to mobilize resistance to thejaga. It was only through the power ofPortuguese guns that he restored the kingdom.

Most of the Portuguese remained in Kongo after the restoration anel they provideel a core of fighting men committed to the maintenance of the kingdom, although not necessarily to a particular king. They were joined by Portuguese from the new colony ofLuanda, established in 1575 at the south-western tip of the Kongo kingdom. These men followed the mani Kong o 's own tribute route from Luanda island to Mbanza Kongo in search of trade. ln the late sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries other Portuguese sought refuge from the tyrannies of Portuguese governors of Luanda and even of Benguela which was established further south. 2 Most of these Portuguese took Kongo concubines, anel they anel their mulatto children formed a distinct trader community. By the early seventeenth century, these pombeiro colonies had become established along ali the Kongo slave trading routes.3 The community was much 1arger than the earlier Portuguese trading community based on São Tomé anel it identifieel itself more closely with Kongo affairs. Members of the community sometirnes conspired with the rivais of the reigning mani Kong o o r wi th the Luanda Portuguese, whose interests, especially in the early seventeenth century, tended to rival those of the mani Kongo. Nevertheless, the Portuguese in Kongo had an interest in strong kingship, for it kept the trade routes open anel guaranteed security; whilst it often opposed the ambitions of the Luanda governors who generally sought quick profit at the expe1~se oflong-term trade. An anonymous writernoted in 1606 thatAlvaro II (1587-1614) 'greatly esteems the Portuguese in his city for they teach hirn to live civilly and aid him against his enernies. They are so

72 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

The modern Yaka

--'!>- The direction of the Jaga attack

---3>- Movement of Suku

O 100 200 300 km

MAP6

CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 73

important to him that it is understood that he would already have been destroyed if his enemies had not feared these Portuguese.'4 ln the sarne year the Luanda authorities became so concerned at the pro-Kongo sympathies of the Portuguese traelers there that they considered licensing the Kongo trade anel executing oflenders anel those that aided them. 5

ln adelition to Portuguese gunmen, the post-restoration mani Kongo had the benefit of guns. Although few in number, these were of considerable military importance, having already proved elecisive against the 'Mbundu' in the early sixteenth century anel against theJaga in more recent years. ln the early sixteenth century Afonso I had tried to buy guns through the Captain of São Tomé anel the King of Portugal, but they had aelopteel the normal policy of refusing guns to ineligenous powers. ln the !ater sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries the Luanda authorities assumed the same policy. 6 However, they hael Iess control over the activities of the by now large Portuguese anel mulatto community in Kongo anel successive mani Kongo were able to secure small supplies of guns and powcler. The supply was sufficiently small to enable the mani Kongo to enfarTe his own monopoly. ln the late sixteenth century the only title-holcler permittecl to own guns, apart from himself, was the mani ,11/bata who was saicl to need them to repel thejaga. 7

The maizi Kongo was able to buy guns, Portuguese gunmen, anel incligenous support through greatly augmented trade revenues. The increase came about in two ways. The first was through the evolution of a new slave-trade route to Okango on the Ri ver K wango. The route developeel as a consequence of the retreat of certainj aga to their 'homeland' east ofl\Jlbata and the continuecl elisturbances createcl by them and by other raiders on the Mbata boreler. The mani lv/bata secured the mani Kongo 's­permission to acquire guns to fight them and he was undoubtedly further helpecl by cashiered soldiers from the Portuguese relief force anxious to acquire slaves. H e 'did not cease to fight against the pagans ofthe borcler' and was in a 'permanent state ofwar with his neighbours'. The fighting and the presence of Portuguese buyers encouraged the development of an African slave-traeling system anel may even have cliverted parts of the Makoko system, since the markets of the Pool had been closed

N THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

by thc J aga wars. The development of new markets east of Mbata in turn drew pombeiro traders from Mbanza Kongo anel from the newly established colony of Luanda. Many of the Portuguese solcliers turned to trade. The new trade route passcd from Mbanza Kongo through Mbanza Mbata anel the Kikongo-speaking states of Lula, Songo, anel Kundi to the Humor Mfinu Tio state ofükango. The mani Kongo taxed the traclc at Mbanza Kongo. H e also received tribute either directly or through the mani Mbata from the eastern states, who now recognizecl his overlordship. These payments were macle to ensurc the continued passage of the pombeiros, on whom the rulers clcpended for nzimbu shells, anel, !ater, for European goods. U nlike the payments made by neighbouring states in the earlicr periocl, however, they were relatively small, since the chiefs dealt directly with the traclers. 8

The second factor which led to an increase in the mani Kongo)s trade revenues was the establishment of the Portuguese colony at Luanda. This occurred in 1575, only a few years after the restoration of the kingdom, when the Portuguese troops still occupiccl Mbanza Kongo. Although the mani Kongo, Álvaro I, attempted to prevent the colonization, which appeared to thrcaten his tracle monopoly, thc situation established in the south in the early 1580s actually favoured it. The immediate Luanda hinterland was controlled by the Kongo tributary chiefdom of Kazanze anel was defended by thick bush. 9 ln the late ~ixtcenth century the Portuguese wcre less inter.ested in Kazanzc than in the more powerful state of Ngola a Kiluanje which they approached by way of the Rivcr Kwanza to the south. Ngola a Kiluanje already produced slaves anel was said to control silver mines. The ngola a kiluanje resisted Portuguese encroachment anel for forty years he pinned the Portuguese to the Luanda plain anel the lower reaches of the Kwanza. The wars prevented the Luanda merchants from developing alter­native trade routes to those of Kongo, for although the wars provided the transient Luanda governors with slaves anel short­term profits, they did not providc the trading infrastructure that thc merchants needed. The governors furthcr impeded the trade by heavily taxing the markets in the regions they did control. Meanwhile, Portuguese merchants werc familiar with the trade route from Mbanza Kongo to Makoko, anel Portuguese

C:ENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 75

soldiers, turned merchants, had hclped to forge the Mbanza Kongo-Okango route. The king of Portugal banncd trade through the Sonyo port of Mpinda10 anel the Portuguesc merchants in Kongo began to use thc Luanda entrepôt. Frce of war, the Luancla-Mbanza Kongo-Makoko/Okango route devel­oped into the principal slavc trading route of the late sixtecnth anel early seventeenth centuries anel the mani Kongo taxed the traele at Mbanza Kongo. 11

In the early seventeenth century, the Portuguese defeatecl Ngola a Kiluanje, the trading patterns changed, anel the Portuguese elevelopeel alternative routes which reduced thc volume of both thc Makoko anel the Okango slave trade. The mani Kongo was able to retain his position, however, by taxing a lucra tive new traele in indigenous cloth. The trade elevelopeel in response to a Portuguese need for currency, firstly in Luanda, anel then in the interior markets. At first the Portuguese hacl used nzimbu shell money in Luanda co1ony. This was the currency used in western Kongo anel in 1575 a measure ofthe best shells equalled about 200 reis. By 1610, howevcr, the proximity of the supp1y on Luanda is1and had cleflated their value in the colony anel forced them out of currency. 12 ln the territories of Ngola a Kiluanje, the currency was salt anel the people would not accept n:ámbu shells. 13 The Portuguese trieel but failed to capture the most important of the salt mines at Kisama14 anel there was no profit in using European goods to buy salt to sell for slaves in the sarne region. At the end of the sixteenth century the Portuguese used Venetian glass beads in Ngola a Kiluanje, 15 but they do not seem to have becn permanently acceptable. The Portuguese had mooted the possi­bility of introducing a minteel currency in the first years of the conquest16 but this suggestion, which was often revived, was not aelopteel for several reasons. First, European currencies were not acceptable on the Kongo trade routes. 17 Second, the Portuguese hoped to discover precious metais in Ngola a Kiluanje anel in view of this, felt it would be better to keep the people ignorant of their value. Third, the Portuguese wou1d have had to circu1ate coins above their intrinsic value in orcler to pay the costs of coinage. This, they believed, would produce an influx offoreign metais anel with it, economic disaster. 18

The ineligenous cloth ofKongo's eastern provinces was wcil

76 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

MAKOKO

O 1 00 200 300 km

MAP7

CENTRALIZATION: 1568-!622 77

suited to meet Luanda's currency needs. First, the pombeiros could buy it cheaply, using nzimbu shells which they extorted or bought very cheaply indeed from the Luanda islanders; foreign shells, which Luanda began to import in increasing numbers, or very shoddy Europe"!-n merchandise. 19 Second, the cloth was negotiable throughout the region conquered by Luanda and the different cloth sty1es and sizes all developed a relatively standard va1ue there.20 ln the early seventeenth century, the Luanda authorities stabilized the Luanda currency by marking certain cloths - the libongo of Loango and the kundi (from Kundi) of Kongo - with the royal seal. The libongo had one mark, the kundi, two. Only thcse, called panos mercados, were accepted as currency in Luanda. Thc other cloths, generically called panos limpos, circulated in the interior.21 The principal disadvantage of this cloth currency rela tive to n:âmbu shells and European currency was its poor durability. The libongos, which were va1ued at I O reis or more before the Dutch occupation of 1641 were so ragged that they would on1y fetch 5 reis after the restoration of 1648.22 This disadvantage was more than offset by the high intrinsic value of the cloth. As new Luanda trade routes evolved to the Ndembu, Matamba, and Kasanje, so did the need for Kongo cloth. ln 161 O Luanda imported an average of 20,500,000 reis' worth of cloth each year. This included an average of 12,500 'painted' cloths from Mbata,23 worth 640 reis each, 45,000 songas from Songo near Okongo24 at 200 reis each, and 35,000 half kundis from Kundi valued at 100 reis each. 25 ln that year the merchants' profits were estimated at 800 per cent; in the 1630s they were estimated at 500 per cent. This compareci with an estimated minimum profit in 1622 on slaves of200 per cent. 26 The Dande formed the boundary between the cloth currency and the nzimbu currency ofwestern Kongo. 27

The evolution ofthis cloth trade compensated the mani Kongo for the decline in slave trading which followed the evolution of new Luanda trade routes in the early seventeenth century. Throughout the early to mid-seventeenth century Portuguese traders dwelt in all the major towns en route to Okango: on the Dande, in Mbumbe, Wandu, Mbamba, Mbanza Kongo, Kongo de Mbata, and in Okango itself. They had local concubines and deep roots. ln addition to these, many Luanda based Portuguese and their pombeiros went to Mbata, Songo, Kundi,

78 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

anel Okango to purchase cloth. Although occasionally opposed by Makoko, some Portuguese traded from Okango into the Makoko controlled province of Mfuninga anel thence to 'Nimeamay' an independent state which had 'firm league anel amity' with Makoko. 28 The mani Kongo taxed this trade as he eliel the continueel, though reduced, slave traele. 29

ln the course ofthe restoration ofthe kingdom, the mani Kongo anel the Mwissikongo élite hael acquired a consielerable number ofslaves, anel the reviva! anel expansion oftraele enabled them to augment these numbers still further. In the early sixteenth century, not even the mani Kongo had had a large retinue of slaves. 30 ln 1550 the mani Mpemba hael excused himselffrom the conspiracy against Diogo I on the grounds that, having only recently received the title, he was still gathering the allegiance of the subject groups anel was 'without people'. The kitome mani Vunda hael supporteel Diogo I but this had been of little value since the suborelinate kanda refuseel to obey him. 31 In the late sixteenth century, the mani Kongo anel the title-holelers invested much of their wealth in slaves. They used them as soldiers, messengers, porters, builders, domestics, concubines, anel general retainers. They also used them to trade in the slave markets on their behalf 'buying anel selling accoreling to their ... orelcrs'. 32 The development of substantial s1ave-holelings strengthcned the Mwissikongo anel renelereel them increasingly inelepenelent of the kanda for the provision of fighting men anel aelministrative support staff.

The mani Kongo anel Mwissikongo élite were ab1e to app1y many of their slaves to nori-subsistence labour because, on the one hanel, they used other slaves to cultivate the lanel, anel, on the othcr hand, they aelopteel new fooel crops. The use of large numbers of male slaves to cultivate the land is noted from the late sixteenth century, the slaves fulfilling the traelitional male role ofclearing the !anel anel also the female role of cultivating it. This elcvelopment greatly increaseel productivity since it was normally labour, rather than !anel, that was the scarce factor of agricultura! production.33 Meanwhile, the King of Portugal hael sen t Afonso I a variety of seeels in 1512,34 anel citrus fruits spreael rapielly. 35 The Kongo were slow to cultivate the staples/ 6 however, for they were only suiteel to certain regions. ln the late sixteenth century the Portuguese experimenteel with

CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 79

new crops on the River Bengo, which feel Luanda, anel the new market encourageel the Kongo to experiment too.37 By the end of the sixteenth century, they had adopted maize in the grasslands, anel in the mid-seventeenth centmy it was said to be the most common anel best of the crops. 38 The Portuguese introdu ceei manioc at Mpinda in the early seventeenth century, but the Kongo were said to be reluctant to grow it, probably because it was unsuited to the elry coastal region. 39 It was quickly adopted in wetter parts, however, anel by the mid­seventeenth centmy manioc was the staple fooel in the foresteel strip between Mpinda anel Mbanza Sonyo whilst in Mbanza Kongo, it was seconel in importance to maize.40 These new staples considerably improved the proeluctivity of the !anel. Sorghum, the most widely used of the indigenous grains, only produceel one crop a year. 1\tlaize, however, could proeluce two crops a year in the humid grasslanels anel manioc, which was easy to grow, produceel crops throughout much of the year in the forests. Moreover, maize appears to yield more calories per acre than other cereais in the grasslanels, anel manioc more than other starchy staples in the forest. Manioc flour could also be storeel for a long while.41 Slave cultivators anel new crops enabled the Mwissikongo to support a growing number of non-productive elependants.

Whilst slaves anel the aeloption of new crops strengtheneel the Mwissikongo élite generally, literacy improved the efficiency of its aelministration. Only Afonso I sent stuelents to Portugal,42

but almost all the sixteenth anel early seventeenth century mani Kongo maintained the missionary schools in Mbanza Kongo. These schools taught basic literacy, the Christian eloctrine, anel some Latiu anel higher studies. ln aelelition, severa! mani Kongo anel missionary groups established schools in the provincial capitais, Mbanza Sonyo teneling to be more frequently provieled than others.43 Missionary resources, however, were always sleneler anel there were politicai advantages in confining the schools to Mbanza Kongo. Literacy was helel in high esteem anel schools added to the prestige of the court.44 They also encouraged the practice by which the provincial governors sent their sons anel nephews to be eelucated there.

Through the schools, the élite throughout Kongo acquireel a minimal literacy. Letters were written in Portuguese,45 using

80 THE KING DOM 01' KONGO

ei ther paper, which was very expensive ( costing a hen per sheet in the mid-seventeenth century), or the leaves of the nicifz or banana trees.46 Some books were published in Kikongo in the mid~sixteenth anel early anel mid-seventeenth centuries,47 but these wcre usually available only to major title-holders, since a grammar cost at least 6,000 reis in the mid-seventeenth century, anel a common missal a slave.48

Literacy facilitated anel thereby strengthened the processes of central government. ln particular, kings rccorded financial arrangements within the state anel this permitted more sophisticatcd tribute arrangements. ln the late fifteenth anel early sixteenth centuries, the tribute was not fixed anel vassals paid tribute every three years on their visits to Mbanza Kongo. lndeterminate tribute payments were still made in the late sixteenth century. 49 However, from at least the mid-sixteenth century, kings began to record the amount that the provincial governors customarily received in tribute, that is the 'value of the rent' anel the amount that they normally delivered to the capital. 50 ln some cases they also recorded the type of tribute expected. After the establishment of Luanda colony, for example, some groups were obliged to purchase cloth anel grain from thc Portuguese to sencl as tribute to Mbanza Kongo. 51

Literacy also permitted more ftexibility in tribute payment. ln the late sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries some payments were made annually anel even twice yearly rather than, as hitherto, triennially. 52 The mani Luanda undoubtedly dispatched n;âmbu shell consignments frequently anel probably more than twice a year. The kings sometimes placed a 'special purpose' burden on a rent anel permittecl the beneficiary to determine how it should be paid.53 Governors also sent ad !zoe tribute payments for various politicai purposes.54 Each provincial governor had an official who handled the receipt of tribute from the suborclinate vassals anel the clispatch oftribute to the king's official.55 Literacy enabled ali these transactions to be recorded.

The complexity of these financial arrangements may be illus­trated by the provisions that Pedro II (1622-4) made for his proposccl royal chapei of St James. He promiseel 100 cofos of nzimbu shells for the first chaplain anel 40 for the clean to be paicl from thc 'royal rents ofthe province ofMbamba'. He promisecl

C:ENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 81

300 cofos to be clivicleel between the other nine chaplains anel the treasurer. Of these, I 00 cofos were to come from the 'royal taxes anel revenues' of the mani Mpemba, 100 from the 'Cabata chiefs'56 anel 100 from the revenues of the chief juclge. The fabric ofthe chapei was to be paicl from the revenues ofthe mani Vunda. The title-holclers concerneel woulel pay once or twice a year according to the orclers of the first chaplain anel to a person designated by him. 57

Literacy strengthened other spheres of central government, although the evidence for this is scatterecl. Secretaries recorclecl the decisions taken by the mani Kongo in council. These included matters ofinternal politics anel eleclarations ofwar.58 Alreacly, in the early sixteenth century, Afonso I (1506-43) hacl kept a record of ali his transactions with the Atlantic traclers anel in the mid-sixteenth century Diogo I hacl attempteel to use litet·ate means to pre-empt the succession in favour ofhis son. 59 Matters of state were usually clealt with orally,60 but witnesses' statements were sometimes recordecl. As early as 1517, when Afonso I ordered an inquiry into the theft of presents sent him by the king of Portugal, witnesses signeel their statements. Later, in the mid-sixteenth century Diogo I's chief juelge orclered a public inquiry into the rebellion ofPeelro Mbemba. It was recordeel by aPortuguese notary with signecl statements. 61

ln the mid-seventeenth century the interpreters hacl certificates testifying to their function anel in certain circumstances the mani Kongo issued travei permits. 62 ln the late seventeenth century the mani Nsundi anel his council insistecl that a Capucin friar sign a statement exonerating them from ali responsibility before they permitted him to embark on a clangerousjourney. 63

Literacy facilitatecl communication between the centre anel the provinces. Throughout the sixteenth anel seventeenth centuries letters were the normal means of communication between the mani Kongo anel the title-holclers anel between the title-holders themselves. 64 Ali the provincial governors hael at least one Mwissikongo who serveel as secretary anel member of the council. 65 Literacy authenticatecl the message anel the messenger. Garcia II (1641-61) sent at least three circular letters to the title-holelers. ln one he saiel that he diel SD in orcler that 'no-one may allege ignorance ofthis my commandment.'66

The kings kept copies of their corresponclence anel the replies. 67

{)<)

"-THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

I n this way, they could document the progress of any matter. The importance ofthis may bejudged f~om the correspondence that resulted from the rebellion of Alvaro III's (1615-22) brother, Afonso. The mani Mbata wrote to Álvaro urging him to pardon Afonso. H e also wrote to other M wissikongo and clerics. ;\s a result ofthese letters, provincial Mwissikongo wrote to the m.ani Kongo supporting the mani Mbata, whilst those in Mbanza 15-.ongo spoke to him directly. ln response to this pressure, Alvaro gave the Vicar-General and Headmaster of the King­dom a letter empowering him, on his behalf, to pardon Afonso.68 Literacy did not, of course, always work to the advantage ofa particular king. ln 1645 Garcia II wrote to the mani Sonyo suggesting terms of peace. U nfortunately, 'the king had many enemies at court who wrote to the Count urging him that h e should not trust Ris Majesty'.

69

Literacy also strengthened the position of the mani Kongo vis-à-vis his European enemies. It enabled the kings to appeal to !ormer agreements, cite precedents anel prove action.

70

The Luanda Portuguese, for example, repeatedly asserted that former kings ofKongo had ceded the copper mines ofMbembe. The kings were always able to disprove this by reference to their own documents. ln the late 1620s the canon Bras Correa, who was involved in these machinations, stated that he would be unable to use the arguments proposed by the governar of Luanda. ln addition to the 'natural distrust that the king, council, anel vassals have of the whites' the king would 'see anel read the !etter of King D. Sebastião' (of Portugal) disproving them' .71 Alvaro VI ( 1636-41) was able to maintain the right of the Kings ofKongo to the title ofMajesty- a right the Luanda rcsidents challenged- by reference to a concession ofPope Paul V 'ofwhich we have the Brief.72 Garcia II (1641-61) countered the Portuguese assertion that the Bishop ofSão Salvador should be Portuguese with the fact that 'one reads in the history of the bishops that they have been of diverse nations and that there had been two of the royal nation ofKongo' .

73 Garcia II was able

to substantiate a case against the Luanda Portuguese by reference to the 'authentic paper' in which the Luanda assemb1y had recorded in 1641 its decision to invade Kongo.

74 On severa!

occasions the kings secured certificates signed by Portuguese clerics anel others affirming actions they, the kings, had taken in

CENTRAL!Zi\TION: 1568-1622 B3

Kongo, anel thereby protecting themselves against possible Portuguese accusations. 75

Literacy proved critically important in enabling Kongo to appeal beyond Luanda to the metropolitan powers. The São Tomé authorities had impeded the passage of Kongo ambassadors in the early sixteenth century and the Luanda authorities did the sarne in the early seventeenth.76 Attempts by Afonso I anel Garcia II to purchase boats were inevitably doomed to failure. 77 Literacy provided an alternative means of communicating with Europe, although the Luanda authorities confiscated letters whenever they could.78 The letters were usually sent through sympathetic clerics and other Portuguese. ln the early seventeenth century the Jesuits acted as couriers. Roman correspondents addressed their letters to Bras Correia, the highly politicai canon of São Salvador. They sent them through the Apostolic Collector, theJ esuit Provincial at Lisbon and thejesuit Superior in Luanda. 'Otherwise nothing arrives'. The mani Kongo sent letters to Lisbon, Madrid, and Rome by the sarne route.79 ln the mid-seventecnth century Capucins and Kongophile Portuguese transmitted the mani Kongo's letters. 80

European contact was a powerful weapon in Kongo-Luanda rela­tions. The most drama ti c illustration of this occurred after the restoration of Portuguesc Luanda in 1648 when, as a result of letters anda Capucin embassy, the king ofPortugal redrafted the Kongo-Luanda Peace Treaty in Kongo's favour. 81

The speed of communications had a direct bearing on the efiective area of central control. Three factors had restricted travelling speed in the fifteenth century. First, the individual's physicallimitations restricted the speed ofpedestrian travei. ln thc coastal anel middle zones pedestrians travelled an average of twelve miles a day in a direct line and perhaps twenty-four miles a day on the ground. 82 Second, in the absence of a large number ofpersonal carriers who would travei the wholejourney, individuais had to hire porters from village to village. This caused perpetuai detours away from the most direct route. It doubled the time otherwise taken on a journey. ln the mid­seventeenth century, one such journey between Mbanza Kongo anel Mbanza Sonyo averaged six miles a day in a direct line. Another between Luanda anel J\ilbanza Kongo averageel five miles a ela y in a elirect line. 83 Thirel, physical elifficulties impeeleel

8·'1 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

journeys. ln the coastal anel middle beits roads passed through tall, sharp cane, deserts, forests, mountains, anel marsh. Rivers were crossed by log anel liana bridges or by canoes.

84 The speed

of messages was impeded by a fourth factor: the need for accuracy. This limited the number of oral transmissions that could be made anel therefore prevented the widespread use of

relays. ln the sixteenth century travelling speed doubled anel the

speeel of messages quaelrupled. The Portuguese introeluced hammocks early in the sixteenth century85 anel the expanding slave population provieleel the manpower to carry them. On longjourneys severa! groups operated in reiays at running pace. Another four carrieel a portable beel. 86 The Atlantic trade increaseel the volume of traffic, keeping the roads clear anel making it profitable to establish or perhaps to extend the ferry services at the important river crossings. ln the seventeenth century a subject of the mani Mbamba controlled the canoe­crossing on the River Laje anel a canoe was kept at Nkondo to cross the Mbrije.87 The evolution of a 'Greater Kongo' was fac i li tateel by the fact that travei was easier on the grassy eastern plateau than in the coas tal anel the middle zones of the nuclear kingelom.88 In the late sixteenth century people travelled in hammocks at 32-40 miles a day on the ground- perhaps 17-20 miles in a straight line. ln the mid-seventeenth century Dutch mcrchants travelleel between Mbanza Sonyo anel Mbanza Kongo 'without hurrying' in six or seven days, that is at 18-21 direct miles a elay.89 ln the early seventeenth century people werc said to travei 'elaily' between Luanda anel Mbanza Kongo in less than nine days, that is at twenty-seven direct miles a day.

90 The

expansion in the number of slaves combined with the introduction of literacy to quadruple the speed of messages. In the late sixteenth century the mani Kongo stationed couriers at convenient distances throughout the kingdom. They transmitted messages 'like post stages' .91 I t is not certain whether this system surviveel into the seventeenth century. However, in the micl-seventeenth century messages could travei between Mbanza Kongo anel Mbanza Sonyo in four days; that is at thirty-two clirect miles a clay.92 These couriers were almost certainly slavcs,93 although Mwissikongo youths were useel for less urgent anel more formal messages.94 The increased speed of

CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 B5

communications improved administrative efficiency anel increased the arca of effective Mwissikongo contrai.

2. Social structure and politica! change

The mani Kongo, whose position had already strengthened in the earlier part of the century, gained most from these economic anel administrative changes. His holelings of slaves, in par­ticular, far outstripped those of other title-holders. He used his tax anel tribute revenues to acquire large numbers of slaves in the Malebo Pool markets. In aeldition, Álvaro II (1587-1614) anel his immediate successors successfully claimeel the right to inherit the slaves (anel European clothes) of deceased anel deprived titlc-holders, probably on the grounds that they pertained to the title, which belongeel to the ruling group, represented by himself. 95 These, of course, were inherited by his successor. As a result, anel in contrast to the relatively few slaves held by the mani Kongo of the early sixteenth century, Álvaro II, the most powerful of the mani Kongo of this perioel, held some 16,000-20,000 Tio slave guards. They were commanded by four Mwissikongo title-holelers anel garrisoned in Mbanza Kongo anel other strategic places.96

These slave holdings shifteel power elecisively in favour ofthe mani Kongo. The royal householel, to which the slaves belongeel, became the most important of the three axes of power in Mbanza Kongo, anel the heael ofthe household, the mani lumbo, was considered the first dignitary after the king. 97 The mani Kongo appointeel the mani lumbo, slaves, anel even in one instance, a European confidant, to the Council, thereby abro­gating the rights of the central kanda to whom these offices hael formerly pertained.98 Meanwhile, the slave holdings strength­ened the mani Kongo vis-à-vis the provincial governors. Álvaro II was able to appoint judges to each province to coneluct trials anel pronounce juclgements according to the custam of each region, a system which continueel into the miel-seventeenth cen­tury.99 It is not clear how this meshecl with thejuclicial functions of the governors, but it does appear that most of the work of the juclges involveel disputes concerning slaves, 100 that is, the most valuable commoelity in Kongo. ln any event, the establishment of this centralizeel system of justice both reflectecl anel furtherecl the increasecl power of the king vis-à-vis the governors.

Bfi THE KING DOM OF KONGO

1JOAO I

1506 l 2AFONSO I

1543 r----~----- ~--------~-----3PEDRO I (NZINGA fL (LUI<ENI f) (NTUMBA f)

4 FRANclfc:õl\5oiOGO 1 -1 I ~----1

1568

1622

1636

1661

l I I I I I I I (m) (t)

6AFON1SO 11 I I I I t7BERNARD0 I I I I I

IBHENRIQUE I I I t

9

ALrVA~~ \ \

=-=t Genealogical links

-- Reign length

I I I I I I I

10ALVA\ROII \ \ \

I I I I I I I I I 1

I I 11 BERNARDO I I I

12 ALVARO III I I I 1-----. 13 PEDR0 11 I t (m) i-I ! 14 GARCIA I I

16. 115AMBROSIO I i- I ALVARO IV t 18 r--1 t 17ALVAR0 V ALVARO VIl

t t I 19GARCIA 11

MPANZU MUB>CA NCAZA L-20ANTÓNIO I

( i '----

FIG 1

C:ENTRALIZATION: 1568-!622 87

The mani Kongo title was now monopolized by the descendants of Afonso L ln the course of his very long reign, Afonso had introduced a new lu)lalu, 101 a new regime with a new tradition and spirit based on Christianity and the Atlantic trade, and the prestige attached to his name determined that only those who carried his name could hope to succeed to the throne. Afonso's children had, according to custom, taken his name as their second name and his daughters' children had sought to secure their position with respect to the throne by taking the name of their mother's father, rather than the name of their 'own' father. The logic of this is found in normal kanda descent reckoning. The children of Afonso's daughters were members of their mothers' kanda. These stood collectively as classificatory Child to Afonso. By clan reckoning Afonso was their Father and they could take his name as their second name, interposing their mother's name to indicate the basis of the claim. ln terms of clan reckoning, the sons of Afonso's daughters had a better claim to the throne than the sons, who belonged to kanda which did not stand in this relationship. Thus, with the exception of Afonso's sou, briefly imposed by the Portuguese, Afonso's immediate heirs were grandsons by his daughters. Ali subsequent contenders for the kingship had to bear Afonso's name. 102

ln the later sixteenth century the Afonso segment derived from Álvaro I used its slave-based power to eleva te the kingship above both the kanda and the other Mwissikongo and Afonso groups by successfully designating royal sons by slave wives to succeed to the throne. ln contrast to Diogo I's unsuccessful attempt to designate a son as heir, Álvaro I (1568-87), who had children by his principal and perhaps by other free wives and by various slaves, successfully designated ,a son by a. slave wife. The designated son, who succeeded as Alvaro II (1587-1614), had several sons by various women and he, too, designated a son of a slave wife to succeed him. When Álvaro II died, this son was considered too young and Bernardo II, Álvaro II's half brother, secured the election. Bernardo was also the son of a slave woman without kanda affiliation. ln 1615 a rebellion brought Álvaro II's designated son to the throne as Álvaro III. 103 Álvaro III reigned untill622. Thus, between 1587 and 1622 the throne was monopolized by a slave-based Afonso

gg THE KING DOM OF KONGO

group wbicb descended patrilineally from Álvaro I, grandson of Afonso I and wbicb entirely excluded tbe central and tbe provincial kanda, tbe Mwissikongo, and otber Afonso segments from any interest in tbe tbrone. Tbe segment was called

M panzu Afonso. Tbe cbanging pattern of succession to tbe kingsbip was part

of a general movement amongst tbe Mwissikongo in favour of the patrilateral tie. Tbis relationsbip bad always been important to tbe Kongo. Tbe Mwissikongo generally bad continued tbe normal Kongo practice of taking tbeir fatber's personal name as tbeir second name and inberiting bis food taboo. Tbey continued to prefer matrilateral or patrilateral

cross-cousin marriages.104

The circumstances of tbe Mwissikongo overlordsbip had strengtbened tbe patrilateral tie in severa! ways. First, it bad necessitated geograpbical mobility. Tbe Mwissikongo manned all tbe centrally appointed provincial governorships and individuais sougbt politicai advancement by proceeding from lesser to greater ones. ln tbe course of bis politicai career an individual could reside in many different parts oftbe kingdom. Before Pedro II (1622-4) became king be was exiled twice and g;iven 'numerous' governorsbips. He graduated to Wembo, Mbamba, and finally tbe kingsbip. 105 Tbis strengtbened tbe patrilateral tie, since a busband bad greater control over bis wife and children if they were thus detacbed from the adult males of their kanda. Second, tbe Mwissikongo overlordsbip brought wealtb and prestige, and tbis further strengthened the patrilateral tie since tbe relationsbips with tbe wives given by the subordinate kanda were dominated by the Mwissikongo and the sons of sucb unions preferred to reside witb tbeir powerful Mwissikongo fatbers ratber than witb their less powerful non­M wissikongo maternal uncles. 106 Tbird, tbere is some indication that tbe M wissikongo, anxious to increase tbe number of dependants and hence their politicai power, used some of tbeir wealtb to secure additional rights o ver their wives and cbildren. Tbese rigbts probably included the permanent transfer to tbe Mwissikongo of rights in uxorem.

107 Fourth, the

powerful Mwissikongo title-holders accumulated slave con­cubines. Tbey bad complete control over tbese women and cbildren wbo, by definition, bad no kanda. Fiftb, tbe rigbts oftbe

CENTRALIZATION: 156B-1622 B9

minimal matrilineages to inherit movable goods were eroded on the one hand by the mani Kongo~1 successful claim to inherit the slaves and European clothes of the title-holders, and on the other by the accession to office and hence to wealth, of the sons ofMwissikongo by slave wives who had no minimallineage to claim their goods. By the mid-seventeenth century, the élite bequeathed their possessions by will, and usually to their sons, and filial inheritance generally superseded matrilineal inheritance amongst the ruling group. 108 This too strengthened the patrilateral tie. Finally, the desire of the Mwissikongo title­holders to maximize their politicai support by securing positions for their many sons by slave and other wives, combined with pressure from the sons, and, on occasion, from their kanda, to be recognized as members ofthe élite and eligible for office. 109

Meanwhile Christianity, which had been embraced by the Mwissikongo in the early sixteenth century, also favoured the patrilateral tie and provided a means of formalizing and legitimizing the new emphasis. The Europeans constantly urged the merits of filial succession. " 0 :More importantly, when the M wissikongo accepted Christianity in the first years of the sixteenth century the king, his principal wife and one son took the name of the king, queen, and prince of Portugal: João, Eleanor, and Afonso. The other nobles took a baptismal name and one of the family names of the Portuguese nobility- Castro, Meneses, Silva, Vieira, Vasconcelos, Pereira, Cortes. Their children took these names as their second names. 111 The names were associated with the Christian religion and the wealth and power brought by the new trade.

Following the normal Kongo practice oftracing relationship (as opposed to descent) 'individually', 112 their late sixteenth­and early-seventeenth-century descendants used these names to 'prove' their Mwissikongo status, reckoning descent patrilineally from the first holder of that name. They would normally use their personal or baptismal name together with the patrilineal name, for example, António da Silva. On solemn occasions, or whenever their genealogy was in doubt, they recited the whole genealogy. This may be illustrated by the name of Garcia I (1624-6) who was briefly called Garcia Afonso. Garcia' s full name was: Mbemba (h is personal name) a

90 THE KING DOM OF KONGO

Nkanga (his father, Pedro ll's personal name) a Mubica (Pedro's father, a former mani Nsundi) a Ntumba (the third known daughter of Afonso I) a Mbemba (Afonso I's personal name) Nzinga (Afonso's father, João I, the first king known to the Portuguese) Nkuwu Uoão's father, known fromjoao's full name, Nzinga Nkuwu) a Mutinu (king, an honorific title, the

title ofthe 'first King ofKongo').113

Ali these factors combined in the late sixteenth century anel led to the formation of patrilineal categories. These categories united in varying degrees individuais who shared the sarne patrilineal name. U nlike the matrilineal kanda, these new patrilineal groupings were corporate categories, not corporate groupsY4 They had clear identity, closed membership, anel presumed perpetuity. However, for the most part they lacked a clear body of exclusive common concerns anel the set proceelures for elealing with them. They did not have chiefs anel committees anel they did.not normally control particular offices.

Although the patrilineages did not, individually, become corporate groups, they did, collectively, establish themselves as thc ruling group. The definition of the Mwissikongo ruling group ceaseel to be related to membership of a central kanda. The M wissikongo were now defined as the patrilineal descendants ofmembers ofthe central kanda baptized in the reign ofjoão I or Afonso I, together with the patrilineal descendants of the elaughters of Afonso I who constituted the Afonso patrilineal category. Patrilineal descent categories thus formalized a elivision between the Mwissikongo, who had access to politicai oilice, traele wealth, anel slave labour, anel who included the chilelren of Mwissikongo fathers by provincial kanda anel slave women, anel the non-Mwissikongo who, through the kanda structures, anel kin-based labour, continued to control access to ]anel outsiele the Mwissikongo towns.

3. Ideology and politica! change

The social anel politicai changes of the late sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries were legitimized in terms ofthe Christian religion. This hael initially been perceived as an mbumba-based cult, but Afonso I had re-ielentified it as a form ofnkadi mpemba anel grave-based cult anel had used it in conjunction with the mbumba-baseel kitome as a means of legitimating Mwissikongo

CENTRALIZATION: l56fl-l622 91

rule. ln the course of the later sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries many of the details anel implications of this interpretation were worked through.

There were considerable problems ofideological 'fit' between Christianity on the one hand anel the nkadi mpemba dímension and grave cult on the other. A central problem concerned the key Christian concept of 'God'. This had been translated from the earliest contacts as nzambi mpungu. Nzambi appears to have referred to the rela tive power of moyo, spirit or soul. The power of moyo ul timately derived from the other world. I t was exercised in varying degrees in this world anel nzambi was the superior power in a particular context. 115 Mpungu meant 'great, supreme' .116 Thus nzambi mpungu probably signified 'highest or ultima te power'. This appears to be similar to the Christian concept of 'God'. ln fact, its connotations were quite different. ln particular, it was a relative term. It could be used in many contexts and the context defined the meaning. ln the context of the family, nzambi mpungu was the maternal unde or the father. ln 'this' world in general, it was the chief, the lineage head or the kitome. ln the 'other' worldly village of the ancestors, it was the founder of the village. ln the 'other' world in general it was the ultimate creative power beyond the three categories of power distinguished above. ln the late fifteenth century the Kongo called the King ofPortugal nzambi mpungu which in this context probably meant 'highcst spiritual authority of the mbumba dimension' .117 ln the early scventeenth century the mani Loango was called nzambi mjJungu,ll8 which probably connoted 'highest spiritual authority of the nkadi mpemba dimension in this world'. When the Europeans asked the mid­seventeenth century Kongo who made them, they said nzambi mpungu, that is the highest spiritual ( creative) force made them. 119 ln the mid-seventeenth century, the kitome were called, amongst other things, nzambi mpungu nsi 'gods' of the land. 120

Since the term nzambi mpungu was relative to a particular context, it had little meaning in the abstract. The Kongo were not interested in it as a general tcrm anel the Europeans complained that outside the arcas ofintense evangelization, the people 'had no knowledge of God at ali, nor his word, but only the bare name, which in their language is Sambian Pongom'. They neither cared nor desired to know more. 121

92 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

The most fervent Mwissikongo needed a clearer definition and provided it by using the term nzambi mpungu to express the benevolent aspect of nkadi mpemba and the sky spirits dimension. They affirmed the 'one-ness' of nzambi mpungu, for the 'ultimate spiritual authority' in any context was inevitably indivisible; bu t they insisted upon giving nzambi mpungu two attributes. One was nzambi caca, unique power, a translation of the European doctrine. The other was nzambi diulu, power in the sky, which defined it in terms ofKongo cosmology, that is, in terms of nkadi rnpemba and the sky spirits. 122 Concomitantly, the Mwissikongo Christians used the word nkadi mpemba itself to express the clcstructive aspects of that dimension and to translate the European conceptofthe 'devil'.

123

The Mwissikongo developed this definition of God, nzambi mjJUngu. They called the inhabitants ofheaven ntungu za mazulu, inhabitants ofthe sky. They called the archangels arkanio a ntazi - archangels of the sun. Various stories evolved to elabora te the concept. ln one a beautifullady descended from heaven on a cloud. She took the soul of a particularly faithful Christian and returned with it to the sky. ln another a nganga (indigenous priest) sought to draw the faithful from Christianity. 'A ray fell fl·om the sky and turned him into ashes.' Another story concerned the early days ofthe conversion. A Mwissikongowho opposed the evangelization died and was buried in a church. That night there was a great tempest with much thunder and Jightning. The following morning they found the tomb open and the body missing 'a manifest indication of the fearful

punishment ofGod'. 124

The Kongo believed that Christ had been a powerful mfumu-chief. H e was called Kristu mfumu, and ngusi mfumu ami -Iord or chief Jesus - was a common expletive. 125 This associated Christianity with the cult of the graves of the chiefly pre­decessors and there is some suggestion that the Mwissikongo regarded the Virgin Mary as Christ's female co-chief. ln the first years of the eighteenth century Dona Beatrice, the prophetess of the Antonine movement, transposed the principal bíblica! characters to Kongo. ln doing so, she stated that the Virgin 'had her origin' in a slave or servant of the mani nzimbu mpungu, that is of the female co-chief of the mani Kong o. The mani nzímbu was also entitled 'Mother and Daughter' of the king of

CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 93

Kongo and may normally have been the female of the mani Kongo~r father's kanda. 116

The concept of the resurrection was translated into indigenous terms. For the Kongo death occurred when the soul, moyo, took a new form. Ifit had not clone this, it had not died. 127

To 'rise from the dead' implied that the tranformed moyo took back its early and lesser powers. This was unlikely. ln the mid-seventeenth century a Matamba notable explained to the newly arrived missionaries that 'the soul had a horror of the pains and miseries of this life . . . being in another lifc abundantly furnished with all, without the least pain', 128 and in ali the newly evangelized Kikongo-speaking regions, the concept of the resurrection was derided. 129 Two Kongo concepts apparently similar to the Christian doctrine of the resurrection were in fact very different. ln the cults of the mbumba dimension individuais 'died' and 'resurrected'. However, they resurrected with a different mrryo, soul. Their own soul had passed to the village of the ancestors. Their body rcvived as an nkita spirit possessed it. 130 The Kongo also believed that the ghost of dead people who had not been properly buried could come back to haunt the living as one of the severa! forms of ndoki, witch. However, they did not return in their earthly bodies. It needed an nganga atombola to remedy the situation by a transitory resurrection of the body and reburial. 131 The Christian Mwissikongo may have resolved the problem by reference to a concept of suspended animation. This may have been an indigenous concept or it may have developed in response to the challenge posed by the Christian concept of the resurrection. Certainly, the early twentieth­century Nsundi believed that when a mrryo-soul- arrived in the other world the ancestors sometimes decided to send it back to this world tocare for the living. Such a person could relate what h e had seen and heard in the other world. However, h e had not died, that is, been transformed. H e had simply been in a state of suspended animation. 132 That this concept was used to translate the Christian concept of the resurrection is suggested by the fact that the mid-seventeenth century Mwissikongo used the term lu katukulu for 'resurrection'. This literally meant 'to wake up', a phrase which suggests arousal from suspended animation rather than from death. 133

94 THE KING DOM OF KONGO

l t is unlikely that the Christian concepts of hell and heaven were accepted by any but the most devout Mwissikongo. They could not be adapted to Kongo thought and were either accepted as additions to the belief system or, more usually, rcjected. The twentieth-century Kongo believed that the moyo, souls, of the dead went in their new form to the village of the ancestors under the ground. The souls of malefactors and bandoki, witches, however, did not become ancestors. They became matebo and constructed their huts in the woods near springs or the rivers. 134 The Christian priests used the term nzazulu, sky, to indicate the Christian heaven. They used the tcrm bulungi to designate hell. 135 It was difficult to reconcile mazulu, sky, with the underground village. Bulungi was closer in rneaning to the waterside huts of the malefactors, but more confusing. It was a form of the word kalunga, which indicated several things: water, the ideal barrier between this world and the 'other', the 'other' world itself and the kitome priestly chiefs of the mbumba dimension. 136 I t is not surprising that the Christian doctrines of heaven and hell were generally rejected. i\ mid-seventeenth-century Capucin missionary who worked in Sonyo, Mbanza Kongo and Wandu said that it was 'the universal opinion that what the Capucins preached of judgement, hell, and glory is a lie and no person is able to go either to hell ( bulungi) or to the glory ofheaven (mazulu) .

137

ln accordance with the generallocation ofChristianity with-in the dimensions of nkadi mpemba and the graves, the M wissikongo regarded the Christian priests as nganga who used nkisi, fetishes, to influence events in the world of man. They called the Pope ntotela wa Papa, ntotela being a title normally applied to great chiefs, and mulukiriiri nkuluntu a nganga, superior head of the nganga lineage. The different types of priest were called nganga plus a modifier. Thus the Capucins were variously called nganga nzambi mpungu, nganga a Papa, and nganga Capuccini. 138 The term nkisi, fetish, was used to translate 'holy' 'sacred' 'divine' so that the eucharist, for ex(lmp~e, was nriwa (food) a nkisi and crosses, crucifixes, Ave Marias, paternosters, and other Christian symbols were nkisi.

139

For the mani Kongo and the Mwissikongo élite the Christian priests served two principal functions, the first of which was to support the cult ofthe royal and Mwissikongo graves. This was

CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 95

facilitated by the Christian practice of burying the dead in or next to the churches, in contrast to the indigenous practice of burying them in woods near the settlement. By the seventeenth century, ali the churches in Mbanza Kongo contained tombs. They were like the wooden tombs the Europeans put in the middle of the church on the anniversary of the dead. They were placed at the sides of the church and covered with black cloths, black being a traditional antidote to the dead. The churches carne to be called nzo a nkisi, house of the fetish or graves. 140

Through them the Christian priests assisted the mani Kongo and the Mwissikongo élite in communicating with their predecessors.

The Christian priests were used exclusively in royal funerais. ln 1622 the funeral procession of Álvaro III was led by the mani andu (kiandu-chair) who carried the throne. Other officials followed, carrying the carpet and the cushions that the king used in church. Then carne the musicians. Among these, one beat the ancient insígnia of authority, the ngoma drum, and another blew the sembo ansuri, the smith's whistle. The brethren of the Brotherhood of the Holy Mercy followed with their banner. Then carne the chapter, the clergy, and six title-holders carrying the body of the king. This was clothed in a hat of the Order ofthe Holy Trinity. On this occasion the king was buried with Roman rites in the Church of St Antony. 141 After the funeral one or two of the former king's most faithful slaves remained in perpetuai service of the tomb. They prayed fi·e­quently and especially on Saturday which the Kongo adopted as the day of the dead. 142

The mani Kongo assumed responsibility for the cult of the churches and of his dead predecessors. ln the mid-sixteenth century, a daily mass was held in the Church ofüur Lady of the Victory for the sou! of Afonso I. 143 By the early seventeenth century, the mani Kongo heard mass every day in his private chapei, perhaps for Afonso I or perhaps for one of bis more immediate predecessors. 144 ln the mid-seventeenth century, he maintained the churches and provided lamps for the tombs. He arranged a mass on the anniversary of the death of each of his predecessors, assisted at it dressed in black with a cleric's hat, and supplied the tomb with a new cloth. On Ali Souls Day, he provided every tomb with a new cloth. He also assisted at the funerais of the members of the confraternities, dressed in

9(i THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

black. 145

There is some evidence that by the early seventeenth century each Afonso segment sought to,build a church to serve as the sepulchre ofits royal members. Alvaro II, for example, built the royal chapei ofStjames. Both he and his son, Álvaro III, were buricd there. Garcia I, who was of a different patrilineal segment, built a new church dedicated to St Ignacius. Álvaro VI, who represented a third segment, built the Church ofüur Lady of the Victory and he was probably buried there. Garcia Il, who was of the sarne matrilineage as Álvaro VI, but who wished to establish a new patrilineal claimant category, also built a new church. 146 ln the mid-seventeenth century, there wcre about eight churches in Mbanza Kongo and the Church of Our Lady of the Victory, built by Afonso I, had disappeared.

147

The mani Kongo led the Mwissikongo and the other residents of Mbanza Kongo in all the major celebrations devoted to the clead. On Ali Souls Days he led a great procession to visit the churches, placing lighted candles on the tombs, chanting prayers in Kikongo, attending mass and insisting that the priest chant the responses for the dead on the tombs. These devotions lasted all night. 148 On Holy Thursday, the mani Kongo led a similar procession to pray at the tombs. H e went barefooted and without his mpu, cap which was an insígnia of authority.

149 On

Holy Saturday, he displayed the most important of the royal insígnia, the drum simbo e bulo which as otherwise only revealed at royal investitures and funerals. 150

There is some evidence that the Mwissikongo regarded the rnass as a means whereby the mani Kongo and the Mwissikongo received the blessing of their predecessors in the other world. J ust as the children acted as priests for their father's kanda, so the Christian priests mediated between the living and dead members of the Mwissikongo corporation. Their rites inevitably {ocused upon its chief representative in this world, the mani Kongo. ln a detailed mid-seventeenth-century account, the mani Kongo's servants laid a great carpet in the church before he attended mass. On it they placed three chairs. One, in red velour, was for the king to sit upon. On the others he knelt and leaned. The king entered with all the great nobles of the court. \1\Then the Gospel was about to be read, the priest gave the king a lit ta per which he passed to a page. After the reading, he gave

CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 97

him a missal to kiss. At the offering, the king went to the altar to kiss the paten. At the elevation of the host, the priest gave the king another taper. At the end ofthe mass, the king knelt at the feet of the priest who read an extract from the Gospel over him. When the mass was over, the king sat on the seat ofred velour. The great nobles of the court gave two slow handclaps, asking his blessing. To each in turn the king gave his blessing, slowly moving the fingers of his left hand 'as if playing a lute'. 151 The Kongo mass thus centred on the king. ln the absence of the king few attended the service. 152 Significantly, the priests held different services for the Mwissikongo and their slaves on the one hand, and the 'common people', that is the ordinary members of the central kanda, on the other. 153

The mani Kongo used specific church services to emphasize the legitimacy of his rule in terms of his predecessors and to reaffirm the unity ofthe Mwissikongo group scattered through­out Kongo. On Stjames's Day, for example, he presided over spectacular celebrations which recalled the 'miraculous' intervention of St James in the battle which secured Afonso I the throne and which established the Afónso as the royalline of Kongo. ln an integral part of the ceremonies the provincial governors, who were expected to attend at Ieast once in three years, submitted tribute and reaffirmed their allegiance. 154

The Mwissikongo group also sought the power and blessing of their dead members in the other world through the Christian confraternities and congregations. These engaged in various spiritual exercises and celebrated mass for their members, their benefactors, and most especially for the souls of the dead. 155

Some were based on the Cathedral which was established in the late sixteenth century. Others were introduced by missionary groups. ln the early l620s the Jesuits introduced separate congregations for the youths, the married men, and the married and widowed women. The Capucins introduced more in the 1640s. 156 ln the rnid-seventeenth century there was a confraternity of St Antony which was no doubt based on the church of that name and which was led by a judge of the company. This operated independently of all the priestly groups. 157

ln effect, the cult ofthe graves practised at funerais, festivais, mass, anel through the congregations provided the Mwissikongo

~JB THE KlNGDOM OF KONGO

group, and potentially each patrilineal category, with a spiritual legitimacy based upon a descent system which straddled the two worlds. This was structurally equivalent to thc legitimacy provided by the ancestors within the kanda system. The importance to the maní Kongo and the Mwissikongo group of establishing their legitimacy in these terms was rdlected in their increasing use in the early seventeenth century of the European seven-day week. This largely replaced the Kongo four-day week in the central region, and nsona, formerly a day ofprayer and rest associated with the mbumba elimension, was replaced by Saturelay, on which prayers were saiel for the royal dead and people poureel water on the graves.

158

ln addition to their function as priests ofthe cult ofthe royal anel Mwissikongo graves, the Christian priests also acteel as royal nganga of the nkadi mpemba and sky spirit type, using rcasoning, imitative magic anel nkisi. Thus Álvaro III (1615-22) 'plcadeel sun and rain of the prelates as they pleaded it of thcir fetishes.' 159 Garcia II (1641-65) askeel the Pope through thc Capucin missionaries for an exorcism against a plague of locusts. 160 The Mwissikongo greeteel the arrival of each new rnissionary group with great enthusiasm for, in aelelition to opening up new possibilities of politicai anel religious relationship, the new group oiTereel the likelihooel ofnew, more powerful defences against (anel oiTences through) kindoki,

witchcraft. 161

The Mwissikongo interpreteel many ofthe rites offereel by the Christian priests as rites ofthe nkadi mpemba elimension. Thus, they believeel that baptism, which was the ri te in most elemanel, protected against witchcraft. The Christian priests adapted the ritc to fit Kongo belief so that, in aeldition to the normal Christian ceremony, the priests placeel a piece of salt in the mouth of the supplicant. The Kongo generally believed that salt protected against sorcerers and witches, anel for them the salt was the essential active element in the rite. They called baptism ncuria mnungua, to eat salt. 162 ln the mid-seventeenth cen tury the Capucins, attempting to break the association, calleel the ri te sukula ya ukisi 'to wash or clean with nkisi'. No one coulel be persuaeleel to accept the ri te without salt, however, anel the change in name merely confirmeel its significance as a ri te in which the nganga useel salt to protect against witchcraft.

163

CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 99

ln accorelance with the ambivalent nature of the nkadi mpemba dimension, the Christian priests were believed to practise as well as protect against witchcraft anel to have elestructive as well as protective and manipulative powers, anel many Christian rites were vieweel in tqis light. Thus, of the terms useel to translate 'excommunicate', kandila meant to prohibit, to refuse admittance, anel was dose to the European meaning. Siba, however, meant the act of invoking a nkisi, fetish, or placing oneself under its protection. 164 ln this context it uneloubteelly signifieel the use of an nkisi for the purposes of witchcraft. The Capucin missionaries also useel the worel loka. This worel referred elirectly to witchcraft. It inelicateel the action by which one exerted an evil influence over another. I t coulel be practiseel in severa! circumstances but was most closely associateel with the commission of witch, ndoki. 165 The priests furthereel this interpretation, believing, for example, that their curse coulel wither a tree. 166 ln 1649, when a certain Capucin passeel from Mbanza Kongo to Mbanza Sonyo, the mani Son)'o fleel the city. He believeel that the Capucin hael been sent by the king to kill him with nkisi. 167

Whilst the mani Kongo anel the Mwissikongo thus accepteel Christian rites as an important means oflegitimizing their rule in terms of the categories of the eleael anel of nkadi mpemba, they could not ignore the crucial importance oflegitimation in terms of the mbumba dimension upon which, it was believeel, all life anel especially fertility, elepeneleel. The kitome, therefore, remained a seconel, essential, pillar of their rule. Nor coulel the interests of other powerful groupings be ignoreel. The form of investiture, therefore, reflecteel the balance which at any one time pertainecl between these interests. 168

From the reign of Afonso I onwarcls, investitures 169 always took place in a church, although the particular church variecl according to circumstances. ln the sixteenth century it was normally helel in the Church or the ruins ofthe Church ofüur Lady ofthe Victory, which Afonso I hael built to commemorate bis victory over his 'pagan' brother anel in which he hacl probably been burieel. The Church was thus the meelium, the nkisi, through which the new incumbent could be placeel in communication with the other world anel receive the power anel legitimacy which eleriveel from Afonso I. ln the 1622 investiture,

]()() THE KING DOM OF KONGO

thc royal throne anel carpet were placed inside the ruined endosure anel an altar, bearing a crucifix, missal, candles, anel Christian anel traditional insígnia, were placed outside. ln the micl-seventeenth century, when this Church had entirely dis­appeared, the insígnia were received in the Catheelral Church of São Salvador. To the traditional insígnia had been aeldeel a flag with the Kongo arms sent by Manuel I of Portugal to Afonso I, anel a Papal Bull sent to Diogo I authorizing him to reserve the sacrament. ln the sixteenth century, despite the Christian location anel insígnia, it was nota Christian priest of the dead anel of the sky spirits who invested the king, but the rnani Mbata, the most powerful of the mpemba nkazi, who provided the king with his principal wife anel who was the classificatory Grandfather of the king. He was assisted by the local kitorne, the mani Vunda, who thus legitimized the king in tcrrns of the mburnba dirnension. ln 1622 the changing con­stellations ofpower caused the mani Mbata to be absent anel the kitorne mani Vunda presided, assisted by a Christian priest, the particularly influential Bras Correia. This was an irnportant innovation, suggesting that Christianity was evolving as a source of legitirnacy nearly equal to that of the mbumba clirnension. ln the 1665 investiture the roles of the kitome anel the Christian priest were reversed, the mani Vunda announcing the narne of the elect anel delivering an oration, anel the Christian priest actually investing the mani Kongo with the insígnia of office. The change ofofficiants was paralleled by an increase in the explicit references to Christianity. ln 1622, after the eight days of ritual seclusion, the mani Kongo appeared in the rnarket place anel each ofthe title-holders then laid his hands upon the missal anel swore to serve anel obey hirn. By the rnid­seventeenth century the king in his turn then swore to rnaintain the Christian faith anel act for the good ofhis subjects.

The Mwissikongo provincial governors generally irnitated the cult in Mbanza Kongo as best they could. By the mid-seventeenth ccntury all thc 'nobles in thcir villages' had at least one church which was large o r srnall according to the size of the population.

170

Thcre rnay have been as rnany as eight in Mbanza Sonyo,171

anel there were several in Mbanza Nsundi. 172 The churches did not generally serve as sepulchres for the dead governors anel a focus for their cult. They could not do so as long as the mani

CENTRALIZATION: !568-1622 101

Kongo retained the power to circulate the governorships arnongst the Mwissikongo, ensuring that few actually died in office. The provincial mbanza also lacked congregations anel confraternities, for the Mwissikongo regareleel themselves as members of the Mbanza Kongo congregations, only temporarily resident in the province. When the governor's term of office ended, they would accornpany him to another office, or back to Mbanza Kongo. The governors useel the churches, notably when priests arrived, in order to exalt their position as controllers of powers of the nkadi mpemba dimension, anel to focus the ri te upon thernselves. 173 When the governors were not themselves attending Mbanza Kongo, they celebrated Stjames's Day in their own capital, expecting the suborelinate governors to attend with tribute anel elemonstrations of allegiance.

For the non-Mwissikongo population, the Christian priests were irrevocably associated with the mani Kongo. They centreel their activities on Mbanza Kongo, where they were politically anel to a large extent economically elepenelent upon the king. When they evangelized the provinces, they generally elid so with the authority anel with the material assistance (including interpreters anel porters) of the mani Kongo. ln the provinces they dwelt in the capitais of the Mwissikongo governors on whorn, sirnilarly, they depended for politicai anel economic support. 174 Like the élite itself, they were inevitably associated with the wealth anel power of the Atlantic traele. They were usually European, like the wealthier merchants who settled or travelled along the traele routes. Most ofthe eliocesan anel some of the religious priests thernselves engageel in the traele. They were otherwise independent of the Kongo social structures, being unable, despite their frequent state of concubinage, to establish priestly lineages.

For the subject groups, the most important functions of the Christian priests was to protect against witchcraft, anel it was through this function above ali that the Christian priests elrew the non-Mwissikongo into the cult. ln doing so they establisheel a degree of ideological dorninance for the mani Kongo anel the M wissikongo élite, for the mani Kong o could be seen as supplying nkadi mpemba type nganga to battle, on behalf ofthe community, against witchcraft. Throughout Kongo the late-sixteenth anel early-seventeenth-century priests encountered a keen demand

102 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

for baptism, that is for the mani Kongo's ri te ofprotection against witchcraft. The demand for other Christian rites was negligible, anel new missionary groups soon learnt that 'those that do Christian works are very few, those that conserve the name anel character ofHoly Baptism are innumerable.

175 Concomitantly,

the nkisi-fetish-of the Christian nganga- the cross, became one of thc most ubiquitous in Kongo, the most powerful of the nkisi protective against witchcraft. By the mid-seventeenth century, thc country was 'full of crosses ofwood' anel the people 'saluted thcm devotedly anel knelt before them'. ln Mbanzo Zombo there was a great cross situated dose to another 'idol protector of the village'. The Capucin mission was a singular failure there. ln Sonyo anel elsewhere, the people erected crosses in 'traditibnal' cemeteries anel even the kimpassi cult enclosures were protected wi tl! crosses amongst other nkisi. 176 Most people wore locally manufactured rosaries anel crucifixes, anel they also wanted rclics, images, names of Jesus, medals, crowns, Ave Marias, anel paternosters, to wear round their necks as 'holy things', that is, as nkisi. 171 People wore them even in those regions where baptism was not demanded. They repeated the sign ofthe cross as a protection against evil-doers anel they sometimes swore by

the cross. 178

Whilst Christianity was thus interpreted as a cult ofthe nkadi m.pemba dimension anel the graves, anel served to legitimize anel define the Mwissikongo élite anel the hierarchy within it, the ideological 'fit' between Christianity anel the indigenous concepts remained inexact anel it was still possible to associate aspects of the Christian cult with the mbumba dimension. Thus, both the predilection of the missionaries anel the relative weakness of the indigenous concept of nzambi mpungi, led the M wissikongo to emphasize the concept of the Madonna. ln missionary thought the Madonna was especially associated with the family anel hence, in Kongo thought, with fertility, the especial concern of the mbumba dimension. Moreover, the Madonna was also associated with Saturday, which the M wissikongo now took as the day of prayer anel rest devoted especially to the dead. The former day of rest, however had been been associated with a public cult of the mbumba dimension. Thus, the potentiality for reinterpreting Christianity, particularly in terms of the mbumba dimension,

CENTRALIZATION: 1568-1622 103

remained, anel this was to be of crucial significance in late­seventeenth- anel early-eighteenth-century Sonyo anel central Kongo. ln the course ofthe late sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries, however, the nkadi mpemba anel grave cult inter­pretation dominated, providing a unique legitimating ideology for the mani Kongo anel the ruling élite without, however, reducing its dependence upoh the kitome of the mbumba dimension, who continued to control the health anel fertiljty of man, animais, anel crops.

ln the late sixteenth anel early seventeenth centuries, then, several factors combined to strengthen the mani Kongo anel the ruling élite. ln the course of the suppression of the Jaga invasion, the mani Kongo received help from armed Portuguese, many of whom remained to support him anel to supply him with guns. A new trade developed through Mbanza Kongo to Okango anel the establishment of the Portuguese colony at Luanda stimulated both this anel the old trade to Malebo Pool. The mani Kongo taxed the trade anel he anel the Mwissikongo élite invested much of their trade wealth in slaves. Slave soldiers, slave cultivators anel new crops strengthened the élite rela tive to the kanda, anel improved communications, especially literacy, improved its administrative efficiency. The ruling élite re-defineel itself in terms of patrilineal elescent categories inelepenelent of the matrilineal kanda. The kingship itself was monopolizeel by a slave-baseel patrilineal segment supported by slave soleliers anel slave councillors. The Christian relgion was further aelapted to proviele the élite with a legitimating ieleology inelepenelent of the local religious anel descent structures anel closely associateel with traele-baseel wealth.

CHAPTER5

Decentralization: 1600-1641

I n the course of the first half of the seventeenth century economic, politicai, social, and military developments began to rcverse the centralizing tendencies discussed in the last chapter. The economic factor was of paramount importance. Two develop­ments had delayed the adverse economic effects of the establish­ment of Luanda colony: the lure of silver which caused the Luanda forces to concentrate upon conquests well to the south ofKongo, and the evolution of a new cloth trade through Kongo to Okango. ln the early seventeenth century, however, Luanda bcgan to develop new trade routes which bypassed Kongo, which drew Kongo's southern tributary chiefdoms into its orbit, and which undermined the Kongo fiscal system. The development of Dutch and Luanda trade with Sonyo and with northern Kongo states further reduced the trade passing through Mbanza Kongo. 1 t provided Luanda with a cheaper alternative to Kongo cloth, thereby depriving Kongo ofits principal remaining export. Sonyo became independent. The mani Kongo tried but failed to find an alternative source of revenue. The weakness of the centre was reflected in a change in the balance of gun and slave-holding between the mani Kongo and the provincial title-holders and in new alliances forged between patrilineal categories and local provincial groups. The kingship, which had formerly beeen monopolized by the slave-based Mpanzu Afonso, became the object of competing Afonso segments. As Kongo weakened, the military and ideo-

logical threat from Luanda grevl.

1. The evolution of new trade routes and tlze decline of tlze mani Kongo's

revenues: 1.1 The evolution of new trade routes: Luanda and the southem

Kongo states Trade routes to the south ofKongo had begun to evolve in the

R 8 ~

~.· ~ ~ ! j: t f· I r

' r ' l t ~

DEC:ENTRALIZATION: 1600-1641 105

early sixteenth century as São Tomé ships sought cheaper supplies of slaves. Luanda was then under the jurisdiction of the mani Kongo, with familiar language and social and politicai structures. It tapped an alternative supply of slaves from the Mbundu state of Ngola a Kiluanje, a state which had been drawn into the economic system of Greater Kongo, but which was eager to establish more direct trade relations with the Portuguese. The local Luanda taxes were far lower than the taxes imposed by the King ofPortugal and the mani Kong o on the Mpinda trade and so the unofficial trade grew, despite repeated attempts by both kings to suppress it. 1 The mani Kongo was concerned, not only because the trade undermined his monopoly o[ the Atlantic slave trade, but also because it threatened his con trol of the 'mines of money', the nzímbu-shell islands of Luanda.

2 ln 1545 Diogo I attempted to end the trade by

crushing the supplier, ngola a kíluanje, 3 but although h e defeated him in a campaign of 1545, he lacked the militaty and admini­strative resources to keep so distant a chief in military subjection. São Tomé pressed the advantages of establishing an official trade with ngola a kiluanje and Portugal was convinced by the evident bcnefits to be derived from taxing the trade, by rumours ofmetals and trans-continental communications, and by the possibilities of conversion. ln 1571, the King ofPortugal declared the region between the Kwanza and the southern Kongo boundary a royal colony and he named Paulo Dias governor for life and hereditaty Iord of a proprietory colony south ofthe Kwanza. Paulo Dias arrived at Luanda in 1575 and settled on the mainland opposite the nzínzbu-shell-producing island ofLuanda.

This development had not proved a disaster for Kongo. Álvaro I, seeking to preserve bis monopo1y, had at first attempted to disrupt the negotiations which developed between the Portuguese and ngola a kiluanje. When the negotiations did break down, he supported the Portuguese, no doubt hoping to destroy ngola a kiluanje, re-establish his monopoly, and himself supply Luanda. ln the event, ngola a kíluanje was not destroyed, but the outcome benefited Kongo since the conftict engrossed the combatants for the next forty years, enabling Kongo to develop its lucrative slave and cloth trade to the colony.4

Despi te the early benefits ofthe trade, it became increasingly

J()() THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

apparent in the early seventeenth century that in the longer term the establishment of Luanda colony would have a most deleterious effect upon the mani Kongo's economic anel politicai position. The Luanda-Okango cloth trade itselfproved a mixed blessing, for whilst it enhanced the mani Kongo's trading position, it undermined his fiscal system. This had been based upon nzimbu-shell money in the vyestern provinces anel cloth in the east. The mani Kongo had monopolized nzimbu-production anel circulated the currency from Mbanza Kongo. When the Portuguese established the colony of Luanda, the mani Kongo forbade the islanders to sell nzimbu or to communicate with the Portuguese in any way. However, the Portuguese needed n:ómbu to service the Kongo trade. A system soon evolved whereby colonists paid the three governors of the island one to three slaves each in return for the privilege of buying nzimbu shells. Later, the Portuguese extorted shells from the islanders. They also imported shells from Brazil anel India. This practice had begun as early as the third decade ofthe sixteenth century when Afonso I had tried, without success, to persuade the King of Portugal to help ban them.5 These developments did not irnmediately destroy the Kongo fiscal system. ln 1540 one crifo measure had been worth 13,200 reis in Mbanza Kongo anel in 1575 anel 1615 it was still worth 10,000 reis. 6 ln the second decade of the seventeenth century, however, Portuguese mili­tary successes expanded trade in the south. The demand for Kongo cloth to service this trade, anel with it the demand for shell money, rose sharply. Luanda imported large volumes of foreign shells anel produced a rapid inflationary spiral on the Luanda-:Okango cloth route. ln 1619 one cofo ofnzimbu shells fctched 1,600-2,000 reis in Mbanza Kongo. This was one fifth of their value four years earlier. Álvaro III estimated that the inflation had cost him two thirds ofhis revenue anel was 'bring­ing the country to ruin'. He imposed heavy penalties on the importation of foreign shells.7 The currency did not recover however. ln 1622 anel 1625 one cofo was worth 1,500 reis in Mbanza Kongo anel it fluctuated at about this price into the !ater seventeenth century.8

The establishment of Luanda anel the development of the cloth trade also undermined the position of the mani Kongo at the apex of the redistributive system. Through the tribute mechanism,

DECENTRALIZ1\TION: JG(XHG,H 107

the rnani Kongo had effected the exchange, amongst other things, of cloth from the eastern provinces anel salt anel nzirnbu shells fi:om the western provinces. After the introduction of the Atlantic trade, he was able to confine the slave trade to the Mbanza Kongo-Makoko route, adding European goods to the continued exchange of indigenous products. Most of the governors had had to use the tribute mechanism to secure European goods anel they had ali had to use it to secure the products of other regions. The development of the Luanda cloth trade undermined the mani Kongo's position, for the pombeiros traded directly between the ecological zones taking nzimbu shells anel European goods to exchange in eastern Kongo for cloth.

The Portuguese colony of Luanda also provided a relatively direct anel lucrative market for southern Kongo products anel this further undermined the Kongo redistributive system. The Luanda mainland was arid anel infertile. The Portuguese had to import food for their own anel their slaves' subsistence anel for the ships. Some of this came from overseas; some from plant­ations that the J esuits anel other Portuguese established in the more fertile Bengo valley to the north anel from the dried fish industries they established in Mbamba. ln addition, however, the southern Kongo peoples, including those ofLuanda island, used kin-labour to produce considerable quantities of millet, fish, anel other foods to sell in Luanda, anel this production was crucial to the survival ofthe colony.9 Luanda also needed wood for ships, houses, anel fuel, since the immediate hinterland only supported a low grass steppe. The Portuguese imported wood from the Kongo valleys of the Lufine, Dande, anel Mbrije, anel these too were probably obtained with the help of local kanda labour.

10 As the colony developecl, it neeclecl indigenous

proclucts to service its new tracle routes to the south. Mbamba was able to supply elephant tails which were resolcl in ngola a kiluanje anel other southern states for necklaces. ln the early seventeenth century, l 00 orclinary tails or 50 large tails fetched l ,000 reis. Mbamba coulcl also supply skins which had been long clemanclecl in the same market. 11 The demand for indige­nous cloth lecl those few Mbamba lineage groups that occupied lancls supporting palm trees to expand their cloth production for sale in Luanda. 12 ln the late sixteenth century a new

!OH THE KiNG DOM OF KONGO

European demand caused the Portuguese to seek ivory. Elephants were numerous in Mbamba and ivory had accumulated in the bush over many centuries. A ftourishing trade devel­oped.13 Ali these commodities could be produced by lineage groups possessing little orno capital, employing family labour and using traditional tools. They sought European goods, and services such as blue-dyeing14 in exchange.

The M wissikongo in Mbamba were also drawn into the Luanda economic system. The Luanda island govemors sold nzimbu shells to the Portuguese in the early years of the colony. Some of the southern Mwissikongo governors established slave plan tations on the J esuit model and supplied food. 15 They hired slaves to the merchants that traded through Mbamba.

16 Some

sought direct employment vúth the Luanda administration, as did the tandala 'general of the black camp' who represented the Luanda governor in all his dealings with the subjected chiefs. The tandala was assisted by about a hundred ofhis own relatives and dependants. 17

ín the first half of the seventeenth century severa! factors enable the mani lvfbamba to exploit the economic expansion induced by the development ofthe Luanda economy, although in the longer term this was to undermine his position too. The most important factor was slaves. ln the late sixteenth century Mbamba was said to supply 5,000 slaves a year to Luanda.

18 It

is probable that these did not come primarily from the nuclear kingdom o r from the Okango or Ivlalebo Pool markets, but from

Ndembu chiefdoms controlled by Mbamba. Initially, they were probably local criminais and captives and later people imported from the small, defenceless settlements on the plateau. vVhen, in the early seventeenth century, direct Portuguese and pombeiro trade through the Ndembu states reduced incarne from this source, Portuguese militai)' activity to the south ofKongo created an important new source of slaves

the mani 1\fbamba. The Portuguese there retained many of captives as domestic and agricultura! slaves but they

treated them with such brutality that they invariably seized the first opportunity to ftee. They sought the protection of powerful neighbouring lords. Northwards, the nearest independent nnwers >Vere either the Ndembu chiefs or the memi lvlbmnba. and

latter vvekomed many hundreds and

DECENTRAL!ZATION: 1600-!64! !09

them in the com·se of the early seventeenth century. 19 These fugi tive slaves were accepted as clients by their new mas ter and they strengthened his position vis-à-vis the subordinate groups and the mani Kongo. Amongst other things, the mani Mbamba was able to use them to enforce tribute payments including pay­ments of newly valuable items such as ivory, now dedared a royal monopoly, skins, and elephants' tails. Although the royal monopoly on ivory was never strictly enforceable, and the mani iVfbamba sent a variable proportion of it to Mbanza Kongo, he was able to benefit from this and the other new trades, together with the traditional southern Kongo revenues ofshells, salt and agricultura! products.

ln the course of the early seventeenth century the power of the mani Afbamba relative to the mani Kongo grew and was both reftected in and furthered by his ability to establish his own taxes on the Luanda-Okango/Makoko trade route. ln the mid­seventeenth century, for example, a mani Kongo appointee received the tax on the River Loje crossing and probably the l-I 1fz cifos of nzimbu shells per Ioad that was imposed on the River Dande too.Z0

1v1bamba was not alone in being strengthened by the develop­ment ofLuanda colony; the Ndembu states and the south-eastern Kongo provinces also benefited. The Portuguese and pombeiro traders developed new trade routes through the Ndembu states in the early seventeenth century. Some of these had been controlled by Mbamba; others, such as Mbwila, had ·owed direct allegiance to Kongo. By 1631 'many' Portuguese had settled in l\'1utemu and in 1641 some eighty Portuguese were said to reside amongst the Ndembu, trading in ivOI)' and slaves.21 The chiefs also traded directly with Luanda. In addition to trade revenues and the slaves that they could thereby purchase, the Ndembu, like the mani Afbamba, received

fugtive slaves from the south. In 1622, for example, a ngongo, threatened with invasion, returned over 500

fugitive slaves to the Portuguese.22 By the mid-seventeenth century, Ndembu chiefs dressed in European clothes and prided themselves on being 'royal and free potentates' .1\ribwila,

· · ically placed on new routes to l\rlatan1ba, to """"''""·"'

nnr~hur-:>rrl<:- ~hrnnnrh "'""~"'-"'"""~Prn Kongo to UKan~o.

!lO THE KINGDOM OF KONC...O

mid-seventeenth century it dominated fifteen chiefdoms and 'vied with Kongo in wealth and magnitude'. It extended as far as M pumbu Samba ( the market of the Samba) in the middle of the p!ateau. Some hventy years la ter it was said to have over 140 suqject chiefs. Other formerly subject provinces and states also benefited from the new trade. In the mid-seventeenth century vVandu sought independerice. In the later seventeenth century N sonso greatly increased its power and Kongo dia Nlaza was said to extend far beyond the Kwango 'without anyone knowing where it ended'. 23

ln the course of the early seventeenth century the former tributary chiefdom ofMatamba to the east ofthe Ndembu also established a direct trade with the pombeiros and broke all ties with Kongo. The female chief muhongo Matamba had offered tribute to Kongo in the early sixteenth century in order to acquire European goods. When ngola a kiluanje developed a slave trade route to the south, muhongo Jtlatamba found it more profitable and, in view of the distance, easier, to exchange gifts with him. By the end ofthe sLxteenth century muhongo 1\llatamba had ceased to pay tribute to Kongo. The kambole, the chief captain of the kingdom and the queen's consort, strengthened by European goods, embarked upon a series of conquests and extended the kingdom to the east. ·vv'hen conflict broke out betvveen Luanda and ngola a kilua:nje, muhongo lvlatamba supported ngola a kiluarife and in 1589 she sent a 'great army' against the Portuguese and defeated them on the Lukala near Mbaka. In 1591 she 'confederated' with ngola a kiluanie and v.rith 'a great lord called Caculo' (probably the Ndembu kahenda who dweh to the south of Mbwila, west of Matamba and north of ngola a kilumife). As the war dragged on muhongo \J.atamba appears to have abandoned the policy of resistance.

she seems to have traded slaves directly to the Portuguese pombeiros through the neighbouring chiddoms.24

mani Kcmgo did not simply lose the tribute revenue the defection of this chiefdom threatened other vital

Kongo interests. ln the early l630s Nzinga, the female holder of the ngola a kiluarife title, conquered ~'latamba and fu.rthered its integration into the Luanda economic system. had organized her followers on radically new !ines the

DECENTRALIZATION: 1600-!64! lll

--Pre-1641 ------ Post-1641

O 100 200 300 km

MAP8

example of the Imbangala kilombo, which traditionally organized states found difficult to resist. In addition she probably had guns, for in the la ter l630s gunpowder was one of her major irnports. She conquered Matamba during the vulner-

1,-,·váng the succession of a new muhongo lHatamba ·a kambole and applied Imbangala methods of

organization to extend her territories. She blocked a .uua.m1a. trade route which had developed in the l620s to

bangala state of Kasanje and she dre1N slaves and of the middle

!!2 THE KlNGDOlvi OF KONGO

too. 25 The Portuguese developed a new trade route from Luanda through the defeated ngola a kiluanje to Nzinga Matamba. By 1641 most ofthe slaves exported from Luanda were said to come from Nzinga Matamba, an estimated 12,000-13,000 per year. The 'Jaga' captured the slaves in 'very distant places in the interior' .26 ln this context the 'Jaga' were probably Imbangala, but the Yaka, who occupied the region to the north ofNzinga, may also have been involved. Nzinga thus syphoned off sla ves that might: othervvise have passed through the Okango routc to be taxed at rv1banza Kongo. By the mid-seventeenth century Nzinga had become so powerful that she posed a military threat to Kongo.

bv the mid-seventeenth centurv the establishment " '

the Portuguese colony ofLuanda had affected Kongo ín three principal ways. It had undermined the mani Kongo's control of the fiscal system based on nzimbu shells. It had undermined the tribute system, the economic and politicai basis ofhis power, and it had also drawn the Ndembu, Ngola a Kiluanje, Matamba, and to some extent 1vlbamba, \;\landu and other southcrn and eastern Kongo provinces into the Luanda economic system, reducing the mani Kongo's tax revenues and, in the case ofNzinga Matamba, creating a nevv military threat to thc kingdom.

1.2 The evolution of new trade routes: Sonyo and Loango

Developments in the south \overe not undennining the mani Kongo's economic and no11rw"

important was the growth in the seventeenth century of Luanda and Throughout the sixteenth century Sonyo naa contmuea as an integral part ofthe Mbanza Kongo system oftribut:e exchange, the mani SonJ'O supplying salt in exchange for cloth and other products of the alternative ecological zones. He had benefited locally from the shippers' and traders' demands and porters, but he could neither supply nor contrai a slave t:rade whose operations, for historical, economic, politicai, and ideological reasons, centred on Mbanza Kongo. In the l580s the Kongo slave-trading entrepôt had been diverted Sonyo to Luanda. ParadoxicaHy it was this v.~hich initiated the mani 's rise to independent po,ver. Luanda needed food to support its own popu1ation and the

DECENTRAUZATION: 1600-!64! !13

products to service the slave trade in the south. In the late sixteenth century European demand led to a search beyond the slave-trading routes for supplies ofivory and, to a lesser extent, redwood. Mbanza Sonyo and its port ofMpinda, located at the mouth of the Zaire, was the nearest well-watered region of any extent accessible to Luanda by ship, and therefore a convenient source of food. ~1oreover, as late as the second decade of the seventeenth century, it still contained 'great quantities' of ivory.27 It also controlled access by pinnace to the well-watered, forested, and as yet largely unexploited regions of the north bank of the Zaire.

ln the early seventeenth century, the Luanda governors' interest in Sonyo and its north bank hinterland grew as rival Dutch and English merchants entered the trade. The Dutch trade, which began in the last years of the sixteenth century28

, tended to syphon ivory fi·om Luanda to Sonyo, since the Dutch paid a better price?9 In the 1620s the Dutch began to trade with Luanda, exchanging Sonyo products needed for the southern slave trade against patacas, a Brazilian coin worth 320 reis. The Luanda governar, concerned at the loss of trade and hard currency, sought with some success to develop Luanda trade in the Zaire estuary.30

The mani Sorçyo benefited from this trade because he controHed the port of .fv[pinda and because he was a major

products such as elephants tails, ivory, leopard and indigenous doth, acquired through the tribute

system, and of food, acquired both through tribute and slave ln addition, he was able to ta.,x a gro-wing trade in the

sarne products conducted by lineage seniors. These acquired capital partly by extracting agricultura! and especially animal produce from their juniors,31 and partly from the Dutch, who lent merchandise against men and women deposited as guarantors?2 ln I 606 members of certain Mbala kanda segments conducted a 'great trade' with the people of the River Kakongo buying 'great stocks' ofivory to seU at Mpinda to the Portuguese and ot:her merchants.33 By the mid-seventeenth

people travelled north of the Zaire to Ngoyo to indigenous doth for resaie to

the seventeenth Luanda and

!!+ THE KING DOM OF KONGO

Du tch interest in Sonyo and its north bank hinterland was further stimulated by the development of a copper trade route from Mindouli-Boko Songo to Mpinda. Mindouli-Boko Songo copper had been an important factor in the evolution of a series of states, for it was traded to each economically dominant peripheral region in tum. It had influenced the early development ofKongo and Afonso I's rise to power. ln the late sixteenth century it was traded to the slave markets at the Pool and contributed to the power ofMakoko, which controlled the trade route.35 ln the third decade of the seventeenth century the Loango coast began to supersede the Pool as the dominant entrepôt. Capital accumulation and rising European demand led the Vili of Loango to intensif)r a previously limited trade. Groups ofVili smiths and their slaves left for the copper region in September. They mined, smelted, and forged the copper and returned with it, and with locally acquired ivory, in May. They transported some of it westwards through Loango and some south westwards through Vungu to the Zaire estuary and the Sonyo port ofMpinda.36 The rise ofthe Sonyo copper trade was not uncontested. It threatened both Makoko and, later, Loango control. ln 1623 'Jaga' attacked Vungu, which controlled the south western route from Mindouli-Boko Songo to Sonyo and thc Zaire estuary. These 'Jaga' may have been Yaa, Tio tributaries of Makoko. The rnani Loango supported the attack, since it effectively disrupted the copper trade in Sonyo and the

bank states of Ngoyo and Kakongo. However, Makoko was unable to sustain the attack. ln 1627 Vungu \vas peacefui, a new ruler appointed and the trade to Sonyo resumed.37

ln the fourth decade ofthe seventeenth century Sonyo began to export slaves. This reflected two developments: a new Dutch demand for slaves, and Vili access to the ~Makoko slave markets. By 1636 the Dutch had conquered Curacão and most of north­east Brazil induding the sugar growing region ofPemambuco

Paraíba. They needed a large labour force and, iike the Portuguese, sought to supply it through the African slave

38 Since the diversion of the Mpumbu trade from lVlpinda to Luanda, Sonyo had no organized slave trading :route. Nor did Loango, the Netherlands' other

traded to the · \vas dose

DECENTRALIZATION: !600-16+1 !!5

they began to add Makoko slaves to their increasingly diversified trade. Loango and Sonyo continued to be their principal entrepôts39 although rivalry between the two states continued and occasionally, as in the early 1640s, disrupted both trades.40

The rnani Sonyo was able to control the copper and slave trade because he commanded access to the north bank hinterland and because the trade had been developed through indigenous networks which the Europeans could not enter competitively. Rapids prevented ships from proceeding up river beyond Mpínda and they therefore had no alterna tive but to anchor at Mpinda and establish their main base at Mbanza Sonyo. vVhen, in the 1630s, the Portuguese and Dutch began to estab­lish factories on the north bank serviced by pinnace, they did so 'with the consent of the Count'41 and the factories were necessaríly dependent upon the Sonyo station. The mani Sonyo was already sufficiently strengthened by the earlier trade to be able to inhibit attempts to develop a trade with his immediate northern coas tal neighbours. Thus, in the late I 620s, h e obstructed trade between the Portuguese and Kakongo. ln 1631 h e invaded Ngoyo, which controlled the north bank of the Zaire, installed his son as rnani Ng<?.,YO and sacked the capital of Kakongo. A branch of the Sonyo ruling patrilineal category Silva continued to rule Ngoyo until at least the late seventeenth cenl:ury.42 The mani Sonyo benefited from the trade by port taxes, as '"'ell as by the continued direct supply of food, local products and services.

The trade at Sonyo, together with the trade that both the Dutch and Luanda developed with Loango, undermined the mará Kongo's economic and politicai position in several \Vays. First, none of the trade which developed at Sonyo passed through 1Vfbanza Kongo, and Sonyo became increasingly inde­pendent, as did Kiova, a sub-province adjacent to Sonyo, which controHed the Vili route from the Zaire crossing. Second, the evolution of a Vilí trade route from Makoko to Sonyo and Loango reduced the volume of slaves available for the Luanda trade through Kongo. This led to a further decline in Luanda interest in the Kongo-Makoko trade route. Third, the markets, which had hiterto been located at and had enabled the Mwissik01

ll6 THE KINGDOl\·1 OF KONGO

+- - The principal slave-trade routes

.... · • · The principal copper-trade roules

O 100 200 300 km

MAP9

were transferred to Luanda and to the Dutch factories at Loango and Sonyo. The M \vissikongo traders v.rere increasingly unable to compete with the Vili, pombeiros, and more locali:zed Sonyo traders who traded ""''ith Portuguese and Dutch capital and credit. The Vili and the people ofSonyo had an additional advantage over the Mwissikongo in that they traded with superior Dutch as opposed to poorer Portuguese merchandise. 43

The development of Luanda-Loango trade had a further deleterious effect on Kongo since it provided Luanda \v:ith an alternative to Kongo cloth. In 1610 the largest proportion of Luanda cloth carne from Kongo. However, the profit on Loango doth was greater, probably because it -..vas taxed less. It averaged 1,200 per cent and at leasi: per cent compareci with 800 per cent on the Kongo trade. Although there are no

DECENTRi\LIZATION: !600-1611 !!7

statistics, it is probable that the proportions steadily altered in Loango's favour. After the Portuguese restoration ofLuanda in 1648 most of the doth carne from kikongo-speaking states north of the Za1re.44

1.3 The decline in the mani Kongo 's revenues

The mani Kongo tried and failed to discover an alternative exportable commodity to compensate for the losses incurred by the changing patterns of trade. In the first half of the seventeenth century he imposed a monopoly on ivory. He also licensed certain men to kill elephants with a gun, permitting them to keep the flesh. However, it was impossible to enforce a monopoly on so widespread a resource, and licensing became less and less effective as the mani Kongo lost his monopoly on guns.45 Kongo's other potential resource was copper, which was found in severa! places, and notably at Mbemba in the province ofWembo, and near Mban:za Kongo. Although Ít\vas probably exploited in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, it was of such poor quality that in the mid-seventeenth century Kongo imported European copper.46 Nevertheless, the Portuguese believed the Kongo mines were rich and they coveted them throughout the six.teenth and first half of the seventeenth century. Despite their long-standing fear that any European mining would culmina te in conquest, the need for an alternative export and the fear of Luanda avarice led several early-seventeenth-century mani Kongo to attempt to interest European powers in Kongo copper. These attempts failed.47

The mani Kongo also attempted to improve his position by increasing the taxes on the trade which still passed through Kongo. The Portuguese later said that Álvaro I had offered, and the King of Portugal had accepted, free passage for Portuguese trade13 in Kongo.48 \'Vhatever the truth ofthis (and it is unlikely), Alvaro II taxed the traders, although he exempted the Jesuits. In 1612 the Portuguese that traded in ~_,fbamba, Sonyo and 'Kongo' paíd a tax on each load at each river crossing. In 1619 Álvaro III was said to be increasing the taxes 'every day'. In the l630s there were 'many taxes' on the river crossings and land routes and in the l640s Garcia created nevv tax posts:~9 Cadornega de:scribed one merchant left Luanda in the l630s >vith reis in trade goods. After paying; taxes,

1 n~ THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

arrived in Okango with 200,000 reis, although he still made a profit of 500 per cent on the journey.50 The mani Kongo, however, did not necessarily benefit from all these taxes. ln the sixteenth century he had imposed one tax at Mbanza Kongo and another, under his direct control, at Mpinda. Now, many of the prolif­erating tax points were controlled by the provincial governors, as those on the Rivers Loje and, probably, Dande, were con­trolled by the mani Mbamba. Moreover, as the Mbanza Kongo tribute system weakened, some distant and loosely tributary governors such as the mid-seventeenth-century mani Lula, imposed direct taxes too.51 Ultimately, the proliferation of tax posts proved counter-productive since they raised the costs of the Kongo routes and rendered the new trade routes that Luanda was developing to the north and south of Kongo the more attractive.

The mani Kongo also sought to increase his revenue by general taxation. This enabled him to cream the provincial revenue vvhich he could no longer recover through the tribute mecha­nism. H e did so in three ways. ln the early seventeenth century the mani Mbata had paid the mani Kongo a tribute ostensibly to maintain the queen, who was taken from the dominant Mbata kanda Nsaku Lau.52 ln the mid-seventeenth century the mani Kong o generally took a wife from one of the principal patrilineal categories and the mani Kongo levied a general tax for the queen. I t was called pintelso and each household was supposed to pay a slave for every span's-breadth ofbed.53 The mani Kongo raised a sccond tax in Ii eu of tithes. This was levied every three months, presumably amongst different groups. He raised a third tax

arbitrarily by permitting his cap, mpu to blow off. The mpu was an important insígnia and its loss was used to justifY general taxation. 54 The mani Kongo had to bribe the governors to permit

coUectors to pass and in those provinces where revenue dedined their passage resembled the :íncursion of enemy soldiers.55 Despite ali these efforts, the Dutch estimated that the mani Kongo's total revenue in the mid-seventeenth century did no t exceed 600 gulden per year. 56

mani Kongo's declining economic position inevitably undermined his politicai position rdative to the pro-vincial governors. By the early seventeenth centmy the return that the provincial governors and local chieiS received on their tribute

DECENTR"-LIZATION: 1600-164! ll9

had dedined substantially and by the mid-seventeenth century, general taxation through centrally appointed tax collectors may have caused them to suffer a net Ioss. The mani Kongo was increasíngly unable to buy the loyalty of the provincial governors.

2. Tlze clzanging balance qf power between the centre and tlze provinces

The shift in economic and hence politicai power from the centre to the provinces was manifested most crudely in terms of guns, slaves, and clients. I t led to significant changes in the relation­ship between certain patrilineal categories and provincial kanda. It also broke the power of the slave-based Mpanzu Afonso who had monopolized the kingship since the reign of Álvaro I (I 568-8 7) and led to a fragmen tation of the Afonson category.

2.1 Guns, slaves, andclients

Guns were a major factor in the balance ofKongo power and in the course of the early seventeenth century the balance of gun-ownership shifted radically from the centre to the provinces. ln the late sixteenth century the mani Kongo had monopolized guns. He banned them to ali but the mani .lv!bata who needed them against the Jaga.57 Two factors undermined his control. The first was his growing economic and politicai weakness relative to the provincial governors. The second was the dissemination of guns through the pombeiro and Vili traders and through fugitive Portuguese and later Dutch soldiers. This occurred despite a determined attempt by the Luanda authorities to ban the sal e of guns to African groups.58 By the third decade of the seventeenth century a strong mani Wembo, who had po•~.cerfiú personal connections in Nsundi and :Mpemba, was able to warn Alvaro III (1615-22) that ifhe carne against him he would 'kill him with a gun', and by the mid-seventeenth century most if not: ali of the provincial title-holders had guns. 59 \Vhen a

Mnnnba rebelled ín the mid-seventeenth century he did so archers and 100 musketeers.60 The chiefdoms to the

south of nuclear Kongo, which had fomerly submitted tribute now traded intensively l'V-ith Luanda, probably had

more, and the Dutch began to seU increasing numbers of guns to 61 Meamvhile, the KonJ;o's ability to acquire guns

120 THE KING DOM OF KONGO

dedined. ln the mid-seventeenth century Garcia II (1641-41) had few muskets and little powder. The soldiers that guarded his chapei were armed with índigenous weapons, although the squadron that guarded him when he left the palace included musketeers, and he had sufficient powder to spare to use three salvoes of musket fire to assemble the people in the main square.62

The shift ín the balance of power from the centre to the provinces was álso manifested in terms of slave-holdings. ln the late sixteenth century the mani Kongo had owned an enormous number of slaves relative to the provincial and other title­holders. Álvaro II's (1587-1614) personal guard was commanded by four principal nobles, each of whom commanded 4,000-5,000 slaves garrisoned in Mbanza Kongo and other places. This guard, whích amounted to a standing army, far ou tweighed the slave-holdings of any of the provincial or other title-holders. ln the course ofthe early seventeenth century the changing balance of economic power combined with other social processes to even the balance of slave-holding between the central and the provincial title-holders.

An important factor in altering the balance of slave-holding was the decline Ín the purchasing po>ver of the mani Kqngo rela tive to that of certain other title-holders. The mani Kong o was simply unable to purchase as many slaves in the Malebo Pool markets as he had clone in the late sixteenth century. Some provincial title-holders, and notably the mani Sorryo and the lvfbamba, were able to use their new sources of revenue to purchase more.

Another factor which altered the balance of slave-holding related to a change in the source of slaves consequent upon the development of new trade routes. Afonso I had effectively transferred the process of primary slave acquisition from Kongo to the Makoko empire and beyond. He had established a trading pattern by which both pombeiros and l''vlwissikongo could purchase slaves cheaply in the Malebo Pool markets on the borders of Kongo and Makoko using a trade route under his direct control. This system continued throughout the sixteenth century, with the later addition of a route to the new Okango markets, which were also be.)lOnd the nuclear Kongo kingdom. Al though these systems continued at a reduced levei into the

DECEN!RA.LIZA TION: !600-164! 121

late seventeenth century, the new trade routes to the north and south of Kongo provided the mani Sorryo and the northern coastal chiefs on the one hand and the mani Mbamba and the southern tributary chiefs on the other, with sources of slaves denied to the mani Kongo. Thus the Vili trade from Makoko to Sonyo and the northern,coastal states completely by-passed the mani Kongo, as did the Luanda trade routes through the Ndembu and Matamba. Some fugitive slaves from the south did seek refuge with the mani Kongo, and Garcia II, for example, settled 'many' of them near Mbanza Kongo under an Imbangala named Kabuku.63 Nevertheless, many more sought refuge with the nearer powers ofthe mani Afbamba and the Ndembu.

Even more important, perhaps, in altering the general balance of slave-holding between the centre and the provinces was the growing practice of enslaving the non-Mwissikongo population of Kongo itsel( This practice had formerly been regarded as illegitimate. It is probable that some pre-Kongo state formation had occurred as a result of individuais fleeing wars or famine, seeking protection from more powerful or more wealthy neighbours, and being settled on their kanda lands as clients. It is also possible, although there is no evidence for it, that individuals were occasionally enslaved for crime or debt. If so, these would again have created dient relationships. Neither circumstance would have given the 'owner' the right to sell the dient. ln the early sixteenth century the only individual whom the Kongo believed could be legitimately sold was the newly acquired captive.64 Afonso's achievement in diverting slave acquisition from Kongo to Makoko and beyond ensured that this continued to be the norm throughout the sixteenth century. Alvaro II's (1587-1614) enormous personal slave guard con­sisted of Tio and other people bought at Malebo Pool, not Kongo. ln the course of the eady seventeenth century the politicai and social restraints on Kongo enslavement declined.

The development of Kongo enslavement was a direct con­sequence of the changing pattern of trade and the consequent decline in the mani Kongo's economic and hence politicai

On the one hand this decline weakened the mani of provincial and sub-orovincial

permitting politicai controversy warfare and in the l!"eneration of captives

122 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

'legitimate' slaves. On the other hand, the mani Kongo's declining income was reflected in the receipts which the provincial and sub-provincial governors received in return for their tribute. If they lacked the kind of alternative revenue enjoyed by the mani Sonyo and to a lesser extent the mani Mbamba and mani Wandu they increasingly lacked the means to buy the loyal ty of the subordina te groups and they increasingly looked to warfare both to subject the groups and to achieve a quick profit. The fact that their term of office was often short intensified the profit motive. ln the mid-seventeenth century one ofGarcia II's sons, then mani 1Hpangu, attacked an Nsundi chid~ who, he said, had offended him. He destroyed the chiefs village and 'reduced numerous inhabitants to slavery'.65 One experienced mid-seventeenth-century observer considered that: 'they customarily acquire most of the slaves in wars that one potentate makes against another, and those that are taken alive become slaves, and not being needed for the house, they sell them to be embarked. As a result they are more often moved to war to acquire a quantity of slaves ... than for politicai needs and matters of state'. 66 The Mwissikongo were the more inclined to internecine warfare since, if defeated and captúred, they themselves were normally more profitably ransomed than killed or soldas slaves. It was the non-Mwissikongo captives who became 'legitimate' slaves. The consequent breakdown in order led, by the mid-seventeenth century, to cases of simple kidnapping. 67

1V1eanwhile, as the politicai, economic, and social significance of slave holding grew, individuais increasingly sought slaves as compensation through the courts, and this further reduced the social restraints on Kongo enslavernent. Garcia II himself seized and sold into slavery many of the viHagers whom h e judged responsible for the death of a Capucin fria r. 68 This penalty was increasingly dernanded at every levei of society. The 'Christian' 'wife of one governor who was offended when her husband took a concubine, demanded and,

the help of the Capucins received, many slaves in compensation.69 According to one mid-seventeenth-century observer, if someone srnashed or lost a borrov.•ed caiabash l\1hata, the owner would refuse to accept another or even several calabashes, insisting on the return of the original.

DECENTRALIZATION: !60CH64! 123

Eventually, the offender would offer a slave. Similarly, if someone ate a pig or chicken belonging to another, the injured party would argue that the chicken laid eggs, and from the eggs carne chicks, which would also multiply, so that the loss equalled a slave or more. If a descent group did not itself own slaves, it would have to deliver one ofitsjunior members into slavery. If someone committed adultery with another's concubine, the injured party would demand the offender, and often a relative too, as slave.70 Since the Mwissikongo controlled the institu­tions of justice, they were able to benefit most frorn this development, and since the centrally appointedjudges appear to have dealt only with disputes involving slaves, the provincial governors, who were apparantly responsible for ali other areas of justice in their province, benefited most of ali. Sorne acted as judge in their own cases.71

Exploitation of these new sources of slaves produced a drama ti crise in the proportion of slaves to free over the whole of the nuclear kingdom. In the mid-seventeenth century, one experienced observer considered that the Kongo could be divided into three groups; the nobility, the free 'whovvere few in number', and the slaves and women who tilled the land and who vvere 'rnost numerous'. Another considered that the number of slaves nearly equalled the free, anda third that there were more slaves than free.72 Ali the relatives, induding the children, of title-holders, owned slaves. 73 U nlike the slaves of the pre­Atlantic period, these slaves were regarded less as clients and more as cornmodities which could be sold at any time to the Atlantic traders.

An important consequence ofthis grovv·th in internal Kongo enslavement was that provincial title-holders attracted dients, for whilst they could easi1y acquire captives or condemned people and convert thern into European or other goods, it was less easy to convert them into loyal followers who would support their politicai aspirations. ln this respect freed slaves were more dependable. Consequently, powerful rnen encouraged slaves to fiee their masters and to seek protection with them. They offered freedom, in exchange for which the ex-slave paid a fee. The abandoned master coilld appeal to the ammi judges, central power weakened,

124 THE KINGDOlVI OF KONGO

also began to seek the protection of the powerful. ln the mid­seventeenth century some people, fearing seizure, asserted that they v•lere already the slaves of a powerful man and some fathers, in order to prevent their sons being taken, branded their backs to indicate that they already had a master.75 The growth of clientage throughout Kongo both reflected and furth.ered the shift in the balance ofpmverfrom the centre to the provmces.

2.2 Alliances between patrilineal categories and local descent groups

The changing balance of power between the centre and the provinces was also reflected in and furthered by the develop­ment of alliances between certain Mwissikongo patrilineal categories and local descent groups. These arose as Mwissi­kongo fathers sought to strengthen their own politicai position by securing appointments for their children, ali of whom \•vere members of their patrilineal category. As the Mwissikongo group expanded, it increasingly appropriated quite low-level appointments including the chiefships of the children's own kanda or kanda-segment. Alternatively the Mwissikongo appointed their sons as politicai chiefs ruling alongside the kanda or kanda segment chiefs. Such appointees would receive local concubines and thereby engender children who were members of the group and who could subsequently, through their father's influence, aspire to the kanda and segment chiefships. By the mid-seventeenth century highly connected Mwissikongo increasingly held small rents, sometimes ofonly a fe\v villages. ln certain circumstances, a considerable propor­tion of such posts could be held by members of a single patri­lineal category.76

integration of a Mwissikongo patrilineal descent category with local descent group chiefs was most pronounced in Sonyo, and, for a while, in Mbamba. The Silva patrilineal category was involved in both provinces. Its origins are uncertain. The first Silva who indubitably held Sonyo was 1viiguel in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. There is some evidence, however, that thecategory had become entrenched in Sonyo earlier than and that the Manuel mani SonJ'O \•vho received baptism in 1490 took the name Silva

founded the patrilineal category.77

DECENTRALIZATION: 1600-!64! !25

It is possible that other Silva were appointed as mani Sonyo between Manuel and the late sixteenth century Miguel da Silva, but in any case it is likely that, beginning with Manuel, they formed dose relationships with the local kanda. ln the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries Miguel da Silva customarily took a girl from successive local kanda or kanda segments as concubine, made her pregnant, and then presented her and the child to one of his principal nobles. The beneficiaries considered themselves very honoured and this ordinarily brought other unspecified profits.78 The child of course was a member of1viiguel's patrilineal category and ofthe local kanda. This appears to have been a local variant of the general custom whereby the local kanda gave a woman to each new Mwissikongo governor.79 1\!Iiguel's practice multiplied the number of girls he could impregnate and consequently the number of kanda and kanda segments related to his patrilineal category. It also multiplied his relationships with the Mwissikongo ofMbanza Sonyo to whom he gave the girls. On the assumption that the Silva patrilineal category established lines of relationship with the Sonyo kanda from the governorship of 1VIanuel onwards, and that one or more Silva ruled in the ínterim, then it is easy to understand how, by the early seventeenth century, they had established a firm base in Sonyo. The descent category itselfwould have been numerous since it induded all the children ofSilva fathers. The rela tive weakness of the pre-existing politicai structures would have encouraged individuais to define themselves in terms of Mwissikongo patrilineal categories, especially during Silva governorships.

The first Silva bid to establish an independent state ofSonyo occu:rred ín the first decade of the seventeenth century, soon after the province had been enriched by Dutch trade. Miguel da Silva rebelled against Álvaro II and 'killed many nobles of the nmrt'. Álvaro was unable to punish him because, in order to mobilize t:he whole country, he 1Nould have had togo in person against him and he _:vas 'aged and "~Neary of wars'. A few years later .rviiguel died. Alvaro III, who had succeeded his father, took the opportunity to appoint a member of a weaker

\ntónio de Sousa, to and nlrunl:alned mnf"rn!

80

126 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

Meanwhile, another Silva, António, ruled ~fbarnba. :N1barnba was then the richest and rnost powerful of the Kongo provinces, for it received fugitive slaves frorn the south and cornrnanded all the trade routes through Kongo. Its irnportance it evidenced by the fact that the title Captain General of the Kingdorn, which forrnerly pertained to the mani Mpemba at the centre of the kingdorn, was cornbined with either the mani Nsundi or the mani 1\tfbamba in the early seventeenth century and exclusively with the mani A1bamba in the rnid-seventeenth century.81 António undoubtedly developed the network of Silva relationships with the local kanda. He also sought and gained support frorn the Portuguese in Luanda. Unable to succeed to the Afonso dorninated throne, António had assurned the role of kingmaker, placing Bernado I on the vacant throne in 1614 anc!, a year later, deposing hirn and securi?g the election of Alvaro I~L In 1616 he rebelled against Alvaro, perhaps in protest at Alvaro's appointrnent of a non-Silva to the vacan t governorship of Sonyo. On this occasion António carne to terrns. Three years later, Álvaro, atternpting to re-establish central control, appointed his own brother to the govemorship ofM pernba and an infant with a regent in Nsundi. António again rebelled, leading a coalition of 'whoever in any way _pretended to the kingdorn'. Again the parties carne to terms. Alvaro, his first wife having died, rnarried a daughter of António da Silva with the express intention of engendering an heir to the throne. This ended the Mpanzu Monso's practice of succession through slave wives. Despite this, when António died in 1620 he 'left h is sou as Duke ofMbamba'. Alvaro, however, was able to crush the .relatively inexperienced young man and re-establish central controP2

Despi te their loss of control in Sonyo and Mbamba, the Silva retained their identity and their power base in the province l\fter defeating António da Silva's sou, Alvaro appoiuted his owu infant sou as mani i\lhamha, but, in the early I620s, Luanda began to encroach ou Mbarnba territory, and Álvaro was forced to appoint a strong man, Pedro. Pedro was a leading member of the non-ruling Afonso patriliueal segment of N1ubica Monso. H is rnother >vas a Silva, but this did not necessarily :recornmend him to the Silva category since individuais norrnally

not their patrilineal categOI)', from their mothers.

DECENTRALIZATION: !6(l(H 64! !27

128 THE KlNGDOM OF KONGO

Glose relatives tended to be more loyal but were more dangerous if they rebelled. tv:lembers of other segments had less powerful connections but were also less committed to the king. Afonso segments rivalling the established Mpanzu Afonso succeeded to the throne from Mbamba in 1622 and in 1636. After the disintegration of the kingdom in the la ter seventeenth century the struggles of the rival Afonso segments centred on Mpemba province, which contained the capital, and Mbamba.87

ln Nsundi and Mpangu, which were adversely affected the changing patterns of trade, alliances also developed between patrilineal categories and local descent groups. ln the sixtecnth and early seventeenth centuries, the mani Kongo had invariably appointed dose relatives to Nsundi,88 which was a key province. It controlled the vital Mbanza Kongo- Makoko tradc route and also the relatively powerfullocal structures of the fertile and populous northern middle belt. These consistent Afonso appointments prevented other patrilineal categories from entrenching themselves in the province. ln the early seventeenth century, however, as the centre weakened, the strong local organizations asserted themselves. ln 1614-15 an 'ordinary' Mpangu noble, probably a senior non-M·wissikongo member of one of the local kanda revolted, kiHing the llWlli

Mpangu and the mani Nsundi and marching on Mbanza Kongo. The mani Kongo, Bernardo II (1614-15) defeated him and appointed a certainjordão Manuel as mani NsllJldi.Jordão was a senior member of the Manuel patrili.neal category and related through his nephew to 'nearly ali thefidalgosoH-.ilpangu', which probably means that he \vasa senior member of the,kanda that formerly ruled the independent Mpangu state. Alvaro III (1615-22), no doubt fearing this allianceofpatrilineal category and local descent group, deprivedjordão ofNsundi, givi~g hirn vVem bo and other rents far from his power base instead. Alvaro later fdi out: with his brother, to whom he had given Mpangu, and '<vas forced to appeal to Jordão vvith his Mpangu connections, to help him deprive him.Jordão insisted that he be reinstated as mani lv'sundi. Alvaro eventuaUy cornprornised by appointing Jordão's infant nephew as rnani Afpangu. This appears to have represented a capitulation to the local descent trrouus and a withdrawal centrai authority. Pedro II ascended the throne in 1622. detennined to appoint 'men, not

DECENTRALIZATION: !6ü0-!64! 129

children' and to reassert central control. H e reinstated Jordão as mani Nsundi. Fours years laterJordão used his patrilineal and matrilineal connections to lead a successful revolt against Pedro's son Garcia I (1624-6).89

Jordão Manuel did not establish Nsundi and Mpangu as a power base for his patrilineal category, principally because, unlike the Silva in the western province, he had no independent access to European goods. He was therefore comrnitted to operate within the Mbanza Kongo economic system and to participate in its politics. However, his relative success demonstrates the potential power available to members of the patrilineal categories who were closely related to the senior members of the dorninant provincial kanda. Subsequent mani Kongo were careful to appoint dosely related Afonso to Nsundi, the most powerful ofthe two northern middle-belt provinces.90

Although these Afonso threatened the reigning kings, they were committed to the institution which 'belonged' to their patrilineal category, and though they might attempt to use the base to seize the throne, they did not attempt to secede.

The indigenous politicai structures were stronger in Mbata in the southern centrai bdt than they were in any other Kongo province, and the Nsaku Lau kanda rnonopolized the office of

throughout the period of the Mwissikongo overlordship.91 ln the course of the sixteenth century the convention had evolved that the mani 1~ifbaü.z was chosen from men who were both Afonso and Nsaku Lau.92 The sons of the mani ililbata could not succeed, of course, since they were members of their mother's, not their father's, kanda. If the sons rnarried into the Nsaku Lau, however, their sons could doso. ln the late sixteenth century, at the height of central power, the mani Kollgo was said to appoint the mani lvfbaü.z from amongst the rnen eligible to succeed.93 Later, the evolution of the Mbanza Kongo-Okango trade route expanded the mani 1iifbata's trading, '<Veaving, and agricultura! tax base. 1vioreover, the new outer eastern provinces, which were nominally subject to the mani Kcmgo, increasingly paid tribute to the mani A1baia, who rnost directly controlled the access of the Portuguese traders,

was sli~ht and consisted of respect.94 As the centre

to appmach l'vlbata

!30 THE KING DOM OF KONGO

from the south, rather than from ~1banza Kongo, the mani !ylbata asserted his independence. H e failed to respond to any of Alvaro III's (1615-22) summonses to the capitalandhedid not attend the investiture of Pedro II in 1622 even though he was the principal officiant.95 By the mid-seventeenth century the Nsaku Lau normally elected the mani Jlllbata [rom men who were

Nsaku Lau and Afonso, and the mani Kongo simply con­firmcd the election. Only occasionally could a strong king such as Garcia II intervene and impose a candidate of hís own

choice.96

A parallel, but less well-documented development, occurred in \N andu. This was probably also a former extra-kanda chiefdom, but the early mani Kongo had imposed Mwissikongo governors without local connections.97 ln the early seventeenth century, \'Vandu began to trade directly wíth Luanda based traders and by the mid-seventeenth century the local ruling kanda normally elected the governor. Perhaps, as in Mbata, it confined its choice to men who were also members ofthe Afonso patrilineal category. ln any circumstances; however, it was only a strong king such as Garcia II who was still able to impose his own choice amongst the local candídates.98

2.3 Loss ofthe Mpanzu Afonso monopoly and fragmentation of the Afonso category

The shift in the balance of power from the centre i:o the provinces, together with the development of aUiances bel:\'leen the patrilineal categorie:s and the kanda, broke the pü\Ver ofthe slave-based Mpanzu Monso who had monopolized the kingship since the reign of Álvaro I (1568-87). The Mpanzu Afonso had succeeded through the de:signated sons of slave wives and had excluded ali other Monso segment:s and non-Monso patrilineal categories, as well a:s the central and provincial kmula, from any interest in the throne. ln the course of the third and fourth decade:s of the seventeenth-century rival Afonso segments; the most powerful of the non-Monso patrilineal categories, the Silva; and the central kanda; ali successfully laid a claim to an interest in the kingship.

The first breach in the ~ilpanzu Afonso position occurred in the early seventeenth centmy when the grow:ing strength of the provinciaUy based patrilineal categorie:s, and notably of the Silva, and the grm'>'Íng rdative weakness ofits own slave base~

D.ECENTRAUZATION: 1600-1641 131

caused the Mpanzu Afonso to abandon the policy ofsuccession through slave wives, and to attempt to strengthen its position through marital alliances. Thus, after the death of his first principal wife, Álvaro III (1615-22) married a daughter of the powerful António da Silva, mani Mbamba. He explicitly intended to establish a link with the Silva patrilineal category and to engender with hera 'legitima te successor to these states'. He informed Rome ofthe birth ofhis son, baptized him Álvaro and dedared him heir to the kingdom.99 Thereafter successive kings and kingly aspirants usually took a member of the Silva patrilineal category as their principal wife and designated one ofher sons to succeed. The kingship ceased to be elevated above the competing matrilineal and patrilineal groups and categories.

ln the third decade of the seventeenth century the weakening of the wipanzu Afonso position enabled a rival Afonso segment to use its Mbamba base to displace them. A certain Afonso l'vfubica, mani Nsundi, who was a son of Afonso I's third daughter, had already rebelled against Álvaro II without success. ln 1622 Monso Mubica's son used his governorship of Mbamba to seize the throne as Pedro II and in 1624 Pedro's son also succeeded from Mbamba as Garcia I (!624-6). This second segment may conveniently be called Mubica Afonso. Although the 1VIpanzu Monso used the Silva andJordão Manuel to return to power in 1626 their monopoly was broken. 100

ln !:h e fourth decade of the seventeenth century a new Afonso daimant category seized power from ~·fbamba with the help of !:he Silva on the one hand and the central kmula on the other. The latter phenomenon can be in terpreted as part of the general process whereby individuais and groups exduded from the throne began to use their kanda affiliations to seize power or, equaHy, as a reassertion, as the kingship weakened, of the central kanda's eariier right to supply the mani Kongo. ln any event, the accession ofthe new daimant category represented a major change ín recruitment to the k:ingly office. It wa:s by now necessary for all aspírant:s to prove descent from Afonso I, and

Mpanzu Monso and Mubica Monso did so by proving patri­lineal descent from the son of one of Monso I's daughters.

VI, seized the in ] 636, and his brother Garcia H, succeeded him in !641 , ho'We'•'er. proving matrilinea1 descent from a third daug-htei

!31 THE KING DOM OF KONGO

JOÃO! NZINGA NKUWU

l AFONSO I MBEMBA NZINGA

I I I ~// PEDRO I NZINGA f ISABEL I ANNA

LUKENI f / NTUMBA f ____ .. / I /---

/I I { AFONSO I NZENZE f

\~UBICA NTUMBA I ,\ --1 - .......

PEDRO 11 "- LUKEN! f

NKANGA M8'MaA \\ ~

GARCIA I I ÁLVARO VI GARCIA 11 MBEMBA NKANGA \ NIMI.LUKENI NKANGA LUKENI MUBICA NTUMBA \ NZENZE NTUMBA NZENZE NTUMBA MBEMBA NZINGA '\......._ ----------

-MiJBICA-

----- I ANTÓNIO I VITANKANGA

- NLAZA {NKANGA MUBICAJ­{e:<, António

FIG2

say, mey belonged to the sarne kanda as t:he third daughter and therefore stood as Child to Afonso I. The kanda concerned was Nlaza. 101 In t:he la ter seventeent:h centmy members of this continued, successfully, to claim a right to the t:hrone. They were sometimes called Nkanga (from Garcia II, t:he real founder of the fortunes of t:his group) Mubica102 (the son of t:he thi:rd daughter, the mal e :rep:resentative of t:he Nlaza in t:he generation that parallded Mpanzu). This groupcan rnost conveniently be

DECEl'!TRt\LIZATION: !600-!64! !33

called Nkanga Mubica Afonso, which expresses their claim in its pseudo-patrilineal form, or Nlaza.

Thus, as the centre weakened relative to the provinces, the slave-based Mpanzu Afonso monopoly of the kingship crumbled. Rival Afonso segments disputed the throne and used other patri­lineal categories, notably the Silva, and their own kanda to further their claims.

3. The military and ideological threatfrom Luanda

3.1 The military threat

In the first decade of the seventeenth century the mani Kongo's difficulties were compounded when the Portuguese colony of Luanda suddenly began to pose a serious military, threat. Throughout the late sixteent:h century the thrust of Luanda penet:ration had been along the Kwanza River, for the Portu­guese believed there were silver mines in the town of Cambambe. In 1603, however, they captured the town and found no mines. They began to look for other potential sources of wealth and they were drawn to three Kongo territories. The fi:rst was the island of Luanda across the bay from the colony. This produced the nzimbu shells which were used in the Okango doth trade. Alvaro I (1568-87) had offered the KingofPortugal one fifth of t:he nzimbu revenues in recognition ofhis help against the Jaga but the latter had dedined to take them. In the early seventeenth century·, the Portuguese denied t:hís, argued that the revenues belonged to Portugal, and debated whether they should seize the island or at least exact a proportion of the revenne. 1!}

3 The Luanda residents also began to interest themselves in the Kongo copper mines of:Mbembe, the value of

they consistently overestimated. Afonso I had raised and vvit:hdravln the snggestion of joint Kongo--Portuguese

exploitation. The Portuguese coveted them throughout the sixteenth centu:ry but then shelved the matter in anticipation of greater wealth from the npper Kwanza. After the disappointment of Cambambe these hopes revived. 1

M Luanda vvas also con­cerned to secnre the Luanda hinterland and the chiefdoms .-wth•va:rds to the Dande, for continued KollQ"o control threat­

Luanda securitv. In of Kazanze in the immediate the Portug:uese off the mainiand

131 THE KlNGDOM OF KONGO

and back to the islands ofLuanda Bay. 105 The chiefdoms to north could threaten the Portuguese plantatioQs of the

River Bengo, which were crucial to the Luanda food supply. vVhilst security reasons could be adduced for attacks on the Kongo chiefdoms, another important factor was that they were a conveniently dose source of slaves. They were also a major obstacle on the path to Mbembe.

Relations between Kongo and Luanda became increasingly tense in the first half of the seventeenth century. They were ofTicially conducted through a Luanda appointee in Mbanza Kongo called the 'Portuguese Judge' or 'Captain'. The mani Kongo also appointed various agents and ambassadors in Luanda and received information from Kongophile clerics and Portuguese in both Luanda and Mbanza Kongo. Strong kings such as Garcia II also kept 'spies' throughout the kingdom to report the passage and activities of foreigners. 106 Anxiety concerning Luanda was so great that mani Kongo rarely spoke to foreigners alone or without an interpreter, 107 and Kongo generally were reluctant to communicate with them. One Capucin friar commented that 'these people do not normally rcveal the business of their princes for fear of being put to dcath'. Another noted that, 'these people do not want anyone to understand them, and as they refrain from communicating their secrets to us, we are unable to decipher them'. The mani Kongo encouraged the use of interpreters whether they were nceded or not. They secured information for them and they frustrated the foreigners' enquiries. Conversely, the kings discouraged foreigners from learning Kikongo. ws

ln the first two decades of the seventeenth ce:ntury Luanda to raid the subject Kongo chiefdoms betvveen Luanda

Dande. ln 1604 Álvaro II asked the Pope to arder the Portuguese to retire from his lands and to cease maltreating the

· " ~ the island ofLuanda. H e asked him to '"'arn them that if metal were discovered in his lands no one should try to take

force as the Governors of Luanda usualiy did. 109 By I 607 an anonymous report noted that the 'Ambundu along the Dande were formerly subject to the King of Kongo although

they obey him little and do not send tribute. And many obey the Governar ofLuanda and Portuguese g;o there

to trade with them and many of them are Christian. ' 110 Alvaro I

DECEfi.'TRALIZATION: !600-!64! 135

had attempted to counter Luanda designs by interesting other European powers in the Mbemba copper. As early as 1583, he had instructed an ambassador to offer the Pope 100 square Ieagues of Iand 'rich in mines'. This had produced no result. Through an embassy of 1604-8, Álvaro II asked the King of Portugal to send miners. Lisbon, however, still hoped to find mines in the conquista. Álvaro toyed with the idea of permittng individual Portuguese to exploit the mines but decided against it. ln 1613 he asked the Pope for a Brief prohibiting anyone, under pain of censure, from making himself master of the mines.

111 Ali this was to no avail. ln 1615 the Portuguese seized

the territories between the Bengo and the Dande. 112

The pressure on Kongo increased in the third decade of the seventeenth century as the Portuguese discovered that there were no mines at all along the Kwanza. With newly enlisted Imbangala support they won a series of crucial victories and by 1622 had defeated Ngola a Kiluanje.ll3 In 1622 the Luanda governar seized the mani Luanda. He then subjected Kazanze, the Kongo chiefdom which controlled the Luanda hinterland. He executed the mani Kazanze and sent his ministers to Brazil. Álvaro III sent an ambassador to Luanda to negotiate but almost immediately afterwards died. The mani 1l1bamba, who had aided Kazanze resistance, succeeded to the throne as Pedro II. The Portuguese invaded. They said that Álvaro III's son should have succeeded, that the subject Ndembu chief nambu a ngongo kept Portuguese slaves and that the maniA! bamba forbade the passage ofPortuguese and held them for ransom. According to the Jesuit missionaries the governor wanted to take the copper mines of:Mbembe and Luanda Island, and to gain what he could from piHage. The Portuguese defeated nambu a ngorzgo and occupied Mbumbe, the Mbamba chiefdom which controlled the middle part of the Luanda-Mbanza l\·ibamba route. In the

\·vhich followed, the mani JJfbam.ba, the mam J1t!pemba, ninety ~Iwissikongo and many other Kongo were killed. The Portuguese captured rzambu a ngongo and sent him to Brazi1. The Jesuits complained on Pedro's behalf and Pedro appealed to the Dutch for aid. The King of Portugal ordered some redress, · ~ · · retum afte:r the

L<uauda attacked and

l3b THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

thc latcr l620s a new Governor, Fernão de Sousa, divided the lands between the Dande and the Bengo 'to the convenience of the residents of Luanda'. ln response to the mani Kongo's protests, he said that the King ofPortugal required it. The mani lvfbwila, strengthened by the new trade, rallied the Ndembu of the Dande-kiluanje, kankango, kiteshi, kampangala, kakanua pikeno, kambangombe and others. He denied the tribute that he had promísed in 1622 and dosed the slave trade. 114

I n I 633 Luanda again subjected Mbwila. At the sarne time the authorities plotted with internal Kongo dissidents to secure the mines ofMbembe. ln the later 1630s the mani Kongo Álvaro VI feared a new invasion and appealed to the Dutch for aid. ln 1641 Garcia II became mani Kongo. As mani Mbamba he had frequently conflicted with Luanda. The Luanda authorities determined to overthrow him and, no doubt, seize the mines. They prepared to invade, but the Dutch occupation supervened. 115

3.2 The military and ideological threat from Luanda

ln the early seventeenth century Luanda did not merely pose a military threat to Kongo, it posed an ideological threat too. Since the reign of Monso I the role of the mani Kongo had been legitimized through Christian rituais and institutions inter­preted as uni que forms of the nkadi mpemba cult and the cult of the Mwissikongo graves. The value of the cult depended in large measure on the ability of the mani Kongo to control the priests who served it. The mani Kongo had never been as successful in this as they wished, but the situation became increasingly difficult after the establishment of the colony of Luanda.

A crucial impediment to Kongo aspirations was that in 1499 Pope had conceded to the kings of Portugal the right

patronage to the Church in Africa. 116 ln accordance with this, they assumed financial responsibiiity for the evangelization, reserved the right of patronage, and monopol.ized rdations betwveen Kongo and Rome. At first they had administered Kongo through the Vicar ofTomar, prelate nullius of aU the discovered

then, in 1514, through the Bishop ofFunchal; and in i534, through the Bishop of São Tomé. As early as Afonso I had pressed for the establishment of a separate see at "tv1 banza Kongo. This was not conceded to him but his needs were largely met by the appointment in the eadv l620s of his:

DECENTRALIZATION: 1600-lMl 137

son, Henrique, as auxiliary bishop. When Henrique died, however, Portugal decided that Kongo was too near São Tomé to warrant this.arrangement. Instead, the BishopofSão Tomé visited occasionally and provided a resident vicar-general. 117

The bishops' visits were variously received. Diogo I ( 1545-61) complained that Bishop João Baptista, who visited in 1547, caused him many difficulties and treated him discourteously. The bishop would neither preach nor visit other parts of the diocese. On the other hand he was very satisfied with Bishop Gaspar Cão who visited Kongo in 1554 and who confirmed, ordained, visited the diocese and celebrated mass. Visits were infrequent, however, only two further episcopal visits being made that century. ln practice the mani Kongo had to contend with the vicars-general. These were invariably Portuguese, and primarily concerned to enrich themselves. Relations tended to be difficult. Nevertheless, the mani Kongo were sufficiently strong in this period to impose their will and at the end of the century the bishop changed the vicar-general three times in three years in order to avoid too great a conflict with Álvaro II. H8

When, in 1596, Clement VIII established a separate See of São Salvador in Mbanza Kongo119 it proved a disappointment. The King of Portugal kept the right of patronage, the Arch­bishop of Lisbon administered the diocese and the bishops themselves continued to be Portuguese. The establishment of the See of São Salvador coincided with the growth of Portu­guese power in Luanda. This increasingly undermined the mani Kongo's control of the diocesan structures, for the bishops inevitably looked to Luanda for politicai and moral support. As Bishop Manuel Baptista (1612-19) coldly informed Alvaro II, 'neither he nor the chapeis belonged to the King' (ofKongo). The bishops often supported Luanda encroachment and they could depend upon Luanda support in any confrontation ·with

maui Kongo. They invariably preferred to reside in Luanda rather than in the cathedral residence in Mbanza Kongo. 120

Successive bishops challenged the religious authority of the mani Kongo. They even denied him the title ofMajesty conceded

Pope. Alvaro II complained that the first B.ishop Miguel Rangel

the 'proper ceremonies' towards:

133 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

the height of his throne. The third bishop, Manuel Baptista (1612-19) was mostly resident in Luanda. When in Mbanza Kongo, however, he too attempted to place his throne higher than the king's. He also demanded that, at his approach, the king should rise from his chair, take offhis cap, mpu, which was an insignia of authority, and demonstrate 'great reverence' towards him. ln effect, h e demanded that the king recognize his superior religious status.Álvaro refused. He also refused to remove his mpu before the sacrament in the church, although the bishop succeeded in forcing the other Mwissikongo to do so. 121 Before the erection of the diocese, the mani Kong o had been able, as a last resort, to expel the vicars-general. It was more difficult to expel a bishop and impossible with Luanda so near. ln the absence of the bishop, who seldom resided long, authority devolved upon the cathedral chapter. This invariably pretended to the sarne privileges as the bishops, though with less success.122

The problems they encountered with the São Salvador bishops led the early-seventeenth-century mani Kongo to appeal directly to the Pope. At various times they asked permission to name the bishop, the chapter and, during a vacancy, a vicar­general. They suggested that, instead of a bishop, the Pope send a vicar named by himself. Such a man would not be controlled by the King ofPortugal or his ministers. H e would recognize the King ofKongo 'whose bread he ate'. ln 1619 Alvaro III asked the Pope to name Bras Correia as bishop. Bras Correia was Portuguese, but had come to Kongo in his youth and spoke J5-ikongo fluently. He was very able and became president of Alvaro III's council. None of these appeals succeeded, al though the King ofSpain, as King ofPortugal, agreed that the Kings ofKongo could name most of the members of the chapter.123

Unable to contrai the established ecdesiastical structures, the kings attempted to establish an alternative ecdesiastical structure independent ofthe diocese. ln 1604 Alvaro II urged

Pope to erect the Church of St James as a royal chapei similar to that of the King ofPortugal. AJvaro III and Pedro II renewed the proposal. The chapei would be served by a chief

chosen by the king. Both Álvaro III and Pedro II chose the ubiquitous Bras Correia for this office. There be nine other chaplains, a treasurer, anda dean. The chapel

thus emulate the chapter, which however never had its

DECENTRALIZATiON: 1600-1641 139

full complement of nine canons and fi v e dignitaries. I t would be entirely exempt from diocesan control and would enjoy the sarne privileges as the Portuguese royal chapel. The chief chaplain would be named protonotary. As such he would be able to administer the sacrament of confirmation, occupy a special place in the church and keep his hat on in church. He would also be given faculties to defend the kings against the bishops. Once again, Rome failed to respond satisfactorily, although the King ofSpain and Portugal agreed to concede the privileges to the chapel. 124 Bishop Miguel Rangel, however, refused to recognize the concession on the grounds that it had not been ratified by the Pope. 125

The mani Kongo also attempted to use a new Jesuit mission to circumvent the diocesan structures. This mission had accompanied Paulo Dias in the first colonization ofLuanda. It had frequently conflicted with the Luanda and the diocesan authorities and it sympathized with Kongo. It transmitted Kongo letters to Europe and in 1622 publidy condemned the Luanda invasion of Kongo. Pedro II invited the Jesuits to Mbanza Kongo. Two fathers went there in 1623 and the college opened in 1625. Pedro II (1622-4) had insisted that thejesuits name the Kings of Kongo as founders of the college. His son, Garcia I (1624-6) gave the site and other lands together with fifty aifos o[ nzimbu shell money per year for every Jesuit up to a m~ximum of ten. The mission inspired a great movement of enthusiasm in 1'vibanza Kongo. However, the Jesuits, like the chapter and priests, were reluctant to depend on the mani Kongo. \

1Vhen one of their members left the college a large legacy, the company preferred to recognize him as founder. Alvaro VI protested to the General of the Company, without effect. 126

Meanwhile, the college remained administratively dependent upon the Luanda college which in tum formed part of the Portuguese province. The fathers were invariably Portuguese and they received a stipend from the King of Portugal and Spain.127 ln the later l620s and I630s their relations with the Luanda governors improved and the Luanda college increasingly concentrated on secular rather than missionary affairs. ln the mid-seventeenth centurv thev enç;ap;f'fi in th., d,.,.,., trade and

time

l-tO THE KlNGOOM OF KONGO

Jesuits spent in administering their possessions. 128 As the Jesuits' relations with the Luanda governors improved, they began to conspire with them to secure the Kongo mines of Mbemba. 129 By the later 1630s thejesuit mission in the Kongo had lost its impetus and the kings their enthusiasm.

F rom 1628-43 Bishop Francisco Soveral governed the Church in Kongo-Angola and Kongo control reached its nadir. Soveral aided the Luanda governors in their attempts to obtain mines of Mbembe and in 1641 he supported the proposed invasion of Kongo. 130 He depleted the Church in Kongo in favour ofthe regions ofPortuguese conquest. ln 1610 there had been priests in six provincial capitais under Kongo control, I\1bata, Mbamba, Sonyo, Mpemba, Nsundi, and Wandu; and the ou ter province of Okango, and the Ndembu chiefdom of M u temu, which were of especial interest to the Portuguese, also had priests. ln 1631 there were priests in ali these places as well as in Mpangu and the Sonyo sub-province ofKiova. ln 1640 only five provinces had priests - Mbemba, Nsundi, Mpemba, Sonyo, and Wandu. Mutemu, which also had a priest, was within the Luanda sphere ofinfiuence. Meanwhile Soveral had erected ten new parishes. One was in the Ndembu state of

_ Mbwila, formerly subject to Kongo, but recently defeated by Luanda and ofkey importance in the contrai ofthe trade routes of the plateau. Four were in areas ofPortuguese encroachment between the Bengo and the Dande, and three in the newly subjected lands in the south. Soveral had also erected parishes for the mulatto and indigenous populations of Luanda and Massangano separate from those of the Portuguese. The cathedral chapter of São Salvador consisted of five dignitaries and nine canons. ln 1641 four dignitaries Iived in Luanda- the archdeacon, schoolmast:er, chief treasurer, and visitar-general. Only four canonates were filled and these hvo canons lived in Luanda. Only one dignitary - the chorister- and hvo canons lived in Mbanza Kongo. Most of the Jesuits and all the members of the other missionary group, the Third Order ofSt Francis, lived in Luanda.m Alvaro VI \ovrote to the Pope in 1636 and 1639. He complained of Soveral's behav-:iour and asked the Pope to order him to reside Mbanza Kongo. He repeated the earlier req uest for a decree in favour of the Chapei of St James. He also asked the Pope to confirm the tide of

DECENTRALIZATION: l600-!64l Hl

Majesty and grant ajubilee and indulgences to strengthen the cuJt.B2

There was only one respect in which Soveral's m1mstry created conditions potentially favourable to the cult in Kongo. The bishop was genuinely zealous for the expansion of the faith and to this end he ordained a number of Mwissikongo and mulatto youths. These had been trained by the Jesuits in Mbanza Kongo and Luanda. He appointed them to the cathedral chapter and to those Kongo parishes which h e did fill. Although the Nlwissikongo and Kongo-born mulattos were the only derics who normally cared to reside in Kongo, this did not in itself resolve the problem of residence. ln I 64 I two of the four cathedral dignitaries who lived in Luanda were probably mulatto- the chief treasurer and the visitar general. So too were the _two canons. Nevertheless the mulattos were potentially more sympathetic to Kongo than the Portuguese. Two of the three members of the chapter that lived in Mbanza Kongo were mulatto133 and this was to be importan_t in the 1640s when the situation suddenly improved and it seemed possible that the mani Kongo might establish the cult under his direct control with a plentiful supply of priests.

By 1641, then, the unitary Kongo state was being subjected to increasing fissipa:rous pressures from within and w-:ithout. The principal factor involved was the evolution of new trade routes to the north and south which syphoned trade from Kongo, withdrew the Ndembu states, Matamba and the northern coastal states from the Kongo system, strengthened Sonyo, Nibamba, \'V andu, and the eastern ou ter Kongo provinces, and undermined the Kongo fiscal and tributary systems. The centre \oveakened and the balance of slave and gun holding began to favour the provincial title-holders against the mani Kongo. The Afonso segments contested the throne whilst other patrilineal categories allied themselve5 with local groups and sought power bases in the provinces. N1eanwhile, the Portuguese colony posed a growing military and ideological threat.

CHAPTER6

N ew Opportunities: The Dutch Occupation ofLuanda, 1641-1648

An extremely able king, Garcia II, ruled Kongo between 1641 and 1661 and h e attempted to reverse the fissiparous tendencies of the preceding years. Early in his reign it seemed that this might yet prove possible. The Dutch occupation of Luanda, shortly after his accession, appeared to offer the opportunity of destroying Portuguese power in the region, establishing and con trolling an alterna tive to the slave trade, and of reuniting the kingdom. ln the sarne period the Portuguese Bishop of São Salvador died, so that authority for the Church in Kongo and Angola devolved upon the Cathedral Chapter in Mbanza Kongo. Soon afterwards, a new Capucin mission arrived which was constituted as an Apostolic Prefecture directly dependent upon the Pape. These developments appeared to resolve the vexed problems of patronage and manpower and to place the Christian Church in Kongo directly under the contrai of the mani Kongo. These new opportunites were doomed to failure. ln the period 1641-8 Garcia experienced the slow erosion of his hopes concerning the Dutch, and, with the Portuguese restora­tíon of 1648, the sudden collapse of his plans for the Christian Church.

1. Politicai and economic developments

The mani Kongo had long been ambivalent towards the Dutch trade at Mpinda in Sonyo. The slaves were supplied, not Kongo, but by Vili traders from north of the River Zaire, who syphoned off Kongo's Makoko trade. The trade had led to a considerable increase in Sonyo power and had reduced the mani Kongo'> incarne from taxable Makoko slaves. lt also provided the Portuguese with a convenient excuse to invade Kongo, a fact which deterred the mani Kongo from attempting to develop a Sonyo-Mbanza Kongo-Makoko trade. 1 Throughout the early

THE Dí.JTCH OCCUPATION OF LUANDA, i64H&ffi !43

seventeenth century the Portuguese pressed the mani Kongo to eject the Dutch from Mpinda.2 ln 1640 Álvaro VI, fearing a Luanda invasion, repeatedly ordered the mani Sonyo to doso, but only effected it through two Catholic priests who demol­ished the factory. 3 Whilst there were thus serious disadvantages ín the Dutch presence, the mani Kongo welcomed it as offering the sole possibility of aid against the Luanda menàce. ln 1622 when Luanda invaded the southern Kongo provinces, Pedro II ordered the mani Sorryo to ask the Dutch for aid. He promised payment in gold, copper, and ivory. ln 1623 the Dutch West lndia Company, partly encouraged by these reassurances, planned a twofold attack on the Portuguese strongholds of Bahia and Luanda. They took Bahia but failed at Luanda. When they arrived at Mpinda in 1624 the mani Sonyo disclaimed ali knowledge of the letter. His secretary explained that Pedro II was now dead and his successor, Garcia I, had made peace with the Portuguese.4 ln the late 1630s, when Luanda planned another attack on Kongo, Álvaro VI appealed to the Dutch for aid.5

When the Dutch finally seized Luanda on 26 August 1641, the Portuguese were again preparing to invade Kongo. Garcia II had acceded to the throne in February 1641 and the Luanda authorities had used this as an excuse to declare war. As mani

Garcia had resisted Portuguese aggression against Kongo' s southern vassals, and had accepted many fugi tive Portuguese slaves. His relations with the Luanda authorities had deteriorated to such as extent that the latter had pressed Álvaro VI to dismiss him. His accession gave the Portuguese an excuse to seize the copper mines of l\1bembe, and to install a more amenable king. 6 Before the Portuguese army could strike, however, the Dutch occupied Luanda with over 2,000 troops. 1\{ost of the Portuguese colonial army was in the interior preparing fo:r the invasion of Kongo. Those left in Luanda fled into the bush. On 2 September the Dutch seized coastal positiohs outside the city on the River Bengo. The Portuguese governar, camped beyond the river, refused to negotiate. He probably hoped to hold out until the rainy season had depleted the Dutch forces or until he learnt of a Dutch peace treaty signed in Europe. The Dutch sent a small contingent to cultivate Bengo piantations needed to feed Luanda. A

!44 THE KING DOM OF KONGO

later they also sent two companies to build a fort on the river. These companies routed a small Portuguese force and the governar, with some 600 Portuguese and several thousand African allies, fled inland to Massangano. The Dutch then temporarily occupied several further positions between Luanda and the Dande. 7

Garcia did not immediately ally himself with the Dutch, although he later dedared that their occupation was an act of God designed to punish the Portuguese for their many sins.8 At present, however, they had won an initial battle, but had not destroyed Portuguese power. Garcia had no wish to provide the Portuguese with further excuses to invade. 1\-foreover, the ideological legitimation of M-vvissikongo rule was based upon Roman rites and Catholic priests and an alliance with Dutch protestants could create problems in this respect. According to the Catholic priests, the Dutch were heretics and pirates who Iived without God and without Iaw.9 The Dutch, who had orders to ally themselves with Kongo, immediately proposed a defensive and offensive aiiiance. At first, Garcia did not reply. Eventually the Dutch sent an ambassador to Garcia together with his own mani Luanda, and Garcia finally agreed to send t\vo ambassadors and a secretary to Luanda. He limited their powers to maintaining friendship. Their principal brief, it seems, was to report the strength ofthe Dutch position and the possibílíty of a final victory against the Portuguese. 10

Popular feeling finally forced Garcia to take more positive action. As soon as Garcia heard of the Dutch landings h e sent: messages through Kongo urging the Portuguese to retire to 1\tfbanza Kongo where he would protect them, and he also \HOte to the southern chiefs urging them to protect the Portuguese. The Dutch, however, had declared on landing that they had taken Luanda in order to free the people from Portuguese tyranny. Garcia's messages were either ignored or, as h e Ia ter asserted, arrived too late. 11 The Portuguese v,rho took refuge i n 1\tfbanza Kongo were saved, but in many other regions they >vere massacred and their possessions taken. These massacres alone could later provide the Portuguese with an excuse to invade.

The actions of the southern Kongo chiefs also forced Garcia to act. The mani Luanda had co-operated with the Dutch from

THE DUTCH OCCUPATION OF LUANDA, 164!-1648 145

the beginning. Soon afterwards, the mani Mbamba openly declared himself an enemy of the Portuguese. He raised a powerful army and participated in the action which caused the Portuguese to flee to Massangano. ln the autumn of 1641 an Ndembu chief nambu a kalombo denied allegiance to the Portuguese. A Portuguese captain suppressed his revolt and ravaged the whole region from the Bengo to southern Mbamba. 12 lf Garcia failed to support the southern chiefs and governors he would lose his claim to lordship ofthe region.

In March I 642 Garcia decided to ally himself with the Dutch, although he still doubted their power. He sent his ambassador authority to sign an agreement and on 28 March 1642 the two nations agreed to combat their enemies offensively and defensively. Garcia authorized the Dutch to construct forts throughout Kongo. H e granted them complete freedom of trade and promised to aid trade commissioners at any factories they cared to establish. Soon after the agreement the Dutch constructed factories in Mbamba and Mpemba and, as a result ofa separate treaty, at Sonyo. 13

Having thus committed himself to the alliance Garcia was anxious to secure the final destruction of Portuguese power in Angola. H e sent messages to ali the southern chiefs urging them to join forces against the Portuguese. The Ndembu chiefs mutemu, nambu a ngongo, kakulu kahenda, and ngombe a mukama revolted against the Portuguese and declared their allegiance to Kongo. Other Ndembu chiefs làter joined them. Garcia was a1most certainly in contact with Queen Nzinga in Matamba and h e encouraged the Dutch to believe that she would join the aUíance. 14 A Portuguese captain defeated kahenda and mutemu

the hdp of a local 'Jaga' chief. The Ndembu lost thousands of men. The Dutch sent 200 men to aid nambu a ngongo and the Portuguese fled to Massangano. 15 Garcia wanted to press the attack to M:assangano before the Portuguese could recover. The Dutch agreed. However; by tllis time their troops were weak from disease and malnutrition and rumours of a Luso-Dutch treaty encouraged them to hesitate. ln May 1642 Garcia wrote to the Dutch governar of Brazil urging him, amongst other things, to press Luanda to attack. 16 Luanda failed to do so and

"""'""'""h""'''h' was losl:. failed to meet Garcia's expectations. In September

146 TI:IE KINGOOM OF KONGO

164 2 they announced the sígning of the Portuguese-Dutch treaty which had been ratified in Europe in November 1641_17 On 30 January 1643 they signed a local agreement with the Portuguese of Massangano which permitted the latter to settle on the Bengo and which ceded to them many of the Ndembu chiefs who had only recently joined the Kongo confederacy.18

This agreement broke down on 17 May 1643 when news of Portuguese revolts in other colonies led the Dutch to make a pre-emptive strike on the Bengo. 19 The Dutch signed a new agreement on 1 July 1643,20 however, and they did not send troops against the Portuguese again until the end of1646.

Three factors exacerbated the effects of Dutch military weakness and forced them to come to terms with the Portu­guese. The first was the problem of victualling Luanda. The Portuguese abandoned the Bengo plantations which normally supplied Luanda in October 1641. Refugees then occupied them. ln J anuary 1642 a Portuguese captain ravaged them. They were again abandoned and by the end of the year were returning to bush. Luanda teetered on the verge of starvation.Z1

When the Portuguese returned to the Bengo in January 1643 they started cultivating but after the Dutch attack in May this ceased. On lOJune the Dutch directors reported that 'the land prod uces nothing. W e will di e ofhunger if nothing is clone.' The soldiers complained that they had too much food to die and too little to live. The directors feared that the who1e harvest would be lost. They sent the Kongo ambassador and the mani Luanda to ask the Ndembu to stop harassing the Portuguese. They then learnt that a Portuguese captain was destroying everything along the Bengo. The garrison there lacked the power to prevent him. A boat arrived w-ith provisions just in time to prevent the Dutch from starving. 22 It was dear, however, that if Luanda was to survive the Portuguese "'vould have to remain on

Bengo and this was one of the major reasons for their signing agreement ofjuly 1643.

The second factor that forced the Dutch to come to terms the Portuguese was the failure of the slave trade. The

Dutch had arrived wit:h quite unrealistic expectations of the volume of trade. A Brazilian estimate :made in November suggested that the annual export of slaves amounted to year. The VV est India Company calculated that, aHm-,ing

THE DUTCH OCCUPATION OF LUANDA, 164!-1643 147

c:J The Ndembu chiefdoms

O 100 200km

MAPIO

·<'

MBWJLA'j K!TESHI;

/_

7 I

Mbaca

sosso (NSONSO)

Mpumbu ~ Samba \

.~

'i!! (,'ó~"'

Q::''

S. Maria de Matamba

R. Lukala

the costs of purchase, transport, and defence, the colony VI'Ould make a profit of over 2m. guilders per year.23 The Dutch in Luanda were even more optimistic. They estimated in September 1641 that the annual export of slaves from Luanda was 50,000-

<>vn.Prt.>rl to be able to '""""~lu

148 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

many of the principal traders and their pombeiros remained. The Dutch vvanted. to use these traders as they had neither the means nor the inclination to alter the existing trading pattem.25

The Dutch failed to make a going concem ofthe slave trade from Luanda because the Portuguese blocked the principal slave trading route. ln the mid-seventeenth century thís passed through 1vlassangano to Nzinga Matamba and the upper Kwango.26 ln October 1642 when more realistic estimates were being made, the Luanda Dutch estimated that Nzinga pro­duced 12,000-13,000 slaves per yearP The Portuguese closed this route and no slave carne from Nzinga during the Dutch occupation. The principal Kongo trade route passed to Okango.28 Although it produced some slaves, the main commodity was cloth, used in the general trade of the Portuguese conquista. The slaves which formerly passed from Makoko through Mbanza Kongo now tended to pass along the northern Vili route to Loango and Sonyo.29 The Dutch could not tap this trade since, at the end of 1642, war broke out between Sonyo, Loango, and Lemba on the north bank of the Za!re and the trade from Sonyo and Loango ceased completely.30

I n these circumstances the first eighteen months' trading was poor. The first load of slaves did not leave Luanda until April 164 2, eight months after the occupation. It consisted of only 150 slaves, ofwhich 39 had come from Sonyo. Five months later a second load of 405 slaves v.ras embarked. This induded slaves from the Loango coast. By May 1642, the directors realized that the Luanda trade would not fiourish unless the Portuguese were removed from Massangano by force or agreement. They impeded ali trade with the Mbundu and Nzinga and the Dutch had to depend upon the trade of Kongo which, as they now realized, had 'always' been small.31 ln December 1642 the director reported that the trade was 'very slack' and little arrived for the company from Kongo. The only free passage was that of'Pumbo' from which most of the slaves were in fact coming.32 lnJanuary I and again inJ uly 1646 the Dutch hoped that an agreement with the Portuguese would free the Nzinga slave trading route.

i\ third factor encouraged the Dutch to seek agreement the Portuguese. This was the failure Garcia's attempt to develop an alternative to the slave trade. hnmffiiatdv after

THE DUTCH OCCUPATION OF LUli.NDA, 1641-1648 149

ratifying the Kongo-Dutch treaty in 1642 Garcia had written to the directors proposing that they send workers to Kongo to assess and to develop the mines - presumably those of Mbembe. He offered to pay ali their expenses. The directors had heard the Portuguese rumours of gold and silver. They were interested but at that time more concerned to propagate the slave trade. ln May 1642 Garcia wrote to the governor of Brazil urging him, amongst other things, to take up the offer. ln the course of the following months the Dutch grew convinced that the mines were of gold or si1ver, but they still did nothing. Later, in May 1643, the general failure ofthe slave trade, which was exacerbated by an inability to feed the slaves that did arrive in Luanda, did lead them to seek fortune in the mines. The director approached Garcia's ambassador and samples were sent to Holland to be assayed. This showed once again that the metal was inferior copper.33 Apparent attempts by Garcia, through the mani Nsundi, to gain control ofthe Mindouli-Boko­Songo copper mines (and also, no doubt, to block the Vili trade to Sonyo) seem to have failed, although they may have contri­buted to the dísturbances north of the Zaire which halted the trade to Sonyo and Loango in 1642?4

Early in 1644 Garcia, disgusted with the Dutch, sought a new ally in Nzinga. This was not a natural alliance since both Nzinga and Garcia daimed the lordship ofNgola a Kiluanje, and Nzinga had established herselfin Matamba, which Garcia still daimed as his own.35 Nzinga, however, promised to be a more determined ally than the Dutch. The Portuguese blocked her trade with the coast and her survival depended on their extermination. On hearing of the Dutch occupation ofLuanda, she had immediately sent ambassadors to congratulate the directors on their victOI)', and she promised to establish trade relations?6 The Portuguese based at Massangano had effectively blocked the proposed trade?7 ln the autumn of 1642 and the spring of 1643, Nzinga attempted to bypass the Porl:uguese by moving into territories subject to Kongo on the upper Dande. She took bowmen >vith her. She gained the allegiance of some of the Ndembu and, with the aid of 100

troops, crushed · tried to way.28 Garcia was alarmed at Nzinga's encroachment and

mPt-r·n...-..nlit"-,n nutrh .,~A.,,..,;""~ h,.,. as 'WeH as against the

!50 THE K!NGDO!vt Of KONGO

Portuguese.39 However, after the signing ofthe second Dutch­Portuguese agreement in July 1643, he appears to have considered that, in the short term, her potential aid outweighed the danger. He probably concluded an alliance with her early in 1644. There seems to have been a general agrcement regarding spheres of influence. Nzinga would rally the Mbundu, Garcia the Ndembu. This alliance was always clouded with suspicion, however, and Garcia attempted to intercept ali the letters that passed between the Dutch and Nzinga.40

Both Nzinga and Garcia advanced their position in 1644. N zinga sent her army to support a rebel Mbundu chief near the Portuguese fort of Mbaca. They secured a major victory and Nzinga rallied more Mbundu to her cause.41 Meanwhile, Garcia advanced among the Ndembu. In doing so he conflicted with the Dutch. They protested that he was occupying places inherited by them from the Portuguese and impeding the Dutch negotiations with Massangano. Nloreover, he refused to permit the Portuguese to take slaves through his territories to the coast. Nor wou1d he let the chiefs pay the ta'< in slaves which the Dutch, following Portuguese precedent, were now imposing.

42

ln 1645-6 the wars turned in the Portuguese favour. In October 1645 Portuguese reinforcements reached Massangano under the command of a new governor. They immediately infiicted a major defeat on Nzinga. The governor then formed an alliance with the rising power Kasanje on the upper K \vango. 43 H e demanded that Garcia permit Portuguese slave traders to pass through his lands. "\tVhen Garcia refused, he invaded the Ndembu region and took 600 slaves. This incited a new popular uprising in Kongo against the Portuguese thatstill remained. Garcia imposed a total ban on the

urged the Dutch to reactiva te the alliance váth Kongo, and sent 'great gifts' urging them to help to destroy

Massangano once and for aH. The Dutch recognized the danger, but they lacked the power to assist.44

Tmvards the end ofl646 the Dutch again demonstrated their weakness vis-à-vis the Portuguese survivors. They received reinforcements and, aware of the dangers posed by Portuguese resurgence, they sent troops to aid the indigenous

The aHiance now consisted of a Kongo army kd

THE DUTCH OCCUPATION OF LUANDA, l6"H-!64B L)l

mani Luanda, the arroies ofNzinga and severa! Mbundu chiefs, and 500 Dutch soldiers. Problems of victualling doomed the allies. The Dutch always succumbed quickly and Garcia lost the greater part ofhis army.45

ln 1647 Garcia sought an alternative European ally. The Dutch had failed to exterminate the Portuguese. They had not developed an alternative to the slave trade and they were seriously jeopardizing his religious policy, as discussed below.46

Garcia sent two newly arrived Capucin missionaries, Giovanni Francesco da Roma and Angelo de Valencia, as ambassadors to Europe. They had an important mission to the Pope and to Holland where they were to negotiate the passage of further Capucin missions.47 In addition, the Spaniard, Angelo de Valencia was to urge the King of Spain to send an armada to seize Luanda from the Dutch. Garcia would support the attack

land. The Spaniards vmuld ban the Portuguese from the and send miners to develop the Kongo copper mines.48

Garcia failed to receive a reply to this proposal before the Portuguese restored Luanda.

From Garcia's point of view, the failure of the Dutch with respect to the Portuguese was par31lleled by their failure with respect to Sonyo. The accession ofAlvaro VI and Garcia II had furthered the process ofSonyo independence49 for the brothers owed their elevation to Sonyo support. Miguel malli Sonyo, had helped Álvaro, then mani llilbamba, an~ Garcia, then mani Kioua, in their first victorious battle against Alvaro V. H e had received

and another adjacent governorship as the price for Álvaro V to the throne. He had then supported the

brothers in a second batde which elevated Álvaro to the throne as Álvaro VI and took Garcia to 1'víbamba.50 In the later l630s

rmrsued a vigorous trade with the Dutch in defiance of e..'<press orders.51

Dutch occupation ofLuanda furthered Sonyo's move­ment tmvards independent power. The Dutch had explicit instructions to condude an offensive and defensive alliance

Sonyo apart from the proposed allíance with Kongo. 52 The wekomed the aUiance and asked the Dutch to

H e a]so asked

!;):! THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

threaten Sonyo the enemy envisaged was certainly Garcia. rl 'o-wards the end of 1641 or the beginning of 1642 Sonyo

rebellcd. Miguel, mani Son}'O, died and Daniel da Silva seized powcr. Daniel was the brother of Garcia's principal wife.54

Garcia asked Daniel to attend Mbanza Kongo to be confirmed in the office. Daniel prudently declined. Garcia would certainly havc deprived him. Daniel declared that he had been named by the Sonyo electors and did not need to be confirmed. Garcia declared unequivocally that the right to elect the mani Son)'o pertained to the mani Kongo. Both parties maintained their position.55

Daniel sought European recognition and support, for he feared that Garcia would obtain Dutch help against him. Miguel, mani Son)'o, had formally asked the Dutch not to help Garcia in this way, and, after his accession, Daniel wrote to the governor of Brazil twice with the sarne request.56 In 1643 Garcia obtained Dutch help against the rebelled mani Mbamba Nwla57 and Daniel no doubt feared similar action against himself. ln December 1643, therefore, he sent two ambassadors and a present of200 slaves to Dutch Brazil and one ambassador to Holland. The Dutch belíeved that the controversy hindered trade. ln February 1644 the Council ofBrazil assured Daniel that they would not support Garcia and they instructed the Director of Angola to try to resolve the dispute. 5 8

I n the early years ofhis reign the failure ofDutch support and Garcia's commitment to the Portuguese wars prevented him from attacking Sonyo. After Nzinga entered the alliance in 164-4, however, he determined to act. Early in 1645 he appointed his eldest son, Afonso, as governar of Mukato. M ukato was one of the provinces which Alvaro V had ceded to

mani Son)'O in 1636. Garcia raised a large army and instructed Afonso to occupy ~fukato and then proceed against Daniel. The armies met on 29 April 1645, in a pitched battle. The Kongo army fted. Afonso and many other Mw-íssikongo were taken prisoner. Daniel treated Afonso weU, for, in addition to the politicai advantages ofholding him, Afonso was his own sister's son and therefore a member of his lcanda- matrilineal desccnt group. The Capucins tried, but failed, to secure Afonso's release. lnjuly 1646 Garcia raised a ne\<~t army under the command of the mnni J\lbamba. It was defeated. The mani

THE DUTCH OGCUPATION OF LUi\l'lDA, 1641-1648 !53

Mbamba and many Mwissikongo soldiers lost their lives.59

The Dutch finally secured the release of Afonso although they did not help Garcia to subject Daniel. They probably hoped that the end of hostilities would revive the Sonyo slave trade. By this time they also recognized the clear threat posed by the Portuguese and needed Garcia's continued support. They had only recently offended Garcia in religious matters60

and may have sought to mollify him. Soon after Garcia's defeat of July 1646 the directors equipped a boat with artillery and soldiers and sent it to Mpinda to demand Afonso's release. The mani Sonyo refused but soon afterwards he devised or took advantage of a supposedly miraculous occurrence to prove that 'God' wanted him to return the prince.61

ln 1647, with Afonso safe in Mbanza Kongo, Garcia sent another army against Sonyo. It was again defeated. Daniel da Silva seized the adjacent province of Kiova and assumed the title 'Grand Prince ofSonyo'.62 Garcia attempted and failed to subject Daniel da Silva on several subsequent occasions. From the early 1640s Sonyo was effectively independent.

Daniel sought to establish his ideological legitimacy by reference to the Pope and to the Christian religion. In 1648 he \Vrote to the Pope, to the Propaganda Fide, and to the King of Spain justifying his independent position and thanking them for sending the Capucin mission. H e asked the Pope for a sword blessed by himself.63 He and his heirs developed a Christian nkadi mpemba and grave cult parallel to tl1at of Mbanza Kongo. They were invested by the local kitJJme and a Christian priest in one of the earliest Mbanza Sonyo churches and were buried in another.64

Sonyo independence had three important effects upon Kongo. First, the hostilities dosed the only port through which Garcia could communicate with Europe independently of Luanda. Noone dared to pass between the two capitais and months could pass vvithout news from the otl1er.65 Second, Sonyo independence struck a major blow at the concept of the unitary Kongo state, and in material terms deprived the mani Kongo of salt tribute and of taxation. Third, the Dutch continued to trade with Sonyo

· ingly, to supply it guns and even 'Kong-o dedined, so that in the later

l5<t THE KING DOM OF KONGO

on tne throne ofKongo.66

2. Religious developments

Whilst the Dutch occupation thus proved a disappointment with respect to the Portuguese menace and the movement of Sonyo independence, lt, <and the arrival of a new Capucin mission, promised at last to place the Church in Kongo firmly under the control of the mani Kongo and thereby to fulfil its designated role oflegitimizing Mwissikongo rule. When Garcia II ascended the throne in 1641 the mani Kongo's control ofthe Christian cult had reached its nadir. Successive bishops had resided in Luanda rather than Mbanza Kongo and had used the Christian structures to support Luanda's ambitions. Meanwhile Bishop Soveral in particular had withdrawn priests from Kongo in favour of the Portuguese-controlled territories. Thc Dutch occupation and the arrival of the Capucins promised to resolve the problems both of manpower and of control.

\Vhen the Dutch occupied Luanda, the tbree most influential clerics in Mbanza Kongo were independent of the Luanda­oricnted cathedral cbapter and Jesuit college. Manuel Roboredo was a mulatto. His father, Thomas Roboredo, was Portuguese. His mother, Dona Eva, was also the motber of Álvaro V through a different marriage. Roboredo had sypported his half-brother against Garcia and Alvaro and after Alvaro V's deatb in 1636 had nearly lost his life. He was Jesuit-trained and ordained by Soveral in 1637. He spoke 'many languages' and read Latin fluently. He won Garcia's confidence and became bis cbaplain, the most important ecclesiastical appointment in Garcia's gift. He later belped the Capucins in their linguistic studies, defining ,the rules of Kikongo and composing a copious vocabulary. The Capucins respected his intdligence and integrity. H e entered the Capucin Order, after a year's novitiateship, in 1653.67

Simão Medeiros and l\1iguel de Castro were halfbrothers of Canon Estevão Casta~ho. They were bom of the sarne

Portuguese father by different ~·fwissikongo mothers.'58 Like Estevão and Roboredo they \'Itere trained by the Jesuits and

· · by Bishop Soveral.69 The Capucin prefect Giacintoda said that thev 'had so little intelligence that

THE DUTCH OCCUPATION OF LUANDA; l&H-1648 155

scarcely knew how to read or write'. Giacinto, however, had good reason to dislike them. U nlike Estevão, Simão and Miguel were highly ambitious and politicai men. Miguel's motber was an Afonso and in the later seventeenth century when cognatic descent-reckoning became common, Miguel made a bid for the throne. Soveral appointed both Simão and Estevão as canons. Simão allied bimself with Garcia, informing him of Alvaro VI's deatb and enabling Garcia to hasten to Mbanza Kongo to secure tbe election. Soveral deprived him of the canonate, ostensibly for concubinage but probably for his politicai activities. He appointed him to a very unhealthy parish on the Bengo. Both Simão and Miguel took concubines and they married tbeir sons to women of 'major title'. They gave their two sisters as concubines to Garcia and witb tbe younger Garcia had four sons. Wben this sister married, the brothers persuaded Garcia to relax the ban which he bad hitherto placed on 'indecent balls'. Miguel de Castro, and no doubt the otber brothers, too, owned many slaves.70

The immediate effect of the Dutch occupation \vas to worsen Garcia's religious position, since it cut off the supply of priests. Garcia forbade the clergy then in Kongo to leave the country. This especially affected the archdeacon, who had been visiting l\tlbanza Kongo, and ajesuit who was sick and wished to retum to bis kindred.71 Towards the end of 1642 Garcia wrote to Bishop Soveral and to thejesuit Rector in Angola asking them to come to l'vfbanza Kongo or at least to send priests. They had retired to Nlassangano with the Portuguese govemor and troops. They both refused, condemning Kongo's 'bad Christ­ianity'. In 1643, after Soveral's death, Garcia again wrote to the Jesuit rector in Angola asking for priests and pointing to the many evi1s caused by Soveral's non-residence. The rector gave

letter to the governor who dispatched it to Lisbon as evidence ofGarcia's bad faith. 72 In February 1643 Garcia wrote to the king of Portugual via the Dutch to ask for priests. The Dutch feared that the priests would prejudice Garcia in favour ofPortugal and they 'lost' the letter.73

The Dutch also attempted to convert Garcia to Calvinism. Garcia succeeded in resistimr this. Christianitv was intimatelv

l5G THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

the kingship as w·ell as the Catholic faith. Catholicism was also a sine qua non of the relationship with Portugal and Rome and the Portuguese had not been exterminated from Angola. If they returned to power they would use a charge ofheresy to justify a war of revenge. As Garcia told the Dutch, he 'understood these people'.74 The Dutch wanted Garcia to accept a permanent representative to teach Dutch 'civilization, religion and government'. The representa tive would attempt to persuade Garcia to accept a Calvinist minister and schoolmaster. They included the proposal in the draft Kongcr-Dutch treaty ofl642 and the Dutch ambassador, trying to persuade Garcia to ratify the clause, gave him several Calvinist books to read.75 Garcia burnt the books in the public square. The cathedral chapter and thejesuit rector signed statements certifying this action.76

Garcia deleted the offending clause and explained his position to the Dutch governor ofBrazil. He stated that he had sworn to the Dutch alliance. However no ambassador or minister should be sen t to Mbanza Kongo for h e belonged to the Catholic religion and had put himself under obedience to the Pope.77

Despite these immediate problems, the Dutch occupation did ensure that, when Bishop Soveral died in November 1642,78

the Christian cult in Kongcr-Angola at last centred on Mbanza Kongo. Soveral could not be replaced and, in the absence ofthe bishop, authority devolved upon the cathedral chapter there. Four members resided in Mbanza Kongo- the archdeacon, retained by force, the choriste:r, and ~vo canons. Garcia seized the opportunity to strengthen the chapter in his favour. Early in the century Spain had ceded to the mani Kongo the right to nominate members of the chapter but the practice had lapsed during Soveral's minístry.79 Simão de Medeiros had fled to Kongo when the Dutch invaded and Garcia had already appointed hím as his confessor. The chapter now absolved Simão and reinstated him as canon. It also appointed the

Miguel de Castro, as canon. 80 I t elected the non-controversia1 mulatto chorister as Vicar ofSão Salvador.81 The

asserted its authority over the clergy resident in forcing them to accept a vicar acceptable to them and

Angolan dergy but anathema to the Portu­guese.82 Miguel de Castro and Simão de Medeiros themselves into the campaign against the Portuguese. They

THE DUTCH OCCUPATION OF LUAi'-;DA; l&fi-16-18 157

declared the Dutch the saviours ofKongo and placed an image of them in the Cathedral. Later they wrote to Nzinga to congratulate her on her victories against the Portuguese.83

By 1643 Garcia had acquired a precarious control over the Church in Kongo and Angola. However, there was a desperate shortage of priests and the situation was worsening. Some priests were captured by the Dutch and sent to Brazil. Others left of their own accord. One priest was killed serving as a captain of infantry with the Portuguese resistance.84 In 1645 there were only seven secular priests and two Jesuits in Kongo. 85 Whilst the Dutch occupied Luanda there was no hope of acquiring new priests from Portugal.

In May 1645, however, the first Capucin mission landed at rv1pinda.86 It was ideally suited to resolve the problem of control. I t had been constítuted as an Apostolic Prefecture dependent on the Pope.87 It was unprecedented in its composition. Three of the Capucins were Italian; two carne froni Spanish provinces in Italy and seven from metropolitan Spain.88 Garcia could expect the Italians to be neutral with respect to Portugal and the Angolan Portuguese, and he could expect the Spaniards to be hostile, for João IV ofPortugal had rebelled against the King of Spain and Portugal in 1640, and the two countries were bitter enemies. Having overcome the reluctance of the mani SO!!}'O, most of the missionaries passed on to l'vlbanza Kongo \Vhere the King wekomed themjoyfully.89

After some controversy, the chapter gave them the licence they needed to work in São Salvador0 and, after further controversy, the Angolan dergy accepted thefait accompli.91

Garcia determined to eleva te the status of the Capucins and to associate them dosely with the kíngship and with his own patrilineal segment. On the day following their arrival, he received them in the royal chapei. This indicated that he intended them to be 'bis' men and not part of the Portuguese­oriented diocesan structure. As the Capucins entered, Garcia

c:rm'm from his head and knelt, kíssing their hands and Both gestures '>Vere significanL The kings used the

crown on special occasions as an alterna tive to the mpu cap, the · · · To remove it was

hand and

!58 THE KíNGD01ví OF KONGO

cally.93 He repeated both gestures whenever he met or took leave ofthe Capucins. When the prefect presented the Apostolic Brief~ Garcia fell on his knees, crawled to the altar, kissed the letter three times and placed it on his head 'with much submission and reverence'. H e received the Papal blessingfrom the Pope 'nearly prostrated on the earth'. Garcia la ter built the Capucins a convent, sacristy, and school, leading the men in some of the work. On several occasions he summoned the Mwissíkongo and exhorted them to send theír sons to the school. Ali his own sons attended.94 He gave the Capucins the Church ~fOur Lady of the Victory which had been built by his brother Alvaro VI.95 The name given to this church implied that the Vírgin had been responsible for the v:ictory that had

the brothers to power. I t also recalled the church of the sarne name thatAfonso I had built to commemorate thev:ictory which had brought him to the throne.

Garcia used the Capucins to bestow other worldly authority upon his eldest son, Afonso, whom he wished to succeed him. He infon:!led the Capucins that both he, Garcia, and his brother, Alvaro VI, had been devoted to the Virgin. He said that they had celebrated the feast ofthe Assumptíon with great dedication, that they had carried the Virgin's image into battle, that they had prayed to her for success, and that it was she ''lho had given them theirvictories. Garciaalsosaid thatMonsowas born -. after several years of marriage, as a direct consequence of his 'copious' prayers to the Virgin. He Afonso's release from Sonyo to the interventíon of the Virgin

the mediatíon of the Capucins. H e delayed Afonso' s entry into Mbanza Kongo after his release from Sonyo in order that he should arrive (secretly) on the Feast of the Assumptíon. Garcia then received him publidy in the Church of the Imrnaculate Conceptíon where, in a drarnatíc gesture, he offered him jointl)~ to the Virgin and to St Francis. Thereafter, Afonso always signed himself'slaveofthe h1ost Holy Virgin' .96

a concomitant part ofhis Capucin policy, Garcia restored the ancient churches and impressed the Capucins bv his general acts of piety. H e took a leading part in ali the rites Church. During Easter Week he followed the procession bare­foot and h e washed the feet of nvelve poor peopk in imitatíon the act ofChrist in washing the feet ofthe aposdes.97

THE DUTCH OCCUPAT!ON OF LUANDA. !64i-!fl43 !59

ln October 1646 Garcia sought to exploit the new opportunity brought by the Capucins in an appeal to the Pope. He accredited l:wo Capucins as ambassadors to Europe.98 ln addition to the politicai rnissions to the Prince ofOrange and to the King of Spain, the arnbassadors were to offer Garcia's obedience to the Pope and to thank hirn for the Capucins. They were to explain that the Kings ofKongo had never been subject to the Kings of Portugal. The patronage of the Church in Kongo had been given away without their knowledge or con­sent. Bishop Soveral's prolonged residence in Luanda had damaged the Church in Kongo in numerous ways. They were to urge the Pope to appoint bishops directly to Kongo, and, in view of the síze of the country, to appoint severa! at once. The bishops would be able to ordain indigenous priests and so establish the basis for a great expansion of the cult. The Pope should also decree that Kongo could enter the Capucin arder. They were to ask for items of cult, an indulgence for all those that went to war against the infidels, and more Capucins.

Garcia also requested direct papal support for himself and his patrilineal descent group. He asked for a crmvn blessed by

Pope. The crown 'Nas the equivalent of the mpu, insígnia of chiefship. ln effect, therefore, Garcia asked the Pope to confirm

in the kingship. He asked for an excornmunication against people -..vho sought to take the kingship from

him. The excommunication represented an act of witchcraft, · · · · He asked the Pope to issue an exorcism against the

were then ravaging Kongo. Finally, Garcia asked Pope to decree that the succession should be hereditary in patrilineal descent group. ln order to reinforce its spiritual

credentials be asked for a pienaf)' indulgence in the hour of their death for himself, his family, and his descendents.99

fitfeanwhile, the Capucins thernselves were proving especially suited to the role of royal nganga of the nkadi mpemba type. The

Bonaventura da Alessano, had chosen thern very care-100 •-- it was believed that they would be rnartyred by the

He had wanted 'perfect' men according to the and both h e and Gennaro da Nola, who succeeded

!fiO THE KlNGDOM Of KONGO

They had no doubt that they could produce rain, heal, anel even perfórm catechisms from a distance. They could also curse- in Kongo terms practise kindoki. With the Pope's authority they were !ater to exorcise locusts. One Capucin was to curse a kitome'r sacred tree so that it allegedly dried up anel the kitome anel his wife died. Another was to relate how God struck a disobedient slave dead anel sent the 'Jaga' to punish a village which had threatened a Capucin. 102 The Capucins differed from the mulatto anel Portuguese priests in the degree to which they believed ín their invincibility. These powers, of which they wert' so convinced, were powers characteristic of nganga of the nkadi mj;emba type.

I n M banza Kongo (as in Mbanza Sonyo where some of the missionaries remained), the Capucins were generally accepted as new, anel therefore exceptionally powerful, Christian nkadi mpemba nganga. vVhen they approached, children anel adults fell on their knees, kissed their hands anel habits anel asked their blessing, that is, their protection against kindoki, witchcraft. vVhen the renowned Capucin preacher, Bona ventura da Sardenia diecl, the court celebrated his exequies with 'copious anel devotecl tears', but, significantly, 'consoled themselves with the hope of having him in heaven (the sky) as their protector'. Roboredo, who delivereel the funeral oration, saicl that they shoulel attribute his eleath to his 'great concem to procure their good anel health'. On the other hanel, the great pm.ver attributeel to the Capucins causeel them to be feareel, for they cou]c\ use it to practise kindoki, vvitchcraft. Accoreling to Terud, 'women feared them anel fleel them, swerving from the paths anel making for the thickets when they encountered them'. They dearly feared for their fertility, a quality of the dimension of 'other

anel one susceptible to the destructive aspect of mpemba elimension. w3

~apucins establisheel new congregations which focused on the cult of the eleael anel which attracted the most eminent lVlwissikongo. The rector of the men's cm;gregation was Garcia's chaplain, Roboreelo, the halfbrother of Alvaro V. The rector of the women's congregation was the w-ielow of a former king. The rules were very strict. ~"lembers hael to attend each other's

inform the Capucins when anyone was sick, and e.xhort to confess. Thev hael to encourage everyone to abandon

THE DUTCH OCCUPATION OF LU.-\NDA. !64!-!6+8 !61

concubinage anel 'pagan abuses'. The Capucins, like other newly-arrived missions, inspireel a

great movement of popular enthusiasm. Every evening at nightfall youths gathered in the various quarters of the city to sing the doctrine in Kikongo anel to discuss the faith. They eventually converged on the Capucin church to continue the singing anel elisputation. Older men anel women joined the Capucins in their prescribeel hour of prayer anel discipline. Many of the nobles paiel schoolboys to go to their houses in the evening to recite the doctrine to their people. Some people hearel mass two or three times even on work days. On Sunday the Capucins anel the schoolchilelren processed through the streets singing the eloctrine in Kikongo. The people joineel in anel the whole procession entered the church. The Capucins founel it difficult to hear the confession of all the people that wisheel to obtain the inelulgences conceded by the Pope. The city celebrated Holy ·w eek with a fervour which astonisheel them. On Holy Thursday over 3,000 men, women anel children processeel through the streets. They flogged themselves 'with great silence anel courage'. Some carrieel branches in imitation ofChrist. The processíon ended in the great square, the people leaving their bloodstaineel tunics anel branches at the foot of the great cross. \'Vhenever the elisciplinants saw the sacrament they turned their backs for a vvhile anel flogged themselves severely. 104

ln the period 1641-8 the Dutch occupation ofLuanda thus appeareel to offer the possibility of reversing the forces of disintegration .in Kongo. \Vhiist it had slowly become dear that it woulel not in itself resolve Kongo's economic anel politicai problems, it remaineel essential to the success of Garcia's religious policy. AU these hopes were sudelenly anel brutally curtaileel by the Portuguese restoration of 1648.

CHAPTER7

The Portuguese Restoration and the Destruction of the U nitary Kongo Kingdom, 1648-1665

The Portuguese restoration of 1648 heralded the final destruction ofthe unitary Kongo state. It crippled the mani Kongo's already weakened economic position, it lost him the Ndembu chiefs, and it renewed the threat from Luanda. Garcia succeeded in surmounting a combined rebellion and Luanda invasion in 1657. However, Lisbon removed its constraints on Angolan expansion and, in the early 1660s, Luanda determined to secure the Mbembe copper mines. Garcia's son, António I, renewed the Kongo-Ndembu confederacy, united the kingdom and, in 1665, marched against the Portuguese. He was defeated and

at Mbwila. This defeat, in vvhich many Mwissikongo titlc-holders died, unleashed the forces of disintegration which Garcia and António had, for a while, kept in check.

The disastrous events of 1648-65 were paralleled by a coll-apse of the mani Konga's religious policy. The most dramatic cause of this was the Portuguese restoration of Luanda which

shifted power over the Church structures from Kongo to Luanda. However, as with pre-v"ious missions, a

also emerged between the Capucins and the mani as Capucins became more aware of the realities of religious life

in Kongo and the m.ani Kongo began to suspect the Capucins' . In addition, the Capucin mission, more than any ofits

L

raised fundamental questions about the role that expected and the European priests wished and

in Kongo. lt chaUenged the indígenous religi­led to a modification in the religious

may have been a factor in opposition to the Portuguese at

rP<fFvrnfun"l· tXXJIWE!lU

On 20 August Garcia suffered the worst ofhis

RESTORATION AI'ID DESTRUCTiON OF KONGO !648-!665 163

reign when Salvador Correia landed at Luanda with I ,200 Portuguese troops. The Dutch had received reinforcements early in the year and had at last joined Nzinga in investing Massangano. They surrendered and Salvador Correia shipped most ofthem to Brazil. Nzinga returned to Matamba where she renewed her threat to Kongo's southern provinces. The Portuguese who had survived the Dutch wars accused Garcia of many crimes. They said he had invited the Dutch to take Luanda; had aided them; had massacred the Portuguese resident in Kongo and seized their goods; had attempted to destroy the Portuguese in Angola. His most recent crime had been to admit Italian and Spanish Capucin missionaries in defiance of the Portuguese right of patronage. These Capucins, they said, were Spanish spies who had come to prepare the way for a Spanish invasion of Angola. 1

Salvador Correia immediately opened hostilities with Garcia. He sent the Portuguese army into the interior where it defeated many Mbundu chiefs. He then offered Garcia a pardon on certain unknown conditions. Garcia replied with caution, accepting neither the pardon nor the conditions. He did not send an ambassador with the customary letter of welcome.2 In November or December 1648 Salvador ann­ounced that Garcia was a rebel and dedared war ou him. He dismissed Garcia's governor on the island of Luanda and replaced him with another i\thvissikongo who swore allegiance to the King of Portugal. The Portuguese army ravaged the 'idembu. They kiUed many thousands of people and took as many others prisoner.3

Threat:ened by both the Portuguese and Nzinga, Garcia surrendered. On 13 April 1649 his ambassadors in Luanda signed a humiliating peace treaty.4 Several prov"isions were designed to turn Kongo into aPortuguese dependency. Garcia ;,.,ras to send his son or a principal l\iíwissikongo as hostage to Luanda. Only Portuguese citizens and boats could enter Kongo and they had to do so through Luanda. The treaty specifically exduded the Spaniards, Dutch, and Nzinga. The Portuguese should establish a fort at Mpinda as security against a Spanish

doubt, '\:,.ua.Ínst Dutch traders. Kongo Dande. These u· tcltlde:d

!6+ THE KINGDOi'vl OF KONGO

condition that Kongo ceded its fabled gold mines. The powerful Ndembu chiefs north of the Dande, nambu a ngongo, mutemu, kingweno and mbwila were excluded from the treaty. This denied their status as Kongo vassals. There were to be no safeguards on the slave trade as Garcia had demanded. On the contrary, the taxes on Portuguese trade were to be lifted and Portuguese were to be established in Kongo to enforce the payment of debts. Luanda slaves that escaped to Kongo were to be returned and Kongo was to pay 900 loads of indigenous doth as compen­sation for the Portuguese losses incurred during the occupation. This number had been reduced from the 1,500 loads which Salvador had originally asked. At that time 900 loads equalled l ,000 slaves.5 The only other Luanda concessions were a tacit recognition ofthe Capucin presence in Kongo and permission for Kongo ambassadors to pass to Portugal. IfKongo failed to fulfil any of the provisions, the Portuguese could invade, depose the king, and punish his supporters. His successor would beco me tributory to the King of Portugal. The King of Kongo and his council had forty-five days to ratif)r the treaty. Garcia hesi tated and Salvador Correia dedared war again. Garcia had little option but to summon the title-holders and detiver a reasoning in favour of the treaty. He publidy swore on the Gospels to abide by its conditions.6

The Portuguese restoration and the Luanda-Kongo treaty of 1649 had several disastrous consequences for Kongo. One ofthe most important was that it deprived the mani Kongo ofhis last remaining source of European trade goods. In 1641 Kongo's rnost important trade commodity had been cloth from Okango and the other eastern provinces. The Portuguese used this doth as the offical general purpose currency in Luanda and as the most important means of exchange in the slave trade south of Kongo. The Luanda-Okango route passed through Mbanza

and the mani Kongo therefore controlled the trade. The occupation of Luanda, and more especially the Portu­

g;uese blockade of the interior, had drasticaHy reduced the slave trade and with it the demand for Kongo doth. Neither do the directors appear to have supported cloth as the official Luanda currency. \t\1hen the Portuguese restored Luanda currency was in tai:ters, and 'nearly e.x.tinguished' .7 Salvador Correia's demand for Kongo cloth compensation undoubtedly

RESTORATION AND DESTRUCTION OF KONGO 1648-!665 !65

reftected the need to obtain a rapid injection of currency to supply Luanda and the slave trade. ln practice, the Portuguese experienced considerable difficulty in re-establishing trade, and the demand for cloth remained relatively low. As demand recovered, Luanda ímported doth from Loango rather than Kongo. This reftected two factors. First, the bulk of the former trade had been conducted by Portuguese residents in Kongo. These spoke Kikongo, had Kongo wives and understood the intricacies of the trade. A majority of those outside Mbanza Kongo had been massacred during the Dutch occupation. ln general, the Portuguese survivors were those who had resided in Luanda o r the conquista. They were relatively unfamiliar with the Kongo trade and, as a result of the circumstances of the Dutch occupation, bitterly hostile to Kongo. Second, Loango doth had always been cheaper than that of Kongo, but the Kongo costs had been offset by a continued though declining trade in slaves. By the mid-seventeenth century the slaves from Makoko, which had traditionally supplied Kongo, were increasingly taken north-west by Vili traders to Sonyo and the northern coastal states. As a result, the Kongo cloth trade became increasingly uneconomical relative to that of Loango. By the l660s almost ali the indigenous cloth used in Luanda and the conquista carne from Loango. 8 The mani Kongo no longe r had any role within the Atlantic trade.

A second effect of the Portuguese restoration and the treaty of 1649 was to destroy the mani Kongo's internal economic role as redistributor of the products of the different ecological zones. Although this role had been eroded by the changes wrought by the Atlantic trade, he had continued to redistribute the cloth of the eastem provinces and the salt and nzimbu shells of the west. From 1641 onwards, however, the mani Kongo received no salt

from the rebelled province ofSonyo. From 1648, despite the iater modification of the Kongo-Portuguese treaty, he received no · shells from the island ofLuanda.9 The mani

had to rely upon indigenous cloth as his principal currency and revenue. ln 1665 António I took doth to pay his expenses in the campaign that ended at lvlbwila,10 and in the

the mani dependants in .,.. ... ,n,,.nnr'P of that name, instead as

The numi Kmwo had little salt and

j(i(j THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

fevv nzimbu shells or European goods to pay for this cloth or to give in exchange for tribute payment, and his ability to extract thc cloth dedined. It is significant that in the later seventeenth century the doth-producing provinces, including Mbata, played no part in the struggles of the competing mani Kongo. They no longer had an interest in the office. 12

The Portuguese restoration had the third consequence of depriving Kongo of many subject chiefdoms in the south, for Luanda never returned the ceded territories, despite a subsequent modification of the treaty. These lost chiefdoms included the island ofLuanda and some ofthe Ndembu states sou th of the Dan de. ln addition, Kongo lost control of the most important Ndembu chiefdoms north ofthe Dande for Salvador Correia had excluded ~<lutemu, Kingwengo, Nambu a Ngongo and l\IIbwila from the Portuguese-Kongo treaty of 1649 and these were then at his mercy. He accused them ofparticipating in the anti-Portuguese confederacy, ofmaltreating and robbing the pombeiros and of harbouring fugi tive Portuguese slaves. H e sent 400 Portuguese anda large force ofAfrican soldiers across thc Dande and ali the Ndembu chiefs they encountered surrendered. Two of them helped the Portuguese to inflict a crushing defeat on the mani A1bwila who, as a consequence, sent ambassadors to Luanda to offer allegiance. Salvador Correia recalled the army before it had time to attack Nambu a Ngongo and Mutemu, for there had been another sighting of Dutch ships. A little !ater he sent another force across the Dande to punish the Ndembu chief mangombe who had not offered obeélience. The Portuguese built a fort there but later abandoned it. Thus, in addition to the lands south of the Dande, Garcia lost most of the Ndembu north of the river. 13

Fourth, the Luanda restoration revived and intensified the of militai)' invasion. The principal reason for this was

Luanda economy. The Dutch occupation and Kongo massacres had destroyed much of the Portuguese

infrastructure. The repeated Portuguese wars of the l650s, 14 far from <dearing the ways' to the slave markets impeded their recovery. ~{eamvhile, the Luanda traders were severely undercapitalized. They had Iost most - · · possessíons during the occupation and were unable to pay the

debts they had incurred before it. The king

R&'iTORATION ANDDESTRUCTIONOFKONGO i648-loo5 !67

ordered a moratorium on the debts, but the traders continued to lack capital. 15 The problem was exacerbated by a shortage of shipping, 16 which led to chronic overloadings and massive losses. Portuguese merchants became increasingly reluctant to engage in the trade. 17 Taxation worsened the traders' position. The threat of Dutch and Castilian invasion led the Luanda authorities to demand, and Lisbon to supply, a relatively large military presence. 18 ln order to pay for this and other burdens ímposed by Lisbon, 19 the Luanda authorities increased the tax on slave exports. This had been 4,000 reis before the Dutch occupation. I t rose to 7,000 reis after the restoration and to 8,000 reis in the 1660s when Luanda had to meet its share ofthe cost of the peace with England and Holland.Z0 Meanwhile the Lisbon authorities sought to protect Portuguese manufacturers. They prohibited Luanda trade with Castille and forbade the India­bound ships to unload foreign merchandise.Z1 The price of European goods in Luanda rose sharply.22 The Luanda cloth currency libongo inevitably depreciated as a payment for slave and European goods. ln 1661 the governor attempted and failed to peg the price.23 The authorities paid the troops in libongo but from 1653 onwards they decreed that the residents pay the taxes in slaves.24

Luanda had two motives for wishing to invade Kongo. The first was to obtain slaves. The new governors, like their predecessors, wished to m~ximize the profits of their three-year term of office, and the authorities usually concentrated on short-term solutions. They could use the relatively large troop reinforcements to raid for slaves. It is probable that many ofthe slaves exported in the l650s vvere raided from the Kongo lands

of the Bengo. The detailed figures are unknown. ln 1656, after some vigorous campaigns, four boats Ieft Luanda and one at least carried l ,079 slaves.25 A Capucin, writing of approximately this period, estimated that 5,000 slaves left Luanda per year.Z6 The Kongo lands north of the Bengo were relatively dose and unexploited, for Luanda had directed most of its earlier campaigns eastwards towards Ngola a Kiluanje. Luanda's second motive for wishing to invade Kongo was to secure the mines contained ~mM and

If

!6U THE KiNGDOM OF KONGO

unlike the indigenous doth libongo, would have intemational currency, and could be used, amongst other things, to pay for imports.

F ou r factors inhibited the threat of Luanda invasion. First, the Portuguese forces were often too weak to attack, since they quickly succumbed to hunger, disease, and constant warfareP Second, the Luanda residents often doubted whether the wars were in their long term interest.28 Third, the Lisbon authorities fel t that the wars were inadvisable on poli ti cal and indefensible on moral grounds. 29 They also refused to sanction a copper currency since they feared it would have an unfortunate effect on in ternational currency transactions. 3° Finally, repeated threats of Dutch and Castillian invasion often forced the governors to confine the troops to Luanda.31

The effect of the Lisbon restraint was felt in 1652 when the King ofPortugal deleted most ofthe dauses ofthe Portuguese­Kongo treaty of 1649 and forbade the governors to wage aggressive war without his express permission. Garcia had protested at the treaty through João IV's ambassador to Kongo32 and through his own Capucin ambassador to Europe.33 Both the Propaganda Fide and the Overseas Council of Lisbon had recommended some modification and João IV had consistently instructed Salvador Correia to proceed with more gentleness.34 He now deleted ali the offending dauses from the treaty. As ratified, the treaty was litde more than a treaty of friendship?5 João also forbade a new governor from waging offensive war without his express permission. He instructed him to give easy passage to any letter or ambassador that Garcia wished to send to PortugaP6

Lisbon orders did not reverse the ·worst effects of the treaty although they did inhibit further aggression. The

authorities continued to occupy the lands south of the Dande. They refused to recognize the Ndembu states as Kongo

and they frequently cited the non-ratified treaty to daims. They refused to transmit Kongo letters or

ambassadors and, as a rift developed with the Capucins, Garcia ceased to be able to use them as couriers or ambassadors. He was unable to send any ambassadors after 1649 and he dis­patched letters w.ith the greatest difficultv. Luanda rPr>P-:>tPA

a threatening stance.

RESTORA T!ON AND DESTRUCTION OF KONGO 1648-!665 !69

Associated with the Luanda threat was the danger of a Luanda alliance with Nzinga, who had retired to Matamba after the Portuguese restoration. ln 1650, her army invaded the southern nuclear Kongo province of \Vandu and took many slaves. ~7 Nzinga sent an ambassador to welcome Salvador Correia. She said, that she was old and weary of wars. She vvanted to see her sister Barbara who was held prisoner in Luanda and establish her succession to the throne. ln addition, she dearly needed an outlet for slaves denied to her during most of the Dutch occupation by the Portuguese at Massangano. The Luanda residents, especially the survivors ofMassangano, did not trust Nzinga and did not want to surrender the hostage. Salvador Correia rejected the proposaP8 but Nzinga did not abandon her attempt to reach agreement.

ln 1654 the threat of a Luanda-Nzinga invasion became acute. The Portuguese seized Recife, the last Dutch territory in Brazil. Garcia feared that, with no other occupation for their arms, they would strengthen Luanda. In these circumstances, only João IV's order would prevent invasion. At about the sarne time Giovanni Francisco da Roma, one of the Capucin ambass­adors whom Garcia had sent to Europe in 164 7, decided to return to Europe. Garcia, whose relations with the Capucins were severely strained, feared that he would confirm the Luanda rumour that he had attempted to forge a Kongo-­Spanish alliance against the Angolan Portuguese. This, he feared, \v'ould lead João IV to withdraw his prohibition on Luanda invasion. 39 At the sarne time the danger of a Luanda­Nzinga alliance revived. When a new govemor, Sousa Chich­arro, anived in October 1654, Nzinga sent ambassadors to welcome him with new proposals of peace.40 Negotiations ensued, for it had become apparent that Nzinga's co-operation was essential to the slave trade. Garcia attempted to avert both dangers. H e sent large gifts of slaves to the governar and other Luanda officials asking them to prohibit Giovanni Francisco da Roma's departure. He also instructed ambassadors togo to Portugal to pre-empt and to counteract the Capucin's story. The Luanda authorities permitted Roma's departure and refused passage to thf" Koncrn o:tmh~~~~À~~ 41

a new Dutch

!70 THE KINGDO!\·f OF KONGO

an a!liance between the Dutch and Nzinga and offering to help the Portuguese to defend the colony:42 The Dutch threat passed. Later in 1655 Garcia attempted to establish an alliance with Luanda against an alleged conspiracy between the Capucins and Spain of which he furnished written evidence. The Capucins countered these allegations and after the initial excitcment, the Luanda authorities ignored them.43 Garcia desperately sought another remedy. Early in January 1656 he finally succeeded in secretly dispatching letters, though not ambassadors, to Portugal. ln these he alleged that the Luanda authorities and the Capucins were conspiring with Spain against the Portuguese crown.44 On 15 January 1656 he sought to deter invasion by informing Luanda of this development. H e wrote to the Luanda camera that he had informed the King of Portugal of their treasonable activities and that God and João IV would wreak vengeance on the city ofLuanda for its failure to dispatch his ambassadors.45 This success mitigated the effects of the alliance between Luanda and Nzinga which was signed on 12 October 1656 and which included a clause providing for mutual aid against each other's enemies.46

ln 1657 Garcia believed that the danger ofLuanda invasion had passed and he determined to tackle the problem of establishing the succession in his male line. Garcia's claim, like that of his brother, Álvaro VI, was illegitimate in terms of the convention that the throne should pass to a member of one of thc patrilineal groups descended from Afonso I's daughters. N evertheless, having seized the throne on the basis ofhis kanda 's status as Child of Afonso, Garcia wished to conform to the normal model by establishing the succession · \vithin his patrilineal segment. ln particular, he wanted his eldest son, Afonso, to succeed him.

Three groups threatened Garcia's plan for the succession, 1657 he felt that he had eliminated or circumvented their

The first group consisted of the patrilineal of Garcia's own brother, Álvaro VI. The leading

contender was Pedro, who held Nsundi when Garcia carne to power.47 Another son held the minor rent ofFunta in Sonyo48

and others Iived in fv!banza Kongo.49 ln Garcia's suspicions crystallized when Pedro spent six months in the

territories east of the Nkisi. Garcia

RESTO R...\ TION A.r'iD DESTRUC'TION OF KONGO l648-ioo5 !71

believed that Pedro was conspiring with the indigenous chiefs against him. vVhen Pedro returned to Mbanza Nsundi Garcia wrote inviting him to Mbanza Kongo. He said that he was old and ill and his sons were young and inexperienced. He recognized in Pedro the talents needed to govern the kingdom, and h e wished to designate him as his successor. Pedro went to .the capital and Garcia promptly deprived him of office. He appointed a member of a minor patrilineal category in his place. 50 ln the early or mid 1650s, h e attempted to kill certain 'nephews' - probably Pedro and the other sons of Álvaro VI -but in this he failed. 51

The second group that threatened Garcia were the Mpanzu Afonso who had occupied the throne for most of the later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The contenders in this period are unknown. However, they had powerful potential or actual supporters. The first was Leonor, Garcia's female chief nzimbu mpungu, vvho was probably herself an Mpanzu Afonso. The second was the mulatto priest Manuel Roboredo who later joined the Capucin order as Francisco of São Salvador. 5 2 Roboredo was a halfbrother by the sarne mother of the last l\1panzu king, j\:Ivaro V. H e belonged to the sarne kanda, matrilineal group, as Alvaro V but not of course to the fvipanzu Afonso patrilineal category. f!e had supported Alvaro V in his battles against the brothers Alvaro and Garcia but had then won Garcia's trust and became his chaplain and confidant. 53 ln the early 1650s Garcia. began to suspect the Capucins of plotting with the Mpanzu Afonso. He exiled Leonor and secretly killed her. ln 1654 or 1655 he attempted to kill Roboredo by similar means but the prefect refused to permit his departure from São Salvador. Garcia then attempted, but failed, to díscredit him. He did kill Francisco's nephew, probably a nephew ofhis kanda.54

The third group vvhich threatened Garcia's plans for the succession were the l\!Iubica Afonso. The current contenders were the three brothers of Garcia I (1624-6), Lazaro, the eldest, Alvaro, and Pedro, the youngest. When Garcia carne to power all three resided in Mbanza Kongo.55 Early in his reign Garcia attemntf'rl to · ~

'"'as the most I n the 1 fi~Os Lazaro grew

!72 THE K!NGDOM OF KONGO

popularity. Garcia mistrusted him but did not dare to act against him. On one occ.asion when Garcia sat on the throne, Lazaro carne to kiss his hand. Garcia 'wíth dissimulatíon and apparent grace' said to him, 'how dearlyyou would líke to siton this throne, Don Lazaro'. Lazaro replied in the sarne tone, 'vVe are all able to doso, Lord- ifwe live'. ln about 1652 Garcia attempted to win Lazaro's allegiance by offering him his daughter in marriage and the most important province, Mbamba, as dowry. Lazaro replied that he more than merited Mbamba and did not need to marry Garcia's daughter. Garcia appointed a non-Afonso to the province and married him to his daughter. This caused some resentment among the Afonso, to whom Mbamba had always, in recent years, pertained. Severa! years la ter Garcia began to suspect that the Mubica Afonso and the Capucins were plotting together. H e responded by attemp­ting to ally himself more closely with the middle brother, Álvaro, mani Mpemba. ln the mid 1650s he sent the youngest brother, Pedro, to propose a marriage benveen Garcia's eldest son and proposed heir, Afonso, anda daughter that Álva~o had had with a widowed queen, not his principal wife. Alvaro appcars to have welcomed the proposal and negotiations began.57

Garcia had initially attempted to use the Capucins to secure a papal decree to establish the succession in his male line. ln 1651 Giovanni Francisco da Roma had returned to Kongo with the news that the Propaganda Fide had deferred the matter pending an episcopal report. Meanwhile, the Portuguese restoration of Luanda raised the vexed problem of the patronage of the Church in Kongo, and this prevented the Propaganda Fide from sending a bishop or even a Capucin prefect ;,vith the faculties of bishop. By 1652 it had become apparent that Garcia would have to find another means of

· the succession for his son.58

relatively favourable politicai conditions Garcia to press the matter of the succession. By then Garcia's

manoeuvring had ensured that aU the nuclear pro­governors except Sonyo vvere his appointees. All but the

mani l14pemba and perhaps the ma1Ú lesser patrilineal categories. Three them were marriage or about to become so. Henrique, mani W-'~'<•aHJ'In<.

RESTORATION AND DESTRUCTION 1!»8-!665 !73

non-Afonso and was married to his daughter.59 Pedro de Lagrimas was maní Nsundi. 60 The maní Mbata was probably a certain J\1anuel who was married to Garcia's niece.61 Álvaro, mani A1pemba, was a Mubica Afonso with a clear interest in the throne, but he was currently negotiating a marriage alliance between his daughter and the proposed heir. The mani Mpangu is unknown but appears to have posed no problem. Sonyo remaíned in rebellion, but since the mani would not participate in any proceedings in J\1Ibanza Kongo, the danger from there appeared minimal.

Favourable developments in Garcia's foreign relations also encouraged him to press the matter of the successíon. ln the latter part of 1656 Garcia received the news thatJoão IV had acceded to his request ofJanuary 1656. It was said that he had agreed to expel the Capucins and replace them with Portuguese Franciscans. Most importantly, it was said that he had accepted Garcia's account of affairs in Luanda and ordered the arrest and repatriation of the Luanda governor.62 This appeared to remove ali danger of a Luanda invasion on the one hand and Capucin support for the dissident nobles on the other.

I n the latter part of 1656 or eady 165 7 Garcia summoned the provincial, title-holders to Mbanza Kongo. He sent special orders to Alvaro, mani 1Hpemba, to attend. He assembled all the J\!Iwissikongo in the great square and then, with due solemnity, h e ordered them each, individually, to swear that his eldest son, Afonso, should succeed to the throne. This was unprecedented. Garcia made an especial point ofthe oath ofthe three Mubica Afonso hrothers. The Capucins noted that the brothers complied 'more for fear of violence than from wish and desire'. 63

The forced oath to Afonso triggered the rebellion of 165 7. 64

The prime mover was Pedro the 'youngest and most ardent' of Mubica Afonso brothers. He ""'as supported by Mvvissikongo

friends of the sarne age. There is no real evidence that the other brothers knevv of or supported the rebeHion. Pedro determined to stab Garcia on Holy Thursday when he went to visit the graves. Garcia learnt of the conspiracy from one of the plotters. H e ·waited until the appo:ínted day and then ordered the arrest ofPedro, Lazaro, and theotheryouths. Hesenta message to

in lvlbanza Mpemba. The mani town and ordered to

H THE KINGDO!I:! OF KONGO

surrender. Alvaro assured him that he w·as innocent, that Pedro would exonerate him and that he would go voluntarily to Mbanza Kongo. The mani Mbamba accepted his word and departed. Alvaro left for Mbanza Kongo but then, fearing the 'vengeful soul of the king', turned west into Kiova which was controlled by the rebelled mani Sonyo.

Alvaro's defection to Sonyo caused the rebellion to escalate. The mani Sonyo welcomed him. Álvaro consolidated his position with about 5,000 archers and 100 musketeers that he had brought from Mpemba. H e warned Garcia that if he did not pardon and reinstate Lazaro and Pedro he would deprive him of his crown and his life. Many discontented Mwissikongo left Mbanza Kongo to join him. They included two of Garcia's nephews, probably the sons of Álvaro VI. ln 1\,fbanza Kongo, Pedro confessed, but exonerated everyone else. Garcia executed Pedro, Lazaro, certain nephews of theirs and ali their suspected supporters. He felt so insecure that he replaced his normal guard with armed Portuguese.

At this point, Luanda invaded. The replies to Garcia's letter of 1655 had arrived one week after Garcia learnt ofPedro's plot. The earlier news of João lV's favourable reaction had proved premature. João's initial orders had been delayed and Luanda officials and sympathizers had persuaded him to revoke them.65

He withdrew the decree against the Capucins and the order to imprison the governar. An earlier decree of 1655, which permi tted the entry of non-Spanish Capucins who passed by way of Lisbon, now stood.66 Then, on João's death, the new Queen Regent acceded to a request made by the governar Sousa Chichorro in September 1656. Chicharro had complained that the mani i\1bamba welcomed fugi tive Portuguese slaves and used them in the war against Sonyo. ln view of João's strict

against \Var he had asked permission to punish the marú A1bamba. The Queen Regent licensed the governor to convoke a council to decide the matter. The council \Vas to

the Vicar-General of Luanda, the superiors of the religious orders and all the captains and officials of the cit)l.

67

Only the religious superiors opposed the war. However, the governor hesitated to attack, since he was of men and munitions. lnstead, he demanded the return of the fugitive Portuguese slaves which he alleged Garcia had settled near

RESTORo\TION AND DESTRllCTION l6+!H665 l75

Mbanza Kongo, and an end to the exorbitant taxation of Portuguese traders. If Garcia did not fulfil these demands within two months he would attack. At this moment Álvaro, mani Mpemba, asked Chicharro to support his claim to the throne. Chicharro could not resist such an opportunity and invaded.68

The weakness of the Portuguese forces saved Garcia. They crossed the Dande and marched to Mbumbe. They considerably outnumbered the mani 1l1bumbe's forces and defeated them in a briefbattle. The mani Mbumbe retired across the River Loje into the lands directly controlled by his overlord, the mani Aibamba. The Portuguese forces occupied Mbanza Mbumbe but, after some discussion, decided not to cross the Loje. The chief captain said that they had not come to conquer Kongo but to punish the king for his bad behaviour. ln fact the army was too qepleted and exhausted to proceed with the attack. Meanwhile, Alvaro left the security of Kiova and passed through 1\.·fbamba to join the Portuguese in Mbumbe. The mani lv/bamba am­bushed him at the River Mbrije and executed him. Garcia wrote to Sousa Chichorro. H e excused himselffrom the charges made against him, promised to keep peace and friendship and to remit the fugitive slaves. The govemor ordered the army to retire to Luanda.69

The Mubica-Luanda defeat of 1657 greatly strengthened Garcia internaliy. His son's principal rivais were dead and ali the provincial governorships except Sonyo were in the hands of his a ppoin tees. Y et paradoxícally, Afonso did not succeed to the throne. Garcia's second son António appears to have convinced Garcia that Afonso was plotting against him. The circumstances are undear. Afonso's dose association with the discredited Capucins probably contributed to his downfall. ln the later l650s, Garcia appointed António to Mpangu, the least of the inner provincial govemorships. "i\s a result ofGarcia's policy of exduding l\Ionso from these offices, António thus became the

provincial govemor váth a daim to the throne. From Mpangu António pursued an active policy undoubtedly designed to secure the succession. \1\íhen Garcia died in 1661 António

nnooit;"', nf "'""'"'t;.,,., ctrPnírlb to seize t11e thrcme and kiU

Despi te outcome of the events of 1657, the

176 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

Queen iv:Iother's decision in favour of- Luanda was a major blow. Only three factors now prevented Luanda invasion: military weakness, the danger of a Dutch o r Spanish attack, and the reluctance of the Luanda residents and of the troops to prosecute the war. ln 1659 a new governar declared war on Kongo. In the specially convened council only the newly arrived Capucin prefect demurred.71 However, the demoral­ized troops and resídents refused to sustaín the attack.72 ln 1663 another governar, André Vidal de Negreiros, sent an army against the Ndembu. It defeated Nambo a Ngongo and Kakulu Kahenda but was, by then, totally exhausted.73

António I sought to retrieve the situation by making a new appeal to Lisbon. ln 1662 he succeeded in dispatching letters. H e revived the allegation that Luanda was conspiring with the Capucins and Spain. He asked Afonso VI to arder the governar to return hís lands and to send a new governar who would reform the infantry. António had intended to send an ambassadorwith the letter but the governar refused permission.74 This letter, like Garcia' s Ietters of 1655, failed. Supporters rallíed to the defence of the Luanda authorities and, despi te the council's doubts, the king finally decided to take no heed of António's complaints?5

The final confrontation began in the latter part ofl663 when rumours of an imminent Castillian attack on Luanda encouraged António to attempt to rally the Ndembu against the Portuguese. H e wrote repeatedly to the governar, André Vidal de Negreiros, demanding the return ofthe Ndembu lands andoftheislandof Luanda.76 According to Luanda reports he also sent 'incessant' messages to the Ndembu. H e informed them that, on his orders, the mani Loango had contacted the Castillians and a Spanish armada would arrive at any moment to destroy the Portuguese for ever. If the Ndembu did not obey him rather than Luanda they would suffer the sarne fate.77

Ear!y in 1664 Negreiros revived the matter of the Kongo mines.78 They had been discussed Kongo, Luanda, and various European powers throughout the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Garcia had ceded them to Portugal in the original Treaty of 1649 butJoão IV had deleted the dause from the ratified treaty. The parlous state of t:he Luanda Prnnnmv no;,v caused Negreiros to revive the matter. The slave

failed to recover from the dfects of the Dutch

I'ORTUGUf::SE RESTORATION ANDDESTRUCTION !648--1665 !77

occupation and the perpetuai wars of the 1650s, and the residents had become increasingly reluctant to support the governors in their slave raiding expeditions. The residents had obtained decrees from both João IV and the Queen Regent exempting them from the obligation offighting offensive wars in the interior.79 They had already complained to Afonso VI of Negreiros's wars.80 The mines were a specific objective which at best might enrich the whole community and at least could provide a basis for a copper currency.

The King of Portugal had been the principal restraint on Luanda aspirations. João IV had opposed Salvador Correia's suggestion of a copper currency which, he thought, would have unfortunate repercussions on international currency tran­sactions.81 ln December 1663, however, Afonso VI acceded to the Luanda arguments and authorized the opening of copper mines on the coast. ln November 1664, he instructed Negreiros to send full details of the proposed workings. Negreiros used this instruction to persuade the Luanda camera to support the opening of the Kongo mines. He argued that they would be easier to exploit than the other knm~;'n mines in Benguela. A fortress couid be built to guard the mines, keep the trade routes open, and keep the Ndembu subject. The camem authorized Negreiros to proceed as soon as the danger of Castillian invasion passed.82

Devdopments in Kongo facilitated Negreiros's plans. The pmvince of \Vandu, which controlled the mines, had become inc:reasing!y independent of Mbanza Kongo. ln the early sixteenth century the mani K(mgo had appointed the governo r of

from amongst the l\1wissikongo. The establishment of Portuguese Luanda and the growth of the slave trade through

Ndembu had strengthened the province, and in the mid­seventeenth century the mani vVandu was normally elected

and only confirmed by the mani Kongo. ln the mid­seventeenth century, Kongo, Nzinga, Luanda, and the local

group, struggled for power. Nzinga invaded in 1650. The unruPrnnr was killed and t\"'0 ofhis brothers or cousins disputed

The younger succeeded. The elder went to .t'>...vugo, sought Garcia's support, and married one of

mani vVandu and and l~<ith his

l78 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

supporters founded a large to-vvn on the border with Mpemba. He died in the mid-1650s. Another brother sought Garcia's support and with his aid seized power.83 In 1663 a new mani Wandu refused to recognize António's overlordship. António invited Nzinga to subject the province. She defeated the governor and took his wife, a son, and some of the principal nobles prisoner.84 In 1664 the new mani JiVandu questioned António's authority. The mani lvlbamba appears to have defeated him and he fled to Mbwila. From there, he sent a messenger to Negreiros offering to reveal the location of the mines in return for reinstatement. Negreiros could not send the arm y, for i t was dep1eted and the danger of a Castillian invasion remained. However, he sent the chief captain to Mbwila to secure the mani Wandu's safety, verifY his statement and, if possible, obtain samples.85

ln 1664 António and Negreiros engaged in a lengthy written dispute concerning the legitimacy of the Luanda daim to the Kongo mines.86 The cathedra1 chapter presented António's case. They used the documerits in the Mbanza Kongo archives to prove that Sebastião had declined Álvaro II's offer of the mines and thatjoão IV had deleted the later cession from the treaty ofl649.

On 15 April 1665 the camera agreed to Negreiros's proposal that they execute the orders of the King ofPortugal and seek the copper mines. The legal debate continued.87 On 13 July 1665 António dedared war. He ordered ali the able bodied men of Kongo to enlist with their superiors in order to defend their 'lands, possessíons, women and children, their lives and their liberties'.88 All the nuclear provincial govemors obeyed, induding the rnani Sotryo. So did some of the outer provincial govemors, notably those of the south. According to the Portuguese the Kongo army numbered There 'Nere 190 mulatto musketeers and twenty-nine Portuguese residents

Kongo. There were two priests, António's mulatto chaplain, and the mulatto Capucin, P. Francisco de São Salvador. The latter attended against the orders ofhis prefect. António took all the nearest potential daimants to the throne, the roval insígnia, the archives, · · ·

provisions. After boxes of rich goods, rn·o boxes of precious

PORTUGUESE RESTORATION ANDDESTRUCTION !648--!665 !79

royal crown and sceptre and a staff inlaid with silver, a great quantity of cloth brought to pay for the war, and food, cattle and sheep. According to one source, 150,000 porters accompanied the army.

António intended to defend the mines, restore his authority amongst the Ndembu and drive the Portuguese into the sea. He sent the mani Kina and a company of mulatto musketeers to garrison the mines of Mbembe, and proceeded towards Mbwila. He sent an ambassador to the regent of Mbwila, Isabel, who had sworn allegiance to Portugal the preceding year. Isabel sent the ambassador to Luanda and asked the governor for aid. António subjected many ofMbwila's vassals and the general of Mbwila passed to his side. Isabel and the pombeiros that resided at her court fled to a mountain fastness.

On 29 October 1665 the Portuguese forces joined those of Isabel, and on 30 October, António met them in battle. António had calculated that the rain, which had begun to fall, would prevent the Portuguese from using their superior fire-power. H e was mistaken. H e was killed together with most of the principal title-holders. Of the seven remaining major nuclear provincial governors four- 11ibamba, filsundi, Mbata, and lt1pemba- died. So did important court officials - the overseer of the king's possessions, the chambedain, the chief secretary, the private secretary, and the mulatto Capucin, P. Francisco de São Salvador. A.hogether ninety-five tide-holders died and 400 other l\i[wissikongo. Kongo losses totalled 5,000. The Portu­guese also took tvvo of António sons and two sons of his dead brother Afonso. The Portuguese Iosses were minimal. 89

2. and the mJiz,al tlze indigetwus

2.1 Luanda control of the Christian cult

The Portuguese restoration proved as disastrous for Garcia's religious policy as it had been destructive of his economic and politicai position. H e immediately lost control of the diocesan structure. The Portuguese archdeacon whom Garcia had kept

Jptf>rrn;n~ to

180 THE KINGDOivf OF KONGO

ignored the concession which the Kings of Spain had made to the Kings of Kongo. They appointed new dignitaries and canons to the Kongo vacancies.91 These were usually Portuguese and they preferred to reside in Luanda. By 1653 ali the dignitaries lived in Luanda. By 1657 five Portuguese canons also lived there and one lived in Massangano. Only two ofthe new canons, a mulatto and an African, chose to reside in Mbanza Kongo. The parish priests, too, gravitated to the Portuguese territories. ln 165 7 there may still have been one in Kongo; there were fifteen in Angola.92 The members of the cathedral chapter that remained in Mbanza Kongo failed to retain authority over their Angolan based colleagues. The latter appealed to Portugal on important issues.93 ln the later l650s or early l660s they elected one of their number to be vicar.94

They and the Luanda residents appealed to the King ofPortugal to move the See from Mbanza Kongo to Luanda and in 1656 they began to build a proto-cathedraP5 Garcia could no longer con trol the diocese through the chapter at São Salvador.

The Portuguese restoration also gave the members of the chapter resident in Mbanza Kongo a new measure of indepen­dencc. ln 1653 the Vicar of São Salvador died and Simão de Medeiros took his place.96 H e and his brother Miguel de Castro dominated the chapter in Mbanza Kongo. They were Garcia's men but ambitious for wealth and power. During the Dutch occupation they had depended entirely on Garcia for material and politicai support. Now they received a stipend from the Luanda governor and they cou!d depend upon hím in any confrontation \Vith the king. They used the situation to emich themselves. On any occasion which direcdy or threatened or touched the ecdesiastica! jurisdiction d1ey declared an interdict and closed the church immediately subject to them. They did thís every three or four months

to pay them the money he gave in sought a pretext immediately

in return for aims, they informed the devotees that a certain church would be open at a certain time. Only people

priva te knowledge would be able to hear mass.'n This practice undermined Garcia's control and religious policy.

The Portuguese restoration caused the mulatto canons and

PORTUGUESE RESTORATiON AND DESTRUCTION HH

dignitaries who resided in Mbanza Kongo to turn against the Capucins and attempt to undermine the Capucin policy. Portugal still held the patronage of the Church in Kongo and they feared that a Portuguese bishop might deprive them of office.98 The Luanda authorities had written evidence of the support they had given the Dutch and Nzinga, they had admitted the Capucins in defiance ofPortuguese patronage and they lived in a notorious state of concubinage.99 11oreover, although the King ofKongo paid them fifty cofos of nzimbu shell money in lieu of tithes, the King ofPortugal paid their stipend through the Governar of Luanda. They had received nothing during the Dutch occupation and there was a clear danger that the new Portuguese governor would refuse to pay them now. 100

They very much needed to establish their image as loyal supporters of PortugaL They already resented the Capucins' extraordinary influence in 1~Ibanza Kongo and the Capucins' criticisms of their lives and fonns of ritual. 101 \Vhilst Garcia dominated the Church they had been forced to 'give freely to them injurisdiction, charity and alms'. Now they refused them every povver.102 The Propaganda Fide resolved one item of dispute but the basic conflict remained. 103

Injune 1649 António do Couto became Rector ofthejesuit College in Mbanza Kongo, 104 and h e, too, undermined Garcia's Capucin policy. Hewas the only residentjesuit priest. H e was assisted by a series of lay brothers, one of whom died after seventeen days and another after nine. 105 Do Couto was a mulatto and a native of Luanda. One grandmother was an African slave, his mother a mulatto. His father was probably Portuguese. H e was bom in 161 O and entered the Society in

. H e seems to have spent most of the next two decades in Portugal. 106 He was weH educated and intelligent and had publ:ished a condensed catechism in Kimbundu based on a manuscript prepared by a former ItalianJesuit. 107 H e returned to Africa permanently in 1648 and was soon appointed Rector of the College at Mbanza Kongo. H e remained there, with brief visits to Luanda, until 1660.108 He spoke Kikongo109 and appears to have li,ied as blameless a life as Roboredo and the Capucins

. . ... no He

and H e

132 THE KINGDOI\,f OF KONGO

censured the whites for their depredations and persecutions. At the same time do Couto was influenced by his Portuguese expericnce and took pains to emphasize his Portuguese ancestry. He was dedicated to the Society and probably influenced by the LuandaJesuits, who regarded the Capucins as interlopers and rivals.lll Do Couto reacted to the Luanda Jesuits and to his own Portuguese predilections by adopting a firm anti-Capucin position.

Tbe restoration also undermined Garcia's control of the Capucin mission. lt created an alternative and more attractive base to which they could withdraw if necessary. Luanda possessed European comforts which contrasted with the appalling hardships the Capucins suffered in the Kongo provinces. 112 It provided a reliable means of communicating with Europe and so of lessening the aching sense of isolation which tbe Capucins otherwise suffered.113 Luanda was the only port which was regularly visited by European and especially Catbolic ships to provide flour for the host and wine for the mass. 114 Luanda also offered politicai support. The Capucin prekct Giacinto da Vetralla concluded that 'without the arms and favour of tbe Portuguese, it is impossible to persist in this mission, still less to obtain copious fruit. For when the Portuguese deny us aid and favour, the aid and favour of the indi~enous powers is not sufficient. lf they aid us then the malevolence of the indigenous powers does not prevail and the mission remains stable.' 115

The emphasis of the mission slowly changed from Mbanza Kongo to Luanda. ln 1649 Bonaventura da Sardenia vvent to Luanda to negotiate the Kongo-Portuguese treaty. He made a good impressionY6 The govemor, wishing to observe them more dosely, invited the prefect to establish a mission. The prd(:ct agreedY' ln 1651 the people ofMassangano asked for missionaries and a mission >vas established there too. us The Capucins' zeal and charity contrasted strikingly ""''ith the general behaviour ofthe other priestsu9 and the govemor and camera wrote to Lisbon repeatedly in their favour.

120

tvleamvhile, the Capucins sought to establish their credentials >vi th the King of PortugaL I n 1649 the prefect \vrote to João IV assuring him of the Capucins' loyaJty. In a new prefect apologized to João for the third mission's departure via Spain

I'ORTUGUESE RESTORATION AND DESTRUCTION !643-!665 !33

and asked him to license the Capucins to pass to Kongo­Angola. João agreed on condition that they were not Spaníards and that they passed through Lísbon. He confirmed the decree in 1655. 121 The Propaganda Fide sent no Spanísh missíonaríes after 1648 and sent them ali through Lísbon and Luanda after 1654.

The restoration nullified Garcia's appeal to Rome. The ambassadors presented Garcia's obedience to the Pope in May, 1648. The Propaganda Fide then approved Garcia's request for a crown blessed by the Pope, indulgences, and an exorcism agaínst the locusts. Garcia's most important requests, however, had been for decrees in favour ofhis patrilineal descent group. The Propaganda Fide decided that it could not grant these wíthout an episcopal report. 122 Meanwhile, both Spain and Portugal daimed tbe patronage of the Church in Kongo. 123 The Propaganda Fide attempted to obvia te the problem by appoínting a Spaniard as archbishop with title in par-tibus irifidelium. News of the Portuguese restoration made this impolitic. 124 The Propaganda Fide then adopted a Capucin suggestion that they senda Capucin \vith faculties ofbishop and authority over the diocesan as well as the Capucin structures. 125 They encountered difficulties in drafting the additional faculties and decided to s.end Giacinto da Vetralla with a letter and Brief from the Pope, a reply to Garcia's letter, and the simple faculty ofPrefect. They intended to send the other faculties after him. Giacinto wrote repeatedly for these faculties. However, as Portuguese infiuence increased, the proposal became increas­. · impractical and Giacinto received neither the facultíes nor a reply. 126 At the sarne time Spanish influence prevented the Pope from confirming Portuguese bishops. 127 Garcia's

requests, which had been deferred pending a report by the or apostolic administrator, >vere abandoned. The

Portuguese restoration thus destroyed Garcia's hopes of using Pope to strengthen the position of his patrilineage and to

establish the succession within it. A final major effect ofthe Portuguese restoration was to turn

the Capucin presence into a serious politicalliability. Salvador Correa was less antagonistic to the than the survivors

ofl649

li H THE KINGDO!\í OF KONGO

succcssfully wooed him and many other Portuguese. However, a scction ofthe Portuguese, led by thejesuits and the members of the Third Order of St. Francis, remained opposed. They frequently revived the allegation that the Capucins were conspiring with Spain. 128 As a result the Capucin presence prm·ided an ever present excuse for Luanda to invade Kongo.

A striking example ofthis occurred in 1651, when Giovanni Francisco da Roma returned with the replies to the embassy of 1651 . 129 He arrived through Mpinda with Spanish missionaries in a Spanish boat and with the authority ofthe King ofSpain. The ncws reverberated through Kongo and Angola and the governar wrote to Garcia threatening war. Garcia was deeply embarrassed for he knew that da Roma brought a pontifical letter, a crown blessed by the Pope, an exorcism against the locust, and indulgences. Garcia proceeded with the coronation anel the exorcism, against the opposition of do Couto and the cathcdral chapter. From the day following the coronation, he trcated the Capucins coldly. He examined their baggage and askcd da Roma to explain publicly why he had violated the treaty of 1649 by travelling to Kongo without the authority of the King ofPortugal. H e informed the Governar ofLuanda that he was 'an absolute king andas such had been crowned by the Popc'. Da Roma wrote to the governar repeating his public explanation. Luanda did not attack, but this was the result of mil i tary weakness rather than lack of will. A similar crisis arose in Fcbruary 1653, when Garcia's Capucin ambassador of 1649, Bona ventura da Sorrento, arrived at Luanda in a Spanish boat from Cadiz. 130

2.2 The difference between the King's and the Capucins' concepts of their roles

j 648 the rdations bet-ween Garcia and the Capucins ""'ere, in axw case, becoming strained as the Capucins began to learn the

of reiigious beiief and practice in Kongo. Garcia, issikongo generaHy, had auempted to impede these

their predecessors, had attempted to the Christian priests'

PORTUGUESE RESTORA TION ANO DESTRUCTION

was reluctant to persecute them or evento permit the Capucins to doso. He told one Capucin, 'I cannot give such orders for these people would not obey me. When the prelate comes he will give the necessary orders and I will fulfil them. ' 131

According to Giacinto da Vetralla, the king and other titled people were too intimidated to give the Capucins more than a secret licence to persecute the nganga. 132 For some four years Garcia II and the whole Mwissikongo group maintained a conspiracy of silence concerning the most important of the indigenous religious practitioners - the kitome. These were the 'holy things ofKongo', the 'secrets ofthe kingdom'. Garcia even withdrew pupils whom he feared might reveal these secrets. Garcia's sister and maternal aunt, who were both devoted to the Capucins, severely condemned the Mwissikongo youth who they believed, ultimately informed the Capucins of their existence. They believed that if the kitome were dismissed, the king would die and misfortune sweep the land. 133

The ultimate failure of Garcia and the Mwissikongo to conceal the complexities ofKongo religious practice \v-as due, in l\,ibanza Kongo, to the tendency of the Mwissikongo most intímately associated with the Capucins to redefine the Capucins' role in tern1s akin to that ofthe kitome. Garcia himself had elevated the status of the Capucins and many of them were exceptional men. l\1ore importandy, certain aspects of the Canucin's behaviour associated them with the mbumba di~ension. ln particular, the Capucins of the early missions stricdy adhered to the Franciscan ideal of poverty, refusing payment for their services and accepting only suffi.cient alms to sustain them. They therefore differed dramatically from the normal nganga of the nkadi mpemba dimension, induding the diocesan priests and the Jesuits, who always charged a con­siderable fee their services. They appeared more akin to the

received alms ín recognition of their status but not payment for services. \Vhen the Capucins discovered that the Mwissikongo interpreters not only interpreted selectively, but

demanded payment on their behalf against their orders their knmvled!!e. they redoubled their efforts to

priest, Roboredo. 134 By to dispense

lU6 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

their refusal to accept payment was made evident to alL ln the light of this, some interpreters, students from the school, mem bers of the congregations and penitents carne to regard the Capucins as something more than the mani Kongo)s nganga, and it was they who informed the Capucins of the complexities of religious practice in Kongo.136

vVhen, in the latter part of 1648, the Capucins began to evangelize the provinces, they knew the language, travelled alone or with a fe-vv youths from the school, and Iearnt more about Kongo religion. Few of the provincial Mwissikongo govenors had experienced the I'vlbanza Kongo revi vai of the late 1640s and they were accustomed to the accommodating atti­tudc of the diocesan priests. They faced difficult local problems and they had no wish to exacerba te them by attacking the local religious practitioners. The locally elected governors were even less willing to do so. ln general, therefore, the governors acceptcd the Capucins as nganga of the king. They permitted them to evangelize the provinces in accordance with the king's orders, but did little to help them. The indigenous people sought their services as nganga of the sky nkisi type administering the protective rite of baptism. I\~1eanwhile, the youths of the Capucin school followed their instructions and sought out the innumerable houses of the nganga and even kitome. The Capucins' experience in the provinces strikingly revealed the differences between their own and the Mw-issikongo understanding ofChristianity.137

Ry about 1649 the Capucins had become severely demoralized. :Many members of the first mission wanted to return to Europe. 138 The Prefect informed the Propaganda Fide that the situation in Mbanza Kongo was moderately satis-factory· but that Garcia would not support them in a thorough

abuses. ln the provinces 'the fruit is very the early 1650s one Capucin reported that 'we die

and a thousand times a day in ha-..ring to treat with that appear to lack -vvhat God has conceded to the , 140 and many missionaries only remained because

the P.ropaganda Fide refused to Iicense thern to return.r4r

tensions exacei·bated Propaganda Fide sent a new prefect,

In 1652 the ..TMcunu da VetraUa, to

PORTUGtH:-:sERESTORATION AND DL5TRUCTION i64lH665 !87

Kongo. I t had intended to give him the faculties of a bishop but Portuguese pressure prevented this. Giacinto was authoritarian and perhaps well suited to the role of bishop. H e was totally unsuited to that of simple prefect. H e bitterly resented the lack of episcopal faculties, and hated the rigours of Kongo life. Meanwhile his appointment angered the Kongo-based Capucins. The first prefect had died in 1651 and they had elected a much loved and 1·espected member of the first mission to replace him. 142 They considered Giacinto da V etralla to be grossly inferior in personal qualities as well as totally lacking in experience. 143

2.3 Garcia's fear that the Capucins would use their status in the interests of a rival

Garcia's doubts regarding the mission matched the Capucins' disillusionment. From 1648 onwards, a series of incidents led him to question the wisdom of retaining the Capucins in the kingdom. The Portuguese restoration destroyed most of his plans for the mission and turned the Capucins' presence into a politicalliability. ln 1651 da Roma retumed without the bishop or the decrees regarding the succession. The Capucins added to his fury by atternpting to use the gifts da Roma had brought to blackmail him into dismissing the kiünne and reforming his personai life. Garcia also discovered in da Roma's baggage rich gifts which he believed, erroneously, had been sent to him by the King ofSpain and expropriated by the Capucins. At about the sarne time a Capucin of the second mission returned to Europe. Garcia suspected that he carried a letter from the Capucins asking the Pope to deprive him of the throne. He toyed with the idea of inviting Portuguese Franciscans to replace the Capucins144 and, atone point, appeared detennined to starve them all to death. He is said to have abandoned the persecution because, having convinced the l'v1wissikongo ofthe Capucins' devated status, he now feared they might react in

145 ln March 1652 Garcia 's hopes of the Capu­cins revived 'When the new Capucin Prefect Giacinto da Vetralla arrived in Luanda. He had t:raveHed by -vvay of Lisbon in a

King ofPortu!!al and ''"as Lua;uua. 146 Garcia

UNUV<J and a r~'\.Til!Hr1

lSB THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

brought letters, aJubilee and the faculties ofprefect.1411

He took advantage of the Jubilee but his belief in the Capucins was finally shattered. Soon afterwards, he began to intercept the Capucins' letters and those of their sympathizers. He made frequent changes in the interpreters that served the convent and h e removed certain youths from the school.

149

Garcia became increasingly afraid that the Capucíns would conspire with his rivais to the throne. This fear may have had some foundation. ln 1649 the Capucins considered ways of increasing their influence in Kongo. Bona ventura da Sorrento, Garcia's ambassador of 1649, urged the Propaganda Fide to recommend a ne"v constitution to Garcia. ln addition to the 'four traditional electors' of the kingdom there should be two or three clerics whose vote should be decisive. These clerics would also impose penalties for abuses of the slave trade and act as judges in conflicts between the king and his subjects. In other matters ofjustice the king should act on his own authority but with the counsel of a 'knowledgeable person'. The latter would instruct him in the conduct of such matters and in the kind of penalties he should impose. The king should move the people, who were mainly dispersed in small villages, into towns of 500-600 fires. Each town would have a governar, a church, and a priest.150 These proposals were diametrically opposed to Garcia's ovm policy of strengthening the kingship and estab-

. · ' · his mak l'íne. ln addition, there was a nmt m the >vritings o r one Capucin that the missionaries were at least aware oftreasonabk acrivities.

151

I n the course of the next few years, Garcia suspected the ofbeing involved in a series of conspiracies.152 H e had

begun to suspect the tvvo Mpanzu Afonso women, both called Leonor, shortly before Giacinto da VetraHa's ::~rrival. In

he seized them and a Capucin ;~..,,r The people, fearing to implica te

Capucin church and V etralla warned Garcia that he had exposed mmsen

first that the people would react against him, and, second, that he would incur excommunication under the papal

censured those that impeded the missionaries. accused the three nobles, sentenced them to

privately, to death. However, he feared to proceed

PORTUGUESE RESTOR"\TION AND DESTRUCTION !643-!665 !89

against the Capucins and exonerated them. ln the latter part of 1654 Garcia's suspicions focused on the

mulatto priest, :Manuel Roboredo, who had entered the Capucin order as a novice in August 1652 taking the name Francisco de· São Salvador, and was allied to the Mpanzu Afonso. After Ambrosio's death, Giacinto da Vetralla cut Francisco's noviateship short and licensed him to confess. He was outstandingly successful. Giacinto admitted him to the Order in August 1653 and appointed him confessor-general for the city. His success aroused Garcia's suspicions. He attempted to persuade Giacinto to send Francisco to Nsundi where, as the Capucins suspected, he could arrange his death. Giacinto refused and suggested that he goto Luanda where he would be safe. Garcia, perhaps fearing an extension of the supposed conspiracy, refused. Francisco remained in .i\1banza Kongo \vhere, a year or two !ater, Garcia attempted to discredit him. He failed but seized Francisco's mother's possessions and arranged fm· his nephew to be killed. These were the immediate members ofFrancisco's matrilineage.

Soon after the incident with Francisco, Garcia noticed that two other nobles had begun to frequent the Capucin church. These were tl1e nobles most disaflected by Garcia's rumoured plans for the succession - almost certainly the two ~1ubica Afonso brot:hers, Lazaro and Pedro. I t was this group which led

major rebeHion of 165 7. Garcia increased his efforts to intercept the letters of the Capucins and their sympathizers. The Capucins' status >vas so great, however, that he did not

to ln a new Luanda magistrate to ~i banza Kongo,João da

·dations between Garcia and theCapucins. was Portuguese and is variously described as the iriend.of · ~- · son. H is oooosed the Capucins vociferously. H e

old ones, saying that the Capucins muskets and artiHery in Sonyo. Garcia pressed

Giacinto to withdraw the missionaríes irom the rebelled province. Giacinto refused, increasing Garcia's suspícions. Ho·wever, João da Costa's chief importance was as a

His aooarent svmnathv for

190 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

Luanda as long as the Capucins remained in Kongo. António do Couto and the canons echoed him. 153

For several years Garcia hesitated to take decisive action against the Capucins. His earlier policy of elevating their status had proved only too successful. He could not simply expel them. 154 H is ambivalence was matched by that of the Capucin prekct, Giacinto da Vetralla, who loathed the mission but lacked the licence to withdraw. 155

I t was the externa! threat of 1654 which finally forced Garcia to act against the Capucins. He believed that, having seized Recife, the last Dutch territory in Brazil, the Portuguese would concentrate their military forces in Luanda and that the Capucins would confirm in Portugal the Luanda rumours that he had conspired with Spain. Garcia attempted to prevent the proposed departure ofGiovanni Francisco da Roma for Europe and he intensified his efforts to intercept the Capucins' letters and goods. There was a series of incidents in Mbanza Kongo involving the Capucins and their sympathizers. These culminated in Garcia's letters to the Luanda authorities accusing the Capucins of conspiring with Spain and then to João IV accusing the Capucins and Luanda authorities ofthe sarne conspiracy and asking João to withdraw the Capucins and replace them with Portuguese Franciscans. 156

The history of the Capucin mission to Kongo reached a turning-point in 1654/5 for other reasons, too. A new Capucin mission, which had left by way ofSpain, had landed at Luanda in a Spanish boatjust before Garcia's letters arrived. This had compounded their effect. 157 Giacinto da VetraUa used the furore as an excuse to leave ~fbanza Kongo for Luanda. 158 The Propaganda Fide had designated the new missionaries to N zin ga and Makoko. A council of the senior missionaries •vas to

the new prefects. The Capucins then in Luanda decided to abandon the Makoko mission, which '''ould have had to serviced through Kongo. They elected Serafino da Cartona as

the mission of Nzinga. Giacinto da V etraUa forced to establish the administrative centre ofhis mission at

l'v1assangano and daimed Luanda for the mission of Kongo. 159

He did not return to l'vlbanza Kongo and, after a prolon~ed attempted to ,..,~ithdraw the m:issionaries that

in Kongo. 160 Garcia resisted, for he could not pennit a generai

PORTUGUESE RESTORATION /\l"'iD DESTRUCTION i648-Hi65 19!

withdrawal until the p:roposed Portuguese Franciscans arrived. H e maintained a strict embargo on ali the Capucin movements, despite severe pressure from the Luanda authorities and the threat of excommunication. 161 The Capucins remained in Kongo. This, however, was less the result ofGarcia's obduracy than of their own dislike of Giacinto da Vetralla, their sense of duty, and the sympathy that some of them felt for Garcia's dilemmas. They sent a collective letter of complaint about Giacinto's action to the Propaganda Fide. 162 ln April 1657 Giacinto da Vetralla left, without authority, for Europe. 163

Serafino da Cartona also left without authority injuly 1658. 164

The events ofl654 determined that the Capucin mission, like its earlier seventeenth-century prodecessors, would centre on Luanda and not Mbanza Kongo. The returning Capucins sub­mitted criticai reports in Rome. Serafino da Cartona warned the Propaganda Fide that if they wrote to Garcia they 'should do so cautiously in arder not to make him proud and pretend authority upon the missionaries as happened in the past'. 165

Both Serafino and Giacinto da V etralla criticized Kongo Christianity. 166 Later Kongo prefects always resided in Luanda and in 1662, vvhen the tvw missions were reunited, the joint prefect likewise resided in Luanda. The prefects increasingly indined to the Luanda viewpoint. ln 1665 the Capucin prefect did not oppose the Luanda invasion ofKongo. 167 The emphasis of the Capucin mission turned from Kongo to the Portuguese territories. \'\Then Giacinto da Vetralla arrived in 1652 there were twenty-six Capucins in Kongo and four in Portuguese territories. 168

• ln I 657 when he left, there were only thirteen in Kongo and two of these were in independent Sonyo. There were thirteen Capucins in Portuguese territories and in the lands

as Nzinga and Kassanje that interested them. 169 ln 1662 there were four Capucins in Sonyo and eight in the Portuguese territories. There were only four in Kongo - the mulatto P. Francisco and a lay brother at Mbanza Kongo, anda priest at l'vlbanza Nsundi and at Mbanza Mbamba. 170

The alignment of the Capucin mission with the diocesan authorities and Luanda seriously undermined the mani Kongo's

· · I~d o~

l!l2 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

attempted to assert the kings' ancient claim to wear the cap mpu before the sacrament. 172 The diocesan priests opposed him, and he again felt unable to assert his will, although, rather than submit to theirs, he abandoned the proposed ceremony. ln 1662 h e imprisoned a Capucin who had crossed the border from Sonyo but was obliged to release him at the insistence of another deric. 173 La ter in 1662 h e imprisoned the superior of a new Capucin mission who had brought an Apostolic Brief and lettcrs from the Propaganda Fide. These letters were based on the hostile reports and recommendations of the returned Capucins and the Apostolic Brief reprimanded Garcia for the supcrstitious practices and civil evils of his kingdom. The govcrnor ofLuanda forced António to release the Capucin.

174

2.4 The Capucins' activity in the provinces and the reactions of the indigenous religious authorities

ln the long term, a fourth factor rendered Garcia's Capucin policy impractical. This was that the elevation ofthe Capucins altercd the balance of ideological legitimation which the M wissikongo had developed between the nkad1: mpemba and gra vc-cult dimensions on the one hand and the mbumba dimcnsion on the other. This provided the subject groups w·ith an ideological weapon with which to resist Mwissikongo rule. ln the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries the less elevated, less rigorous, and less numerous priests had conccntrated upon Mbanza Kongo, and their nkadi mjJemba and gran.~ cult role had been balanced by the mbumba-based role of the kitome mani Vunda. ln the provinces, the occasional priests had acted as the mnni Kongo's nganga of the nkadi mpemba and sky spirit type. They administered the protective rite -of baptism and disseminated Christian :nkiri snch as the cross and the

l\1banza Kongo revival supported the Capucins in the

'abuses'. This provoked the subject into an aggressive

PORTUGUES.E RESTORATION AND DESTRUCTION I&HHoo5 !93

affirmation of the indigenous religious institutions and especially of the mbumba-based cults.

The provincial evangelization began in 1648 when the arrival of the second mission raised the Capucins' numbers to thirty. The !ater reinforcements of 1651, 1652, and in some degree that of 1654, maintained approximately this number into the later 1650s. The Capucins established mission stations in ali the nuclear provincial capitais except Mpangu and Wembo; that is to say, in Nsundi, Mbata, Mpemba, Mbamba, and Wandu. A mission had been established in Sonyo in 1645 and from there the Capucins established stations in Kiova and Matari. They also established a station at Nkusu. The missions of vVandu, Kiova, Matai, and Nkusu were soon abandoned. The others were fairly constantly manned and used as bases from which to visit the sub-provincial and some of the outer provincial capitalsY5 Garcia provided interpreters and an open letter of introduction ordering the governors to admit the Capucins, listen to them, and oblige the people to do the same. 176

ln the early 1650s only two tovv'ns experienced revivais similar to those of Mbanza Kongo and Mbanza Sonyo. These were :Mbanza ~1pemba177 and l\líbanza Nsevo in Nsundi. 178

Both governors had been members oftheCapucin congregation at the capital and the population ofboth towns consisted ofthe .f\1wissikongo relatives and followers whom the governors had brought with them. The governors encouraged the cult and helped the Capucins to establish schools, observances, and congregations. Elsewhere the Capucins received little support. lndeed in Nkusu, where the governar was no longer a central appointee, an open conflict developed between the governar and the Capucins and Garcia had to intervene. 179

By the later l650s ali the provincial govemors were the products of the ~1banza Kongo revivaP80 and, with Capucin guidance, they sought to propaga te the cult in their capitais and countryside. 181 They normally took some 200 relatives and supporters to the provincial capitals. 182 As a result the capitais constituted islands of.f\1wissikongowho invariab1y followed the governors into ardent Christian affinnation. In Sonyo, which had been · · evan.!!:elized in sixteenth and

!9-t THE KING DO~! Of KONGO

mani S01~/'0 appointed Mwissikongo Christian governors at a much lower levei than the mani Kongo and the Capucins of Mbanza Sonyo accompanied them during their provincial tours. This took the evangelization to the equivalent of the sub-provincial and district levei in Kongo. It produced a more thorough evangelization than in Kongo and permitted the devclopment of relatively sophisticated ecclesiastical structures in thc !ater seventeenth century. 184

The evangelization of the provinces undermined the governors' relations with the subordinate groups. The Capucins insisted that the Christian governors marry and reject ali concubines. This destroyed the íntegrative devíce whereby the governors receíved concubines from each of the índigenous chicfs. The chíldren of these groups had belonged to M wissikongo patrilineal descent categories as \'li' eH as to the local kanda. The Capucíns also urged the governors to suppress the local religious institutions and force the subject chiefs to reject their concubines. Such activities inevitably provoked a reaction against both the Christian religion and the Mwissikongo admínístration. ln 1648 the mani Mbata ordered his governors to obey the royal orders and aid the Capucins. Hmvcver he refused to do more. He believed that enforcement wou!d produce disorder. 185 ln \Vandu 'many' people warned the governar that the Capucins, in attempting to break the old customs, threatened the security ofthe state.186 The governors of the l\e1 banza Kongo revi vai acceded to the Capucins' request to force change. The results were invariabiy disastrous. The mani A1pemba ordered his subordinate governors to marry under threat of deprivation. This led to complaints that the Capucins sought to disturb the ancient customs and use their rites to divide and thereby subject the country. Soon after, there vvas a

rebellion.187 ln Nsevo, Nsundi, the go,,ernor ordered his governors to marry. The Capucin concerned 'con­local baptized and married him. He then

stone on v.,hich the the mountainside.

In 1652 a

PORTUGUESE RE.STOR:\TION Al~D DESTRUGTION l&HHti65 !95

Except in the case ofNsevo, there is no direct evidence that the religious confrontation caused these politicai difficulties. Other factors were undermining the integrity ofthe kingdom and the provinces. Nevertheless the religious confrontation certainly exacerbated the problem, providing a symbol for both l\lhvissikongo repression and local rebellion.

The Capucins exacerbated the situation, especially during their provincial tours. ln 1648 Garcia is said to have given the Capucins a secret licence to bum the houses of the nkisi and of the indigenous nganga. 190 The Capucins burnt the nkisi ruthlessly. The indigenous nganga and their supporters always outnumbered the Capucins, for in this period the Capucins were only accompanied by an interpreter and, !ater, by a few youths of the schooL However, faced with the wrath of these royal nganga and potential practitioners of kindoki, they invari­ably fled. 191 The Capucins' activities nevertheless provoked profound reactions. An nkadi mpemba type nganga offered ali his wealth in exchange for his instruments. Men and women wept at the f.:1.te of their 'idols', snatched their buming embers from the flames or carefully gathered the ashes. 192 Sometimes their own sense of outrage led them to attack the Capucins or their helpers. The worst incident occurred in Mbata, in 1652, when the Capucin Georges de Geei intervened in some rites and attempted to smash and bum the nkisi. The people beat him anda few days Iater, he died. 193 Garcia issued a prodamation­perhaps as much for European consumption as Kongo. He stated that he had sentenced the culprits to slavery and that he would punish any governor or principal person vvho failed to aid the Capucins. No one should impede the destruction of the i dois and the persecution ofthe 'false priests and deceivers'- H e senta copy of the proclamation to each of the missionaries. 194 ln about ] 652 the Capucins embarrassed Garcia by seizing a

They trusted a rviwissikongo to take him to :rvfbanza Kongb 'so that the king could see ·what he had in the kingdom' _

M:v;,;issikongo, undoubtediy wishing to avoid the unpn:;asanl: task of embarrassing the king, Iet him escape. 195

series of disasters reinforced the zeal ofboth the Christian A sense of social

i96 THE KINGDOI\,1 Of KONGO

Kongo had been populous. 'Kongo is no longer Kongo', they said. 196 ln the 1640s many people died in the Portuguese wars; others died in the repeated wars with Sonyo. ln 1649 the Portuguese ravaged many of the southern Ndembu states and in 165 7 they occupied Mbumbe. ln 1648 and 1650197 Nzinga invaded Wandu and took many people as slaves. ln about 1651 an unknown pagan neighbour invaded Nkusu. 198 Throughout the l650s people from the north bank of the Zaire sporadically invaded Nsundi. 199 Natural disasters compounded the human ones. Locusts devastated most of Kongo in 1642, 1643, 1648, and 1651. They struck south-western Kongo in 1653 and 1654 and many provinces in 1658, 1662, and 1664.200 ln 1655 there was plague. I t dragged on through 1656 and 165 7. According to one Capucin commentator it halved the population. ln 1659 it returned with renewed force. ln 1662 another illness, not plague, ravaged Mbanza Mpangu.201 ln Kongo terms, the cumulative disasters could indicate severa! things. They could mean the people were out of harmony with the mbumba dimension of the other world. ln this cas·e the people needed to follow the laws of the kitome more dosely orbe initiated into the kimpassi sect. I t could mean that the ancestors of the kanda were angry, in which case the corpses had to be reburied according to the rites of atombola. It could mean that the Christian priests, were practising kindoki- w·itchcraft- ra ther then protecting the people against it. Meanwhile the Capucins and the Christian governors attributed the disasters to God's anger at the superstitious practices or to the kindoki o[ the indigenous groups.

I n the la ter l650s and early l660s kimpassi and alombola proliferated. The kimpassi sect achieved great power. The Capucins knew kimpassi in 1649.202 However, it was not until the later 1650s that they noted numerous endosures throughout the nuclear kingdom. One Capucin described · ·as 'an extremely secret and redoubtable society; more redoubtable even than the Ministers of the Holy Inquisition are amongst us

chief, however great, has power over t:hem. They are convinced that if they mark theír opposition to them thev w:ill die from their magicai influences.' Another, also la ter period, noted that it was 'inc:redible the fear thal: this secl:, even the authorities ofthe cities in whose jurisdiction it

PORTUGUESE RESTORATíON AND DESTRUGTION l641:Híl65

exists'.203 IV1eanwhile atombola flourished especially in Sonyo and Nsundi.204

The indigenous religious reviva! consciously opposed the Christian cult and the Mwissikongo overlordship. One Capucin, who secretly attended a kimpassi assembly, witnessed 'many blasphemies' and 'saw some apostles deny the faith, the sacraments, redemption and paradise with many oaths of loyalty to the idols and promises to bring as many Christians as possible to apostas7r'. The atombola movement appears to havê been primarily concerned to 'resurrect' the corpses from Christian churches, and rebury them, probably in the traditional woods belonging to the kanda. ln 1663 nganga burnt churches throughout Sonyo, Mbamba, Mpemba, Mbata, Mbanza Kongo, Bengo, and other places. They placed nkisi beneath the threshold of the mani SOl!J'O's notably Christian wife in order, it was said, to kill her.205

ln the early 1660s hvo Mwissikongo Christian governors took drastic action against the resurgent indigenous religious institutions. The first >vas Paulo da Silva mani Sol!}'O. He set guards upon the churches to prevent the remova! of corpses for atombola reburial. He sentenced at least two nganga to death for burning churches, and he punished others severely.206 Under the influences of a Capucin priest, Garcia mani ii1bata ordered the seizure of nkisi throughout the province, burning them in huge bonfires outside the church. He established severe penaities for those who resorted to 'magic' and 'dishonest dances'. He ordered the head ofhis household,João, who was a 'very good Christian and full of zeal for the honour of God' to help the vísiting Capucin discover kimpassi enclosures. They found six near Mbanza l\~1bata. La ter, Garcia and the Capucin chose two of the principal nobles ofMbata as 'defenders of the faith'. These burnt innumerable rzkisi and forty-seven kimjJassi endosures. The Capucín burnt thirteen and the kimpassi initiates, 'terrified by the extreme rigour employed' bumt many others. This activity brought many former kimpassi initiates to

t:he Christian faith. Soon after, Garcia 'Was killed in a

to mmiements.

207

it

193 THE KINGDOM OFKONGO

kimj1assi sect.208 António added to the customary titles of the main Kongo that of 'Iord of the matambulas who interpret the words of the dead people who are restored to life' .209 It is probable that the kings were initiated into these movements, becoming nganga nkita .and nganga atombo/a respectively, and incidentally raising the latter to the status of a public cult. Thus, where mani Kongo from the early sixteenth century onwards had used Christianity and the kitome priestly chiefs as their twin sources oflegitimation, the last two kings of a united Kongo were forced to seek supplementary legitimation from cults which had been antagonistic to the hierarchical model of society represented by both the Christian Mwissikongo and the kitome chiefs. For a while they succeeded, and it seems likely that the extraordinarily large force which met the Portuguese at Mbwila and which included even the mani Sonyo, reflected the strength ofthese popular movements, harnessed briefly, to the mani Kongo's cause. It was in António's Manifesto of\Var that the new title, 'Iord ofthe matambrdas' appeared.210

The battle of Mbwila of 1665, in which most of the eminent M wissikongo were killed, occurred only a few years after the accession of António I and before h e could establish a successor. His death in these circumstances at last unleashed the forces of disintegration. However, the association bet\\feen the Kongo kingship and the cults, which had characterized António's and the later years of Garcia's reign and which had probably contributed to the unity which preceded Mbwila, was to bear important fruit in the period of the civil wars which follovved that defeat.

CHAPTER8

The Later Seventeenth to the Early Twentieth Century

I. The !ater seventeenth to lhe ear/;1 eighteent/z century

The Luanda invasion and the defeat of 1665 did not in itself destroy the Kongo kingdom. The mani Wandu acknowledged Portuguese suzerainty, but the Luanda authorities finally discovered that the mines only contained poor quality copper. Luanda did not occupy the region and did not attempt to exploit the mines until the nineteenth century. 1

The battle ofMbwila was important because it unleashed the forces of disintegration which Garcia and António had, with difficulty, kept in check. ln the centre, a succession dispute raged. On the one hand, tl1e contenders were rival members of the Nlpanzu Afonso, who had formely reckoned descent in the male Iines and had provided most of the kings of the late si.xteenth and early seventeenth century; on the ot~er, they were members of tl1e Nlaza kanda which had provided Alvaro VI and Garcia II. António I had been mwanaNlaza, Child ofNlaza, and a member of neither of these groups. Garcia II had hoped to establish the succession in his male lines, thereby creating a nev,r daimant category, but António had not had time to establish a position for his son. The Mpanzu and Nlaza groups coqlpeted within and ben-veen eàch other, and throughout the la ter seventeenth century the central regiqi1 was riven by wars. 2

ln-tiie~cotirse oftheWars,~Mbanza Kongo was, for a while, abandoned. The capital had been losing its economic and hence

politicai dominance throughout the first half of the seventeenth century. The Portuguese restoration of 1648 had ended the supply of nzimbu shell money and rendered the mani

incapable of exercising his original function of redistribui:Íng pwducts of the 1:\VO nrtmr•cnot

trade through had develooed

20H THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

routc which bypassed Kongo territory and supplied Dutch tradcrs. The southem states of the Ndembu, together with Wandu and other states on the edge of the plateau, had been brought into the orbit of the Luanda traders. ln 171 O a Capucin missionary induded Mbv.rela, Mbwila, the Dande, and Nzinga in 'Angola'.3 ln the decades which followed the battle of Mbwila, the contenders for the throne abandoned Mbanza Kongo a11d established rival capitais 011 the perimeter of the central province of Mpemba. These capitais may have te11ded to he established 011 desce11t group la11ds where resourccs could more easily be mobilized, or on defensible mountains.4 The capital at Lemba (Bula) on the River Zaire, however, which proved the most powerful, controlled an important Vili trader crossing and in 1693 200 Vili resided there.5 ln 1709 one ofthe com peting kings reoccupied Mbanza Kongo but the city never recovered its economic viability.

As the conflict deepened, the Mwissikongo of the centre increasingly used a cognatic mode of dcscent-reckoning to establish a daim to the throne or to alígn themselves to the major contenders. The success of Álvaro VI, Garcia II and the Nlaza kanda in the extra-kanda policies of the mid-seventeenth century had already confused the earlier broad distinction between patrilineal categories which controlled access to poli ti cal office, and matrilineal kanda which controlled access to land. António I's succession reinforced this, since he had to narne his father and then the female lines ofthe Nlaza kanda to establish his dairn to the throne. The succession wars of the late r seventeenth century led to a further shift ín the emphasis of thc Nlaza kanda ideology, and possibly that of other central kanda too, towards the exploitation of agricultura} and military lahour to extra-kanda politicai ends. Concornitantly, the Mpanzu Afonso, hitherto a patrilineai cat:egory, established corporate rights in land in severa! parts of central Kongo and perhaps else\'\'here and used former as bases from which to compete for the throne.6 ~1Ieam'tl·hile, the unstable conditions of the time encouraged people to use the 'individual' mode of

reckoning to establish rdationships with powerful con­tenders and to use t:hem to reside, aUach or detach themsdvcs expediently. ln the Iater seventeenth century the Mwissikongo of centre chose the line, whether straight o:r which

THE LA TER SEVEN1EENTH TO EARL Y TWENTIETH CENTURY 201

suíted them best at any particular time. Normally this was the line which provided them with a Mpanzu or Nlaza descent narne. Thus Pedro Constantino da Silva was a Silva through his father, but he could have claimed the throne through his Mpanzu rnother despite the fact that in the rnid-seventeenth century the ~1panzu had been a patrilineal categorical segment reckoning descent through the rnale lü1e.7 Pedro IV gathered adherents frorn both camps sincc he was Nlaza through his father and Mpanzu through his mother. He clairned the throne as an Nlaza8 despitc the fact that in the rnid-seventeenth century the Nlaza had been a matrilineal kanda. This developrnent was reflected in a forrn of naming, which included both the father's and the rnother's patrilineal names.9 As a result of these developments the terms Mpanzu and Nlaza ceased to refer to a patrilineal category and matrilineal group respectively and carne to refer instead to unstable cognatically derived groups supporting one of the severa! contenders for the throne. V\lith the development of a cognatic mode of descent reckoning, the term Mwissikongo carne, in the central and perhaps in other regions, to indu de any person who could dairn dcscent, whether straight or mixed, from patrilineages or rnatrilineages associated with Mbanza Kongo and who could support their daim vvith status symbols such as slaves and the insígnia ofChristian nobility.

The economic and politicai strength of the contending warlords was based, first, on personal slaves; second, on thc precarious loyalties of Mwissikongo slave-holders seeking personal advancement; third, on individuais and groups seeking protection through dient status, and, fourth, on traders, especially Vili, who purchased the slavcs the wars produced.10

Th_eJJJ1Cj':I~i!l:_CQ.I1clÍtioi1S precluded the developrnent ofs~able administrative systems bevond the immediate vicinity of thc nibanza, towns, and the ~'àrlords carne to depend for their subsistence on slave production and to a lesser extent upon raiding, rather than 11pon tribute provided by the peasant pr()ducers of the countrysige. 11

l!iind~pe,n<:l~l!~ Sonyo a different development occurred. J:h.ere,.the fo:rmer sa~:ª~pifQ!iijiàl c,gtegmy us~d an intensified Dutch and English-Vili tra~k ~tablish itself as a. patri1inea1

monopoiized politicai office and trade based

202 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

wealth. ln the la ter seventeenth century the Silva developed, in addition to the dear identity, dosed membership and presumed perpetuity of the categories, a dear body of common concerns- the government of the newly independent state- and set procedures to deal with them. They thus constituted a corporate group which monopolized ali the major offices of state. 12 Th_<": mani Sonyo, who controlled the sole port ofMpinda, bencfited most from the trade and used his vvealthto control an administration which extended to ktmda and kanda segments and which e.xpropriated agricultura} surplus from peasants throughout thestateas well as salt from the coastal producers. 13

ln 1669 the mani Sonyo imposed his own candidate as maniKongo in l'v!banza Kongo and in 1670 he defeated an invading Portu­guese army. ln 1711 he had fifty field pieces acquired from the Dutch. 14

Disputes ravaged the other provinces of the former Kongo kingdom. ln Nsundi a Mpanzu group ofMwissikongo retained power for a while over a diminished province. 15 ln Mbamba various groups competed for power and sometimes involved themselves in the politics of the kingship. 16 As Mbamba fractured, Sonyo seízed the northern part ofits coas tal terrítory which contained important salt workings. 17 ln Mbata power reverted to the local ruling kanda Nsaku Lau, but was disputed between various groups which usually daimed ?Vfv.rissikongo descent and which vvere sometimes the protégés of competing

18 Many of Mbata's subject pmvinces had already acquired independence as the trade which had linked them through Kongo de Mbata and Mbanza Kongd9 dedined. ln

power had already reverted to local kanda although was disputed between various l\~lwissikongo-deríved

groups.20 The unitary kingdom fragmented. groups of the im.:rt:<:e>mg1

Christian cult to legitimate 1nuously served Capucins;

diocesan priests usuaHy resided in central Kongo; and 1mcins also maintained severa! convents in central Kongo

they visited intermittently. From the centre these priests occasionally visited the other former provinces, especiaUy

which "\•.ras on the Luanda route, and Nsundi.21 These to leritimize rulin!F élite.

THE LA TER SEVENTEENTH TO EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY 203

Christian priests had only begun to invest the kings in 1622,22

contenders for both the mani Kongo and the mani Sonyo titles believed that, to be fully invested, they needed to be crowned by a Christian priest as well as by the local kitome. ln 1696 Pedro IV of Kibangu, in an effort to further his daims, occupied Mbanza Kongo for one night. He took the vicar-general by force to install him on the throne.Z3 The Mwissikongo maintaíned the cult despite a frequent and often normal absence of priests. The rival kings, in particular, assiduously attended church, observed the vigils and feasts of the Christian calendar, wore ali kinds of protective Christian nkisi, learnt the Christian prayers. The old widowed queen, Anna of Nkondo 'by particular privilege' wore the habit ofthe Capucins.24 Some ?v'hvissikongo continued to learn to read and write.25 Mbula (Lemba), the most powerful ofthe rival kingdoms, retained the cult despi te a normal absence of priests. A Capucin who arrived in the late l680s noted that people going on journeys and women going to vvork in the fields said three parts of the Rosal)' at day break. Three hours la ter the 'better sort of people' did the sarne, adding the saints' litany. At night they said the other parts. That year they kept Lent fifteen days before Europe because they regulated it according to the moon. They kept the normàl forty days.26 The l\1wissikongo authorities throughout

kingdom insisted that the priests, when they did visit, focus the rites upon themselves, often conflicting with the more zealous of the Capucins in consequence. 27

ln Sonyo, >•.rhere there was a strong trade-based administration and an almost continuous Capucin missionary presence, the mani So~-p•o encouraged the development of a pmverful Capucin organization which affirmed his legitimacy in terms of 1zkadi

and the graves. Like other diocesan and missionary structures this organization developed the cult of the mani So'!J'o

were located in one of the ~~Ibanza Sonyo focused the rituais upon the living mani So'!J'o, and

people against witchcraft. The Capucins appointed ten 'masters of the church' >vho acted as interpreters, aided tbe confession, and chanted the mass. They >vere ahvays

~ ~ . ~ --sons

204 THE KtNGDOM OF KONGO

oblige them togo to war, or use them in his govemment. They thus paralleled the former cathedral chapter and the proposed Chapei ofStjames at Mbanza Kongo. There were J:v.ro confrater­nities28 which provided the Sonyo élite with a spiritual legitimacy based on the graves of their dead predecessors located in other churches. In the 1680s the Capucins extended their organization into the districts. They placed a young man 'traíned by us and capable of the role' in aH the villages. They gave them the title master, and paid a certain amount each month. The mani So'!yo obliged the people to supplement this

alms.29 Through these Christian masters the mani affinned his nkadi mpemba based protective functions and hence ~is spirituallegitimacy, with respect to aH the people.

Despi te the continued use of Christianity as a legitimating device throughout the region of the former kingdom, however, the political-religious conftícts that had characterized the later period ofthe united kingdom continued. These induded the rift between the twín pillars of M wissíkongo rule, the nkadi mpemba and grave based Christian priests and the mbumba based kitome; the continued Capucin attacks upon indigenous religious practitioners of all types;30 their reluctance to centre the rites upon the Mwissikongo authorities; and the continued potential of the mbumba based cults to focus opposition to Mwissikongo rule. These problems were exacerbated :in Sonyo by the domi­nance of the Capucins, ,,vho lNere normally far stricter than the dioccsan priests, and in the central region by the continuai

and disruption. In the later seventeenth and early were made to resolve these

power to change "'''5''-'u"' structures and to drav,,

dements of ali three dimensions of other wordly power unde:r control. Thus in 1v1banza Sonyo he continued to

propagate the nf.adi and grave-based Christian cult administe:red by the Capuc:ins and appointed an oíficial to force

to go to 31 At the sarne time, he began to assume some the of the kitome. In

particular, he began to perfmm rites to the fertility snake the smvingsY These rites est:ablished the memi as the

hPhMPPT> this

THELATERSEVENTEENTHTO EARLYTWENTIETHCENTURY 205

mani Son)'O reintroduced two oaths which had been abandoned in the mid-seventeenth century and combined them into one. The accused drank the water in which the mani So'!'}lo had washed a foot anda bow, and to whicha powder, no doubt the poison nkasa, had been added.33 This oath, which expressed the religious authorit:y ascribed to the mani So'!'}lo, was a characteristic oath of the kitome. 34 The mani So'!'}IO insisted on his superior religious status with respect to the kitome of Mbanza Sonyo, the mani pangala, forcing him to go to him each day to receive his blessing. H e invested the mani jJangala with an mpu, a bonnet, the insígnia of authority of ~'fwissikongo governors. Nor could the mani pangala have intercourse with his wife- a most fundamental expression of fertility- until the mani So'!'}IO had invested him. 35 Thus the mani Smryo established his dominant position with respect to the dimension of mbumba and the water and earth spirits whilsr continuing to dominate the Christian nganga o[ the nkadi mpemba dimension and the graves.

By the mid-eighteenth century the mani Son)'O had effected a similar mpprodzment of thought and control at village levei. There, the position of the masters was strengthened. The Capucins gave them calendars so that they could wam the people of the vigils and feasts. They e-xpected them to teach the doctrine to the people and reading and writing to the children, providing them with paper and expecting them to provide • •

36 The masters no doubt provided protective nkisi; prepared people for the visits of the priests who would administer the

protective ri te of baptism; and, cutting across descent groups, 'guarded' the graves located in and around the churches. 1\tfeanwhile, the malli Sol!)'O governors began to receive alms

the viUagers brought to the churches every Saturday, the assoc:iated with the Madonna and the dead. vVhere there

was no church, the villagers placed them at the foot of the cross. offered tl1e alms to the mamanzamhi, 'mother of nzambi

mfm•1gu'. At the time ofthe sowings, they took vegetables, millet, other things to the church. They then took back a portion

and mixed it "\:Vith their othe:r seed. They believed that the confered her virtue on the seeds and they would

nrPri<:Piv the

mam it may be

206 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

supposed that the mas ter of the church received a portion of the profits. 38

I t is possible that the success of the Sonyo administratíon a supplanting the kitome as established mediators of the mbumba dimension in Mbanza Kongo and the villages resulted from their adoption ofthe mbumba cult lemba. This cult was then ín the process of adoption and adaption by the politicai and commer­cíal élite north of the Za'ire where it facilitated trade and reduccd tensions within the kanda. There is some e"\r:idence39

that lemba was adopted in the early to mid-eighteenth century by the most powerful section of the Sonyo élite which had, since the mid-seventeenth century, formed part of the sarne trading system. For them, as for the northern groups, it would have facilitated politicai and trade relations. It would also have served the particularly crucial function of defining the boundaries of the élite which, in accordance with the earlíer practice of confering élite status upon all children of the Mwissikongo, must now in theory have embraced a substantial proportion of the slave and free population. A lemba marriage with a politicai or trading ally or, as often seems to have occurred in Sonyo, with a dose relative, would have provided a means of restricting access to the ruling group by conferring élite status and claims to office to sons oflemba marriages. Lemba would also have pro...r:ided a means of redistributing some of the trade vvealth to the non-élite, thereby dissipating potential conftict. If lemba vvas adopted by the most powerful section of the former Mwissikongo group, it would have enabled title­holders to claim the purity of the mbumba dimension and

have rendered easier their assumption of the role

governors masters, the mani of

development of mbumba based and grave-based priests and

developed a fixed shrine cult at the port united elements of the nkadi mpemba and lt was dose to ~fbanza Sonyo and under

ln the mid-seventeenth century, the contained a si:atue of the Virgin and had a great

cross outsicte. The people said that the stat:ue had come from the 40 dearly associating it

ln the la ter seventeenth

THE LA TER SEVENTEENTH TO EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY 207

priests considered that the church was guarded in a 'vulgar and non-Christian fashion'. The mani Smryo refused to let a newly arrived Franciscan mission use the church, saying that 'the Virgin did not need to be guarded by the Fathers'. There was always a crowd of people there, the statue performing the normal protective functions of an nkisi - fetish - of the nkadi mpemba and sky spirit type. The people of Mbanza Sonyo and the surrounding districts made numerous processions to it in times ofcalamity. ln times ofwar thewomen went to it to plead for their men and to make offerings. \Vhilst the cult was originally orientated towards the nkadi mpemba dimension, it gradually orientated itself towards the mbumba dimension too. Thus, even in the late seventeenth century, people processed from Mbanza Sonyo to the church to plead for rain. ln the mid-eighteenth century the statue attracted rnany 'pagans' from north ofZaire who brought their sick, offered alms, and implored the Virgin to heal them. The Virgin was dressed in a mantle and the alms included vestment of silk which were changed, according to the seasons of the year.41 This changing orientation >vas facilita teci by the fact that the Madonna's "\r:irginity associated herwith the kivela, the virgin who was invested by the kitome with the pmver of the mbwnba dimension and guarded the chiefs arms.42 The Europeans and hence the Kongo considered her intercession of central importance to the family and hence to the problems of fertiiity and life, and it seems likely that the cult at Mpinda was related in some '""ay to the village levei cult at which alms were offered through the governors to the 'mother ofGod'.

B~~"~!lyeigl!!<::"~l1~hcentury, then, the mani So'!Yo had used h!§_tmde~basJ~:d weaithi!.nd po>''er toresolve.at léast some ofthe religiç~s and politicai problems that had vexed the la ter kings qf t}leunif:ecrKongo. ln effect, he and his administration had supplanted the kitome in Mbanza Sonyo and the villages in their function of mediating the fertility and health of the mbumba dimension. Their administration meshed with and controlled a Capucin based organization which serviced a grave cult cutting across descent groups and which provided nkisi and rituais to protect the people against witchcraft. The marzi Son;yo also n:rrmirli>rl a central shrine to

and

208 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

evidence that this transfonnation was achieved through the adoplion by the most powerful group of the mbumba based cult lemba which also served to define the new élite.

A. different development occurred in central Kongo, where the established politicai anc1 religious authorities were weak. The Mwissikongo were divided and the Capucins and the diocesan authorities lacked manpower. The growth of war­lords, large slave populations, and cognatic descent systems had disrupted the established structures ofthe former kingdom, the kitome domains and the kanda. New politicai and social structures had emerged, based upon the highly capricious allegiance of individual to individual. Mwissikongo and non­M wissikongo, lacking the support of established religious and politicai authorities, sought security in the cults of the mbumba dimension. These had strengthened in the l660s43 and the process continued into the later seventeenth century. It was from these tensions that the Antonine movement of the first years of the eighteenth century emerged.44

The Antonine movemegtdrew support from ali sections of Kongo society, for it preached secular arder through the restoration of the kingdom; purification through the obedience oLpeople . and kings to the mbumba dimension; and the era di c a tion of wi tchcraft through the. burning of Christian and other nkúí and the rejection of witches such as the Capucins. The movement was rooted in the tradition of the cults of the mbumba dimension. Thus, before St Antony possessed Dona Beatrice, the founder of the movement, other women had found mn,un:wa type stones in the river Mbrije, indica ting that a spirit this dimension was anxious to serve man, and St Antony appeared in the heads of several men and women before he entered Dona Beatrice and was vvekomed by the peopie, recalling the tradition

snake w·hich threw itself into the a.ir to descend and rest in one lake after another. Later, St Antony dressed three stones in her chapd saying they were St IsabeUe, St U rsuUa and St Anne. St Antony was said to have entered Dona Beatrice as

death. This appears to have been the in which the · initiates 'died' and 'resurrected' as spirits of the other world. Dona Beatrice, as St

also demonstrated the life giving properties associated wíth the other mirades she

THE L'\ TER SEVENTEENTH TO EARLY T\VEi'HIETH CENTURY 209

women fertile and she brought dead trees and branches to Iife.45

Although deeply rooted in the mbumba dimension of Kongo thought, the Antonine movement also appealed to the Christian cult of the named dead which had been developed as a means of uniting the Mwissikongo as a corporate group apart from the kanda descent groups and which might now serve to uni te all the people. Thus, the Antonines appealed to Jesus, Mary and St Francis. It is possible that the choice of St Antony as the possessing spirit reftected the influence ofthe mid-seventeenth century confraternity of St Antony in Mbanza Kongo, which had been the only confraternity which operated independently of all the Christian priestly groups but which, like the others, had been especially concerned to promote the cult of its dead members. After her possession by St Antony, Dona Beatrice developed the practice of dying every Friday, passing to the sky (heaven) to plead the Kongo cause, and rising on Saturday, the day of prayer and rest which had formerly been associated with

mbumba dimension and more recently with the named dead. The cult also combined sufficient elements of the nkadi mpemba and sky spirit dimension and of the Christian cult in particular to be accepted by many Mwissikongo as 'true' Christianity. St Antony was said to have come from the sky (heaven). Dona Beatrice fought kindoki, witchcraft and sorcery, and bumt its Ínstruments, including the cross, and the priests of the movement baptized to protect against witchcraft.46

The Antonine movement was rooted in the tradition of the cults, ·which were corporations aggregate, but in the vacuum of

and religious authority it quickly developed the struci:ures characteristic of the kitome and the

!Vfwissikongo administration which were corporations sole. Dona Beatrice herselfhad at first emphasized the importance of direct experience in contrast to the élitist approach of the Capucins, and kings.47 However, she soon began to invest 'little Antonines' with crowns made from the bark ofthe nursmUie tree, as the kings and other Mwissikongo chiefs invested subordinates with the mpu, bonnet. A hierarchy, somewhat

to bishops, priests, and lay believers, emerged.48 The

210 THE KINGDOt.i Of KONGO

resurrection. As a result 'the most distant groups' sent alms and rendered homage.49 Dona Beatrice occupied the royal city and her followers began to kiss her feet and treat her in other ways reminiscent of the kitome. Finally, she ordered all the pretenders to assemble before the church in Mbanza Kongo where, she said a crown would fall on the head of the one chosen by God to be king.50 She thus sought to establish herself in a similar but more dominant position to that of thc kitome mani Vunda purifying thc country by subjccting thc kingship to the powcr of the mbumba dimcnsion. Thc Antonine movemcnt fà.iled to reuni te thc country although it did end the period of the civil wars. lt§_[::tilure was partly duc to misfortune, partly dueto the opposition oftliEilvaTlords and thc Capucins, whose politicai apd religiou~ Cl,l)thority itchallenged; but ultimately it was due to thc fact that thc old mechanism for cstablishing order and the exchangc of goods through the region, the strong corporation sole represented by the Mbanza Kongo kingship, was n6longer viable in the changed circumstances ofthe trade. Nevertheless, in ·l 71 O, as a direct consequcnce of the Antoninc movement, one of the rival kings, supported by the Capucins, the diocesan pricsts and Luanda, did reoccupy Mbanza Kongo, with the taci t support ofall the provincial groups, and in doing so ended the period of the civil wars. He and his successors recognized the autonomy of the former provinces and sub-provinces, and this formed the basis upon which new mechanisms of order and trade were to emerge in the mid and later eighteenth century.

2. The mid- and eiglzt.eenlh

mid- and later eighteenth century51 Sonyo and Luanda · monopoly oftrã.ªe on the.Kongo coast. British and

ships developed .· I1.é,~; ports at Ambriz, Zembo, and Cabinda, nç:r!h of the Zaire, . grew in

diverted much of the Sonvo trade. The eh os e one of the p~-iil~pal ports, set up-operations in

temporary factories on shore, and sent smaH occasional to the smaller ports. Slave ç~ports for the,'iholer.egion

the eig:hteenth and especially pehveen number of <LV<"'"'':U

the increased

THE LA TER SEVEN"TEEN"TH TO E/\.RL Y TWENTlETH CENTURY 21!

trading groups. This process had begun in .the mid-seventeenth century when, in the course of the Dutch occupation, most of the Portuguese trading colonies in Kongo had been destroyed. After the restoration the Lúanda Portuguese, lacking Kongo expertise, tended to concentrate upon the new trading routes to the south. After the Battle of Mbwila, the Kongo authorities themselves generally forbade the entry of non-clerical white men53

, and the latter were further deterred by the continuai succession disputes. Tr,9-ding opportunities on the coast, anel the absence ofEuropean co1npêtition, encouraged the growth of s<'C{é:r~1J5:ongo tr(lding groups. Th~ principal of these was the Zombo whose lands formed part of the old province of Mbata. They lived on the western edge of the plateau and were well placed to trade with the middlemen states of the Kwango- the Tio state of Makoko and the Lunda based state of Yaka. The latter traded with the Pende and through them with the far interiór. In the I760s the Zombo sold Tio slaves at the coastal ports. In 1762 when the Hungu fled Luanda encroachment in the Kwango valley and invaded territory controlled by the Portuguese fort at Nkoje, the Zombo moved in on the trade of that arca too. The Vili of Loango continued to trade through Kongo, establishing colonies as far south as Matamba as \vell as in the old markets of the Tio. In th~)ater eighteenth century declining trade at Sonyo encouraged the l\tlussurongo - the people of Sonyo - to enter the long distance trade. They established trading colonies at Ieast as far south as the Ndembu region, selling slaves in Luanda and the Kongo and northern ports.

Slaves also passeei through regional trade nehvorks. Thus, in the Iate eighteenth century, Mbamba sold slaves at Ambriz in exchange for guns, pots, powder, and doth, and at Luanda for

· sheHs. Mbwila sold slaves at Mussul, v,rhich controlled Ambriz, and at Luanda, and traded inland with Mbanza Kongo and with Kibangu, a to-..v-n founded during the late seventeenth century kingship struggle. Kibangu traded with Mussul and Luanda as well as with l\lbwila, Mbanza Kongo, and other places on the River Zaire. They sold the best slaves at Mussul in

17~~ .. ~h l..~~.,-l.c -1~~~ and

2l2 THE KINGDürvt OF KONGO

and ;,vith the Vili who sold the slaves at Sonyo and Cabinda in exchange for cloth, pots, hoes, copper for nkisi-feti.shes, powder, and iron.

The increase in the. number of entrepôts and trade routes caused the formerly powerful coastal states to fragment whilst the growth of Kongo.trading gr:oups helped to maintain the integri ty of the central states and the more powerfulstates of the Nkisi valley and south. ·~<:l~g~~lJ.e coast, the groups which controlled the new entrepôts · asserted their independence: Mussetto _fr()m Sonyo; Zembo,··nombala, and Mussul, which controlled Ambriz, from Mbamba. Some, but not all,ofthese small coastal states became 'broker states' on the model of the northcrn coastal states such as Cabinda. The mafouk, chief broker, assumed great power, and interpreters monopolized brokerage services and organized lines of credit and clientage in the interior. Kiç:>y<~:, wlJ.iclJ. was dose to an important Vili crossing on the Zaire, brokeaway from Sonyo, and Mbamba dividcd into several parts, including Mbamba Lovotto, Mbamba Kongó and Kongo Mbamba (Insonia de Luxenga). I n _the centrálregion around .Mbamba Kongo there was rela tive ~~ability. Mbula (Lemba) Iost the districts of Sumpa and Matari, but Kibangu and Nkondo, founded in the late seventeenth century, vVembo, Lukungu (Ololo) and the rump province of Mpemba remained intact. '[l1e eastern and mountain provinces were relatively strong. 1\fpangu was incorporated in a larger province called :rvfanga; Mbata and Nsundi were said to be still powerful; Zombo, the trading

became independent of Mbata and 'Nas ruled by four To the south, Wandu and Mbwila controlled a

considerable volume oftrade, as did Kina, which had broken ·· Indêed,

THE LA TER SEVENTEEl'íiH TO

Cabinda

Approxima!e boundaries of the corporation aggregate

Approximate boundaries of the corporation sole

O 100 200 300 km

MAP ll

CENTURY 213

rump Sonyo, and in the late eighteenth century gained contrai MussuL In the l760s the Romano Leite ruied Mbamba

Kongo, 1V1bamba Lovatta, and Mpemba; the Castello Bianco ruied \~Vandu; the Brandone ruled Nsundi; the Vasconcellos e

55

2l+ THE KING DOM Of KONGO

and local kanda ·which had been developed in the early to mid-seventeenth century.

Despite their patrilineal categorical derivation, it seems that many of theseruling groups had consolidated their position by adopting the kanda itieology ofdescç,nt and rights in land. Nkondo, \-vhich had been founded in the late seventeenth cen­tury by the female chief of the Nlaza kanda, had continued to reckon chiefly descent matrilineally, the chiefship itself always passing to a woman. This may also have been true ofVVandu; a female chief ruling there in the late seventeenth and mid­eighteenth century. ln addition, there is some evidence that amongst the ruling groups generally, goods were, by the late eighteenth century, normally owned by the minimal lineage, the nephews inheriting from their maternal undes and paying tribute to them.56 This suggests that the ruling groups were using the kanda ideology to secure their rights to land, to daim the support of their nephews and wider matrilineal kin, to integrate the group within the more localized communíty, and possibly to daim agricultura! tribute on the basis of dassi­ficatory Father to Child or, where incorportion v.ras more advanced, as the seníor lineage of a 'greater' kanda.

Thc chiefly groups ruled over complex structures. I t is probable that in many chiefdoms there were, in addition to the ruling group, one or t\vo other groups derived from the fonner patrílineal categories with -..vhich. the ruling group nonnally married. ln Sonyo, for example, the ruling Silva had, since the late scventeenth century, nonnaHy married -.. .. rith the Castro and Barretto. The members of these groups v.rould, ·with the members of the ruling groups, all daim Mpanzu or Nlaza desccnt; that is to say, they were all infante, members of the royal

. It is possible that the too.57 There we:re

and slave groups, rel.ated to the · The chiefs invested the chiefs of major

or groupings \.'llith Lusitized titles, his or her ability to chief, rather than to accept a local dection,

in time and place. He or she, or a subordinate title-' appointed o:r

coincided not always,

THE LATERSEVENTEENTHTO EARLYTWENTIETH CENTURY 2!5

have been members of the local kanda. Neither the mbanza­towns of the chiefs or of their subordinate title-holders was large. A Iate-eighteenth-century observer estimated that they consisted of about 200 houses surrounded by bush for pro­tection. He estimated the dependent libata at about fifty houses.58

The chiefs' power continued to be based upon the wealth they accrued from the slave trade; that is to say, upon their ability to control and t<Lx the caravans or the markets, to R!l:or:ticipatein trading ventures, or, in the coastal chiefdoms, to form alliances with foreign and internal trad.ers. Their ability to exact substantial agricultura} and other local produce as tribute also depended essentially upon securing European goods to redis­tribute in exchang:e, although some tribute could certainly be expected fi·om subordinates anxious to secure and retain legiti­mation through investiture.59

The chiefs' intei:est in tradeencouraged the ending ofthe civil wars and led to the development of what was, in effect, a trading cgrporation covering the region of the former unitary Kongo 1\Í~l!gdom. TJ:le corporation had a clear identity, presumed pef_Retuity, dosed membership, and an intern31l organization enabling it to regula te its.exdusive collective affairs. The latter centred upon the need for civil order and an absence ohvitch­craft; the smooth passage of caravans and the efficient operation of the markets; good relations between the chiefdoms and the legitimation ofthe corporation's rule.

The precise nature of the corporation varied in time and place. The central core fonned by iVIbamba, Mbula (Lemba), Kibangu, Wembo, and, to a lesser degree, Nsundi, Mpangu, and Wandu, tended, in certain respects, to operate as a very weak corporation sole, the chiefs acknowledging their direct

· dependence upon Mbanza Kongo and the king. .tvu.Jdta, 1\,Ib\vila and Sonyo tended to relate to M:banza Kongo more as members of a corporation aggregate, in which the spiritual as weH as the secular office of Christian chief was occupied by aU the chiefs simultaneously and independently.

()f some of the small coas tal states were outside the sorne nf tho [,.,.,.,..,.,,....

216 THE KINGDOl'vi OF KONGO

A~ a result of the cognatic system of descent-reckoning during the wa:rlord period, aU the members of the

ruling groups, together with their children by slave and other wives, >vere able to daim either fvlpanzu or Nlaza descent and thereby descent from Afonso L They were ali ilifante. 60 Mpanzu and Nlaza were corporate categories, that is to say, they had presumed perpetuity, clear identity, and exclusive membership, but they lacked internal organization, leadership, common affairs, and command of resources. Roughly speaking, the

categmy occupied the coastal belt and the Nlaza the of the former kingdom. This, ho>vever, was not a

static or absolute situation. ln the 1760s, for example, the Romano Leite, v,rhich was said to be Mpanzu in Mbamba Lovotta, also ru]ed the mmp Mpemba in the middle bdt.61 Nevertheless, the broad pattern remained the sarne from the late seventeenth to the late eighteenth century, replícating the ecological division upon which the kíngdom had originally been founded.

Thc ideology of descent focused upon the royal Christian graves at Mbanza Kongo which both united the group and legitimized its rule in terms ofits chiefly predecessors. Since the infante, through the categories, daimed descent from Monso I they had the right to be buried in the royal cemetery ofMbanza Kongo. By the end of the century aU the groups of the centra1

Mpangu, and Wandu, developed L·nown in the sixteenth and seventeenth cen-

THE LATE SEVENTEENTH TO EARLY 1:'\VENTIETH CENTURY 2!7

ancestors, the dead, and they recognized twelve ruined churches there, twelve being the conventional number of the Mwissikongo kanda in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.62

The chiefly group was united and legitimized by its con­tinüêd adherence to Christian rites and symbols, and in particular to its aspiration to membership of the Order of Christ. Despi te a frequent absence of priests, the chiefs kept 'masters of the church' who •vere literate, who taught the catechism, and who acted as interpreters when the occasional priest arrived.63 The priests, as before, legitimized the ruler in terms ofthe latter's protective, nkadi mpemba type functions, and the chiefs maintained the taboos which separated their type of power from that of the mbumba dimension, such as the taboo against seeing the sea. 64 ln particular, the rulers and their dosest relatives sought to buy investiture into the Order of Christ, conceded by the king with the support of a priest. This entitled them to put numerous crosses of various colours on their own and their principal (Christian) wife's cloaks, dresses, sunshades, and doors. These protected them from evil and -vvitchcraft and could be used, because of the nkadi mpemba type power they contained, to establish tax-coUecting stations in the countryside. They also dearly identified the actual chiefs or other powerful men amongst the infante. 65

Christian marriage which was virtuaHy confined to the and which may have been related to membership of the

Order, seems to have been used to consecrate an interlocking marriage alliances benveen the ruiers of the

chiefdoms. Like investiture in the Order ofChrist Mbanza Kongo, Christian marriage depended

of a priest. Y et in the l 770s many of the chiefs w·ere marríed by Christian rites; the mani iifbamba Kongo to the daughter of the mani Mpemba; the mani Wembo to the daughter of

· - ·· · a son ofGarcia IV; the (female) mani Luclzetta to son ol: the reigning king. It seems that Christian marriage

was distinct from other forms of marriage. The rulers gave their rather than their matrilineal relatjves and the father

bride, tl1ereby strenJg:thenmg

21<l THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

Za1re in creating a means of alliance specific to the chiefly groups. 66

The mani Kongo further united the corporation by a system of investitures and formal relationships. Investiture was believed to confer legitimacy and, in addition to the payments they made then, the chiefs sometimes made other, small tribute payments, probably when they experienced the need to demonstrate their place within the hierarchy of investiture.67 Some of the provincial titles retained or acquired a formal status with respect to Mbanza Kongo. Thus the mani Wembo, formerly an mpemba nkazi of the Kongo Kingdom, took over from the mani A1bata, who had long ceased active involvement in such matters, the right to sit at the mani Kongo~'i right hand. He also held the title Vicar of the King. The mani Ololo, who ruled Lukunga, and who had also been an mpemba nkazi in the early seventeenth century, was also allowed to sit in the presence of the king and was accounted the third person in the kingdom. The mani Mpemba held the title King of the Ambundus, which had formerly pertained to the mani Kongo, and he was res ponsible for keeping the roads to Ivfbanza Kongo free from invasion. He also held the title Captain General ofthe Church. On certain occasions, including, on one occasion, Holy Week, individuais who held titles from the Kingwere expected, and, to a greater or lesser extent did, assemble in the capital.68

The drama of the kingship succession also united the corporation since it was conducted in the idiom of descent, and therefore potentially involved ali the irifante in its resolution. The convention emerged that the king should succeed from each category alternately. \'\'hen the king died, his councillors, at least in theory, summoned all the irifante to the capital to bury the old king and elect the new.69

T]1e rrzqni Kongo~was thus the key symbol which legitimized the rule of the corporation;Ju:lited.it,and enabled it to regula te alliances anel thereby establishorder and control, and exploit the trade. The mani Kongo 'guardeei' the graves of the corporation's ancestors, headed the nkadi mpemba based Christian cult which protected its members from witchcraft, invested them in the Order ofChrist, and províded the priests \vho consecrated their marriages.

Despite this, the mani.Kongo's. secular power wa~plight. He

THE LATE SEVEN1EENTH TO EARL Y HVENTIETH CENTURY 219

CC?[l:lmanded little trade, and he seldom exercised authority beyq11d thé immediate vicinity of the capital unless he had an iJ11p()rtar.lt power base elsewhere. The mani Kongo who reigned in 1774, for example, had succeeded from Mpangu and had brought his followers with him. The population of the capital was then estimated at over 5,000, although this may have been an exaggeration. ln the early l790s, however, a poor king reig-ned and the population was estimated at little more than 100. Th1s king's authority only extended to his house, his women, his relatively few slaves and an unpopulated place called Pangala, which was associated with the dimensions of mbumba and the water and earth spirits. His only incarne was an annual tribute paid to him by the nephew who succeeded him in his place of origin, 70 and ritual fees of pigs, chickens, goats, or nzimbu shells paid for permission to bury the corpses in the churches, for investiture in titles and the Order ofChrist, andas a proportion of the fees charged by the priests for other services.

At the end ofthe eighteenth century71 the mani Kongo)s ritual importance, combined with his secular impotence, caused him to take on some of the characteristics of a living nkisi-fetish of the nkadi mpemba dimension and the graves. This was evident in a new rui e which confined him to his house. H e could only leave it when a priest was in Mbanza Kongo and then only to attend Iviass, which was seen in the context ofthe cultofthe dead, or to go to war, which was associated with the dimension of nkadi mpemba and the sky spirits. To do either he had to obtain the permission of both the mani Vunda, representing the mbumba dimension, and the priest, representíng the dimensions of nkadi mpemba and the graves.

Tl1is_c:hang~jn the ritual and secular position of the mani Koz?gQ;~i>\TaS~reflected in the emergence of a new office- that of Pri.!1<:~,~=~vvhich abrogated many of the mani Kongo's secular functions. The princewas called 'king of the ~xterior' when he resided in Mbanza Kongo and under weak kings he dealt with mo~sFmati:ers ofstate, including war. In hisabsence the mani lú1nbo,head oftheking's household and principal ofhis five local kanda councillors, became 'king of the exterior'. The office may have emerged on the pattern of the coastal ports \vhere an individua] other than the chief often assumed responsibility dealing wíth traders. It may also have evolved as a device to

220 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

integrate the two categories Nlaza and Mpanzu in 1vlbanza Kongo since, in theory at least, the king chose the prince from the opposite family, and the prince normally succeeded to the throne on the death of the king. ln any circumstances, the division of roles emphasize~ the increasingly ritual nature of the mani Kongo office.

Whilst. the,.mani Kongo increasingly assumed the charac­teristics ofan nkisi guarding the graves of the corporation and investing its members with .powers derived from its dead pre­decessors and the dimension of nkadi mpemba and the sky spirits, his need, and that ofthe corporation, for legitimation in terms of the fertility and health dimension of mbumba and the water and ~arth spirits, continued. The problem, which had been tackled in various ways during tlie periods ofthe unitary kingdom and of the civil wars, was resolved in the late eighteenth century through the development of the belief that, in addition to the Mpanzu and Nlaza categories, ~here was a third royal branch descended from Afonso I. This was Nsaku ne Vunda, the kanda of the kitome of Mbanza Kongo, which was, however, not allowed to ascend the throne. The continued importance ofthe mbumba dimension, together with the weak secular position of the mani Kongo, enabled the mani Vunda to attain a position of pre-eminent power in Mbanza Kongo. Although the dual Christian-kitome investitures continued, the ceremonies associated with the mani Vunda office now predominated. During the investiture the mani Vunda took two crowns. He placed one on the head of the new mani Kongo and the other on the head of his nephew - his matrilineal heir. The mani Vunda retained the title Grandfather of the King and this was given increased symbolic significance by the fact that after the investiture h e was no longer permitted to see the king. Ifhe did, it was said, the king would have to accept his blessing and thereby acknowledge his superior ritual status. His superior secular position was clear. As mediator of the fertility and heal th of the mbumba dimemüon ·hecontinued to receive regular agricultura! tribute and this, given the ma1zi Kongo's lack oftrade income and onlv occasional ritual income, rendered him the wealthier. Inth~ late eighteenth century the mani vímduwas the chi ef of the mani Kong o 's six councillors and his word was final in ali matters of state. Appeals from neighbouring chiefs vvho still

THE LATE SEVENTEENTH TO EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY 22!

looked to Mbanza Kongo as a final court, passed to the five other councillors, ali ofwhom were local kanda representatives and not members of the corporation, to the prince, the king, and finally to the mani Vundu w h o could th us coun termand any of the previous decisions. The mani Vwzdu also acted as regent when the king died. It is probable that the local kitome lineages were accepted throughout much ofthe region as constituting a third branch of the royal family, establishing the model for three­branched kanda, of which one was the 'priest', typical of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. They almost certainly continued to provide local rulers with supplementary legiti­mation in terms of the mbumba dimension.

3. Tlze nineteentlz century72

The nineteenth-century trading pattern was characterized by a proliferation of ports and routes. Ager a turn-of-the-century slump i:rt the demand for slaves there was an upturn in the second decade of the century and a rapid expansion in the activities of European traders on the coast. New merchant natioris "entered the trade, large commercial houses began to estàblish permanent bases on shore, and Britain and Portugal vied with each other for control. lVIeanwhile, slavery was abQlished in ill()St of the European and American states andthe factoriesreacted i() anti-slavery patrols by moving inland and de\reloping alternative branch sites near the main depots. By the l840s these were numerous. As.thepressure on the slave tradeincreased, the slaving factories developed links with a gr~~!ggJegitimate trade: This induded copper, ivory, gum­copal, orchilla, sesame seed, coffee, indiarubber, and groundnuts. :Qy 1870 the K()ngp CO<).St was dotted witl1 lt:giti­mate trading factories with subsidia1y sites, and by the end of th,ç century many trading posts had been establis~~sl in the interior. The trade networks multiplied and ramified. The proliferation Of portS and routeS and the demand for ne\V cash crops provided employment. opportunities for màny Kongo groups. The factories required guards, brokers, and inter­pi=eters. The people around Mussul produced gumcopal and forbade Europeans to enter the region. OrchiUa and ground­nuts were produced on indigenous farms, IV! bamba. Around the new port of l\hgna Grande the

222 THE KINGDO:t\1 OF KONGO

grew sesame seeds and in the region of Nkoje and Luanda, cofiee. Indiarubber, a boom crop in the 1870s and I880s, was tapped in eastern Kongo. PecpJe coulçl trade in. these goods with little capital and the system of kitomo developed by which men pooled resources to participa te in a single .. husiness venture. These caravans rarely travelled more than six or seven days from their homes before selling their goods at a local market and returning. The people of Mbembe, for example, carried and sold their copper at the Loje River and the people there transported and sold it on the coast. The long distant Zombo traders diversified their routes as new ports emerged and the demand changed from slaves to ivory and indiarubber. Slaves too could take advantage of the new opportunities in quite surprising circumstances. Garcia V (1803-30), for example, was said to have had to pay his 300 slaves in cloth and palm wine in order to retain their services.73

At first the kingship strengthened somewhat, and the mani Kongo regained some secular power. Both Portugual and Britain, vying witheacil.other for control, recognized the mani KÓngo as traditional ruler ofthe region petween theDande and the Zaire aii.din the 1840s aQd 1850s the Portugues~ courted the mani Kongo as part of a plan to control the lucrative coas tal ports from the interior. European recognition and subsidies enhanced the mani Kongo 's prestige and wealth. His economic position was also improved by the opening of new ports on the coast and especially on the Zaire. Some of the new trade passed through Mbanza Kongo and people from Mbanza Kongo traded with Magna Grande and especially with Boma which became the principal entrepôt for severa! inland routes. The mani Kongo taxed this trade. As his wealth and prestige improved he also secured a tax on the new copper trade from Mbembe.74 The process by which h e was being reduced to an nkisi was arrested.

Despite this improvement in the nuuli Kongo's secular posi tion, the êorporation itself disintegrated. lts control of the eighteenth century trade had been basedupon its middle-man position befvveen white traders who were confined to a limited ( though gro-vving) number of coas tal ports, and the regions of primary·sJave production in the interior. As a corporation, the autonomous chiefdoms controlled ali the routes through which the Zombo, Vili, and later 'tviussurongo traders passed and aH

THE LA TER SEVENTEENTH TO EARL Y TIYENTIETH CENTURY 223

the markets at which slaves were traded. lt was ill-adapted to CO_fltrol the thrusting European commerciaf-;:nd;i:rlêreasingly, politicai, expansion, the multiplying and ramif)ring trade networks, and the burgeoning cash crop production.

The institutions which had linked the chiefs to Mbanza Kongo became increasingly irrelevant. On the coast, Ambriz, Mussul, and Mbamba benefited greatly~frõm.the growtli o.f cash crop exports and the old ruling élite more and more linked it~elf to the new European-run commercial establishments rathçr th<ln to.~fbanza Kongo. ln other parts ofKongo, chiefs, deprived of their slave-trade revenue, could no longer afford the fees necessary to be invested by the mani Kongo in their titles. Meanwhile, parvenus, associated with European commerce, were able to purchase investiture in the Order ofChrist, and by the mid-nineteenth century membership was commonplace. Chiefly marriage alliances were no longer an effective means of maintaining order and regulating the trade netvvorks, and Christian marriages ceased to exist. M_e<ll1while, the Portuguese steadily encroached from the south. They took Ambriz i:rl 1855, opéned up tlie Mbembe mines in 1856, installed a king and garrisoned Mbanza Kongo in 1359-60. By the time this king died in 1891 the Portuguese daimed sovereignty in ~ongo and had the means to enforce it. 75

·

ln most parts ofKongo, the old chiefdoms disintegrated and n,çw politicai structures emerged based upon kanda and cults. ln most provinces, some dominant kanda retained a title from the olCCcorporation and related to a few surrounding kanda as classificatory F atherto Child. Almost every-vvhere, kanda tended towards the democratic pole of their strudural continua, and were ruled by committees and spokesmen (nkazi). In some places, trade was regulated by a confederation of elected chiefs - probably nkazi, who exercised power on a rotating basis, the paramount chief and his council decidíng certain íssues of war and justice and protecting the markets and carvans. Sometimes a confederation of chiefs exercised power conjointly. ln certain places, such as Ambriz, chiefs were elected for a limited period of three to five years only, ahhough powerfuhncumbents might retain the post for much longer. Where authority of was too weak to guarantee the traders' safe passage, nkimba and other mlmmba-based cults provided initiates with nmt<>rtion

22+ THE KING DOM OF KONGO

Occasionally, a chief of the old élite attempted to use the cults to strengthen his declining position.76 In some parts the role of the former Mwissikongo derived chiefs became purely ritual in the manner foreshadowed by the late eighteenth-century mani Kon,go. This was most apparent in Sonyo, where the trade had long been declining in favourofCabinda, and, later, ofthe Za!re and coastal ports and where the early eighteenth-century mani Sm~vo had developed an mbumba and Christian-based cult cen tred upon his administration and himself. By the end of the nineteenth century he had become a 'mysterious person'. H e lived hidden in the forest. His actions were constrained by ritual prohibitions considered essential to the peace and prosperity of the region, and, when h e became old or infirm, his life was taken by ritual assassination. H e was buried at Pangala, the residence of thc former kitome priestly chief, by the 'people of the Church' the descendants of the eighteenth century Capucin slaves.77 A similar development occurred with respect to the mani Nsundi.18

ln cflect, these chiefs replaced the kitome as the 'pure ones' who brought the locality into harmony with the mbumba dimension. ln other parts, the nkazi of the kanda, a dassificatory Child, or other representa tive of the kanda was, intimes of crisis, initiated with a female counterpart as mfumu mpu, thereby bringing the desccnt groups into harmony with the ancestors. The mfumu mjm wore the cap mpu, the ancient Mwissikongo insígnia of authority, and was initiated into the use of a basket of the ancestors which was said to have come from 1\·1banza Kongo.79

By the early twentieth century the Kongo kingdom had become an other-wordly concept in many parts ofKongo, and it was used to Iegitimize both national movements and local politicai and social structures. New forms ofpolitical power, the variable fortunes ()f Mwissikongo derived groups and the general vagaries of politicai process had caused the formerly clear distinction benveen ~h~ Mw-issikongo derived corporation and the subord!nate and slave groups to be lo?t. Throughout much of the former nuclear kingdom ali groups legitirni:z;edtheir holding ofland and their current politicai position or aspiration by reference to the Kingdom ofKongo, the ideology ofth~?ij~7@z and the authority of the. kitome. Ali groups now traced their pedigree to the capitaL Their traditions generállybegan-with the statement that \)riginally' all the kanda lived together at

THE LA TER SEVENTEENTH TO EARLYT\VENTIETH CENTURY 225

Mbanza Kongo with the king. As a result of a quarrel or shortage of food or other incident, their particular kanda was forced to emigrate. They crossed a vast and trackless waste and eventually carne to a river. Although named, this river was clearly a mythological river and could only be crossed with the other worldly powers of the (male) kanda chief. After crossing the river the kanda segments quarrelled or for some other reasons divided. They travelled alonga precisely defined route, founding villages, until they reached their present land, which was usually said to be unoccupied. Typically, the local kanda vvas said to have three branches, one of which was the 'priest'. Two of the historical structures referred to- the Kongo king­dom and the 'greater' kanda chiefdoms- were thus located on the 'other side' of the river, that is, of the water barrier which separates the 'other' world- the locus ofpower, authority, and legitimacy- from this world. I t vv<i~ the Kongo kingdom and the 'gr,eater' kanda chiefdoms in th'e: 'qi:her' world which gave the kandamernbers of'this' world their rights to land and kin-based labourand their status asfree men.80

Notes

CHAPTER 1:

1. K. Laman, Dictionaire Kikongo-Français (Brussels, 1936), 1xvii, lxxiv; G. Van Bulck, Recherches Linguistiques au Congo Belge (Brussels, 1948), 388; Van Wing, Histoire et Sociologie, 1 05; Mertens, Les Chifs Couronnés, 5.

2. D. Birmingham, Trade and Conjlictin Angola, (Oxford, 1966), 150-1;]. B. Douville, V~age au Congo et dans l'Intérieur de l'Afrique Équinoxialefait dans les années 1828, 1829 etl830 par}. B. Douville, 3 vols. (Paris, 1832), II, 248; Fr. Bernardo Maria Cannecatim, Collecção de Observacões Grammaticas sobre a Língua Bunda ou Angolense, Compostas por Fr. Bernardo 1\1aria C:annecatim (Lisbon, 1805), III; Guy Atkins, 'An Outline of Hungu Grammar', Garciad'Orta (1954), 145-64.

3. De Geei, op. cit; Giacinto da Vetralla (trans. H. Gratton Guiness), (;rammar of the Congo Languages as Spoken Two H1mdred Years Ago (London, 1R82); François Bontinck, 'Les Premiers Travaux Linguistiques Kikongo des Missionaries Capucins' in Ngonge Kongo, 15 (1963); Fra Luca da Caltanisetta, Diaire Congolais (1690-1701) de Fra Luca da Caltanisetta, O.F.M., Cap., ed. François Bontinck (Louvain, Paris, 1970), 124, 135 (at Ngobila, near Malebo Pool); Report of Pieter Zegers Ouman, 1643, A.H., 0.\>\I.LC., 46, Jadin (1966) 242 (north of the Zaire).

4. Teruel, 95, 99; P. Bonaventura da Sorrento to Propaganda Fide,June A.P.F., S.RC.G., 249 p. 188 (reference to Makoko}; Montesarchip,

114; Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo, 12 Dec. l710, injadin (1961), 456 ( reference to Ngobila at the Pool); Report on the Kongo, 4 June 1620 Brásio, VI, 491; Anon., 'História do Reino do Congo' (ed. A. Brásio),in Studia, 27-8, (Lisbon, 1969),443; (referencetoOkangoontheKwango). Tha t i t was different from Kim bundu: Report ofP. Bernardino da Gal! o, !2 Dec. 17lO,Jadin (1961), 456. That the differences were minimal:]. Barbot, 'Voyage to Congo River or the Zaire in the Year 1700' injohn Churchill, A Collection rif V~!J'ages and Traz,els (London, 1732), V, 518; Report ofBalthasar Rebello de Aragão (c. 1618), ín L Cordeiro, Questões Hi'itorico-Coloniais (Lisbon, 1934), 15.

5. The following analysís is based on: A. Castanheira Dinez, Características .t!esologicas de Angola (Nova Lisboa, !973); Carta Generalizada dos Solos de Angola (3 approximacão), Missão de Pedalogiade l\ngola dv1oçambique c Centro de Estudos de Peda1ogia Tropical, (Lisbon, 1968); La Densíté de la Population au Congo Belge, Atlas General du Congo (Brussels, 1951 );

NOTES TO PP. 1-6 227

C. Sautter, De L'Atlantique au Fleuve Congo: Une Géographie du Sous­peuplement (Paris, 1966), 2 vols.; P. Venetier, Géographie du Congo Brazzaville (Paris, 1966); D. S. Whittlesey, 'Geographic Provinces of Angola', Tlze Geograplzical Review, XIV (1924), 113-26; H. K. Airy Shaw, 'The Vegetation of Angola', Joumal rif Ecology, 35 (1947), 23-4; Guy Atkins, 'A Democraphic Survey of the Kimbundu-Kongo Language Border in Angola', Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, LXXIII, 7-9 (1955), 325-47.

6. Cavazzi, I, II, I7, 37; Teruel, 28; Anguiano, 85; Antonio Zuchelli (da Gradesca), Relazione de! Viaggio e Missione di Congo nell 'Etiopa lnjen.ore Occidentale (Venice, I 712), 220-5; Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.LC., 68; Montesarchio, 132; History ofKongo in Cuvelier andJadin, 136.

7. História.

8. Ibid., 433; Teruel, 27;]. Cuvelier, Relations sur le Congo du Pere Laurent de Lucques (/700--1717) (Brussels, 1953), 74.

9. Pigafetta, 7!; Report on Kongo, 24 Jan. 1622, in Jadin (1968), 362; Montesarchio, 58; Cavazzi, I, 27; História, 433.

I O. Report on Kongo, 24 Jan. 1622, inJ adin ( 1968), 362; Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the A1auritius, 14 Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68; Report of P. Seraphino da Cortona on the Mission to Dongo and Nzinga, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 151-3; Cavazzi, I, 37.

II. e.g. Pigafetta, 76-8, 176; P. Garcia Simões to Father Provincial, São Paulo, 20 Oct. 1575, in Brásio, III, 135; História, 457; Terue1, 164; Cavazzi, I, 37.

12. e.g. History of Kongo (late sixteenth century) in Cuvelier and Jadin, li 7, Romano, 88; Gírolamo l\1erolla da Sorrento, Breve e Succinta Relatione del Viaggio nel Regno di Congo nell Ajrica A1eridionale Fatta del . .. (Naples, 1692) inJohnChurchill (ed.),A Collectionq[Vo_yagesandTravels, I, (London, I 704), 692,696, Caltanisetta, 41-2.

13. For examples ofthis and the politicai effects, see Chaps. 3, 7. 14. See n. lO, and, for cattle, F. José de Pernambuco to Provincial of

Castille, Sonyo, 25 Mar, 1648, in Bra§io X, I I4; Ogilby, 529. 15. e.g. History of Kongo (late sixteenth century) in Cuvelier and J adin,

117, !19, 121; Romano, ll6. 16. Dionigi de Carli (da Piacenza) and Michel

Viaggio de{ ... nel Regno de! Congo (Reggio, 1671) inJohn Churchi!! (ed.), A Collection rif VÍ!)'ages and Traveis, I, (London, 1704), 631 (Mbamba); Report ofF. Capelle to Countj. M. de Nassau and the Directors of the Company, Mar. 1642, injadin, 1966, 226 (Sonyo); Pigafetta, 67; Cavazzi, I, 118, (Nsundi); Caltanisetta, 70 (Zombo in Mbata).

17. See belmv. 18. e.g. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brásio, I, 304;

Pigafetta, 37, 440--l; History of Kongo (late sixteenth century) in Cuvelier and Jadin, 135; História, 440-l; Suggestions of Pedro Sardinha (l6ll), in Brásio, VI, 52-3; Anon. Report on 1622, in jadin 366; Report of F. Capelle to Count Nassau and the DirPrfor<; nfth"' r:,.,,.,.,~~~" i\1ar,

228 ECONOMIC, SOCIAL ...

235; Carli, 635; Romano, 116. 19. e.g. Report ofP. Sebastião de Souto, 1561, in Brásio, II, 477; Pigafetta,

51; História, 440-1; Olfert Dapper, Naukeurige Beschrijvinge der Ajrikaensche gewesten van . .. (Amsterdam, 1671 ), 587; Gavazzi, II, 17.

20. História, 455-6; Chaps. 3 and 6. 21. Dapper, 556; Caltanisetta, 1!0, 112, 114. 22. See n. 18, 19, 20. 23. History ofKongo ( compilation, late sixteenth century), in Cuvelier and

Jadin, 120; Cavazzi, I, 80; Carli, 621; Teruel, 79; Anguiano, 216; Remedies Suggested by P. Bonaventura da Sorrento (c. 1650), A. S. Modena, Documenti e Carteggi di Stati e Citta: ltaly Busta Roma 105 Papeis de Cardinale d'Este. Matters to Raise in the Reply of the Pope to the King of Kongo (c. 1650), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 42. ln the late eighteenth century the administrative centres, called mbanza, were 1arge villages which controlled other villages of about 50 houses. Report of P. Raimondo daDicomano, 1783, injadin (1957), 318. Forkibelo, De Geei, 57; Doutreloux, 46.

24. The term 'libata' village, was also used to denote a 'quarter ofa town', De Geei, 29. ln the late seventeenth century Mbanza Sonyo was densely settled, there being over l 00 libata within a day's walk of the Capucin missionary's hospice.John Thornton, 'Demography and History in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1550-l 750', Joumal f!f Ajrican History, XVIII, 4 (1977), 518.

25. Ibid., 507-30. 26. See discussion below. 27. De Geei, 23, 198, 230, 240, 254, 256; Giacinto da Vetralla, Grammar,

!08-12; Appendix 3, 4; MacGaffey, Customand Govemment, 84. 28. Report of P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Gisseppe Sacripanti,

Rome, 12 Dec. 17l0in.Jadin (1961), 480 (taboo). King List,Appendix2 Chap. 4. (names). Doutreloux, 98, notes that the people ofMayombe carry two names simultaneously. The second is always the first name of thc father. The name is considered an integral part ofthe personality of whoever carries it. To transmita name is to transmita principie, in this case, that of paternity.Janzen, Lemba, 40.

29. See n. 27. 30. Van Wing, Religion et Magie; Van \Aling, Histoire et Sociowgie; Laman, The

Kongo, III; W. MacGaffey, 'Kongoand the KingoftheAmericans', Tke Joumal f!f Modem Ajrican Studies, 6, 2 {1968), 171-81 Bittremieux; Mertens; W. MacGaffey and.J. M. Janzen. The following passage refers specifical1y to: MacGaffey, 'Kongo and the King of Americans'; Fukiau kia Bunseki, 'N'Kongo ye Nza Yakun' sungidila' (1969), 26, 28, 30 in MacGaffey and.Janzen, 34; Laman, The Kongo, III, 60.

31. Cavazzi, I, 132. See also P. Gilles Mootgat to Airo1di, Amsterdam, 13 Jan. 1673, in.Jadin (1966), 278. Some commentators, failing to under­stand the Kongo concept of man, stated that the Kongo did not believe in a life after death, e.g. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 342; Pero Tavares, S.J. to P. .Jeronimo Vogado, On Mission,June, 1631, injadin (1967), 295 and Brásio,

NOTES TO PP. 7-!2 229

VIII, 26-39. The misunderstanding arose because the missionaries used the term kima kifwene kujwa, literally 'thing that is transformed' for mortal and kima ka kifwene kujwa ko 'thing that is not transformed' (fwa) for immortal. De Geei, 38. The Kongo inevitably mocked the idea that man is a thing that is not transfonned. See below.

32. Van Wing, Religion et lvlagie, 8-10. 33. Montesarchio, I I 1-12. 34. Van Wing, Religionet Magie, 8-11; Laman, The Kongo, 15. TheCapucin

missionaries trans1ated moyo as sou!, spirit. De Geei 196. They trans­lated uzinga as force of life, ibid. 33 L ln the mid-seventeenth century vela, which indicated akimpassi enclosure, meant 'to becomewhite', ibid. 327. ln kimpassi one 'became' an nkita spirit of the 'other' world. See below.

35. For the following, see Cavazzi, I, 124, 129-31; Brugiotti-Infelicita, 372-3; P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G. 249, p. 337-9; Terue1, 193; Tovar Pellicer, 67, 68; Laurentde Lucques, 138; Monari, 168; Bentley, Pioneering on lhe Kongo (London, 1900), 176,253, 289; Laman, The Kongo, III, 15.

36. Cavazzi, I, 100-l.J. H. \Veeks, 'Notes on SomeCustoms ofthe Lower Kongo People', Folklore, XX, (1909), 476. C.[ explanations of Batsikama ba !viampuya, 'A Propos de la Cosmogonie Kongo', Cultures du Zai"re, 4 (Kinshasa, 1974), 260 (mutambo); Van Wing, Hístaíre et Sociologie, 271 (kutabwala mate); Van Wing, Religion et }vfagie, 56-65 (matabula); Bentley Díctionary, 434 (tumbula e ndoki).

37. Some texts suggest a casual burial in the fields or along the roads. Santiago 164; Anguiano, 110, ll5. This pattem is characteristic of the modem Suku who are dosely related to the Bakongo. L Kopytoff, 'Ancestors as Elders in Africa', lifrica, 3 (!97!), 129-142. l\1ost texts suggest careful burial in special cemeteries in woods. History ofKongo (late sixteenth century compi1ation), in Cuvelier and Jadin, 133; Cavazzi, I, 124; P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 339; Brugiotti-Infelicita, 372; Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 25 Aug. 1526, in Brásio, I, 479. The discrepancy could relate to regional differences or, more probably, to the casual burials being those of slaves.

38. Cavazzi, I, 127; Caltanisetta, 62, 70; Laurent de Lucques, 331. P. Bonaventura da Coreila, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 339.

39. History ofKongo (late sixteenth century compilation), in Cuvelier and Jadin, !23; P. Bonaventura da CoreUa, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 339. The early 1:\ventieth century

and Nsundi did the sarne. Van Wing, Religíon et lvlagie, 52; Laman, The Kongo, III, 45.

40. P. Bonaventura da CoreUa, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 34lv; Report of P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti, Rome, 12 Dec. 17!0, in Jadin }, 453, (the ceremony dátiampz). See nventieth century practices amongst the Manianga north of the Zai"re,J. Kamuna, 'Sadila Nsi', quo. MacGaffey,

230 ECONOMIC, SOCIAL ...

Cus tom and Govemment, I 71; amongst the Ndibu to the south, l\Jlertens, 4-16-427; and amongsttheMpangu, Van Wíng,RelígionetMagie,64-75.

41. I. Kopytoff, 'Ancestors as Elders in Africa'. For the power of the elders when the Mwissikongo state structures broke down, see Bologne, 85.

42. Brugiotti-Infelicita, 373. Mertens, 17-39. J. Van Wing, 'Bakongo Magic', 85; F. Hagenbucher-Sacripanti, Les Fondaments Spirítuels du Pouvoir au Royaume de Loango (Paris, 1973), 58.

43. Cavazzi, I, 114. 44. (Eyombombo meant fertility, fecundity, abundance, riches, prosperity),

De Geei, 32, 187. Fornkimbasee Dapper (1976), 176-7; Ogilby,314; De Geei, 260 (nkimba = 'enchanter')

45. See n. 135. 46. Report ofF. Capelle to CountJ. M. de Nassau and to the Directors ofthe

Company, Mar. 1642, in Jadin (1966), 231; Bittremieu.x, 154-5; Van Wing, Religion et Magie, 88.

4 7. Bi ttremieux, 25; R. Dennet, At the Back rif tlze Black Man's Mind (London, 1906), 140 states that mbumba was a large snake found in wells. Laman, The Kongo, 144, notes that mbombo was frequently associated with a snake.

48. Some ofthe early twentieth-century Nsundi conceived one ofthe water spirits, simbi, discussed below, as a giant snake. C. M. Dupré, 'Le System des Forces Nkisi chez les Kongod'apres I e Troisieme Volume de K. Laman', Africa, 45, I (1975), 12-25.

49. Gerard Buakasa, 'Notes sur les Kindoki chez les Kongo', Cahiers des Religions Ajricaines, 3, 2 (1968), 154; Buakasa Tula Kia Mpansu, 'L'Impense du Discours', Cahiers des Religions Afiicaines, 7, 13 (1973), I 69; Laman, The Kongo, III, 179; Van Wing, Religion et Magie, 18 >vith reference to the nkita spirits.

50. Hagenbucher-Sacripanti, 105; Troesch, 43-6; Batsikama ba Mampuya, 'A Propos de 'Le Cosmogamie Kongo', Cultures du Zaire, 4 (Kinshasa, !974).

51. For the simbi see: Dupré, 12-25; Gerard Buakasa, 154; Buakasa Tu1a Kia Mpansu, l69;J. Troesch, 'Le Nkuhz des Comtes de Soyo', Aequatori.a, 2 (1961), 43-6. For the nkita, see Van Wing, Religion et Magie, 18; Bittremieux, 154-5; Gerard Buakasa, 154, 158, 160, and below. The modem earth spirits of Mayombe and Loango, the nkisi nsi, have associations identica1 with those of the simbi and nkita. Hagenbucher­Sacripanti, Chap. II.

52. Cavazzi, I, 118, 120; Laurent de Lucques, H-2; P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 339; Caltanisetta, 119; The modem Kongo perform similar rites in severa! contexts associated with the ancestors, Van \N"ing, Histoire et Sociologie, 148 or with the -..vater spirits, Gerard Buakasa, 161.

53. I am inftuenced in the following discussion of the respective roles of the mbumba and nkadi mpemha dimensions by Dupré op. cit.; v\fyatt MacGaffey, 'The Religious Commissions ofthe Bakongo', kfan 27-39; ibid, 'Oral Tradition in Central Africa', lntemationaljoumal African Historical Studies, 7, 3 (1974), 417-426; ibid., 'Cultural Roots

NOTESTOPP. 12-16 231

Kongo Prophetism', History o/ Religion, 17, 2 (1977); ibid., 'Fetishism Revisited. Kongo Nkisi in a Sociologica1 Perspective', A/rica, 4, 2 (1977) 172-184;JohnJanzen, The Questfor Therapy in the Lower Zaii·e, University ofCalifomia, 1978; Ibid., Lemba, 1650-1930. A Drum of Ajjliction in Africa and the New World, New York and London, 1982. These dimension correspond to those described by Dupré as being of the water spirits on the one hand and the sky and earth spirits on the other. They correspond to the public and private domains discussed by MacGaffey. The approach taken here differs in severa! respects from those of Dupré, MacGaffey andJanzen but is not incompatible with theirs.

54. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p.339.

55. Caltanisetta, 70, 81. 56. History ofKongo (late-sixteenth-century compilation), in Cuvelier and

Jadin, 122-3; P. Bona ventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 234v; Laurent de Lucques, 150. ln some places there was a market on the day nsona, e.g. between Mbanza Mbamba, Mbanza Kongo and Kongo de Mbata. See map ofDapper in R. Avelot, 'Une Exploration Oubiée. Voyage de Herder au Kwango (1642)', inLa Géographie, XXVI (1912), 320.

57. Cavazzi, I, 115; P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 338v.

58. Gerard Buakasa, 155-8. 59. Cavazzi, I, 88; Laurent de Lucques, 109-12; Monari, 142; Chap. 8 and

Appendi"'< I. . 60. Troesch, 43-4. Hagenbucher- Sacripanti, 47, writing ofthe Vili, says

that the birth of hvins was considered an essential manifestation of the hakisi basi which appear to correlate with the spirits of the water and earth dimensionas defined above. They could actas priests of the cult of the nkisi nsi, ibid. 31. :Mertens, 247, 249, confirms a similar status for twins, albinos, and children bom with crippled legs.

61. Cavazzi, I, 121; P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 338v.

62. Cavazzi, I, !21. 63. Dupré, 14, 16; Rui de Pina, LXII, in Brásio, I, 125; ReportofP. Antonio

Romano (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 20. Report ofP. Bemadino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, inJadin (196!), 495. Report ofLorenzo da Lucca, .Nlmsu, 3Jan, 1707, inJadin (1961), 546; Laurent de Lucques, 136; Monari, 157-8. This is discussed more fully in Wilson, 252-3.

64. Both the spirit and the material object it empowered were called nkisi. P. Giro!amo da Montesarchio to P. Bonaventura da Sorrento, Nsevo, Nsundi, 25 Mar. 1650 in Brásio, X, 86; Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 200; De Geei, 209. ln order to avoid confusion, I refer

an nkisi. There were three types of nkisi, two of are discussed be!ow.

65. Nkadi r~{Jemba. História. 436-9: nkari mflemba. De Geel, 365; aaTm'l!Jem/Ja.

P. Raimondo da Dicornano 725-6; mmimmba

232 ECONOMIC, SOCIAL ...

Barbot, 'A Description', 490. The latter term appears to combine nkadi mpemba and mbumba.

66. De Geei, 200, 343, 365; Bologna, lI 7; História, 436-9; Dapper, 176-7; Report of P. Raimonda da Dicomano (I 798), in Jadin (1957), 335; Merolla, 725-6; Barbot, 'A Description', 490.

67. Van Wing, Religion, 21; Laman, The Kongo, III, 61. 68. Dupré 19; MacGa!Iey, 'Kongo Nkisi' and below. 69. F. Capelle to Count J. M. de Nassau and to the Directors of the

Company, Mar. 1642, in Jadin (1966), 23; Caltanisetta, 104, I 12-13; Cavazzi, I, 85, 87; I, 116; IV, 412; Montesarchio, 51-146; P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 338, 338v. Teruel, 81, 91-5, 121-2; Anguiano, 274--7. The only reference to 'idols' in the west in the mid-seventeenth century was in Mbamba. Anguiano, 357-9; Teruel, 121-2. By the !ater seventeenth century, however, they were found in Sonyo too, possibly as a result ofthe Makoko-Vili-Sonyo trade. Andrea da Pavia, 6 Apr. 1693 inJadin (1970), 551; Laurentde Lucques, 147.

70. Buakasa Tula kia Mpansu, 161, states that the termkíndoki can be used for ali malevolent action. De Geei, 249 tends to confirm this for the seventeenth century by translating ndoki as 'sorcerer, one who menaces another with poison or other witchcraft'. Laurent de Lucques, 143 noted two methods of cursing which did not use nkisi and were not confined to members ofthe matri- or patrilineage.

71. De Geei, 118; Van Wing, Religion et ivtagie, Chap. 4; Hirtaire et Sociólogie, 89-90; Nsemi Isaki, c. 1910, Laman Collection, in MacGa!Iey and Janzen, 42; above.

72. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 342, 342v; Cavazzi, I, 93-4; Guiseppe Simonetti, 'P. Giacinto da Vetralla etla sua Missione al Congo (1651-7), in Bollentino delta Societa Geographica Italiana, IV, VIII, 4 (Rome, 305-22; 5 (1907), 369-8! containing quotations from the Iost manu­script ofGiacinto da Vetralla, 'Infelicita felice ... ' 372; Dapper (1671 ), 555; Ogilby, 535; Caltanisetta, 81, 103; Buakasa TuJa kia Mpansu, 165-ti.

73. The following nganga are described in detail in Cavazzi, I, 102-5. See also Montesarchio, 67, 68.

74. Laurent de Lucques, 85, 126, 128, 142; Monari, 151; Caltanisetta, 104, 105, 114; Cavazzi, I, 89, 96, 98; IV, 368; P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F_., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 341, 388, 388v; Auguiano, 254; Teruel, 91. De Geei, 214; Cadornega, II, 169; Lunga, to rnind, to take care of, to protect, Bentley, Dictianary, 330.

75. For a modem account of the ambivalence of kindoki see Y aswa Kusikila Kwa Kilombo, Lzifwa evo Kimongie? (1966) in MacGa!Iey andjanzen, 48-55.

76. Cavazzi, I, 96. 77. Report of P. Lorenzo da Lucca, Nkusu, 3 Jan. 1707, in Jadin

543, and Chap. 8. 78. Cavazzi, I, 94. The twentieth-century nkondi operator performed a

similar function. Yakobi Munzole, Bakulu betJJ }'e Diela_diau {1965) in

NOTESTOPP. 16-2! 233

MacGa!Iey andjanzen, 45. 79. 'It is not permitted amongst them to marry women ofthe sarne blood',

Report of Kongo, Lisbon, 25 Nov. 1655, in Brásio, III, 505-!0. The precise rules cannot be determined but note the use ofthe term ki-utu in De Geei, 93, and analysis ofDoutreloux, 76.

80. For discussion ofthis term, see M. G. Smith, 'A Structural Approach to Comparative Politics', in Varieties rif Politica! Theory, ed. David Easton (New Jersey, 1966), See also De Geei, 14, e kanda- 'ofthe family, ofthe tribe, public, universal (catholic), general, vulgar, common; ibid, II, mukentu (woman) wa mbut' (elder) ekanda- 'mother ofthe family; ibid., 23, esse {father), ri 'ekanda- 'father ofthe lineage'.

81. For the mani Lukeni, the female chief of the Lukeni kanda, see Official Enquiry of Diogo I, Kongo, lO Apr. 1550, in Brásio, II, 262. For two successive mani Nla;:.a, female chiefs ofthe Nlaza kanda, see Teruel, 29 and Cadornega, III, 277,304. The maternal aunt ofa mani Kongo held the title in the mid-seventeenth century and was succeeded by the sister of the sarne king, ibid.

82. De Geei, 188, 322. The mbuta represents the higher levei of kanda segmentation amongst severa! modem Bakongo groups. Mertens, 44; Van Wing, Histoire et Sociologie, !54.

83. 'Lord of the village' in Dionigi da Carli (da Piacenza) and Michel Angelo (da Reggio), Viaggio de . .. nel Rqno de! Congo (Reggio, 1671, 1672 and Bologne, 1674) trans. in John Churchill, I, III. 'Principais', 'principais of the people, 'superior' in De Geei, 202, 210. 'Heads of villages', in De Geei, 202, 2!0. 'Heads of viBage' in P. Girolarno da Montesarchio to P. Bonaventura da Sorrento, Nsevo, Nsundi, 22 Mar. 1650, in Brásio, X, 484; De Geei, 240, 261.

84. Anguiano, 73; Carli in Churchill, I, III. 85. ivlacGaffey, Custom and Govermnmt; n. 41 and Chap. 8. 86. Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 3 Oct. 1526, in Brásio, I, 489,490. Even in

the seventeenth centnry most of the terms used for 'slave' also meant 'captive', 'prisoner', i.e. mu-wai, mfumgi, and mubika, De Geei, 193, 203, 234, 236, 240, 330, 349. The only terrn which referred to purchase, muntu a kusumbira was a cornpound construction suggesting that the phrase had been devised to express a new condition. Ibid, 220; Laman, Dictiomzaire, 923.

87. Much of the following is based upon Wyatt MacGaffey, Custam and Govemment, 88, 215-222; \Vyatt MacGaffey, 'Economic and Social Dimensions of Kongo Slavery' in Suzanne Miers and Igor Kopytoff, Slavery in Africa, (Wisconsin, 1977), 235-260.

88. De Geei, 203, 234, 236, 348. 89. Wyatt MacGa!Iey, Custam and Govemment, 99, 215-222; Wyatt

MacGa!Iey 'Economic and Social Dimensions ofKongo Slavery', 235-260; vVyatt i\bcGaffey, 'Lineage Structure, Marriage and the arnongst the Central Bantu',joumal í.!f African Hístmy (for!:hcoming}; Kopyto!I, 'Matrilineality, Residence and Residential Zones', Ameriam EthnolJJgist, (I977), 4, 539-558. For residence options in sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see Chaps. 2 and 3.

234 ECONOMIC, SOCIAL ...

90. Lineage heads- nkuluntu- could have 2, 4 or 6 wives. Mwissikongo had up to 30 wives. Teruel, 80. One man who had three wives used one to cook and serve his food, one to cultivate the fields and a third to receive h is visitors. Caltanisetta, 75.

91. The Capucins repeatedly asked for the faculty to dispense marriages to the second degree of consanquinity and the first and second degree of affinity. The first request suggests a strong tendency to marry first cousins. These would not be parallel cousins. A mother's sister's child was a dose member of ego's kanda and therefore prohibited by the rules of exogamy; a father's brother's child was a member of an otherwise qui te unrelated kanda. E.g. P. Bona ventura da Alessano to Propanganda Fide, São Salvador, 14Jan. 1647, in Brásio, X, 7. See a1so Reportofthe Bishop ofKongo, Manuel Baptista, 7 Sep. 1619, in Brásio, VI, 375; and (Hyacinthe de Bologne), La Pratique Missionaíre des P.P. Capucins ltaliens dans la Royaume de Congo Angola et . .. (1747), ed. J. Nothomb, S. J. (Louvain, 1931), 7!.

92. ln the twentieth century marriage with the father's sister's daughter's child was the preferred form of marriage in Mayombe. Doutreloux, 143. In Mpangu, matrilatereal cross cousin marriage was preferred. Van Wing, Hiswire et Sociologie, 192. Other groups doubt its possibility. De Souseberghe, 'Cousins croisés et descendants. Les Systems du Ruanda et du Burundi comparés à ceux du Bas Congo', Ajrica, XXV, 4, (1965) 4-20. The above position reflects the theoretical discussion of Wyatt MacGafTey, 'Lineage Structure, Marriage and Family', and Janzen, Lemba, 42-3.

93. Teruel, 80, 190, 191, 193;Joseph Pellicer de Tovar, Mision Evangelica al Reyno de Congo (Madrid, 1649), 65, 65v; Laurent de Lucques, 89, 137-8; Anne Hilton, 'Family and Kinship Among The Kongo South of the Zaire River from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Century',]oumal ojAjrican History, 24 (1983), 189-206; Chap. 4.

94. Report ofF ernão de Sousa, 2 Feb, 1631, in Brásio, VIII, 123; Laurent de Lucques, 52; Pigafetta, 64; Map annexed to Report on Kongo ( compilati( c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 75; C.Jeanest, QuatreAnnéesau Congo (Paris, 1883), 56; Report ofP. Cherubino da Savona (1775) injadin (1963), 384; Atkins, 'A Demographic Survey', 333; For its politicai mobilisation in the sixteenth century see Official Enquiry ofDiogo I, Kongo, lO April, 1550, in Brásio, II, 262, and Chap. 4.

95. I n this I follow Wyatt MacGafTey Cuswm and Govemmerú, 17. 96. I n the mid-seventeenth century the mani Lemju in the province ofNsundi

was entitled 'Grandfather ofthe King ofKongo'. Montesarchio, ll3. Since the only other Grandfathers were the Nsaku, maní Vunda and Nsaku mani Mbata (see below), it seems likely that the m(llli Lemju was also Nsaku. The Nlaza kanda in central Kongo was believed to be related to the Nlaza kanda which dominated Kongo dia Nlaza. Cadornega, 236-243, in Manso, 285; Caltanisetta, 76.

97. E.g. amongst the Luba, E. Verhulpen, Baluba et Balubaises du Katanga (Antwerp, 1936), 90; amongst the Yaka, tvL Planquaert. Les Yaka: Essai d'Histoire {Brussels, 1971 ).

NOTES TO PP. 22-25 235

98. e.g. Garcia Simoes to P. Provincial, São Paulo, 20 Oct, 1575, in Brásio, III, 135; História, 434-5; Miller Kings and Kinsmen, Chap. III; Laman, The Kongo, III, 60. ln the mid-seventeenth century the word ma-dunga denoted chie( De Geei 1 78. Ma-dunga is a form of the word kalunga. M. Guthrie, Comparative Baniu: An lntroduction to lhe Comparative Linguistics and Pre-history of BantuLanguages, 4 vo1s. (Farnborough, 1967-1971 ), III, C.S., 75.

99. See below. Montesarchio, 102 (nsimba); Cavazzi, IV, 420 (nzimba); Report ofP. Francesco da Monteleone, Angola, 20 Mar. 1684, A.P.F., S.RC., Congo, I, p. 779, (nzumba); P. Francesco Maria Gioia (da Napoli), La Meravigliosa Conversione alla Sante Fede di Christo della Regina Singa e del suo Regno di Matamba nell Africa Meridiana/a ... (Na pies, 1669), 2 ('gangazumbo, an ido!, necromancer'). Laman, Dictiorznaire, 828, notes, nzimbu, intelligence, tutelary spirit; nzimba, a deep place; nzimba nsi, right in land; nzimba, woman who engenders.

IOO. Report ofP. Francesco da Monteleone, Angola, 20 Mar. 1684, A.P.F., S.R.C., Congo, I, 779.

101. Laurent de Lucques, 123 (mani pangala of Sonyo); Cavazzi, II, 231 ( bumbambula, mani pangala who lived near Mbanza Kongo). De Geei, 198 (mpangulu, smith).

102. See Chap. 2. I03. Zuchelli, 242-5, 293-6. C. f. Miller's suggestion in Kings and Kinsmen,

chap. III, that the lunga emblem 'may have linked for the first time, lineages not connected by descent group genealogies generated by lineage fission'.

I 04. The lunga kings of Kasanje defined their domains in terms of drainage areas, ibid. 62. Whilst there is no direct evidence for the Kongo, the identity of their most common title (kalunga) and their invariable association with stretches of water, discussed below, suggests that the kitome defined their domains in the sarne way. For concatenation of

water, tree, and snake, see Cavazzi, I, 92; ?vfontesarchio, 97. I05. It is not dear how the kitomeofficewas controlled. One source notes that

the kitome had their heirs and entailed property (Memorial of P. Bona ventura da Aiessano to Propaganda Fide, Aug. 1649, in Brásio, X, 396), and onekitomestated that theoffice had been in his farnily for three hundred years (Monari, 465-7). This suggests that it was controlled by a priestly lineage. The individual successor appears to have been desig­nated before the kitome died. There are references to the 'disciple designated to succeed' the kitome. Merolla, 68!, and to the 'successor elect', Cavazzi, I, 92.

I06. Merolla, 681. 107. Cavazzi: !, 92, states that this only happened in some provinces 'where

the superstition is great'. J\.rferolla, 681 implies that it was universaL 108. Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657) A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p.

200; Gavazzi, I, 175; Merolla, 68. 109. Montesarchio, 83--4; Cavazzi, IV, 413. ll O. Cavazzi, I, !05-6; Laurent de Lucques, HO; Merolla, 675. III. Cavazzi, I, 92; 1Vkmorial ofP. Bona ventura da Alessano to

236 ECONOMIC, SOCIAL ...

Fide, Aug. 1649, in Brásio, X, 396. C.f. the Pende, who formerly dwelt south west of the Kwango, have a tradition that when they crossed the Kwango only the great chiefs ofthe land brought fire with them. They used this to delimit their territories. Like many others, they believe that fire brings fecundity to men, animais and earth.J. Maes, 'Le Camp de Mashita Mbanza et les Migrations des Bapende', Congo (1935), 717.

112. Report ofP. Francesco da Monte1eone, Angola, 20 Mar. 1684, S.R.C., Congo, I, pp. 777, 779, 790; Report on the Kongo, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 56; Zuchelli, 173; Merolla, 181; Cavazzi, I, 91; IV, 413; P. Serafino da Cartona to the Father Agent ofthe Capucins, Angola, 12 May 1653; ibid., 4 Sep. 1653, A. C. Florence; Montesarchio, 83-4; Monari, 446; Memorial ofP. Bona ventura da Alessano to the Propaganda Fide, Aug. 1649, in Brásio, X, 396.

II3. IVIerolla, 680. 114. Serafino de Cartona to Father Agent ofthe Capucins, Angola, 12 May,

1653; ibid., 4 Sep. 1653, A. C. Florence; P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 337; Cavazzi, I, 91; ReportofP. Giacintoda Vetral1a,A.P.F.,S.R.C.G., 250, p. 200; Report on Kongo (compilation c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 56; Congregation on the Mission of Kongo, 4 July 1668, A.P.F., Congrega;::ione Parlicolare, 1664, p. 20.

ll5. Cavazzi, I, 420; Montesarchio, 102. 116. I bid.; Cavazzi, I, 420. 117. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on lndigenous Kongo Religion,

A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 343; Cavazzi, IV, 370, 422; Montesarchio, 1.59, !60, 162, 164, 165; Teruel, 92; Anguiano, 256, 257; Caltanisetta, 39; P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti, Rome, 12 Dec. 1710, injadin (1961), 464.

II8. Dapper (!676), 176-7; Ogilby, 314; De Geei, 260noted thewordnkimba meaning 'enchanter', which suggests that it did exist south ofthe Zaire. There is some evidence of an nkimba cult in late fifteenth century Sonyo. See Chap. 2. In the early twentieth century, it was found in Sonyo where it merged with kimpassi. Bittremieux, l8, 40. Modem commentators emphasize the basic identity of the cu!ts of the Kongo region which are today variously called ndembu, kimpassi, kinkimba, lernba, and bwili b&eelo. Batsikama ba Mampuya, 255, 259.

119. In the early twentieth-century, assemblies were formed in periods oflow bírth or high death rate. The initiates remained in the endosure for months or years and ·when they emerged the kimpassi was over. Van vVing, Religion et ll,fagie, 185; Bitremieux, 200-2. ln more recent times, kímpassi assemb!ies were only formed amongst the Ndibu as part of the investiture of an mjitmu mpu, the crowned chief responsible for the cult of the ancestors or of the water and earth spirits (Mertens, 53; Gerard B uakasa, 158). For changes in the role of lemba north of the Zaire see J anzen, Lemba.

120. Cavazzi, I, 99,212, 198; Montesarchio, 159, 164 for the touowmg 121. Gerard Buakasa, 154; Bittremieux, 179. 122. Cavazzi, I, 99.

NOTES TO PP. 25-31 237

123. Report ofP. Bernadino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, injadin (1961), 501.

124. ln the nineteenth century it was believed that the initiates died and decomposed until only one bone remained, at which stage the nganga resurrected them. Bentley, Dictionary, 506.

125. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 336v; Montesarchio, !59, 163.

126. Cavazzi, I, 100; Dupré, 16. 127. Ogilby, 514; Dapper (1671), 534; Cavazzi, I, 99; Memorial of P.

Bona ventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, Aug. 1649, in Brásio, X, 395, 403; Teruel, 91; P. Bona ventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.RC.G., 249, p. 343.

128. De Geei, 337; Cavazzi, IV, 367-8. 129. Janzen, Lemba, 103, 273-92; Bemadino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe

Sacripanti, Rome, 12 Dec. 1710, injadin (1961 ), 464. 130. Bentley, Dictionary, 502. 131. De Geei, 327. 132. Cavazzi, I, 99; Chap. 8. 133. Pigafetta, 18; History ofKongo (late-sixteenth century compilation) in

Cuvelierandjadin, 141 and Chap. 2. 134. See Chap. 2. 135. See discussion on spiritua1 basis ofKongo Kingship, Chap. 2. Note also,

the founder ofNgo1a a Kiluanje was, in one etiologica11egend, bumba a mbula, mani masure (smith). Francesco Maria Gioia (da Napoli) La Meraviglwsa Conversione alta Santa Fede di C h ris to de/la Regine Singa (Naples, 1669), 136. Another account states that 'Angola bambambula was made King of Angola and ofDongo for his own merits and for the benefit of the people.' Report ofP. Antonio Romano (!ater 1650's), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250,20.

136. Cavazzi, I, 125. See Brugiotti-Infe1icíta, 371 for similar practice amongst the 'Abundi of the Kingdom of Angola'. P. Bona ventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p.339.

137. Ogilby, 514; Dapper (!671), 534; Laman, The Kongo, III, 61; MacGaffey, Custam and Gouemment, 230.

138. Battell, 2; Report ofF. Capelle to CountJ. M. de Nassau and to the DirectorsoftheCompany, Mar, 1642, injadin (1966), 231.

139. P. Garcia Simoes to P. Provincial, Lunda, 20 Oct. 1575, in Brásio, III, 134.

140. Battel, 2; Chap. 2; above. 141. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion,

A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 228v.

CHAPTER2:

1. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brásio, I, 294-323; Pigafetta, 85; História, 459-63; Cavazzi, I, 164, 230; Report of P. Bernardino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, in Jadin, (1961), 468; P. André Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May, 1622-4, injadin (1968), 391; Montesarchio, 70-1; Teruel, 181; Cardornega, III, 188; Report on Kongo (late seventeenth century), A.P.F., S.R.C., Congo, I, pp. 198-200. In part this follows the analysis developed by Jan Vansina 'Notes sur l'Origin du Royaume de Kongo,joumal of African Hiswry (1963), 33-38. See a!so Wyatt MacGaffey, 'Oral Tradition in Central Africa', op. cit. For the evolution of similar structures to those hypothesized for Vungu, in similar circumstances, see Chap. 8.

2. The earliest known title of the mani Kongo was, 'King ofManicongo and of the Ambundus', Afonso I to Pope, Kongo (1512), in Brásio, I, 272; Afónso I to the Lords ofthe Kingdom, Kongo, !512, in Brásio, I, 260. This suggests that the Mbundu had on1y recently been incorporated in the kingdom. The term referred to the people in the region ofthe lower Dande. Report on Kongo, 1607, in Brásio, V, 385; Laurentde Lucques, 19·1-; G. Atkins, 'A Demographic Survey,' 334. The mani Kongo's control was strictly limited to the coastal zone. ln the mid-sixteenth century the mani Carimba, who dwelt near the sea, obeyed both the mani Kongo and the Ngola a Kiluanje. Fr. António Mendes to the Father General, Lisbon, 9 May, 1563, in Brásio, II, 498.

3. For Mbanza Mpemba: History of Kongo (late-sixteenth-century compilation), in Cuvelier and Jadin, 137. The location of the other capitais are well known from numerous reports. Pigafetta, 36, stated that the 'River Berbella', the Nkisi, formed the old lirnit ofthe Kongo Kingdorn in the east.

4. For fóod: History of Kongo (late-sixteenth-century compilation), in Cuvelierandjadin, 121; Reporton Kongo, 1607, in Brásio, V. 384. 'The

of the viHage pay their tributes to the interrnediate lords, these to princes and these to the king. And in sorne lands the principal tribute

is the sucking pig, in others goats, in other chickens .... the ordinary people scarcely eat meat- rather they eat vegetables, a few eggs and herbs.' Teruel, 185. For doth, Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. l 51 5, in Brásio, I, 304; História, 440-l. For nzimbu shell money, Pígafetta, 26 notes that the governar of Luanda Island was 'sent from

NOTES TO PP. 32-36 239

.!(ongo to administer justice and collect the shells that serve as money'. See also, Suggestions ofPedro Sardinha (c. 1611), in Brásio, VI, 52-3. For sa1t, note that sorne sources state that 'no-one has 1ordship over the salt pans except the kings'. Teruel, 170; Tovar Pellicer, 57; Anguiano, 70. Cavazzi, I, 17 noted that the mani Kongo received 'voluminous' arnounts of sa1t. H e did not, however, directly contro1 ali the coas tal salt pans. Ogilby, 528; Dapper (1671), 548.

5. Note staternent of Afonso I ( 1506-43) with respect to European goods and the provincial governors and tributary chiefs. 'Formerly we would have given them these things in order to satisfy thern and keep them under our suxereignty andjurisdiction'. Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 6 July, 1526, in Brásio, I, 470-1, and Chap. 3. Also, 'neither the king nor the title-holders reserve things frorn one year to the next except cloth for their person, but ali that the subjects contribute to them is within a few days re-distributed to thern'. Quotation from the lost MS ofP. Giacinto Brugiotti (da Vetralla), Infelicita felice o vero Mondo alia roversa de! R. P. F. Giacinto da Vetralla .... in Giuseppe Simonetti; 'P. Giacinto da Vetralla et la sua Missione al Congo ( 1651-7) ', Bolletino de !la Sociétà Geographica Italiana, IV, VIII, 4 (1907), 305-22; 5 (!907), 369-81.

6. Seen. 4. 7. Report on Kongo,June 1622, injadin (!968), 379-80. 8. Cavazzi II, 240; Official Enquiry ofDiogo I, Kongo, 10 Apr. 1550, in

Brásio, II, 262, (Lukeni), Teruel, 49; Anguiano, 135-6, (Niaza). História, 497 (Nsundi and 'Cou1o' which Cuvelier, L'Ancien Royaume, note 30, reads as Nkusu). Nimi rnay have been the kanda name ofthe first king known to the Portuguese,João I. Rui de Pina, LXII, in Brásio, I, 121, (Monymoctyanyny, i.e. mani ntinu (titles) a nimi).

9. See discussion in M. G. Smith, 'A Structura!Approach', I 17. 10. Brugiotti-lnfelicita, 374; Cavazzi, I, 142; II, 226; History of Kongo

(late-sixteenth-century cornpilation), in Cuvelier and Jadin, 121; José de Pernambuco to the Provincial ofCastille, Sonyo, 25 Mar. 1648, in Brásio, X, 114-15; Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 198; 95; n. 6.

11. Pigafetta, 66; Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 198.l'vierolla, 69L

12. e.g. Teruel, 32, 124, 139, 183, and Anguiano, 4!0;Joseph Pellicer de Tovar, Mision &'angelica al Regno de Congo (Madrid, 1649), 71; :tvfonari, 462; Cavazzi, V, 21.

13. The rnost detailed account is in Report on the Kongo (P. André Cordeiro), June 1622, in Jadin (1968), 373-82. There are additional details in Ogilby, 541; Dapper (1671), 564-5; Cavazzi, I, 222-4 (probably the 1661 election).

14. Considered a necessary elector in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Kongo and independent Sonyo, História, 434-5; Cavazzi, II, 223; Zuchelli, 309; Laurent de Lucques, 53; Monari, 145. See also Report on Kongo by Bishop of São Tomé, Lisbon, 25 Nov. 1595, in Brásio, III, 505-!0 and hís position in court ofjoão I in Chap. 3. That the mani Vunda was a kitome, see his functions in História, 434-5.

2+0 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

15. João III to Afonso I (1529), in Brásio, I, 535; Cavazzi, II, 223. 16. Matters to Raise in the Replyofthe Pope totheKingofKongo (c. !651),

A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 40v, refers to fourelectors. Teruel, 131 says the election was ma de by 'three or four of the most principallords'. Cavazzi, II, 222-3, states that the mani Sonyo was an elector. He never attended Mbanza Kongo after the mid-seventeenth century but he did force a king upon the Mwissikongo in the !ater seventeenth century. See Chap. 8. In the !ater seventeenth century Dona Anna, mani Nlaza, the aged sister ofGarcia II, had the 'first vote' in the election. Consulta, Lisbon, 3 Mar. 1689, in Paiva Manso, 293. After its secession from Kongo, Sonyo normally had four electors who also varied according to circumstances. Zuchelli, 250 (the mani Kioua, Kela, Kitombe and Pangala); Laurent de Lucques, 53 and Monari, 145 (mani Kima instead of mani Kiova). M crolla, 690 says there were nine Sonyo electors.

17. Teruel, 58. See also successors of Afonso I, Chap. 4, and Fig. L 18. See Chap. 3. 19. João III to Afonso I (1529), in Brásio, I, 535; Report of P. André

Cordeiro,June 1622, inJadin (1968), 379 and Chap. 4. 20. João de Barros in Brásio, I, 83; Report on Kongo (P. André Cordeiro),

June 1622, inJadin (1968), 379 and Chap. 4. 21. e.g., Cavazzi, IV, 373; Montesarchio, 34,91-2. 22. e.g., Report ofF. Capei! e to CountJ. M. de Nassau and to the Directors

of the Company, Mar. 1642, inJadin (1966), 223; Manifesto ofWar of António I, São Salvador, 13 July 1665, in Paiva Manso, 244--5.

23. Afonso I to Paulo III, Kongo, 21 Feb. 1535, in Brásio, II, 39; Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 25 Mar, 1539, in Brásio, II, 73; ReportofF. Cape!Ie to CountJ. M. de Nassau and totheDirectorsoftheCompany, Mar, 1642, in.Jadin (1966), 228; Ogilby, 536; Dapper (1671), 558; Teruel, 184. The principal judge was called vango vimgo. Teruel does not describe the functions ofthe mani bampa, the fourth principal male councillor. It is not known who took the place of the principal secretary before the introduction ofliteracy.

24. ln the mid-seventeenth century Garcia Il's aunt filled the office. Temei, 124-5. Since his maternal aunt was the kanda chief mani Nlaza, Teruel, 49, Anguiano, 135, this aunt was his paternal aunt. ln the early six­teenth century, the most important woman at Afonso I's éourt was entitled Mother and Daughter ofthe king.João III to Afonso I, Lisbon

1529), in Brásio, I, 535. See a!so Report ofP. iv1ateus Cardoso, 14 Sep. 1625, in Jadin (!968}, 426. ln the first years of the eighteenth century a 'Mother' elected the ma.ni Wandu. Laurent de Lucques, 270. See also 'iviother' of the ma.ni Nsanga, ~Iontesarchio, i 7.

25. Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 25 Mar. 1539, in Brásio, II, 73; History of Kongo (Iate-sixteenth-century compilation), in Cuvelier and Jadin, 131; Bras Correia to Monsenhor Vives, São Salvador, 20 Oct. 1619, in Brásio, VI, 407.

26. Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 18 Oct. 1526, in Brásio, I, 490; Reporton Kongo by the Bishop ofSão Tomé, Lisbon, 25 Nov. 1595, in Brásio, III, 505-l O; Matters Raised by the Kongo Ambassador, Madrid, 31 Mar. I 607,

NOTES TO PP 36-4-l 24!

in Brásio, V, 284; Report on Kongo (P. André Cordeiro),June 1622, in Jadin (1968), 383; Report ofP. Mateus Cardosco, 14 Sep. 1625, inJadin (1968), 427; De Geei, 136; Teruel, 181; Manifesto ofWar of António I, São Salvador, 13July 1665, in Paiva Manso, 244-5.

27. Report on Kongo (P. André Cordeiro), June 1622, in Jadin (1968), 373-4. For an mj;emba nkazi whose status derived from historical circumstances no longer important in the mid-seventeenth century and who consequently wielded little power and influence see Montesarchio, 70-l. Nkazi meant spouse. De Geei, 258.

28. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brásio, I, 296; Pigafetta, 69; Report on Kongo, Lisbon, 25 Nov. 1595, in Cuvelier andJadin, 200, and Brásio, III, 505-10; História, 463-5; Report on Kongo, 24 Jan. 1622, in J adin ( 1968), 3 73-4; MacGaffey, Cus tom and Govemment, 88; and Chaps. 3 and 5.

29. Report on Kongo (P. André Cordeiro), June 1622, in Jadin (1968), 373-4.

30. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514-, in Brásio, I, 294-323;seealso Pigafetta, 71, 'the profit that the king takes from Mbata is double that of (:rvlpangu and Nsundi).

31. Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, in Brásio, I, 46l.João III to Afonso I (1529), in Brásio, I, 535 (who understood that Sonyo too was amongst the principal provinces, probably because the Portuguese had to pass through

32. Garcia de Resende in Brásio, I, 139; Rui de Pina, in Brásio, I, 136;João de Barros, in Brásio, I, 143; Reporton Kongo (P. AndréCordeiro),June 1622, in Jadin (1968), 37l, 336; Teruel, 158; Laurent de Lucques, 98, and Chaps. 3, 4-, 5.

33. See Chaps. 3 and 5 and above. That the kings appointed the mani Mbata in the sixteenth century see Pígafetta, 69. For Garcia II's intervention in l\·fbata, Cavazzi, IV, 423. That the ruling kanda >vas Nsaku Lau see Pigafetta, 50; Report on Kongo ( compilation c. I 65 7), A.P.F., S. R. C. G., 250, p. 80.

34. Chaps. 3, 4, 5. 35. Little is known of organizational change at the lmver leveis, but kanda

must sometimes have been divided or amalgamated in the interests of the state structure. In the late seventeenth century, the mani Sorryo conquered six nku!untu who had formerly been ruled by the mani ,Hbamba. He incorporated them in a new district called Mbamba de Sonyo and placed a 'captain general' over them. Zuchelli, 232.

36. Domingos de Abreu, Summary and Description of Angola (1591), in Brásio, I, 539.

37. Compare the politicai situation revealed in the Official Enquiry of Diogo, I, Kongo, 10 Apr. 1550, in Brásio, II, 248--62 with the mani Kongo's appointments to very small districts in the early seventeenth century in, e.g., Bras CmTeia to Vives, São Salvador, 30 Oct. 1619, in Cuvelier andJadin, 333; Montesarchio, 54, 69; Terud, 99; Anguiano, 278; P. Girolamo da l'v[ontesarchio to P. Bonaventura da SorrFnto

23 Mar. !650, in Brásio, X, 486.

21'2 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

38. e.g. Jordão Manuel in the early seventeenth century: Report on the Kongo (P. André Cordeiro),June 1622 inJadin (1968), 372; the future Pedro II (1622-4): ibid. 382; P. André Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May 1622-June 1624, inJadin (1968), 390. ln such cases the provincial governors appointed substitutes to govern in their absence. Laurent de Lucques, 170.

39. e.g. the careers of the brothers, the future Álvaro VI (1636-41) and Garcia II (1641-61). Report ofFrancisco Leitão, Madrid, 4 Dec. 1643, in Brásio, IX, 85; Count ofSonyo to Pope Innocent X, Sonyo, 25 Mar; 1648, in Brásio, X, 124; Ogilby, 542; Teruel, 123-4; Anguiano, 363; Cavazzi, II, 247; Dapper (1671), 565.

40. See the future Afonso I's refusal to obey his father's surnmons to Mbanza Kongo in about 1505. João de Barros, III, X, in Brásio, I, 143-4. For the mid-seventeenth century, see Teme!, 100; Cavazzi, IV, 410.

41. e.g. Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, in Brásio, I, 461; Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brásio, I, 298, Chap. 7.

42. Report on Kongo (P. AndréCordeiro),June 1622, in.Jadin (!968), 371; Ogilby, 535b; Dapper (1671), 558; Teruel, 185; Cavazzi IV, 225.

43. Anguiano, 73; Teruel, 103 (reference to Wandu in 1650). The mani Nkusu's 'substitute' at Mbanza Kongo was entitled manienzu. Teruel, 132; Anguiano, 393.

44. e.g. to Sonyo in the early l640s, Santiago Ll1; to the Ndembu chiefs in the early l660s, Public Testirnony of Alferes André Lopes Teixera, 25 July 1664, in Sousa Dias, 133.

45. Report on Kongo, Lisbon, 25 Nov. 1595, in Cuvelier andJadin, 20i; Teruel, 97, 133, 134; Anguiano, 268,396.

46. Public Testimony of António Fernandes Mufulama a Kanga, 25 July, 1664, in Sousa Dias, 134; Public Testimony of António Taveira de Sousa, 25 July, 1664, ibid. 120.

47. e.g. Report ofFernão de Sousa, 2 Feb. !631, in Brásio, VIII, 123; ibid., in Brásio, VIII, 133 (reference to the mani So'!J10); Letter of Álvaro lU, Kongo, 20Jan. 1616, in Brásio, VI, 252 (reference to the

48. Teruel, 52; Anguiano, 144. See the structure ofthe Kongo army at the battle ofMbwila in 1665. António de Sousa in Diogo C"ao, IV, 4 (1936), 168 and Chap. 7.

49. João III sent letters to all the principal provincial and central title­holders including 'Joam Alvarez, chief captain ofGongo'. João III to Afonso I, 1529, in Brásio, I, 535. The fact that neither this letter nor Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, in Brásio, I, 461, mentions a mani lvlpemba suggests that the titles may have been combined.

50. João de Barros, in Brásio, I, 485. 51. João de Barros, in Brásio, I, 145. 52. João III to Afonso I (1529), in Brásio, I, 530. 53. History ofKongo (late-si.xteenth-century compilation), in Cuvelier and

Jadin, 133. 54. Pigafetta, 26; Pieter van den Broecke, Korte lúsi!Jreal ende joumaelsdre

aenteyckeninghe ... (Haalem, 1614) in K. Ratelband, Reizm naar West

NOTES TO PP. 42-46 243

ilflica van Pieterz1arl den Broecke 1605-1614 (The Hague, 1950), 161; Report of Pie ter Zegers Ouman, 1643, in Jadin ( 1961 ), 241; History of Kongo (late-sixteenth-century compilation), in Cuvelier andJadin, 134.

55. Anguiano, 76-9; Romano, 117; Cavazzi, I, 14-9, 150; P. Giacinto Brugiotti (da Vetralla), 'Epístola P. Hyacinthi a Foro Casii Misionarii Cap. in Regno Congi anno 1652', Analecta Ordinis ivfinonan Captmccilwmm, 13 (Rome, 1897), 89; Hist01y ofKongo (late-sixteenth~century compilation), in Cuvelier andJadin, 365; Report ofthe Barefoot Carmelites, _1584, in Brásio, IV, 411; Monari, 490-3; Montesarchio, 173; Public Testimony of António Taveira de Sousa, assistant clerk to the Ndembu Kalwnbo Kangínga, 25July 1664, in Sousa Dias, 120.

56. e.g. they intercepted the letters of the sixteenth century Portuguese: Gonçalo Nunes Coelho to João III, Kongo, in Brásio, II, 76-7; ofthe seventeenth century Dutch: The XIX to the Directors of the Coast, 6 Oct. 1645, A.H., O.W.LC., 9; ofthe seventeenth century Portuguese: Report ofFernão de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 23 Feb. 1632, in Brásio, VIII, 135; ofthe Capucins: Teruel, 141; Monari, 505; Garcia II to João da Costa, Kongo, 15 Nov. 1654, in Cavazzi, doe. 43,329-30.

57. Instructions of Pedro II to Vives, São Salvador, 23 June, 1622, in Cuvelier andJadin, 426 (collectors oftaxes); Cavazzi, II, 225. There is passing information on this in ali the Capucin reports.

58. e.g. in Mpangu in 1584. Report on the Carmelite Mission, 1584, in Brásió, IV, 407.

59. For exarnples in Nsundi, Cavazzi, IV, 424; Montesarchio, 150-6. 60. ln one village there was a 'chief of the village' as well as a 'governor,

placed by the marquis' ofMpangu. Ivfontesarchio, 164. 61. See37. 62. Teruel, 199; História, 459-64. 63. See Ghap. 4. 64. For the foilowing, e.g. Pigafetta, 74-6; Report on Kongo, Lisbon, 25

Nov. 1595, in Cuvelier andJadin, 194; History ofKongo (late si.xteenth century), in Cuvelier and Jadin, 136-7; Santiago, !28; Romano, 40; Gavazzi, H, 227; Ogilby, 525.

65. 'vVhen they have food they eat it and fast afterwards. For example, a chief who had to pay tribute took the king 20 or 30 cattle ( there are no great cattle at São Salvador but there are in other regions), 15 sheep and other food in abundance. Ali were eaten in little time'. History ofKongo (late sixteenth century), in Cuvelier andJadin, 121. 'Twice a year the princes subrnit tribute-goats, pigs, chickens'. Teruel, 185.

66. History of Kongo (late sixteenth century) in Cuvelier and Jadin, 121; Cavazzi, IV, 355; Montesarchio, 82, !36; Chaps. 7 and 8.

67. História, 459-460; Cavazzi, II, 230; Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo, Rorne, 17 Dec. inJadin 468--9.

68. Compare accounts in Pigafetta, and Chap. 3 with Report of P. Bernardino da GaHo, Rorne, I 7 Dec. l Report ofP. Cherubino da Savona (l

69. Letter of P. Jacome Dias, Kongo, ! Aug. !548, in Brásio, II, l8I; Gavazzi, I, ll4, ll9; Dapper (1671 583;

244 NOTES TO PP. 46-49

70. Raffaelo Maffei da Volterra, Commentarionmz Urbanonmz, XXXVIII (Rome, 1506), 138v; Dapper (1671), 563; Ogilby, 540 and Chaps. 3 and 4.

71. Cavazzi, I, 164; II, 231; Report on Kongo (late seventeenth century) A.P.F., S.R.C., Congo, I, p. 199; Report on Kongo (P. André Cordeiro) June, 1622, injadin, (1968), 379; c/fP. Francisco Maria Gioia, 136 that the founder ofNgola a Kiluanje was mbumba mbula, mani masure (smith).

72. Montesarchio, 97. See the explidt association offirebrands with chiefs of the land and fertility amongst the closely related Pende.]. Maes, 'Le Camp de Mashita Mbanza etles Migration des Bapende', Congo ( 1935), 717 and Chap. L

73. Cavazzi, I, 92. 74. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on lndigenous Kongo Religion

(mid-seventeenth century), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 337, 337v; Memorial ofP. Bonaventura da Aiessano to the Propaganda Fide, Aug 1649, in Brásio, X, 396.

75. Cavazzi, I, 9 I; Zuchelli, 185. 76. The local title-holders built a new house for the new incumbent. Terue!,

180. Note the ritual associated with building a new sleeping house for the mani SoTl)'O in the !ater seventeenth and early eighteenth century. Laurent de Lucques, 120.

77. Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 200; História, 434; P. Serafino da Cartona to P. Procuratore, Angola, 12 May 1653, A.C.F.

78. Laurent de Lucques, 123. 79. Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct.

1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68. ln Loango, the delegates ofthe king to the shrine of Bunzi could not see the sea during the voyage. Hagenburger­Sacripanti, 72.

80. Rui de Pina, LVIII, in Brásio, I, 61. 81. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on lndegenous Kongo Religion,

A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 204v; Cavazzi, I, 103, lll. 82. P. Bonaventura da Corella, Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion,

A.P.F·., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 34lv. 83. Montesarchio, 99.

CHAPTER3:

I. Cavazzi, V, 246; Montesarchio, I 16. In early seventeenth century Loango the newly arrived white men had to be buried about two miles off-shore in the sea. Battell, 51.

2. Rui de Pina, L VIII, in Brásio, I, 65-6. 3. See Chap. 4. 4. Rui de Pina, L VII, in Brásio, I, 32-5; Garcia de Resende, CLIII, in

Brásio, I, 36-8;João de Barros, III, III, in Brásio, I, 39-43. 5. P. Francisco de Santa 1viaria, O Ceo aberto na terra, Lisbon, I597, in Brásio,

I, 91. 6. Rui de Pina, L VIII, LIX, LX, in Brásio, I, 61, 115; Garcia de Resende, in

Brásio, I, 72, l I9. 7. Rui de Pina, L VIII, in Brásio, I, 61,65-6. 8. João de Barros, III, IX, in Brásio, I, 84; Garcia de Resende, CLVI,

CLVII, in Brásio, I, I18; ibid., CLIX, in Brásio, I, 129; Rui de Pina, LIX, LX, in Brásio, I, 114; ibid., LXI, in Brásio, I, 130; ibid., LXII, in Brásio, I, l2l-3.

9. João II to Rui Gil, Lisbon, lO Dec. 1493, in Brásio, I, 154; Damião de Gois, I, LXXVI, ín Brásio, I, !94.

lO. João de Barros, I, III, X, in Brásio, 14!; Garcia de Resende, CLX in Brásio, I, 137-9; Rui de Pina, LXIII, in Brásio, 133-136.

H. João de Barros, I, III, X, in Brásio, 14-l-7. 12. That h e was the son of the principal wife, ibid. For the position of the

Nsaku Lau, see Chap. 2. 13. Rui de Pina, IX III, in Brásio, I, 136 and below. 14. João de Barros, I, II, X, in Brásio, 141-7. 15. AH republished in Brásio, I. 16. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brásio, I, 297-9. 17. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. !514 in Brásio, I, 297; Pacheco

Pereira, Esmeralda de Situ Orbis (Lisbon, I 954 ), 144. 18. See Chap. 6. For purchase ofEuropean copper: Report ofF. Capelle to

Countj. M. de Nassau and tothe Directors oftheCompany, Mar. 1642, injadin (1966), 229. Ali the late nineteenth century European attempts to explÕit th~ Mbembe copper fai!ed. F. Mouta 'As Minas de Cobre do Congo', Acti<IÍdade Ewm5mü:o., 3 9-l5.

19. Ogilby,542; Dapper 565. 20. CaptainofSãoTométojoãoiii,SãoTomé, l3Feb.l549.inBrásio, IL237.

246 EUROPEAN CONTACT

21. Broecke, 70; Samuel Braun's Sclziffarten, ed. L'Honoré Naber (The Hague, 1913), 12-13.

22. João de Barros, III, X, in Brásio, I, !43; Pereira, 144. 23. Cuvelier, L'Anâen Royaume, 227, note 33. ln the mid-seventeenth century

l\1azinga incorporated the Dondo south of the Niari River. Montesarchio, 55-B, 66-7, 102; P. Girolamo da la Sorrento, 22 Mar. 1650, Nsevo, Nsundi, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 81-2v. (Masinga Metonda = Mazinga ma Don do). References to the copper region suggest that it was disputed between Nsanga and Mazinga (in Nsundi) on the one hand and

Makoko on the other. ln the !ater sixteenth century Pigafetta, 32, noted that 'the country Õf the Anziques (Tio) contains many copper mines'. ln !612 the Dutch trader Broecke reiterated this. Broeéke, 70. ln the mid-seventeenth century Dapper learnt from Dutch traders that Nsundi he1d the region. Dapper (1696), 158.

24 . .João de Barros, III, III, in Brásio, I, 43. 25. i'\Jonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. !514, in Brásio, I, 294-323. 26. Privileges to the Residents ofSão Tomé, Lisbon, 26 Mar. !500, in Brásio,

I. IB3; Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 31 May 1515, in Brásio, I, 333-8; i\fonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brásio, I, 294-323.

27. Damião de Goís, IV, XXX, in Brásio, I, 207. 28. List of objects to send to Kongo (1512), in Brásio, I, 247-53. Regimento of

íVIanuel I to Simão da Silva (1512), in Brásio, I, 228-46. 29. No slaves in 14B5,João de Barros, III, III, in Brásio, I, 43. A 'few slaves'

in the first years ofthe sixteenth century, Pereira, 144. 30. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brásio, I, 308-17; Afonso I

to Manuel I, Kongo, 4 Mar. 1516, in Brásio, I, 357. The sources refer to raids on the 'Mbundu'. ln addition to their extension south and east, these dwelt on the 1ower Dande, controlled access to the Island ofLuanda and had been conquored by Kongo in the late fifteenth century. See Chap. 2. Whilst the mani Kongo may have raided some of these groups­pcrhaps in order to keep the nzimbu route open- it is more likely that he raided the Ndembu groups who dwelt higher up the Dande and who were not then incorporated in the kingdom. These carne to be termed Mbundu too, e.g. Garcia II to P. António do Couto, 28 J uly !649, in Brás i o, X, 3 72.

31. See Chap. L 32. ;\fonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brásio, I, 3!7. 33. Cf. the Portuguese presents of !526 with those of 1512. The King of

Kongo to Manuel Vaz, Kongo, 18Jan. 1526, in Brásio, I, 457-8. 34. Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 26 May 1517, in Brásio, I, 404-5. Orderof

Manuel I, 28June 1514, in Brásio, IV, 70-l; Decree on the Guinea Trade, 12 Mar. 1518, in Brásio, IV, 113; Decree for the Authorities of rvtina and São Tomé, Evora, 18 Nov. 1519, in Brásio, I, 429; Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 25 Aug. 1526, in Brásio, I, 434. Carta Regia ofPri-v-ileges to the People ofSão Tomé, Simtra, 24 Sep. 1485, in Brásio, I, 50-L

35. Pereira, 50-l. Portugal began to establish plantations in São Tomé in 1+85.

36. See discussion in Chap. L Cavazzi, I, 153-4; IV, 376-7; Garcia II to P. António do Couto, São Salvador, 28July 1649, in Brásio, X, 372.

NOTES TO PP. 50--64 247

37. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brásio, I, 294-323. Order of the King of Kongo, 27 Apr. 1517, in Brásio, I, 398-9. The Portuguese anticipated a rapid loading of slaves when the mani Kongo went to war. Bernardo Segura to KingofPortugal, São Tomé, 15 Mar. 1517, in Brásio, I, 381.

38. João III to Afonso I (1529), in Brásio, I, 526. 39. Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 6July 1526, in Brásio, I, 470-1. 40. João III to Afonso I (1529), in Brásio, I, 526. 41. João III to Afonso I (1529), in Brásio, I, 529. Afonso I to João III,

Kongo, 18 Oct. 1526, in Brásio, I, 490. Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 6 July 1526, in Brásio, I, 470-1.

42. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brásio, I, 296 and above. 43. J Vansina, The Tio Kingdom qfthe Middle Congo 1880-1892 (London, 1973)

9,445, Chap. 4, Part III; Willy Bal, 'Portugais Pombeiro, Commerçant Ambulant du 'Sertão", Annali dell'1nstituto Universitario Orientale, VII, 2 (1965), 123-61.

44. History of KongJ (late-sixteenth-century compilation), Cuvelier and Jadin, 152.

45. Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 4 Dec., in Brásio, II, 102. 46. ln 1505-3 Pereira knew ofno profit at the PooL Pereira, 171. ln 1529 the

King of Portugal knew that slaves could be bought there. João III to Afonso I (1529), in Brásio, I, 525-7. See alsoAfonso I to João III, Kongo, 4 Dec. 1540, in Brásio, II, lO!; Captain ofSão Tomé to João III, São Tomé, 18 Feb. 1549, in Brásio, II, 237; Matters ofP. Sebastião de Souto, 1561, in Brásio, II, 477; Álvaro II to P. Garcia Simoes, São Salvador, 27 Aug. 1575 in Brásio III, 127; Pigafetta, 36.

47. Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 4 Dec. 1540, in Brásio, II, lO L 48. Regimmto ofManuel I to Manuel Pacheco anel Balthasar de Castro, 16

Feb. 1520, in Brásio, I, 432; Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 23Jan. 1530, in Brásio, II, 70.

49. Fr. António l\'fendes to the Father General, Lisbon, 9 May 1563 in Brásio, II, 503.

50. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brásio, I, 305; Act of Enquiry ofKing ofKongo, 22 Apr. 15!7, in Brásio, I, 393-9.

51. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brásio, I, 296; Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 25 Aug. 1526, in Brásio, I, 479-80.

52. LetterofP. Cristavão Ribeiro, Aug. 1548, in Brásio, II, 187. 53. Afonso I to l\{anuel I, Kongo, 13 June 1517, in Brásio, I, 506; Afonso I to

João III, 8June 1517, in Brásio, I, 408-9. 54. Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 25 Aug. 1526, in Brásio, I, 535. 55. Afonso I to João III, Aug. 1526, in Brásio, I, 479-80. 56. Cedula Consistorial of Don Henrique, Bishop of Utica, 5 May 1518, in

Brásio, I, 416. BriefofLeao X to Bishop ofUtica, Rome, 8 May 1518, in Brásio, I, 417-!3; ibid., 22 Mar. 1526, in Brásio, I, 461; Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 25 Mar. 1539, in Brásio, II, 73; João III to Pope, 20 May 1532, in Brásio, II, 6.

57. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. Gois,

248 EUROPEAN CONTACT

Oct. 1526, in Brásio, I, 485. 58. Damião de Gois, IV, III, in Brásio, I, 362. 59. Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, in Brásio, I, 459. 60. J'viatters Raised by P. Sebastião de Souto, 1561 in Brásio, II, 47. ln the

late sixteenth century a nephew of Álvaro II resided in Mbumba in Mbamba as deacon with licence to baptize. Letter of Frei Diogo do Santíssimo Sacramento, Kongo, 2 Dec. 1584, in Brásio, III, 296.

6l. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brásio, I, 32. 62. See Afonso's complaints about the priests' own laxity, e.g. Afonso I to

l\1anuel I, 5 Oct. 1614, in Brásio, I, 300-1. 63. Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, in Brásio, I, 461. 64. See Diagram I and Kinglist in Appendix 2. The reign dates are

approximate for some kings. The principal sources used to establish the succession and relationships are: Pigafetta, 102; Cavazzi, II, 98-123, 238-52; Teruel, Introduction; Anguiano, I0-25; Report on Kongo (P. André Cordeiro), inJ adin ( 1968), 383-4; Report on Kongo, 24 Jan. 1622, in Jadin (1968), 36; P. André Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May 1622-June 1624, inJadin (1968), 389; ReportofP. Mateus Cardoso, 14 Sept. 1625, injadin (1968), 426.

65. History ofKongo (later-sixteenth century compilation), in Cuvelier and Jadin, 135; Report on Kongo (compilation c. 1657}, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 192.

66. P. Cornelio Gomes to a Priest in Portugal, 29 Oct. 1553, in Brásio, II, 306. 67. lbid. 295-307;João Afonso Polanco, S.J. RmanSocietatisjesu História, in

Brásio II, 209-17; 277-8; 311-20; 356-66; 379-83. 68. João III to Afonso I (Lisbon, 1529), in Brásio, I, 528-9. 69. Official Enquiry ofDiogo I, Kongo, 1 O Apr. 1550, in Brásio, II, 248-62.

CHAPTER4:

1. l'vÍost recently byJ C. Miller, 'Requiem for thejaga', in Calziers d'Études Ajricaines, XIII, 1 (1973), 121-49;]. Thornton, 'A Resurrection for the Jaga', ibid, XVIII, 1-2 (1978), 223-7;Joseph C. Miller, 'Thanatopsis', ibid., XVIII, 1-2 (1978), 229-3l.The following argument foltows that developed by A. Hilton, 'The Jaga Reconsidered,' Joumal of Ajrican History•, 22 (1981), 191-202.

2. Report on Kongo, 1607, in Brásio, V. 385; Fernão de Sousa to the King, Kongo, 28 Sep. 1624, in Brásio, VI I, 254; Order ofPaulo Dias de Novais, 20 Sep, 1585, in Brásio, IV, 455.

3. e.g. Report ofP. Mateus Cardoso, 14 Sept. 1625, injadin (1968), 419. 4. Report on Kongo, 1607, in Brásio, V, 37, 285. 5. Regimento of the Governo r of Angola, 26 Mar. 1607, in Brásio, V, 276. 6. Report of António Bezerra Fajardo, 24 Feb. 1624, in Brásio, VII, 210. 7. History ofKongo (late-si..xteenth-centnry compilation), in Cuvelier and

Jadin, 137. 8. Pigafetta, 70; Álvaro II to Pope Clement VIII, São Salvador, 12 July

1604, in Cuvelier andjadin, 269-70; Arme Hilton, Thejaga Reconsidered'. 9. J. C. Miller, 'A Note on Kazanze and the Portuguese', Calziers d'Études

Ajricaínes, XIII, l (1973), 121-149. 10. Paulo Dias de Novais to the King ofPortugal, Luanda, 3 Jan. 1578, in

Brásio, I, 294-5. ll. Provisions of Álvaro II, São Salvador, 7 July 1587, in Brásio, III, 344. 12. P. Garcia Simoes to Father Provincial, São Paulo, 20 Oct. 1575, in

Brásio, III, 129-42; 1i1ani 1Hbamba, António da Silva to Dominician Vicar, !vi bamba, 20 Aug. 161 O, in Brásio, V, 603.

13. P. i\ntónio Mendes to Father General, Lisbon, 9 May 1563, in Brásio, H, 51.

14. D. Birmingham, 'Early African Trade in Angola and its Hinterland', in Pre-Colonia.l Ajrican Trade, eds. R. Gray and D. Birmingham (Oxford, 1970). 164-6.

15. Pigafetta, 147; History ofKongo (late-sixteenth-century), in Cuvelíer andjadin, !58.

16. Carta Regia to Paulo Dias de Novais, Lisbon, 20 rvtay 1585, in Brásio, IV, 453.

17. Abreu e Brito, Description of the r-...mgaom IV, 538; Fernão de Sousa to the King,

25!J CENTRALIZATION

VIII, 93. 18. Officia1 Report on the Currency ofSão Paulo, 26Jan 1649, in Brásio, X,

391; João IV to Salvador Correia, !8 F eb !650, in Brásio, X, 4 76. 19. Suggestions ofPedroSardinha (c. 1611 ), in Brásio, VI, 52-5 and Chap. 5. 20. e.g. Pie ter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct

1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68. 21. Report of Pieter Moortamer to the Chamber of Zeeland on 29 June

1643, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct 1642, A.H., O.vV.I.C., 68; Cadornega, III, 195.

22. Ibid. 195-6. 23. That the painted cloth carne from Mbata, Report on Kongo (P. André

Cordeiro),June 1622, injadin (1968), 371. 24. That the songa carne from Okango, História, 431. Cavazzi, I, 19

mentions Songo as a 'region' apart from Okango, and subject to Mbata. 25. Suggestions ofPedro Sardinha (c. 1611 ), in Brásio, VI, 52-5. 26. Memorial ofPedro Sardinha to the Counci1 ofState (c. 1612), in Brásio,

VI, 104-5; Cadornega, III, 273-4; Report of António Dinis, 1622, in Brásio, VII, 67-74.

27. Cadornega, III, 52. 28. Reportou the Kingdom ofKongo, Lisbon, 25 Nov 1595, inCuvelierand

Jadin, 509; Diogo Lopes de Faria to the King, Lisbon, 20 May 1636, in Brásio, VIII, 365; História, 431; F. Capelle to Countj. M. de Nassau and to the Directors oftheCompany, Mar 1642, injadin (1966), 246; Dapper (1671), 572-3. For Makoko opposition, Cavazzi, IL 245 (reference toearly 1620's).

29. See Chap. 5. 30. See Chap. 3. 3 L Official Enquiry ofDiogo I, Kongo, lO Apr 1550, in Brásio, II, 248-62. 32. Report on Kongo, Lisbon, 25 Nov !595, in Brásio, III, 505-10;

Pigafetta, 120; History ofKongo (late sixteenth century), in Cuvelier andjadin, 117-21; Report on the Kongo Slave Trade (c. 1650) A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 26-9.

33. History of Kongo (late sixteenth century}, in Cuvelier andjadin, 135; Note 'the plantations of the mani Bengo' in Report of Gaspar Croesen to the Council of Recife on the Events on the Bengo, End of 1645, A.H., O.W.I.C., 59 No. 30 and Chap. 5.

34. List ofObjects sent to Kongo, !5!2, in Brásio, I, 250. 35. History ofKongo (late-sixteenth century compilation), in Cuvelier and

Jadin, 118; e.g. Ravenstein, Tlle Stmnge Ad<;entures iif A11drew Battell Leigh (London, 1901) (for Ngombe in Mbamba}; F. Capelle to l\1. de Nassau and to the DirectorsoftheCompany, Mar 1942, (1966), 221 (Sonyo); ReportofManuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sep 1619, in Brásio, VI, 378 (Mbanza Kongo); Teruel, 164 (cu1tívated figs in Sonyo).

36. Pigafetta, 76. 37. See many references in Jadin (!966) and (1967), passim. For the

economic effects of Portuguese Luanda on the Komro hinterland. see Chap.5.

NOTES TO PP. 69-80 251

38. Battell, 7, 40; Report of P. Mateus Cardoso, 14 Sep 1625, in Jadin (1968), 418; Report ofManuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sep 1619, in Brásio, VI, 378; Cavazzi, I, 37; Brugiotti-Infelicita, 116.

39. História, 457; Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68.

40. P. Serafino da Cartona to Father Superior, Mar 1648, in Brásio, X, 97; Brugíotti-Infelicita, 116; It was the Capucins' principal food in 1645-6, Cavazzi, III, 293.

41. M. P. Miracle, ivfaize in TrojJÍcal 1lf7ica (Wisconsin, 1966), Chap. II; A. E. Hopkins, An Eco1wmic History of West Africa (Lonclon, 1973), 31; Cavazzi, I, 37; Anguiano, 68.

42. Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 25 Aug 1526, in Brásio, I, 533. Some Kongo were taken to Portugal involuntarily in the reign of João I (-1506), baptized and returned.João de Barros, III, III, in Brásio, I, 43; Rui de Pina, LVIII, in Brásio, I, 56.

43. e.g. reign of Afonso I: João III to King of Kongo (1529), in Brásio, I, 533; Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct 1514, in Brásio, I 322; reign of Diogo I (1545-61 ), theJesuit míssion: P. Cornélia Gomes to a priest of Portugal, in Brásio, II, 305; reign of Alvaro I (1568-87), the Carmelite mission: History of Kongo (late-sixteenth-century compilation), in Cuvelier andjadin, 108; reign ofPedro II (1622-4) and his successors to Garcia II (1641-61), second Jesuit mission: Report of P. Mateus Cardoso, 14 Sep 1625, in Jadin (1968), 417; reign of Garcia II, the Capucin mission: see Chap. 7.

44. Brugiotti-Infelicita, 377; Teruel, 21, 30. 45. Pieter ~foortamer to Council ofBrazil, On the Maumw'

A.H., O.W.I.C., 68. 46. Brugiotti-Infelicita, 377.

!4 Oct 1642,

47. Cartilha de Doutrina Christa em lengaa da Congo (Evora, 1536). l'v!.entioned injoão III to Diogo I, Lisbon, 12 Oct 1556, in Brásio, II, 393; Doutrina Chlista composta jJe{o P. AJacos Jorge da Companhia a Jesu ... traduizada na linguado Re_yno do Congo por ordem do P. AJattlzeus Cardoso . .. (Lisbon, 1624, 1661 ) ; Doctrina Clzristina ad jmfeclum missionis to luis regrzi Congi in quatu r línguas per correlatÚJas columnas distinctas (Rome, 1650). (Giacinto da Vetralla added a Latin and I talian translation to Cardoso's text.)

48. Brugiotti-Infelicita, 377. 49. History ofKongo (late-sixteenth-centUI)' compilation), in Cuvelier anel

Jadin, 133. 50. Álvaro II I Instructions for Vives, São Salvador, 25 Oct 1617, in

Cuvelierandjadin, 352; Pigafetta, 66; Ogilby, 536; Dapper (]671 L 558. 51. Report on Kongo, in Brásio, V, 385. 52. Report on the Carmelite Mission

536b; Dapper (1671), 558; Teruel, 185. in Brásio, IV, 414; Ogilby,

53. Instructions of Pedro II to Vives, São Salvador, 23 June 1622, in Cuvelier andjadin, 426.

54. Report on Kongo (P. 55. Instructions of Pedro II

Cuvelier andJadin, 426. ln

252

56. 57.

58.

59.

60. 61.

62. 63. 64.

65. 66.

67. 68.

69. 70.

71.

72. 73.

74. 75.

76.

77.

CENTRALIZA TION

Chiefs of the villages- possibly around Mbanza Kongo. lnstructions of Pedro II to Vives, São Salvador, 23 June 1622, in Cuvelier andjadin, 426. Extracts ofletters ofthe King ofKongo, 20Jan 1616-23 May 1619, in Brásio, VI, 252-4; Manifesto ofWar of António I, 13 J uly I 665, in Paiva Manso, 244-5; Cavazzi, doe, 66, pp. 349-50. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct 1514, in Brásio, I, 294-323; Cavazzi, doe, 66, pp. 349-50; Publie Enquiry ofDiogo I, Kongo, lO Apr 1550, in Brásio, II, 261. Cavazzi, IV, 228. Act ofEnquiry of Afonso I, Kongo, 22 Apr. 1517, in Brásio, I, 393-7; /\ct ofEnquiry of Afonso I, Kongo, 27 Apr. 1517, in Brásio, I, 398-403; Public Enquiry ofDiogo I, Kongo, lO Apr. 1550, in Brásio, II, 261. Monari, 486, 489. Caltanisetta, 90. e.g. Ietters between the supporters ofthe rebellion ofPedro Canguano Bemba in the mid-sixteenth century. Public Enquiry ofDiogo I, Kongo, 10 Apr. 1550, in Brásio, II, 261. There are many examples in the Capucin reports of the mid-seventeenth century. Teruel, 21, 77. Garcia II to the V assais, São Salvador, 19 Sept. 1648, B.N.M. MS6751, S-1 06, p. 83; Monari, 437; Teruel, 79. Garcia II to the V assais, São Salvador, 20 Aug. 1652 in Monari, 453-4; Brugiotti-Epistola, 94-6. Garcia II to the Vassals, São Salvador, 2 Mar. 1653 in Càvazzi, doe. 41, pp. 326-7. Bras Correia to Vives, 20 Oct 1619, in Brásio, VI, 408, and Chap. 3. Report on the Kongo (P. André Cordeiro),June 1622, injadin (!963), 364. Teruel, 27. The early sixteenth century archives, however, were lost during the '.Jaga' invasion. Alvaro II to Pope Paul V, SãoSalvador,27Feb 1613, in Cuvelierandjadin, 332. Report ofFernão de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 23 Feb 1632, in Brásio, VIII,I47.

VI to the Pope, Kongo, 12 Dee 1639, in Brásio, VIII, 434. Garcia II to Pope Innocent X, São Salvador (c. 12 Dec 1649), in Brásio, X,2!3. P. António do Couto to João IV, 23July 1649, in Brásio, X, 367. e.g. Certificares of P. António do Couto and of the Vicar General and Chapter of the Cathedral, São Salvador, !4 Oct !651, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3. António I to Afonso VI, Kongo, 12 Sept 1662, in Cavazzi, doe. 58, pp. 344-5. Sce Chaps. 3 and 5; the complaints of Alvaro III to Vives, São Salvador, 19 Oct 1619, in Cuvelier andjadin, 371; ofPedro II to Felipe IV, 17

1623, in Brásio, VII, !16 anel Garcia II's prolonged attempt to sccure the transport of ambassadors inl\4onari, III, VIL Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct 1514, in Brásio, I, 296; Afonso I to .João I I I, Kongo, 26 May 1517, in Brásio, I, 404; Teruel, 31.

NOTES TO PP. 8!-87 253

78. e.g. Monari, 524. 79. Bras Correia to Vives, São Salvador, 23 July 1622, in Cuvelier anel

Jadin, 441-2. 80. See Chaps. 6 anel 7. 81. Ibid. 82. e.g. in the mid-seventeenth century the journey from Mbanza Kongo to

Mbanza Sonyo, which was about I 25 miles in a direct line, usually took I O days, that is about I2.5 miles a day. Montesarchio, 27. The journey from Mbanza Kongo to Luanda, about 190 miles, took I6 days, that is about 12 miles a day. Cavazzi, III, 3! I. Travelling times were conven­tionally reckoned at 6 !cagues - about 24 miles - a day on the ground. History ofKongo (late-sixteenth-century compilation), in Cuvelier and Jadin, !16; Montesarchio, I28; Cavazzi, III, 344.

83. Montesarchio, 27; Carli, 635. See also Teruel, I IS. 84. Montesarchio, I 50, 197; Cavazzi, I, 148; Teruel, 28. 85. In 1491 NzingaNkuwu,João I, wenton foot tofight rebels. Rui de Pina,

LXIII, in Brásio, I, 135. 86. Cavazzi, I, !49. 87. Report of P. Mateus Cardoso, I4 Sept I625, in Jadin (1968), 417.

Laurent de Lucques, 2 I 7. 88. História, 43I-3. 89. History ofKongo (late-sixteenth-century compi1ation), in Cuvelier and

Jadin, 122; F. Capelle to Countj. M. de Nassa\.1 anel to the Directors of theCompany, injadin (1966), 222.

90. Alvaro II to Vives, São Salvador, I 7 Oct 1619, in Cuvelier and.Jadin, 364.

91. Pigafetta, 87. 92. Teruel, 67. Note estimate of30-40 miles a day formessages anel travei in

Letter ofP.Jácome Dias, Kongo, i Aug. 1548, in Brásio II, 179. 93. Letter from Nzinga to P. Crisostomo da Genova carried by 4 slave

couriers. P. Crisostomo da Genova to Propaganda Fide, Rome, lOJan. 1665, in A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 480.

94. e.g. Report ofP. Mateus Cardoso, l4 Sept. 1625, inJadin (1963), 424; Teruel, 22; Anguiano, 358.

95. History ofKongo (late sixteenth eentury), in Cuvelier andjadin, I3l; Report on Kongo (P. André Cordeiro), 24 Jan. !622, in Jadin (1968), 361-70.

97. Report ofP. Mateus Cardoso; 14 Sept. 1625, injadin (1963), 427. 98. Report ofFernão de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 23 Feb. I 632, in Brásio

VIII, 133; Temei, 181; Chap. 3. 99. Report on Kongo, Lisbon, 25 Nov. 1595, in Cuvelier and Jadin, 201;

Ogilby, 536; Dapper (167i),558; ManifestoofWarofAntónio I, !3Juiy 1665, in Cavazzi, Doe. 66,349-50.

100. e.g. Cavazzi, I, !59; IV, 373. 101. MaeGaffey, Custom and Gouemmml, 232-64 discusses the

amongst the Kongo. A new a new expressior1 anel source of OO'wer with its ovm modalities

could benefit its clients .

25'1 CENTRALIZA TION

102. Three daughter established !ines of kings - Nzínga, Lukeni, and Ntumba, P. André Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May 1622-June !624, in Jadin (!968), 389. Afonso certainly had more than three da ugh ters since in 1529 h e was said to have o ver 300 grandsons. João I II to Afonso I (1529), in Brásio I 533.

103. Pigafetta, 1 10; The Religious and Politicai State of Angola, 1588, in Brásio, III, 378; A priest to the Father Provincial ofPortugal, Luanda, 15 Dec. 1587, in Brásio III, 350; Summary oflnstructions to António .'VI anue!, São Salvador, 29 June 1604, in Cuvelier andjadin 266; Álvaro III to Paulo V, São Salvador, 25 Oct. 1617, in Brásio VI, 289; Instruc­tions of Álvaro I II to Monsenhor Vives, São Salvador, 25 Oct. 1617, in Brásio VI, 294; Report on Kongo (P. André Cordeiro), June 1622, in Jadin (1968),386; Reporton Kongo, !4Jan. l622,injadin (1968),36!.

104. The King List, Appendix 2; P. Bona ventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, São Salvador, 14 Jan. 1647, in Brásio, X, 7; Report of P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti, Rome, 12 Dec. 1710, injadin (1961), 480; Chap. l.

105. P. André Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May 1622-June 1624, in Jadin (1968), 390.

106. Teruel, 199; ln the laterseventeenth century Pedro, the pretender to the throne of Mbu1a, left 350 widows. Many of them did not want to remarry. ll1ey preferred to retain their status as '!adies ofthe court'. Caltanisetta, 75. The sons of the mani Kongo are always described as beíng resídent in the court unless appointed to provincial governorships.

107. Cal tanisetta, 75, I 02; Examination of the Report ofP. Andrea da Pavia, Rome, 6 Apr. 1693, in Jadin (1970), 554. ln certain circumstances a modem Mayombe husband can make an unusually large payment to the girl's lineage head and thereby gain complete control over her and her children. P. P. van Reeth, De rol van den moederiiken com irz die inlarzdische famílie (Brussels, 1935), 27. See alsoAnne Hilton, 'Family and Kinship'.

108. Anon. Report on Kongo, Lisbon, 25 Nov. !595, in Cuvelier and.Jadin, 201; Report ofthe Bishop ofKongo, Manuel Baptista, 7 Sept. 1619, in Brásio, VI, 375; Cavazzi, I, 159.

109. See accession ofAfonso I and revolt against Diogo I, Chap. 3. 110. c.g . .João III to Afonso I (!529}, in Brásio, I, 529; Cavazzi, I, !58. 111. História, 496. 112. See Chap. I. 113. P. André Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, Iviay 1622-.June 1624, in

.Jadin (1968), 389; Chap. !. 114. M. G. Smith, 'A Structural Approach'. 115. \'\'ilson 'The Kingdom of Kongo', 284; Laman, III, 58-60; Bentiey,

Dictionary, 406. 116. Wilson, 'The Kingdom ofKongo', 284-5; De Geei, 202. 117. Rui de Pina, 157; Chap. 3. 118. Batte!l, 46. 119. Letter ofP. Cristóvão Ribeiro, Aug. 1548, in Brásio, II, 187. 120. See Chap. 1. 121. Ogilby, 511; Dapper (167!), 529. The sarne point was made in !ater

NOTES TO PP. 87-96 255

eenturies. Report ofP. Raimondo da Dicomano (1798), inJ adin ( 195 7), 318; Bentley, Pioneeríng, 248-9; Laman, The Kongo, III, 55; Van Wing, Religion, Chap. II.

122. Cavazzi, I, 88. 123. De Geei, 258; Bologne, 117; História, 436-9; Dapper, 176-7; Report of

P. Raimondo da Dicomano (1791-8), injadin (1957), 335. 124. Teruel, 74. 125. De Geel, 217; Cavazzi, I, 88. 126. Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo; Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, in.Jadin (1961),

517, and Chaps, 2 and 8. 127. See Chap. L 128. Cavazzi, I, 132. 129. F. Capelle to Count .J. M. de Nassau and to the Directors of the

Company, March 1642, in.Jadin (1966), 200, 246. Barbot, 'A Description .. .', 477.

130. See Chap. !. 131. Wilson, 'The Kingdom ofKongo', 234; Cavazzi, I, l 00-1; De Geei, 312. 132. Laman, The Kongo, III, 3, 15. 133. De Geei, 128; Bentley, Dictümary, 296. 134. Van Wing, Religion, 17. 135. De Geei, W. 136. See Chap. l. See also Bentley, Pioneeríng, I, 252; Laman, The Kongo,

15. 137. Report on Indigenous Kongo Religion by P. Bonaventura da Corella,

A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, 342. Similar comments were made in the late seventeenth centúry. Caltanisetta, III.

138. De Geei, 210, 327; Teruel, 2!, !17; P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Provincial, Massangano, 1 O Apr. 165 7, A. C. Florence.

139. De Geei, 173,319. 140. Ibid. 282; Caltanisetta, III; Bentley, Pioneeríng, 236-7. 141. Report on Kongo (P. André Cordeiro), June 1622, in .Jadin

374-5. 142. Teruel, !79; Tovar PeHicer, 60v; Cavazzi, I, 124. 143. LeHerofP. Cristóvão Ribeiro,Aug. 1548, in Brásio, II, 187. 144. ReDOrt ofFrancisco de Soveral, Bishop ofSão Salvador, On a visit ad

I A.pr. 1631, in.Jadin 436. 145. Questions Answered by the Ambassador of the King ofKongo, Lisbon,

!595, in Brásio, H I, 500-4; Report ofP. Mateus Cardoso, 14 Sept. 1625, 427; Cavazzi, I, l24. See Chap. 6 for activities ofGarcia

146. Report on Kongo (P. André Cordeiro), june 1622, in .Jadin 374-5; ReportofP.lVIateusCardoso, l4Sept. 1625,in Brásio VIII,342. Report of Francisco de Soveral, Bishop of Kongo, Luanda, 22 Sept. 1639, in Brásio, VIII, 443; 1\iionari, 507-8.

147. Teruel, 179; Tovar Pellicer, 60v; Report ofFrancisco de Soveral, Bíshop ofSão Salvador, On a visit l Apr. !631, (1968}; 432;

ofFrancisco de Soveral, Luanda, 22 SepL 1640, in and Cuvelier and .Jadin,

25f) CENTRALIZA TION

148. The most vivid description is in Report of Andrea da Pavia (I 702), in Jadin (I970), 443, but see also Cavazzi, I, 124.

149. Romano, 46. 150. Report on Kongo (P. André Cordeiro), June 1622, in Jadin (1968)

373-283. i51. Cavazzi, IV, 229; Teruel, II, 18I; Tovar Pellicer, 69. 152. Report of the Bishop ofSão Salvador, Francisco de Soverai on a visit ad

limina, l Apr. I63I, in.Jadin (I968), 433, and ali the Capucin reports. 153. T cruel, 78. 154. I n ali Capucin reports. 155. Questions Answered by the Ambassador of the King ofKongo, Lisbon,

1695, in Brásio, III, 500-4 and Cuvelier and.Jadin, I84. 156. Report on Kongo (P. André Cordeiro), June I622, in Jadin (I968),

375-5; P. Miguel Afonso to the General of the Company of jesus, in Brásio, VIII, 342; Chap. 7.

157. Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 204. 158. See n. I42, 150. 159. Report ofthe Bishop ofKongo Manuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sept. 1619,

in Brásio, VI, 283. 160. See Chap. 6. 161. See Chaps. 5 and 6. 162. Ogilby, 513; Dapper (I671), 533; Barbot, 'A Description ... ', 477;

Teruel, 8I; Anguiano, 2I8; Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, 200.

163. De Geei, 25, 302; Teruel, 81. 164. De Geei, 48, 296; Bentley, Dictimzary, 288-9 (kandíka); Laman, 17ze

Kongo, III, 79. 165. De Geei, I I8; Van Wing, Religion, Chap. IV; Bentley, Dictionary, 324

translates loka, 'to bewitch, kill, harm by witchcraft'; loka a nkisi, 'to curse by means of a charm'. De Geei, I I8, translates it, 'to excommunicate, to strike with a curse', 'to curse, to excommunicate, to bewitch'. See discussion of loka, Chap. l.

166. ivlontesarchio, !Ol-2; Teruel, 97; Anguiano, 269. 167. Anguiano, 266; Teruel, 96. 168. Laurent de Luques, 143; Caltanisetta, 45, 77. 169. The most detai1ed account of an investiture is in Report on Kongo (P.

André Cordeiro),June 1622, in.Jadin (1968), 373-82. Other accounts are in Ogilby, 541 and Dapper {1671), 564-5 (probably the I636 or 1641 investiture) and Cavazzi, I, 222-4 (probably the 166I investiture}. See also Chap. 2.

170. F. Capelle to Count J. M. de Nassau and to the Directors of the Company, Mar. 1642, injadin (1966}, 224; Teruel, 179.

171. Report ofP. Andrea da Pavia (1702}, injadin (!970). 44L 172. Anguiano, 278. 173. See Chap. 7. 174. Ibid. 175. Teruel, 22. 176. F. Capelle to Count J. M. de Nassau and to the Directors of the

NOTES TO PP. 96-102 257

Company, Mar. I642, in Jadin (1966), 224; Merolla, 743; Teruel, 92, Cavazzi, I, 99, I24; IV, 269,274.

177. F. Capelle to Count J. M. de Nassau and to the Directors of the Company, Mar. I642, in.Jadin (1966), 224; Pieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct. I 642, AH., O.W.LC., I 8; P. Bona ventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, São Salvador, 4 Aug. I649, in Brásio, X, 379-90; For a description of some of the locally manufactured objects, see Wannyn.

178. e.g. Cavazzi, IV, 374; Report ofPieter Zegers Ouman, 1643, injadin (I966), 241; Caltanisetta, 150.

CHAPTER5:

1. Sce Birmingham, Trade and Conjlict and Miller, Kings and Kinsmen for these developments.

2. Alvara ofDiogo I to João III, 1553, in Brásio, II, 323. 3. Diogo I to P. Diogo Gomes, Kongo, 15 Aug. 1546, ibid. II, 147-8. 4. Sce Chap. 4. 5. Report of Abreu e Brito, 1591, ín Brásío, IV, 538; Summary of the

lnstructions of António Manuel, Kongo ambassador to Pope Clement VI II, São Salvador, 29June 1604, in Cuvelierandjadin, 208; Memorial of Pedro Sardinha to the Council of State (1613), in Brásio, VI, 108; Report ofGarcia Mendes Castelo, 1620, ibid, VI, 471; Anon. Reporton Kongo, 24Jan. 1622, injadin (1968), 365.

6 .. \f(mso I to João I, São Salvador, 4 Dec. 1540, in Brásio, II, !02; P. Garcia Simoes to the Father Provincial, São Paulo, 20 Oct. 1575, ibid. I I I, 132 (I O n;;:ímbu = l real at Luanda and there were I 00,000 nzimbu to the cofo). F. Capelle to CountJ . .tvL de Nassau and to the Directorsofthe C:ompany, injadin (1966), 233); Alvaro III to Felipe II, 23 Oct. 1615, in Brásio, VI, 233.

7. Report ofBishop Manuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sept. !619, ibid. VI, 383. 8. Rcoort ofFernão de Sousa, Kongo, Lisbon, 23 Feb. 1633; ibid. VIII,

Report ofP. Mateus Cardoso, 14 Sept. 1625, injadin (1968), 42!; Romano, 44.

9. P. Garcia Simoes to Father Provincial, São Paulo, 20 Oct. 1575, in Brásio, III, 129-42; Report on Kongo, 1607, ibid. v, 385; Report of António Dinis, 1622, ibid. VII, 67-74; Reports of P. Pero Tavares, !1)29-35, injadin (1967), 294-306; ReportofFemão de Sousa, Lisbon, 7 Dec. 1631, in Brásio, VIII, 93; Report ofPieter Zegers Ouman, 1643, in Jadin (I 966), 238; Report ofGaspar Croesen to the Council ofRecife on the Events ofthe Bengo, (early 1645), A.H., O.W.I.C., 59.

10. Report of Fernão de Sousa, 21 Feb. 1632, in Brásio, VIII, !23; ( :adornega, III, 32; Description of Angola and Kongo, Report of the ChamberofZeeland, p. 161, A.H., O.W.I.C.,57.

11. Pigaletta, 58; Battell, 52; Report by Fernão de Sousa, 2 Feb. 1631, in Brásio, VIII, 124.

12. (:ar! i, 635. 13. Pigaletta, 55. 14. lbicl. 62!.

NOTESTOPP. 104-!14 259

15. Report ofGaspar Croesen to the Council ofRecife, Early 164-5, A.H., O.W.I.C., 59, No. 30.

16. Report ofP. Mateus Cardoso, 14 Sept. 1625, injadin (1968), 418. 17. Battell, 64-5. 18. Pigafetta, 55. 19. P. Mateus Ca1·doso to P. Nuno Mascarenhas, july 1623, in jadin

(1968), 4!0. 20. Ogilby, 528; Dapper (1671) 548; Treaty ofPeace Between the King of

Portugal and the King ofKongo, Luanda, 13 Apr. 1649, A.H.U., P.A., Angola3.

21. Report ofFernão de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 7 Dec. 1631, in Brásio, VIII, 93; Cadornega, III, 200, 202, 206; Pieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the Mawitius, 14 Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68.

22. P. Mateus Cardoso to P. Nuno Mascarenhas, July 1628, in Jadin (1968), 410.

23. Cadornega, II, 195,206, 219; III, 186, 277; Ogilby, 523; Dapper (1671 ), 543; Caltanisetta, 164 and Chap. 7.

24. Cavazzi, I, 21-2; History ofthe Residence ofthe PP. ofthe Company of Jesus, Brásio, IV, 574-6; Report of Abreu e Brito, (1591), ibid. IV, 533-6; Letter to Gaspar Dias de Beja, March 1591, ibid. II, 351.

25. Pieter Moortamer to the CounciJ of Brazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.LC., 68; Cavazzi I, 21 and V, 79; Cadornega I, 93-5; Miller, Kings and Küzsmen, Chap. VIL

26. Pieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazi!, On the Mauritíus, 14 Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68.

27. L. Gruebal, 'Le Séjour de Samuel Braun à Soyo en 1612', Bulletin des Seances del'A.R.S.C., I, 3 (1955), 443.

28. G. Brandt, Historie der Vermaerde Zee-m KoopstadtEnkhuisen (Enkhuizen, 1666), 195.

29. Broecke, 43--4, 46, 5!; André Fonesca to the King, Luanda, 28 Feb. 1612, in "1rquizros de Angola, III, 19-2! (1937), 85; Report ofBalthazar RebeiJo de Aragão (!618), in Brásio, VI, 339.

30. ReportofFernão de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 7 Dec. 1631, ibid. VIII, 93; Report by Fernão de Sousa, 2 Feb. 1631, ibid. VIII, 124; Pieter Moortamer of the Council of Brazil, On the A1auritius, 14 Oct. 1642, A.H., 0.\'V'.I.C., 68; Report on the Coast of Angola and Kongo by Fernão de Sousa, 2 Feb. !631, inBrásio, VIII, 124; ReportofF. Capelle,

inJadin (1966), 215. 31. Tovar Pellicer, 23v; Report ofF. Capelle, 1641, injadin (1966), 220;

Battell, 52; Report ofF ernão de Sousa, 2 Feb. 1631, in Brásio, VIII, Report ofFernão de Sousa, 23 Feb. 1632, ibid. VIII, 133.

32. Dapper 21 L 33. BatteH, 42. 34. Report of Pieter Zegers Ouman, 1643, in

Capelle to CountJ. M. de Nassau and to the LIH<A.''-''"

Mar. !642, ibid. 224; Ogilby, 52!; Dapper 35. Pigafetta, 32. See also Broecke, 70. 36. Dapper !58, 565; Qgjlbv, 542; Femão de Sousa to the Kinf'". 1.5

260 DECENTRALIZATION

Nov. 1627, in Brásio, VII, 520; Report ofPieter Zegers Ouman, 1643, in Jadin (1966), 242.

37. A canon ofthe See ofKongo to P. Manuel Rodrigues, 1624, in Brásio, VII, 295; 'The mines ofthe King ofBungo' in Fernão de Sousa to the King, 15 Nov. 1627, ibid. VII, 250 and F. Capelle toCountJ. M. de Nassau and totheDirectorsoftheCompany, Mar. 1642injadin (1966), 226; Fernão de Sousa to Manuel Barbosa, 9 Mar. 1627, in Brásio, VII, 503; Fernão de Sousa to the King, 23 Feb. 1632, ibid. VIII, 135; Report ofFernão de Sousa, 1624-30, ibid. VII, 652.

38. C. R. Boxer, The Dutch in Brazil, 1624-1654 (Oxford, 1957);J. Postma, 'Dutch S1ave Trade from Western Africa', Joumal tif African Hiswry XIII, 2 (1972), 239.

39. Dapper (1676), 158; Santiago 162; Teruel, 42, 68; Remedies and Aids Proposed by P. Bona ventura da Sorrento (c. 1650). A S. Modena, Dotume~~ti e Carteggi di Stati e Citta: Italia, Busta Roma 105, Papeis de Cardinale d'Este, 'Congo'; ReportofF. Capelle, 1641, injadin (1966), 217,220.

40. Cornelius Nieulant to His Excellency and to the High Council ofBrazi1, Luanda, 17 Dec. 1642,A.H., O.W.LC.,58; Ogilby, 521; Dapper(1671), 541.

41. See n. 30. 42. e.g. Fernão de Sousa to the King, 23 Feb. 1632, in Brásio, VIII, 133-5;

Dapper (1676), 211; Cadornega, III, 182; Merolla, 717. 43. e.g. Report ofBishop ofKongo Manuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sept. 1619,

in Brásio, VI, 379. 44. Pedro Sardinha to the Councíl ofState (c. 1612), in Brásio, VI, 104-5;

Chap. 7. 45. Teruel, 169; Ogilby, 542; Dapper (1671), 565, and below. 46. R. L Wannyn, op. cit.; ReportofF. Capelle, l642,inJadin (1966), 229

andabove. 47. Manuel Pacheco to João III, Kongo, 28 Mar. 1536, in Brásío, II, 60;

António Vieira toDonaCaterina, São Tomé, 18Apr. 1566, ibid. II,547; António Vieira to King (c. 1566), ibid. H, 547; Pigafetta, 110; I nforrnation ofF ernão de Sousa to King, Lisbon, 7 Dec. !631, in Brásio, VIII, 93; and be1ow.

48. Report ofFernão de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 23 Feb. 1632, in Brásio, VIII, 147. .

49. Prov:isions of Álvaro II, São Salvador, 7 July 1587, ibid. III, 344; Memorial ofPedro Sardinha to the Council ofState (c. 1612), ibid. VI,

Report ofBishop ofKongo Manuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sept. 1619, ibid. VI, 283; Cadornega, III, 274; Treaty ofPeace Benveen the Kingof Portugal and the King ofKongo, Luanda, 13 Apr. !649, A.H.U., P.A., Angola,3.

50. Cadornega, III, 236-43. 51. Ogilby, 528; Dapper (1671), 548; Treaty ofPeace Between the Kingof

Portugal and the King ofKongo, Luanda, 13 Apr. 1649, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3, and above.

52. História, 463-5. 53. Ogilby, 540; Dapper (1671), 562-3.

NOTES TO PP. 114-126 261

54. Some Notable Points Concerning the Mission ofKongo by Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 199.

55. Cavazzi, II, 221-2. 56. Ogilby, 536b; Dapper (1671 ), 558. 57. Pigafetta, 70; History ofKongo (late sixteenth century), in Cuvelier and

Jadin, 137. 58. Teruel, 186; Report of Luis de Meneses, 1669, in Paiva Manso, 254;

Merolla, 702; Cadornega, III, 280; Report of António Bezarra Fajardo, 24 Feb. 1624, in Brásio, VII, 210.

59. Report on Kongo (P. André Cordeiro), in Jadin (1968), 372; :tv1ontesarchio, !02, 140; Monari, 557; Teruel, 25; Anguiano, 58.

60. Monari, 557. 61. Cadornega, III, 200; Pieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the

A1auritíus, 14 Oct. 1642, AH., O.W.LC., 68; Report ofLuis de Meneses, 1669, in Paiva Manso, 254; Merolla, 702.

62. Brugiotti-Infelicita, 322, 3 71; Brugiotti-Epistola, 89-96; Tovar Pellicer, 691; Temei, 182. 100 musketeers and 29 Portuguese fought "\\-'Íth the Kongo arrny at the battle of Mbwi1a in 1665. Mercurio Portuguese in Diogo Cão, IV, 6 (1936), 168; Brugiotti-Infelicita, 322.

63. António do Couto, S. J. to João IV, 28 July 1649, in Brásio, X, 368; Teruel, 86; Dapper (!67l) 565; Cadornega, II, !33.

64. See Chaps. I and 3. 65. Montesarchio, 126. 66. Report ofP. Giacinto da VetraUa, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. !99. 67. Mentioned in most ofthe Capuc:in reports in A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250. 68. Terud, P. Hildebrand, Le Martp Georges de Geel et les Débuis de la

Mission du Congo (1645-1652) (Anvers, !940); Chap. 6. 69. Montesarchio, 91-2. 70. Ibid., 158-9. 71. Teruel, 119; Anguiano, 353: 72. Report on Kongo (c. 1657) A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 76; Cavazzi, I,

Report ofP. Giac:into da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, o. 199. 73. e.gTeruel49, 79; Monar:i, 461-2; Cavazzi, IV, 419; V, l 74. Cavazzi, I, 160-L 75. Brugiotti-Infelicita, 370. 76. e.g. l'v1ontesarch:io, 25; Report on Kongo, 24 Jan. 1622, injadin (!968),

364, 367; Reporton Kongo (P.AndréCordeiro)June 1622, ibid. 371-2. 77. Wilson, 158-9. 78. J. Cuvelier, 'L'Ancien Congo d'aprês Pierre van den Bro,ecke (!608-

1612)', in Bulietín desSéances de l'A.R.S.C., I, 2 (1955) 181; Alvaro III to Felípe H, São Salvador, 24 Oct. l6t5, in Brásio, Vt 234.

'19. Teruél, 199 and Chap. 2. 80. Fernão de Sousa to King ofPortugal, Luanda, 15 Aug. I 624, in Brásio,

248; Report ofBishop ofKongo, Manuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 16!9, ibid. VI, 379;Alvaro III toFelipe III, SãoSalvador,240ct ibid. Vl, 234.

81. João III to Afonso I, in Brásio, I, 535. General is mentioned bv name, but a mani

fact iliat the Captain is not, suggests the

262 DECENTRALIZA TION

titles were combined.) Afonso I to João III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, ibid. I, 461; Report ofFernão de Sousa, !624-30, ibid. VII, 648; Letter of .\!varo III, 16 May 1616, ibid. VI, 252; Teruel, !!9; Cadomega, III, 191.

82. Alvaro III to Vives, São Salvador, 25 Oct. 1617, ibid. VI, 294; Reportof the Bishop ofKongo Manuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sept. 1619, ibid. VI, 379; Letter of Alvaro III, São Salvador, 20 Jan. 1616, ibid. VI, 252; Report on the Kong-o (P. André Cordeiro),June 1622, in.Jadin (1968), :)7!, 386; LetterofAivaro III, São Salvador, 2 Mar. 1619, in Brásio, VI, 253; t\lvaro III to Mons. Vives, São Salvador, 24 August 1620, ibid, VI,

Alvaro II and Bras Correia to 1\ifons. Vives, São Salvador, Jan. !621, ibid. VI, 555; Letter ofP. Mateus Cardoso, 16 "Mar. 1621, ibid. VI, 568. -

83. Letter of P. Mateus Cardoso, 16 Mar. 1621, ibid. VI, 568; P. André Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May 1622-June 1624, injadin (1968),

394; Report on Kongo (P. André Cordeiro),June 1622, ibid. 372--6; Report ofFernão de Sousa, 1624-1630, in Brásio, VII, 648; Cavazzi, II, 2tlf)-7.

84. Ogilby, 543; Dapper (1671), 566. 85. See Chaps. 6, 7 and 8. 86. Report ofPieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the A1auritius,

14· Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.LC., 68. 87. Count ofSonyo to Pope Innocent, Sonyo, 25 Mar. 1648, in Brásio, X,

124; Ogilby, 542; Dapper (1671), 565; Teruel, 123-4; Anguiano, 263; Cavazzi, II, 247; above and Chap. 8.

88. e.g. Afonso I to Manuel I, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1514, in Brásio, I, 298; Afonso [to .João III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, ibid. I, 461; Pigafetta, 66; Reporton Kongo (P. André Cordeiro), 1.June 1622, in.Jadin (1968) 383.

89. Lett~r of Alvaro III, 20.Jan. 1616, in Brásio, VI, 252; Letter of Alvaro II, 2 Mar. 1619, in Brásio, VI, 253; Report on the Kongo (P. André Cordeiro), .June 1622, in .Jadin (1968), 37!-88; Report on Kongo, 24 .Jan. 1622, ibid. 361-70.

90. e.g. P. Miguel Afonso to Father General, Nsundi, 6 Mar. 1631, in Brásio, VIII, 6; Teruel, 99-100; Anguiano, 279; Montesarchio, 36.

91. See Chaps. I, 2 and 3. 92. Pigafetta, 69; Teruel, 158; Report on Kongo (c. !657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G.,

250, p. 80. 93. Pigafetta, 69. 94. P. André Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, l\hy 1622-June !624, in

.Jadin (1968), 390; Cavazzi, I, 19; Cadomega, III, !94; Temei, 158. 95. Report on Kongo (P. André Cordeiro), inJadin 371,380. 96. Cavazzi, IV, 224,423. 97. Afonso I to .João III, Kongo, 18 Mar. 1526, in Brásio, I, 46L 98. Teruel, l03a, l03b. 99. P. André Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May 1622-4, in .Jadin

(1968), 390; Alvaro III to Vives, São Salvador, 19 Oct. 1619, in Cuvelier andJadin, 36; Alvaro III to Vives, São Salvador, 24 Aug. 1620, in Brásio,

505.

NOTES TO PP. l26-l36 263

100. Report on Kongo,.June 1622, in.Jadin (1968), 376; P. André Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May 1622-June 1624, ibid. 390; Report of P. Mateus Cardoso, 14 Sept. 1625, ibid. 426; Report ofFernão de Sousa, 1624-30, in Brásio, VIII, 648.

101. See Wilson, 299; Anne Hilton, 'Fami1y and Kinship'; Diagram 2. 102. Report of P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti,

Rome, 12 Dec. 1710, in.Jadin (1961 ), 474. 103. Report ofFernão de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 23 Feb. 1632, in Brásio,

VIII, 147; Report of Abreu e Brito (1591), ibid. IV 540; Memorial of Pedro Sardinha to the Council ofState, 1612, ibid. VI, 108; Report of António Dinis, 1622, ibid. VII, 7L

104. Manuel Pacheco to .João III, Kongo, 28 Mar. 1536, ibid. II, 60; António Vieira to Dona Caterina, São Tomé, 18 Apr. 1566, ibid. I I, 543; António Vieira to the King (c. 1566), ibid. II, 547; Documents in Sousa Dias, A Batalha de Ambuila; Pigafetta, 11 O; Birmingham, Trade and Coriflict, Chap. III; Information ofFernão de Sousa to King ofPortugal, Lisbon, 7 Dec. 1631, in Brásio, VIII, 93.

105. Miller, 'A Note on Kazanze', 43-56. 106. Monari, 513; Teruel, 149; Minutes ofthe Ambassador ofthe King of

Kongo, 3 Mar. 1607, in Brásio, V, 285; Carta Regia to the Council of India, li Dec. 1607; ibid. V, 364; Monari, 505.

107. Report of the Barefoot Carmelites (1584), in Brásio, IV, 395; Report of Fernão de Sousa to the King, 23 Feb. 1632, ibid. VIII 147; Temei, 3!, 115.

108. i\'Ionari, 459,460, 485--6; Teruel, 82, 85, l03b; Anguiano, 202. 109. Summary of the Instructions of António Manuel, Kongo Ambassador

to Pope Clement VI II, São Salvador, 29 .June 1604, in Cuvelier and .J adin, 208.

li O. Report on Kongo, 1607, in Brásio, V, 385. 111. Donation of Alvaro I to the Pope, São Sahrador, 20 Jan. 1583, in

Cuvelíer and Jadin, !61; Duarte Lopes to the Sixty Five, Madrid, 24 Feb. !588, ibid. 166, and Brásio, III, 358-6!; Minutes of the Ambassadorofthe KingofKongo, 31 :Mar. 11507, ibid. V, 290; Reportof the Bishop ofKongo, Manuel Baptista, Lisbon, 7 Sept. l6l9, ibid. VI, 379; Alvaro II to Pope Paul V, São Salvador, 27 Feb. 1613, in Cuvelier and.Jadin, 330.

ll2. Alvaro III to Pope Paulo V. 250ct. 1617, ibid. 348-52. 113. Birmíngham, Trade and Coriflict, Chap. 5. ll4. Report ofFernão de Sousa to the King, 23 Feb. 1632, in Brásio, VIII,

133; .João Correia de Sousa to Marques F reciiha, 3 .J une ! 622, ibid. VII, 22; Report ofFemão de Sousa, 2 Feb. 1631, ibid. VIII, 12l-2,Jesuit Reports in.Jadin (I 968); Cadornega, I, 178-9, 190; Report ofF rancisco de Soveral, Bishop of Kongo and Angola, Luanda, 22 Sept. 1640, in Cuvelier and.Jadin, 509.

II5. Report ofFernão de Sousa to the VIII, 147; Garcia H to P. l\ntónio 1649, ibid. X, 371; Garcia H to .João IV, São ibid. X, Diogo Lopes de Faria to the King, Luanda, 16

26+ DECENTRALIZATION

ibid. VIII, 392; Chap. 6. 116. Brief of Alexander VI to King Manuel, Rome, 23 Aug. 1499, in Brásio,

I, 179. 117. There is a full account of these developments in Cuvelier and Jadin,

I ntroduction. ll8. Diogo I to João III, 25 Feb. 1547, in Brásio, II, 155-6; Sentence of

Cardinal Don Henrique, Lisbon, 14 Mar. 1571, ibid. III, 7-35; Report ofthe Bishop ofSão Tomé to the Pope, Lisbon, 24 Oct. 1597, ibid. III, 577. Report ofa visit ad limina ofBishop ofSão Tomé, Lisbon, 24 Oct. 1597, in Cuvelier andJadin, 240.

119. Clement VIII to Álvaro II, ibid, 213. 120. Resumé of complaints of Álvaro II against Bishop Manuel Baptista,

São Salvador, 20 Mar. 1613, ibid. 337, 341; and below. 121. Summary ofthe instructions that António Manuel submitted to Pope

Clement VIII, São Salvador, 29June 1604, in Cuvelier andjadin, 261; Resumé of the complaints of Álvaro II against Manuel Baptista, São Salvador, 20 Mar. 1613, ibid. 337-4!; Visit ad limina ofBishop Manuel Baptista Soares, Lisbon, 16 Nov. 1619, ibid. 399.

122. e.g. Requests of Álvaro II, São Salvador, !6July 1615, ibid. 345. Álvaro II to Patriarch ofJerusalem, São Salvador, 15 Oct. 1602, ibid. 249-51.

123. Álvaro II to Pope Paul V, São Salvador, 27 Feb. 1613, ibid. 329-33; Resumé of the complaints of Álvaro I I against Bishop Manuel Baptista, São Salvador, 20 Mar. 1613, ibid. 337-84; Âlvaro III toJ. B. Vives, São Salvador, 25 Oct. 1617, ibid. 352-5. Álvaro II to Felipe II, São Salvador, 23 Oct. 1615, in Brásio, VI, 231.

124. e.g. Instructions of Pedro II for Vives, São Salvador, 23 June 1622 in Cuvelier and Jadin, 426; Summary of Instructions that António Manuel submitted to Pope Clement VIII, São Salvador, 29 June 1604, ibid. 261; Álvaro II toKingofSpain, 23 Oct. 1615, in Brásio, VI, 231-3. Instructions of Álvaro III for J. B. Vives, São Salvador, 25 Oct. 1617, in Cuvelier andJadin, 352-5.

125. Álvaro II to Pope Paul V, São Salvador, 27 Feb. 1613, ibid. 329-31. 126. There is a detailed account of the Jesuit mission in Kongo iri· Francisco

Rodrigues, Hist!Jria da Companhia de Jesus na Assistência de Portugal, Porto, 1938. See also Álvaro III toJ. B. Vives, São Salvador, 19 Oct. 1619, in Cuvelier andJadin, 371, 375; P. Mateus Cardoso to P. Nuno Mascarenhas, June 1623, in Jadin (1968), 413-14; P. André Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May !622-June 1624, ibid. 392; António Albergati to the Prefect and Cardinais of the Propaganda Fide, Lisbon, 4 Mar. 1623, in Cuvelier andjadin, 552; Álvaro IV to General of the Company ofjesus, Kongo, 25 Oct. 1632, in Brásio, VIII, 199.

127. Consulta, 6 Dec. 1623, 5June 1624, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, L 128. Report on the Kongo (compilation c. 1657) A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p.

64v. Ibid., note to p. 99 says 5,000 slaves. Manuel de Matto to P. Diogo d'Aifaya, Luanda, 15 Feb. 1655, A.G.SJ., Lus., 85, pp. 416-l9v.

129. e.g. Report of Fernão de Sousa to the King, Lisbon, 23 Feb. 1632, in Brásio, VIII, 150.

130. Ibid; Governor and Council ofBrazil to Director Nieulant ofLuanda,

NOTESTOPP. 136-14! 2:65

13 Feb. 1643, A.H., O.W.I.C., 58. 131. Report on the Mission ofthe Dominicans 1610, Frei Luis de Sousa, in

Brásio, V, 610; Report by the Bishop of São Salvador, Francisco de Soveral, 1 Apr. 1631, injadin, (1968), 434; Report presented to Urban VIII by Francisco de Soveral, Luanda, 22 Sept. 1640, in Cuvelier and Jadin, 505-16.

132. Álvaro VI to the Pope, Congo, 12 Dec. 1639, in Brásio, VIII, 433-4; Acta ofPropaganda Fide, 4Jan. 1641, in Brásio, VIII, 474-5.

133. Cadornega I, 329-30; III, 13; António de Abreu de Miranda, Lisbon, 23July 1644, in Brásio, X, 323.

CHAPTER6:

1. S. P. H. Naber (ed.), Toortse de Zee Vaert door Dierick Ruiters (1963) (The Hague, 1913), 89.

2. e.g. L. Guebel, 'Le Séjour de Samuel Braun', 438, 443; Report ofFernão ele Sousa, 2 Feb. 1631, in Brásio, VIII, 124-5; João Mendes de Vasconcellos to King, Lisbon, 7 May 1636, ibid. VIII, 362.

3. Report ofF. Capelle, 1641, inJadin (1966), 215 and below. 4. Report ofFernão de Sousa to the King, 23 Feb. 1632, in Brásio, VIII,

133; J ohannes de Laet, laerfyck Verhael van de Verrichtinghen de Geoctroyeerd West Indische Compagnie in derthien Boeken, eds. S. P. L'Honore Naber and

.J. C. H. Warsinck (The Hague, 1931-7), I, 10-14, 51-69; Piet Heyn, De West Ajrikansche Reú van Piei Heyn, 1624-5, ed. K. Ratelband (The Haguc, 1959) 4-10.

5. Garcia II to P. António do Couto, São Salvador, 28July 1649, in Brásio, X, 377; Diogo Lopes de Faria, Factor of Angola to the King, Luanda, 16 Mar. 1638, ibid. VIII, 392.

6. Cadornega, I, 217. · 7. High Council ofBrazil to the LuandaAuthorities, Recife, 3 Dec. 1641,

A. H., O.W.LC., 56; Dossiercompiled for the States General taken from the Minutes of the Council ofLuanda 1641, 20 Jan. 1649, A. H., Staaten Generaal, 5 776; Report ofPieter Moortamer to the Council ofLuanda, I Sept. 1641-20 Mar. 1642, A.H., Staaten Generaal, 5776; Report of Pieter Moortamer to the Counci1 of Brazil, On the Mauritius. 14 Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68.

8. Garcia II to Count.J. M. de Nassau, São Salvador, 12 May 1642, A.H., O.W.LC., 58.

9. Report ofPieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the lvfaurilius, l4 Oct. 1642 (version remitted to the Chamber of Zeeland, 29 June 1643) A.H., O.W.LC., 68.

10. fl.·1inutes of the Council of Luanda, 12 Oct. 1641, A.H., Staaten Generaal, 5776; Report ofPieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the lviauritiur, 14 Oct. 1642; ibid., version remiued to the Chamberof Zecland, 29June 1643, A.H., O.W.I.C.,68.

11. Teruel, 31; António do Couto to King ofPortugal, São Salvador, 28 July 1649, in Brásio, X, 368; Minutes ofCouncil ofLuanda, 12 Oct. H3<H, A.H., Staaten Generaal, 576; Garcia II to Rector of the College of Luanda, São Salvador, 23 Feb. 1643, in Brásio, IX, 17. The Dutch

NOTES TO PP. 142-148 267

considered Garcia responsible for the massacres. Report of Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.LC., 68.

12. Garcia II to Rector ofthe College ofLuanda, 23 Feb. 1643, in Brásio, IX, 17; Report of Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the Mauritius, 140ct. 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68; Pedro César de Meneses to King ofPortugal, Bengo, 9 Mar. 1643, in Brásio, IX, 28.

13. Report ofPieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the Mauritíus, 14 Oct. 1642; ibid., version remitted to the Chamber ofZeeland, 29 June 1643, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68.

14. Cadornega, I, 290-3; Pedro César de Meneses to King of Portugal, Bengo, 9 Mar. 1643, in Brásio, IX, 33; Report ofGasparCroesan to the Council of Recife, A.H., O.W.I.C., 59, No. 30; Report of Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the Mauritíus, I 4 Oct. I 642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68.

15. Pedro César de Meneses to King ofPortugal, Bengo, 9 Mar, 1643, in Brásio, IX, 33; Cadornega, I, 290-3.

16. Garcia II to Count.J. M. de Nassau, São Salvador, 12 May 1642, À. H., O.W.I.C., 58.

17. Cornelius Nieulant to the Council of Brazil, Luanda, 3I Oct. I642, A. H., O.W.I.C., 58; .João Salgado de Arattio, Sucessos Mílít.ares das Armas Portugueses, V, 3 (Lisbon, 1644 ), 233-6 in Brásio, IX, 6; Pedro César de Meneses to King ofPortugal, Bengo, 9 Mar. 1643, ibid. IX, 38.

18. João Salgado de Araujo, Succ.essos lviilitares das Annas Portugueses, V, III (Lisbon, 1644 ), 233--6 in Brásio, IX, 6; Presentation of a request of the King ofKongo to the States General, The Hague, 1647, A.H., O.W:I.C., Staaten Generaal, 4775.

19. João Salgado de Araujo, Successos i\1ilítares das Amzas Portugueses, V, III (Lisbon, 1644), 233-6 in Brásio, IX, 6; Anon. Jesuit Report, 17 May 1643, ibid. IX, 46; Governor and Council of Brazil to Cornelius Nieulant, Luanda, 13 Feb. 1643, A.H., O.W.I.C., 58; Report ofGaspar Croesen to the Council ofRecife (early 1645), A.H., O.vV.I.C., 59, no.

Report of Gonçalo João, S.J. and António do Porto, S.J., 17 May !643, ín Brásio, IX, 42.

20. Articles and conditions ofpeace between Dutch and Portuguese, I July 1643, in Brásio, IX, 57.

21. Pedro César de Meneses to King ofPortugual, Bengo, 9 Mar. 1643, in Brásio, IX, 28; Report ofGaspar Croesen to the Council ofRecife on the Events on the Bengo (1645), A.H., 0.\V.I.C., 59.

23. High Council ofBrazil to the Authorities of Angola, Recife, 3 De c. 164!, A.H., 0_\N.I.C., 56.

24. The Commissioner Moet to CountJ. M. de Nassau and to the Council ofRecife, Luanda, 11 Sept. l64I, A.H., 0.\'\i.J.C., 56; CountJ. M. de Nassau and the Councii of Brazil to the XIX, Recife, 31 May 164 I, A. H., O. W.I.C., 56; CountJ. M_ de Nassau and the Council ofBrazil to the XIX, Recife, 31 ?vlay 1641, A.H., O_v\f.I.C., 56.

25. Pieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the 1Haun.tius, !4 ÜcL A.H., nw.r.c., 68.

268 DUTCH OCCUPATION

26. See Chap. 5. 27. Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct.

164-1, and version remitted to the Chamber of Zeeland, 29 June 1645, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68; C. Nieulant and P. Moortamer to the Counci1 of Brazil, Luanda (end of May 1642), A.H., O.W.I.C., 57. Ogilby, 535, and Dapper (1671), 556, notes that the best slaves carne from Mbwila, N zinga, 'J aga', 'Kaseudas', 'Kilax', Lem bo and other territories above Massangano.

28. Diogo Lopes de Faria to the King, Lisbon, 20 May 1636, in Brásio, VIII, 365 and Chap. 5.

29. See Chap. 5. 30. C:ornelius Nieulant to His Excellency and the High Council ofBrazil,

Luanda, I 7 Dec. 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 58. 31. Ibid.; C. Nieu1ant and P. Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, Luanda

(end ofMay 1642), AH., O.W.I.C., 57. 32. Cornelius Nieulant to H is Excellency and to the High Council ofBrazil,

Luanda, 7 Dec. 1642, AH., O.W.I.C., 58. 33. Garcia II to Count J. M. de Nassau, São Salvador, May 1642, A.H.,

O.W.I.C., 58; C. Nieulant and P. Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, Luanda (end May 1642), AH., O.W.I.C., 57; Report ofP. Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the Mauritius, 14 Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68; version submitted to the ChamberofZeeland on 29June 10"t3, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68; Cornelius Nieulant and Hans Mols to the XIX, Luanda, 10 June 1643, AH., O.W.I.C., 58; Minutes of an account given by Sr. Semeins to the XIX on the minerais of Angola, 31 Nov. 1644, A.H., O.W.I.C., 2.

34. I n the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century at least some of the mines were controlled by Makoko. Pigafetta, 32; Broecke, 70. In the mid-seventeenth century the Dutch understood that the mani Nswzdi held the region. Dapper (1696), 158.

35. See Chap. 5. 36. Minutes of the Council ofLuanda, 7 Nov. 1641, A. H., Statten Generaal,

5776. 37. Report ofPieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazil, On the JV!auritius,

H Oct. 1642, AH., O.W.I.C., 68. 38. Francisco de Sousa Coutinho to João IV, The Hague, 4 Sept. 1643, in

Brásio, IX, 64; Cadornega, I, 293-4; 326-7. 39. Francisco de Sousa Coutinho to João IV, The Hague, 4 Sept. 1643, in

Brásio IX, 64. 40. The XIX to the Directors of the Coast ofSouthern Africa, The H ague, 6

Oct. 1645, A.H., O.W.I.C., 9. 41. Cadornega, I, 349-55. 42. The XIX to the Directors ofthe Coast ofSouthern Africa, The Hague, l

Oct. I 645, AH., O.W.I.C., 9. 43. Report of the Relief Expeditíon ofTeixeira de Mendonça and Lopes

Sequeira, Apr-June 1645, in Brásio, IX, 332-4; Francisco de Sotto Maior to João IV, Kwanza, 4 Sept. 1645, ibid. IX, 398; Cadornega, I, 4CH-29.

NOTESTOPP. 143-153 269

44. J. V. Rasenberg, Commissioner at Recife to the XIX, Recife, lO Dec. 1645, A.H., O.W.I.C., 61; The XIX to the Direetors ofthe Coast of Southern Africa, The Hague, 6 Oct. 1645, A.H., O.W.I.C., 9; Cadornega, I, 520.

45. lbid. 490-528; Garcia II to P. António do Couto, São Salvador, 28July 1649, in Brásio, X, 371.

46. Se e below. 47. Presentation of a Request of the King of Kongo to the States General,

The Hague, 11 Aug. 1649, AH., O.W.I.C., Staaten Generaal, 4775 and Arquives Ministere Affaires Étrangeres, Paris, Correspondence Politique, Portugal, II, p. 7; Francisco de Sousa Coutinho to King ofPortugual, 4 Sept. 1643, in Brásio, IX, 64 and below.

48. Garcia II to Felipe IV, Kongo, 5 Oct. 1646, in Brásio, IX, 450; Council ofthejunta ofPortugal, Madrid, 17 Mar. 1649, ibid. X, 330-5.

49. Begun in the early seventeenth century. See Chap. 5. 50. Count ofSonyo to Pope Innocent X, Sonyo, 25 Mar. 1648, in Brásio, X,

124; Ogilby, 542; Dapper (1671 ), 565; Teruel, 123-4; Anguiano, 265; Cavazzi, II, 247; Report ofFrancisco Leitão, Madrid, 4 Dec. 1643, in Brásio, IX, 85.

51. Report ofF. Capelle, 1641, inJadin (1966), 220. 52. Minutes ofthe Council ofLuanda, 12 Oct. 1641, A.H., Staaten Generaal,

5776. 53. Report of Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the Mauritius,

14 Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.LC., 68; ibid., version remitted to the Chamber of Zeeland, 29 June 1643; Cornelius Nieulant and Pieter Moortamer to the Count ofNassau and to the Council ofBrazil, Luanda 19 Apr. 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 57.

54. Count ofSonyo to Pope Innocent X, Sonyo, 25 Mar. 1648, in Brásio, X, 124; Cavazzi, III, 317; Alvaro Vl's principal wife was probably a cousin of Daniel da Silva and a sister of the Miguel da Silva who governed Sonyo in the early 1650s. Teruel, 98; Anguiano, 271 (sister ofDaniel da Silva); Montesarchio, 24 (cousin).

55. Ogilby, 543; Dapper (1671 ), 566; Anguiano, 83; Santiago, 80-3. 56. Councii of Brazil to the Count of Sonyo, Recife, 13 Feb. 1643, A.H.,

O.W.I.C., 58. 57. Ogilby, 523; Dapper (1671), 643. 58. R. H. Rodrigues, Brasilie e Africa: Outre Horizonte (Rio de Janeiro, !961 ),

XIX to Directors ofLuanda, 9 Aug. !643, A.H., O.Vv'.I.C., 9; Cornelius Nieulant to H is Excellency and the High Council of Brazil, Luanda, 17 Dec. 1642, A.H., O.W.LC., 58; Council of Brazil to the Count ofSonyo, Recife, 13 Feb. 1643, A.H., O.W.I.C., 58.

59. Teme!, 52; Cavazzi, III, 317, Romano, 54-6; Santiago, 80-3, III. 60. See below. 61. Temei, 53-5; Anguiano, !45-7; Santiago, 135-40; Romano, 61-3. 62. Ogilby, 543; Dapper (167!), 566; Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla

1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. l9R 63. Count ofSonyo to Pope Innocent X, Kongo, 25 r-lar. !643, in Br.isio, X,

Count of Sonyo to Propaganda Fide, 25 ?vfar. 1648, ibid. X,

270 DUTC.f:I OCCUPA TION

120-1; Count ofSonyo to Felipe IV, ibid. X. 118-9. 64. Anguiano, VI, 50; Teruel, VII, 25; Laurent de Lucques, 117; Monari,

186; The Church they were invested in was built by Rui d' Aguiar, Vicar of Mbanza Kongo in 1516. Damião de Gois, Chronica, IV, III, 1612 in Brásio, I, 374.

65. Santiago, 147. 66. See Chap. 8. 67. Cavazzi, VII, 267-3; Teruel, 121-5; 'Notas para uma cronológio

ecclesiástico missionário do Congo e Angola (1491-1944)', Arquivos de /lngola, 2, II (1945), 47; Santiago, 89.

68. Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 173.

69. fviiguel is specifically mentioned in 'Notas para uma cronológio ecclesiástico missionaria do Congo e Angola (1491-1944)', Arquivos de Angola. 2, II (1945), 47. This probably app1ied to Simão too.

70. Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 173; Cadornega, III, 304; Montesarchio, 190; Teruel, 123--4; Anguiano, 363; Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 173; Note on the Kingdom ofKongo (P. Bonaventura da Sorrento (c. 1650), S. A. Modena, Documenti e Carteggi di Stati e Citta, lta{y, Busta Roma 105, Papeis de Cardinal d'Este.

71. Santiago, !52; Francisco Resende to King of Portugal, São Paulo, 10 May !653, A.H.U., Angola, 4; Garcia II to Rector of the College of Luanda, Bunte, 23 Feb. 1643, in Brásio, IX, 17.

72. Garcia II to Rector ofthe College ofLuanda, Bunte, 23 Feb. 1643, ibid. IX, 17.

73. Garcia to Dutch Governar in Brazil, Bunte, 23 Feb. 1643, in Brásio, IX, 13; Garcia II to P. António do Couto, São Salvador, 28july 1648, ibid. X, 373; Report of Pieter Moortamer to the Council of Brazil, On the /viauritius, 14 Oct. 1642, A.H., 0.\'\T.I.C., 68; Report ofthe Council of Pernambuco to the XIX, Recife, l2june 1643, A.H., O.W.I.C., 58.

74. Garcia II to Dutch Governar in Brazil, Bunte, 23 Feb. 1643, in Brásio, IX, 14.

75. Report ofPieter Moortamer to the Council ofBrazi1, On the itfauritius, I+ Oct. 1642, A.H., O.W.I.C., 68; ibid., version remitted to the Chamber of Zeeland, 29 June 1643; Dossier compiled by the States General from the Minutes of the Council ofLuanda, 1641, 20 Jan. 1649, i\. H., Staatan Generaal, 5776; There is no e.xtant copy of the Kongo­Dutch treaty. Some of its provisions are mentioned in Garcia II to CountJ. M. de Nassau, São Salvador, May 1642, A. H., O.W.I.C., 58.

76. Slightly different accounts in Romano, 112; Santiago, 92; P. Serafino da Cartona to Father Pronvicial, Sonyo, 20 Mar. 1648, A. C. Florence; P. .I o se de rvlilão to F ather General of the Capucins, Lyons, 30 Oct. 16+ 7 in Brásio, X, 52.

77. Garcia II to CountJ. M. de Nassau, São Salvador, May 1642, A.H., O.Vl.I.C., 53.

78. Garcia II to Rector ofLuanda (Bunte), 23 Feb. 79. Giacinto da Vetralla !ater suggested that the supplementarv canons

NOTES TO PP. !53-159 27!

were appointed by the Chapter. Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, I 78.

80. Ibid., and Report on the Kongo (compilation c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, 97.

81. P. Bonaventura da Sorrento to Propaganda Fide, Rome (c. 1650), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 160; Teruel, 32; Anguiano, 94.

82. Cadornega, I, 329-30. 83. Manuel Frecurado, Dean of Angola, to the King ofPortugal, Lisbon, 29

july 1665, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6. 84. e.g., Report of João and António do Porto (n.d.), in Brásio, IX, 42;

Certifica te of the Vicar General of Angola, P. Francisco Pinheiro, São Paulo, I O Mar. 1649, in Brásio, X, 329.

85. P. Juan de Santiago to the Capucins ofCastile, Mpinda, I I June 1645, in Brásio, IX, 286.

86. e.g., Teruel, 23; Santiago, 87. For the negotiations preceding the establishment of the mission see the many documents in Cuvelier and Jadin and the accounts in Hildebrand; Cuvelier and Jadin, Introduction; Romano, Introduction. ·

87. Decree ofthe Sacred Congregation, 25 June !640, in Brásio, VIII, 436. 88. lndiá Diversí del 1635-1700, IV, II, 64996, Custodio del Congo, pp. 39-40,

S.A., Milan. 89. Teruel, 31; Santiago, 93. 90. Anguiano, 95, 97; Teruel, 32; Santiago 93; Cavazzi, 290;João IV to P.

António do Couto, 18 Dec. 1643, in Brásio, X, 287. 91. Anguiano, 96; Teruel, 33; Santiago, 97-9. 92. Pedro II (1622--4), who had similarly sought to elevate the position of

the nev.r jesuit mission, had done so during a procession of the Holy Mercy on Maundy Thursday. P. André Cordeiro to P. Manuel Rodrigues, May 1622-June 1624, injadin (1968}, 392.

93. ReportofP. Mateus Cardoso, l4Sept.l652,ibid.'~27. 94. Teruel, 24, 28-3!, 3+, 49, 50; Anguiano, 97,103--4, 135-7; Santiago, 90,

130-l, 136; Romano, 42, 43, 61. 95. Report ofFrancisco de Soveral, Luanda, 22 Sept. 1640, in Cuvelier and

Jadin, 105. 96. Teruel, 56; Santiago, 143, 145, 200; Alvaro VI to the Pope, Kongo, 12

Dec. 1639, in Brásio, 433--4; Acta, 4Jan. 1641, ibid. VIII, 474-5. 97. Reportou Kongo byP. Giacintoda Vetralla (c. 1657),A.P.F.,S.R.C.G.,

250, p. 203v; Santiago, 144; Teruel, 56, 179. 98. Letter Credential of the King of Kongo to the Capucin Ambassadors,

Kongo, 5 Oct. 1646, in Brásio, IX, 453. 99. Garcia II to Pope Innocent X, São Salvador, 5 Oct. 1646, in Brásio, IX,

Romano, 79; Requests ofGarcia II to Pope, 9 May 1648, in Brásio, Matters Raised by the Ambassador of the King ofKongo, 9 May

ibid. X, 137. 100. He insisted, not always successfully, that he name the missionaries. P.

Bona ventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, Livomo, 4 Jan. ! 641, in Brásio, VIII, 476-7; P. Bonaventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, Convent, 24 Nov. 1640, AP.F., !vlemoriale,

272 DUTCHOCCUPATION

101. e.g. Teruel, 28, 114, 128; Anguiano, 331; P. BonaventuradaAlessanoto Secretary Propaganda Fide, Livomo, 8 Feb. 1641, in Brásio, VIII, +86-7; P. Serafino daCortona to Father Agent, Angola, 4Sept. 1653,A. C. Florence; P. Serafino da Cortona to Propaganda Fide, Angola, 10 June 1653, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 228; Memorial ofP.Januarius da Nola, Luanda, 5 May 1667, A.G.C., No. 1134.

102. e.g. Montesarchio, 79,84-6, 101-3; Monari, 429. 103. Teruel, 35,37-8, 145-6; Anguiano, 104, 237; Monari, 429. 104. P. Bona ventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, São Salvador, 4 Aug.

1649, in Brásio, X, 385; Monari, 486; Teruel, 35-40; Anguiano, 104-6; Report ofP. Giovanni Francisco Romano, Convent ofthe Immaculate Conception, 1 Feb. 1655, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, 189; Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 203; Santiago, 105-9.

CHAPTER 7:

I. Cadornega, II, 1-7; II, 36; P. António do Couto to King ofPortuga1, Luanda, in Brásio, X, 228-42; P. Gonçalo João to King of Portugal, Alcantara, 25 June 1646, ibid. IX, 424;João IV to P. António do Couto (18 Dec. 1648), ibid. X, 287.

2. João IV to Salvador Correia, Lisbon, 26 Apr. 1649, ibid. X, 344. 3. l'vlinutes of the Overseas Council, Lisbon, 8 July !649, ibid. X, 357;

Garcia II to João IV, São Salvador, 28July 1649, ibid. X, 377. 4. The Conditions ofPeace with the King ofKongo, São Salvador, 19 Feb.

1649, ibid. X, 326; The Peace Pro posais ofSalvador Correia, Luanda (c. 15 Mar.) 1649, A.H.U. P.A., Angola, 3; The Treaty of Peace with the King ofKongo, Luanda, 13 Apr. 1649, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3; Authenti­cated Copy of the Treaty ofPeace with the King of Kongo, Luanda, 13 Apr. 1649 in Sousa Dias, 90; Authenticated Copy of the Oaths Sworn at the Signing of the Peace, Luanda, !5 Apr. 1649, ibid. 92-4; Prodamation ofSalvador Correia, Luanda, 15 Apr. !649 ibid. 92-4.

5. Cadornega, II, 34. 6. Cavazzi, II, 324-5; Anguiano, 410; Teruel, 139. 7. Consulta, Lisbon, 18 Aug. 1649, in Brásio, X, 391. 8. This is clear from the fact that the currency was called libongos rather

than panos limpos, the term used for Kongo doth. See, e.g., André Vidal de Negreiros to Queen, Luanda, 21 June 166!, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 5; ibid., !! Feb. 1662, A.H.U., P.A.,Angola, 5.

9. For Portuguese exploitation of the nzimbu shell fishers see report of a former chief magistrate and agent of the royal possessions, Consulta, Lisbon, 23 Aug. 1664, A.H.U., P.A., An!!ola, 6.

10. See below. II. Cadornega, III, !95. 12. See below. 13. Cadornega, II, 53, 66-7. 14. For these wars see Bimüngham, Trade and Co1iflict, Chap. VI. 15. The moratorium operated for five years initially. Consulta, 15 F eb. 1651,

A. H. U ., P.A., Angola 3. I t was renewed for 1:\vo years. Decree ofJoão IV, 3 Apr. 1654, T.T., Clwncel!aria D. jaãa IV, 23fg.e.; Consulta, 14 Apr. 1654, A.H.U., P.A.,Ank'ola4.

16. Camera to theKing, Luanda, 3 Feb. l665in <Afusu:ua,.l P.A., Arl!!ola, 4.

1655, A.H.U.,

27+ PORTUGUESE RESTORATION

17. Comulta, 12 Aug. 1664, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6. 18. ln 1649 therewere 1,200-1,300 troops. Consultà,30Mar. I649,A.H.U.,

P.A., Angola, 3. ln I 655 there were I ,000. Sousa Chicharro to King, I 7 Sept. 1655, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4.

19. The authorities were expected to maintain the fortress, pay the clergy and officials, and buy slaves on the account of the King of PortugaL Consulta, 30 Mar. 1649, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3. After the restoration they were also ob1iged to supply the boats which passed round the Cape to ln dia. Sousa Chicharro to King, 17 Sept. 1655, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4.

20. francisco de Resende to King, Luanda, lO May 1653, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; André Vida! de Negreiros to Queen, Luanda, 21 June 1661, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 5; André Vida! de Negreiros to Queen, Luanda, 21 Nov. 1662, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 5.

21. e.g. the King to Rodrigo de Miranda, 19 Aug. 1651, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3; Camera to King, 3 Feb. 1655, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Queen to João Fernandez Vieira, Lisbon, 9 Nov. 1660, A.H.U., Cód. 275, p. 308v; Queen to Agent ofthe Royal Possessions, Lisbon, 9 Nov. 1660, A.H.U., Cód, 275, p. 308v.

22. Consulta, 7 Dec. 1652, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Consulta, 12 Aug. 1664, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6.

23. André Vida! de Negreiros to Queen, Luanda, 11 Feb. 1662, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 5.

24. 1\ndré Vida! de Negreiros to Queen, Luanda, 21 June, 1661, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 5; Pantaleão Rebello to King, Luanda, 3 Aug. I668, A.H.U., P.A.,Angola, 7; FranciscodeResendetoKing,Luanda, !OMay 1653, A. H. U., P.A., Angola, 4.

25. Sousa Chicharro to King, Luanda, 17 Sept. 1655, A.H.U., P.A.,Angola, 'l; Certificate of Domingos Roz, Luanda, 5 Jan. 1657, A.H.U., P.A., Angola,5.

26. The texts refers to 'Kongo', not 'Luanda'. However, Giacinto da V ctralia as then living in Luanda and was currently arguing that Luanda was part of the Kongo rather than the Nzinga prefecture. See hclow. The tcrm dearly refers to the number of slavcs leaving Luanda.

27. e.g:. Minutes of the Overseas Counci1, 27 Nov. 1648; 21 Apr. 1649; 2 1649; 8 .July 1649, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3; Livro 2 das Mixtas, pp.

50, 60, 166, 173, 224v; Li<1rol de Cartas, p. !69 and below. 28. Cadornega, H, 155; Co11Sldta, 27 Nov. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4;

Camuüa, 27 Nov. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4and below. 29. João IV to Salvador Correia, Lisbon, 23 Apr. 1649, in Brásio, X, 343;

l\.Iinutes oftheOverseasCouncil, Lisbon,8July 1649, ibid. X,35i;.João IV to António do Couto, Lisbon, 18 Feb. 1648, ibid. X, 287.

30. On the Coinage of Money, Luanda, 26 Jan. 1649, ibid. X, 311-13; Conszdta, Lisbon, 18 Aug. 1649, ibid. X, 391-4.

31. l\iinutes of the Overseas Council, 27 Nov. !648, 21 lG4-9, 8July 1649, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3; LimTI 2dos 160, 73, 224v; Livro I de Carlos, p. 169.

32. Garcia II to P. António do Couto, São Salvador, 28.July 1649, in Brásio,

NOTES TO PP. l 62-!71 275

X, 371; Garcia II to João IV, São Salvador, 28july 1649, ibid. X, 377. 33. Letter credential of the King ofKongo to P. Bona ventura da Sorrento,

São Salvador, 12 Dec. 1649, ibid. X, 453; Garcia II to Pope InnocentX, São Salvador, 12 Dec. 1649, ibid. X, 453-5; Garcia II to Pope Innocent X, São Salvador (n.d.), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 213.

34. Minutes ofthe Overseas Council, 2Ju1y 1651, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3, in Paiva Manso, 230; Note of the King on the Minutes of Overseas Council, Lisbon, 8July, 1649, A.H.U., Cód. 14, p. 173 and P.A., Angola, 3.

35.

36.

37. 38.

39. 40.

41.

42.

43.

44.

45.

46.

47. 48. 49. 5-0.

Letters ofRatification anel Confirmation ofthe Treaty ofPeace, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3. This refers to dauses in the Propositions of Peace of Salvador Correia to the King ofKongo, Luanda (c. 15 March) 1649, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3 and not, as might be expected, to the clauses in the Treaty ofPeace, Luanda, 13 Apr. 1649, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3. Cardornega, II, 72. João IV to Rodrigo de Miranda, Lisbon, 22 Sept. 1651, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3. Teruel, 89. Queen Nzinga to Govemor Sousa Chicharro, Matamba, 13 Dec. 1655 in Minutes ofOverseas Counci1, 31 Oct. 1656, A.H. U., P.A., Angola, 4. Monari, 504. Queen Nzinga to Governar Sousa Chicharro, Matamba, 13 Dec. 1655 in Minutes ofOverseas Counci1, 31 Oct. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Cadornega, II, 82. There is a detailed account of this and subsequent developments in Monari, 482-516. l'vfinutes ofOverseas Council, 15 Dec. 1655, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; ibid., 27 Nov. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Garcia II to Religious Authoritics ofLuanda, São Salvador, 8 May 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4. Garcia II to Camera ofLuanda, Kongo, 14 Nov. 1654 in Monari, 517; Garcia II tojoãodaCosta, Kongo, 15 Nov. !654·; Cavazzi, doe. 43, pp. 329-36; Teruel, 142, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. l84-184v. Thcre is a large corrcspondence conceming tl1ese developments in A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249. The principal corrcspondents were P. Antonio Romano, P. Serafino da Cortona, and P. Giacinto da Vetralla. Sousa Chicharro to King, Luanda, 14 Oct. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., 4; ibid., 8 Dec. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; ibid., 9 Dcc .. A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Certificate of Bento Baptista de Parada, Luanda, lO Apr. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4. For the Cam.era~r opposition, Minutes ofthe Overseas Council, 27 Nov. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4. Garcia II to Camera ofLuanda, São Salvador, 15 Jan. 1655 in rvionari, 527;Teruel, 144. Garcia II to King ofPortuga1, Kongo, 5 Jan. !656, A.H. U ., P.A., Angola, 4. Montesarchio, 36; Anguiano, 280; Teruel, 99-100. .rvfontesarchio, 34. Terud, Terue!, YY-lOO; Anguiano, 280; Cavazzi, IV. 4! 7.

276 PORTUGUESE RESTORATION

51. Teruel, 13; Monari, 557. 52. Tcruel, 125. 53. Se e Chap. 6. 54. Monari, 347-8; Teruel, 125-6. 55. Tcruel, 119; Anguiano, 437-8. 56. On Garcia's orders h e permitted the execution ofthe nephew ofthe mani

.Hbwila against his own indinations. Teruel, 136-7; Anguiano, 404-5. H e did his best to obey Garcia's instructions to prevent the movement of Capucins in 1654. Teruel, 149; Anguiano, 430.

57. Teruel, 119, 150-2; Anguiano, 353,437-8. 58. See below. 59. Teruel, 119; Anguiano, 353. 60. Montesarchio, 101. 61. Teruel, 79. It is not dear from Montesarchio, 123 when the next mani

Afbata, Garcia, succeeded. 62. Monari, 551. 63. Teruel, 150-2; Anguiano, 437-8. 64. There are slightly divergent accounts in Monari, 555-7; Teruel, 151-5;

Anguiano, 437-9. 65. Monari, 552-5; Camera and Luanda Residents to João IV, Luanda, lO

Dec. !654, in Monari, 548. 66. Giovanni Francisco Romano to Propaganda Fide, Convent of the

Immaculate Conception, 1 Feb. 1655, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 359. 67. SousaChichorro to King, Luanda, 17 Sept.l655,A.H.U., P.A.,Angola,

"I; King to Luis Mendes de Sousa Chicharro, Lisbon, 27 Sept. 1656, A.H.U., Cód. 275, pp. 279v-280 referring to a letter ofChichorro dated 26 Feb. 1656; Queen to João Fernandez Vieira, Lisbon, 29 Nov. 1657, A.I-I.U., Cód. 275, p. 297v.

68. Monari, 554-5, 558; Cadomega, II, 131; Sousa Chicharro to King, São Paulo, 25 Feb. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Sousa Chicharro to King, Luanda, 17 Sept. 1655, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4.

69. Cadornega, II, 133-4. 70. Montesarchio, 126; Cavazzi, II, 248-7. 71. Pro posa! ofGovemor Fernandes Vieira to the Officers ofthe Camera, ll

Mar. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 5; The Queen had tightened the conditions concerning the Council's approval of aggressive war. Queen to João Fernandes Vieira, Lisbon, 29 Nov. !657, A.H.U., Cód. 275, p. 297v.

72. Consulta, 12 Feb. !66!, Liuro4 das Mixtas, p. 4v., quotinga letterofVieira dated 8 July 1660; Cadornega, H, 150-4; João Fernandes Vieira to King, Luanda, 6 Oct. 1660, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 5.

73. Cadornega, II, 191-5; Report of Bartholomeu Paes Bulhão, 16 May 1664, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6; André Vida! to King, Luanda, 30 Apr. 1664, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6; Consulta, 5 May 1665, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6.

74. Thc ambassadors were to take another letter to Rome. This and an accompanying letter of António do Couto are not extant in the Lisbon archives. António I to Afonso VI, Kongo, 12 Sept. 1662; Cavazzi, doe.

NOTES TO PP. !71-180 '177

58, pp. 244-5. 75. Bento Teixera de Saldanha to King (1664), A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6, in

Cavazzi, doe. 62, pp. 346-7; Consulta, 21 July 1664, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6; ibid., nota, Lisbon, 22 Sept. 1664.

76. Consulta, Lisbon, 1 Oct. 1663, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 5 no. 46; André Vida! de Negreiros to António L Luanda, 15 Mar. 1665, in Sousa Dias, 118-36.

77. See the many testimonials collected by the Portuguese in 1664, ibid. 118-36.

78. André Vida! de Negreiros to António I, Luanda, 15 Mar. 1664, ibid. 75. 79. Cadornega, II, !55; Consulta, 27 Nov. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4. 80. Afonso VI to André Vida! de Negreiros, 4Sept. 1664, A.H.U., Cód. 275,

p. 351. 81. On the Coinage ofMoney, Luanda, 26Jan. 1649, in Brásio, X, 311-13;

Consulta, Lisbon, 18 Aug. 1644, ibid. 391-4. 82. Afonso VI to André Vida! de Negreiros, Lisbon, 22 Dec. 1663, in Sousa

Dias, 71-2; Afonso VI to André Vida! de Negreiros, 5 Nov. 1664, ibid. 71-2; Proposal of André Vida! de Negreiros to the Lords ofSão Paulo, 27 Sept. 1664, ibid. 72-4; Negreiros informed the kingon 20 Nov. 1664, Consulta, 7 Sept. 1665, Livro 4 das Mixtas, p. 174.

83. Teruel, 136; Anguiano, 402. 84. Cavazzi, IV, 366. 85. \<Vitness António Taveira de Sousa, assistant clerk to the Ndembu

Kalumbo Kanginga, in Sousa Dias, 120; Consulta, 7 Sept. 1665 in A.H.U., Liuro 4 das Míxtas, p. 174; Manuel Frecurado, Dean of Angola, Lisbon, 29July 1665, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 6.

86. André Vida! de Negreiros to António I, Luanda, 151\IIar. !664, in Sousa Dias, 75; António I to André Vida de Negreiros, Kongo, 13 Apr. 1664, ibid. 75-6.

87. Letters in ibid. 76-83. 88. Manifesto ofWar of António I, 13 July 1665 in António de Sousa de

:Macedo, },fercurio Portuguese com as Novas de Mez de jzdho do Amw Passado de 1666, (Lisbon 1666) in Paiva Manso, 244-5; Cavazzi, doe. 66, pp. 349-50.

89. Cadomega, II, 208. António de Sousa de Macedo, Mercztrio Portuguese com as Nol!as de Mez de jzdho do Anno de 1666 (Lisbon, 1666) in Diogo Cão, III, 6 (1936) 164-72; C. R. Boxer, 'Uma Relação Inédita eContempotânea da Batalha de Arnbuíla en 1665' in Boletim Cultural do iHuseu de Angola, 2 (1960), 65-73; Cavazzi, II, 248-52.

90. Francisco de Resende to the King ofPortuga!, São Paulo, i O l'v1ay 1653, A.H. U ., P.A., Angola, 4.

91. e.g. LettersofPresentation in T.T., Gizas. Antigas da Ordem de Cluúto, 3!, p.251;38,pp.l7, 106,274.

92. P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Agent General, Angola, 4 Sept. 1653, A. C. Florence; Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 197, 202; Report on Kongo fcomoilation c. A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 64,

93. e.g., Francisco de Resende to King ofPortugal, São Paulo, lO May 1653,

278 PORTUGUESE RESTORATION

A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Giacinto da Vetralla to Propaganda Fide, Luanda (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 196; ReportofP. Giacintoda Vetralla (c. 1657), 250, 178, 180-I.

94. King to André Vida!, Lisbon, 20July 1662, A.H.U., Cód. 275, p. 322. 95. Request made by the Camera in a Ietter of 3 Feb. 1655 and by the

Governor Sousa Chicharro in a letterofl7 Feb. 1655, Consulta, 21 June 1655, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Camera to King, Luanda, 19 Feb. 1656, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4.

96. P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Agent General, Angola, 4 Sept. 1653, A. C. Florence.

97. Monari, 495. 98. Rcport ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 180. 99. Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p.

199v. 100. Chapter of São Salvador to João IV, Kongo, 13 Oct. 1651, A.H.U.,

P.A., Angola, 3; Consulta, 22 Aug. 1676, in Paiva Manso, 254; Monari, I 3'1.

101. Chapter, See Vacant, to King of Portugal, Kongo, 13 Oct. 1651, A. H. U., P.A., Angola, 3.

102. Monari, 429; P. António de Teruel to Propaganda Fide, Mbamba, 31 Mar. I 652, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 210, 2 !Ov, 221; Teruel, 82; Anguiano, 223; Report on Kongo (compilation c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. I O I v. Projected Letter of the Propaganda Fide to the Vicar of the Chapter ofKongo drafted by P. Bona ventura da Sorrento,June 1650, in Brásio, X, 550.

103. Dccision of the Propaganda Fide on the Mission ofKongo, Rome, 12 Nov. 1650, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 2!0; Teruel, 83; Anguiano, 225; Cavazzi, IV, 358; Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 181, 18lv.

104. P. António do Couto to João IV, Kongo, 28July 164:9, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3, in Brásio, X, 336.

105. Monari, 431; P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Agent General, Angola, 4 Sept. 1653, A. C. Florence.

106. Monari, 43!; A.G.S.J., Lus., 4:5 (1646-76), 164:9, p. 26v., no. 6lb; Heis not mentioned in the Angolan Catalogues of 1633 and 1636 and may have spent this period in Portugal, ibid. 4:4: (1614-48), 1633, pp. 509, 509v.; 1636, pp. 552v., 553. He was in Luanda in the !ater l630s. Ibid. !636,p.592,no.622.

107. P. António do Couto, Gmtio de An!'ola Suf!icientemente lnstaido nos /vlinisterios de nossa Santa Fé (Lisbon,

108. P. António do Couto to P. Jerónimo Vogado, Luanda, 5 Sept. A.G.S.J., Lus. 55, p. 189; Missionary Letter ofP. 1\<fanuel Ribeiro and Fr. Francesco Correia sent bv P. António de Sousa, then Rector ofthe College of Angola, 1672-3, Luanda, 15Jan. 1614, A.G.S.J., Lus., 56, p. 215.

109. Cadomega, II, 52. llO. P. Manuel de Matta to P. Diogo d'Aifaya, Luanda, 15 Feb. 1655,

o\.G.SJ., Lus., 85, pp. 4:17, 4!7v.; Missionary Letter of P. Manuel

NOTES TO PP. 180-!83 279

Ribeiro and Fr. Francisco Correia, sent by P. António de Sousa then Rector ofthe College ofLuanda, 1672-3, Luanda, 1674:, A.G.S.J, Lus., 56, p. 215.

1ll. P. António de Couto to João IV, Kongo, 28July 1649, in Brásio, X, 366; Monari, 477; P. Manuel de Matto to P. Diogo d'Aifaya, Luanda, 15 Feb. 1655, A.G.S.J., Lus., 85, pp. 417, 4:17v.

ll2. P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Provincial, Angola, 2 May 1654:, A. C. Florence; Ali the Capucin accounts detail the physical miseries oftheir existence, e.g., Montesarchio, 74 (footpaths), 51, 197 (rivers), 197 (rain and dew), 197 (nyanga grass), 97 (uninhabited regions without food), 127 (distances).

ll3. e.g. Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 189.

ll4. P. Serafino da Cortona to Propaganda Fide, Angola, lO June 1652, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 233v.

ll5. Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 203v.

116. P. Bona ventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, São Salvador, 4 Aug. 1649, in Brásio, X, 379-90.

ll7. Teruel, 91-3; Anguiano, 263; Cadornega, II, 4:9. ll8. P. Giovanni Francisco Romano to Propaganda Fide, Luanda, 2 Apr.

1652, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 215-16; P. Giacinto da Vetralla to Propaganda Fide, Luanda, 5 May 1652, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 223, 223v.

l19. Monari, 4:4:7. 120. Letter from the Camera of 1653 referred to in A.H.U., Consulta, 3 Sept.

1654, P.A., Angola, 4; Luis Chicharro to Queen, São Paulo, 10 Apr. 1657, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 4; Cousulta, 25 Jan. 1659, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 5, no. 23; Signors o[ Luanda to Propaganda Fide, São Paulo, 15 June 1663, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 4:17, 417v.

121. P. Bonaventura da Alessano to João IV, Kongo, 25 Nov. !649, in Brásio, X, 4:38-4:0; P. Giacinto da Vetralla and P. Bonaventura da Sorrento to King of Portugal, 1650, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3 in Paiva Manso, 226; Provisions ofJoão IV, Lisbon, 20 Sept. 1651, A.H.U., in Paiva Manso, 231; King to Officers of the Camera, Angola, Lisbon, 22 May 1655,A.H.U., Cód. 275 p. 251.

122. Act of Obedience of the King of Kongo to Pope Innocent X, 9 May 164-8, in Brásio, X, 126-7; 2July 1648, A.P.F., Acta, lllv in Brásio, X,

; Secretary ofPropaganda Fide to Garcia II, Rome, 30 Oct. !64:8, ibid. X, 250; Memorial on the demands of the King ofKongo, Rome, 25 May 164:8, A.P.F., Ii1emoriaie, 4:17, II, p. 48; Instructions ofMgr. Ingoli to Fr. Staibano (R orne, c. 15 Oct. 164:8), A.P.F.,lntmáoni diversedall'amw 1632 all arma 1648, pp. l30-l.

123. i\'lany documents in Brásío, IX and X concem this controversy, e.g., IX, 234; X, !49, I 53, I 59, !96, 260.

124. Instructions of M!lr. In!!oli to F. Sta.ibano (Rome. c. !5 Oct. !648} l30-l; Teruel,

Pmoa.._o-::mda Fide c.

230 PORTUGUESE RESTORA TION

A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 62; State of Religion in tv'iission of Congo ( compilation ofPropaganda Fide c. 1657-8), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 87, 37v.

125. c.g. The Needs of the Kongo Mission by P. Bona ventura da Sorrento, June 1650, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 273, 278v., 281. Note on the Mission ofKongo (by P. Bona ventura da Sorrento for Cardinal d'Este), S.A., Modena, Lettere di Principie SigJWriefuori d'ltalia, Busta !55 58/41 Congo; Decree ofPropaganda Fide, 7 May 1650, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. B9 in Brásio, X, 199.

126. P. Giacinto da Vetralla to Propaganda Fide (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 195; Monari, 448; State of Religion in the Kongo Mission (compilation, c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 90v.

127. Report ofP. Giovanni Francisco Romano (c. 1655), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 434, 434v.

128. P. Serafino da Cartona to Propaganda Fide, Angola, 10 Feb. 1655, A .. P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 168, 168v., 376, 376v.; Report ofP. Giovanni Francisco Romano, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 421. See below.

129. · fhe voluminous correspondence concerning the dispatch of this mission is located in AP.F., S.R.C.G., 249 and published in Brásio, X; Principal sources for the events following Romano's arrival in Kongo are: P. Giovanni Francisco Romano to Propaganda Fide, São Salvador, ·!- Dec. 1651, AP.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 192, 192v.; Report of P. Giovanni Francisco Romano (Europe, c. 1656), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 431, 43lv., 434-5v.; Monari, 435-6,440,444-5.

130. There is a voluminous correspondence concerning the departure ofP. Ronaventure da Sorrento and his arrival in Luanda in A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 24-9. See also Monari, 468.

13 I. Observations made by the Father Agent General ofthe Capucins Upon the Decree sent by the Sacred Congregation to the Kongo Missionaries, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 24, 24v.

132. Report on the Kongo by P. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 200v.

133. Teruel, 152; Anguiano, 437; Montesarchio, 97. 134. Rcport on Kongo ( compilation c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 61 v.,

lOiv.; Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla, (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 202; P. Bonaventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, São Salvador, 4 Aug. 1649, in Brásio, X, 380; Teruel, 82, 121.

135. 136. 137.

below.

102-3, 131; Montesarchio, 51. 91, 121; Anguiano, 257,359,437. 121-2; Anguiano, 357; Montesarchio, 51; Teruel, 131; and

138. P. Bona ventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, São Salvador, 4 Aug. 1649, in Brásio, 385; P. Bonaventura da A!essano to Propaganda Fide, São Salvador, 11 Dec. 1649, in Brásio, X, 448.

139. P. Bonaventura da A!essano to Propaganda Fide, São Salvador, 4 Aug. 1649, in Brásio, X, 379.

140. P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Provincial, Angola, 15 May 1652, A. C. Florence.

NOTES TO PP. !83-190 28!

141. P. Giovanni Francisco Romano to Propaganda Fide, Massangano, 5 May 1653, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 255; ibid. (second letter of that date), p. 256; P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Provincial, Angola, 12 May 1653, A. C. Florence.

142. Ragguagli del Congo, p. 71, A. C. Florence; P. Giovanni Francisco Romano to Propaganda Fide, Mpinda, 4 July 1651, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 165, 165v., I 78.

143. e.g. P. Bonaventura da Sorrento to Secretary of Propaganda Fide, Geneva, 12 Apr. 1651, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 157, 157v.; P. Giovanni Francisco Romano to Propaganda Fide, Massangano, 5 May 1653, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 247, p. 255; P. Antonio Romano Gaetano to Propaganda Fide, Angola, 2 Feb. 1655, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 361; ibid. (second letter of that date), p. 363; P. Bernardino Ungaro to Propaganda Fide, Mbamba, 2 Apr. 1657, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 238-24lv.; P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Agent, Angola, 4 Sept. 1653, A. C. Florence.

144. P. António do Couto to KingofPortugal, Kongo, 140ct. 1651, A.H.U., P.A., Angola, 3.

145. Amongst the copious documentation for this period: Teruel, 131; l\1onari, 439, 461-2; P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Provincial, Angola, 15 May 1652, A. C. Florence; P. Giovanni Francisco Romano to Propaganda Fide, São Salvador, 4 Dec. 1651, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 192, 192v.; Januarius da Nola to Propaganda Fi de, 5 Dec. 165 I, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 196.

146. Monari, 344. There are many documents in A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250 concerning Giacinto's appointment and journey to Luanda.

147. Monari, 451-3; P. Giacinto da Vetralla to Propaganda Fide, São Salvador, 4 Sept. I 652, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 260, 260v.; Brugiotti­Epistola, 89-96.

148. See above and Innocent X to Garcia II, Rome, 16 Jan. 1651, A.P.F., S.RC.G., 250, p. 170.

149. Monari, 453; P. Giacinto da Vetralla to Propaganda Fide, São Salvador, 4 Sept. 1652, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 260, 260v.; Brugiotti­Infelicita, 39-96.

150. Matters to Raise in the Reply of the Pope to the King ofKongo (c. 1650), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 42.

151. Teruei, 151. 152. There are slightly different versions in Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla

(c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, 180v.-182; ~vfonari, 461-5; Teruel, 124-5. The account in Cavazzi, V, pp. 20-1 is telescoped and unreliable. See also above.

153. Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. !85; Monari, 475; P. Serafino da Cortona to Propaganda Fide, Angola, lO Feb. 1655, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 367, 367v, 368, 368v., 376, 376v., 377, 377v.; ibid. (second letter of that date}, pp. 368. 36Sv.: P. Antonio Romano to Propaganda S.R.C.G., 249, p. 358.

154. Monari, 439 and above.

282

155.

156. 157.

158. 159.

160.

161. 162.

163.

164.

165.

166.

PORTUGUESE RESTORATION

See, especially, P. Giacintoda Vetralla to PropagandaFide, Luanda, 22 Feb. 1656, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 401, 401v., 413. There is a detailed account in Monari, 482-516, and see above. There are many letters in A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249 concerning this matter. The principal correspondents were Giacinto da Vetralla, the vice-prcfect Serafino da Cortona, and Antonio Romano Caetano who had led the mission. Monari, 525; Anguiano, 418. There was considerable infighting, occasioned by Giacinto da Vetralla's wish to remain in Luanda. See the correspondence in A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, e.g. P. António Romano Caetano to Propaganda Fide, Angola, 2 Feb. 1655, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, p. 361; ibid. (second letter of that date), p. 363 and Monari, 523-5. Teruel, 145; Anguiano, 419; P. Giacinto da Vetralla to P. Bernardino Ungaro, lO Oct. 1656, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 239, 239v.; Copy of the Reply ofBernardino U ngaro to the P. Prefect, lO Oct ( 1656), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 207, 207v.; Letters in Monari, 559-564; Garcia II to P. Giacinto da Vetralla, São Salvador, 3 Oct. 1656; P. Giacinto da Vctralla to Garcia II, Luanda, 4 Nov. 1656; Garcia II to P. Giacintoda Vetralla, São Salvador, 25 Apr. 1657. Teruel, 145. Letters in Monari, 559-564. P. Bernardino Ungaro to Propaganda Fide, Mbamba, 2 Apr. 1657, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 245, 245v. The missionaries of Kongo to Propaganda Fide, Kongo, 25 Oct. 1656, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 238-41v. H e excused his action in Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 178, 139. H e used the excuse ofhaving togo as Nzinga's ambassador to Europe. There is a considerable correspondence on this matter in A. C. Florence, e.g. P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Provincial, Massangano, 21 Nov. 1656, A. C. Florence. Marginal note to Report on Kongo (cornpilation, c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 69. See also Comment by P. Serafino da Cortona on the Proposa1s ofthe Propaganda Fide (c. 1653), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 115. Comment by P. Serafino da Cortona on the Remedies and Provisions to be Made, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 115; P. Serafino da Cortona to Propaganda Fide, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 176; Report ofP. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 202v.-206; Report on Kongo P. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. i37-9l; P. Giacinto da Vetralla to Propaganda Fide, Luanda, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. i 78-8!.

167. Seeabove. 168. Brugiotti-Infelicita, pp. 39-96. 169. Report by P. Giacinto da ·vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p.

203v.; Report ofP. Serafinoda Cortona (c. A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 152.

170. Summary of the Reports of P. Chrisostomo da Genova, 2 Mar. !663,

NOTES TO PP. !90-!95 283

A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 413, 413v. 171. Montesarchio, 123-6. 172. Cavazzi, II, 249. 173. Ibid. VII, 182. 174. António I to Afonso VI, Kongo, 12 Sept. 1662 in Cavazzi, doe. 60, pp.

344-5; Summary ofthe Reports ofP. Chrisostomo da Geneva, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, pp. 413, 413v; Cavazzi, VII, 264-5.

175. Cavazzi, Teruel and Anguiano give detailed accounts ofthese missions. 176. Garcia II to his Vassa1s, São Salvador, 19 Sept. 1648, in Brásio, X, 245;

Teruel, 75; Cavazzi, doe. 20, p. 304. The vicar-general approved the interpreters, Cavazzi, III, 347.

177. Teruel, 118, 131; Anguiano, 349, 401; Cavazzi, IV, 375. 178. P. Girolamo da Montesarchio to P. Bonaventura da Sorrento, Nsevo,

Nsundi, 3 Mar. 1650, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 81-2 in Brásio, X, 483-7; Montesarchio, 54,83-4.

179. Teruel, 122-3. 180. Garcia began to withdraw the school pupi1s partly for this purpose in

about 1652. Teruel, 122-3. He a1so wished to prevent them from revealing the 'secrets ofthe kingdom'. Montesarchio, 97.

181. The Capucins specifically refer to the devoted behaviour of: Raphael de V alie de Lagrimas, mani Nsundi, Montesarchio, 97-102, 119; Cavazzi, VII, 187; of the mani ji1pangu of 1655, Montesarchio, 95-6; of António, mani Mpangu in the !ater 1650s, ibid. 123--6; of Bernardino Pimento Raposso, mani Mpangu in the early 1660's, ibid. 155, Cavazzi, VII, 137; of Garcia, mani Mbata, Ivfontesarchio, 156-65, Cavazzi, VII, 187; of Gregório who continued to govern Nsevo in Nsundi into the !ater ivlontesarchio, !19-22. Henriques, mani Mbamba obeyed their strictures, Teruel, 119, Anguiano, 353.

182. Teruel, 118; Anguiano, 349. 183. Santiago, 163-5; Teruel, 26, 41; Romano, 45; Anguiano, 56-3; P.

Serafino da Cortona to Father Superior, Sonyo, 20 Mar. 1648, in Brásio, X,99.

184. See Chap. 3. 185. Codicil ofthe mani Mbata, Mbanza Mbata, 16 Nov. 1643, in Brásio, X,

274; Cavazzi, II, 356, IV, 362. 186. Ibid. IV, 362. 187. Teruel, 130, 148; Anguiano, 386-7; Cavazzi, IV, 377. 188. Montesarchio, 54, 32-4; Teruel, 99; Cavazzi, IV, 415; Anguiano, 273-9. 189. Montesarchio, 97-102; Cavazzi, VII, 187. 190. Garcia H to his Vassals, São Salvador, !9 Sept. 1643, in Brásio, X, 245;

Teruel, 75; Cavazzi, doe. 20, p. 304. 191. e.g. Teruel, l03b; Anguiano, 292; P. Girolamo da l\fontesarchio to P.

Bona ventura da Sorrento, Nsevo, Nsundi, 22 Mar. 1650, in Brásio, X, 436; ·Montesarchio, 86.

192. e.g. Teruel, 92, 93; Anguiano, 257; Montesarchio, 40, 42. 193. Hildebrand, op.cit., rontains a detailed study of the incident. It

includes rnost of the extant documents. A notahle ornission is that of Teruel, 127 "lvhich concludes that De Geei did not die a martvr's death.

284 PORTUGUESE RESTORA TION

194. Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla (c. 1657), A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. J 81; P. Serafino da Corto na to Father Agent of the Capucins, Angola, 12 May 1653, A. C. Florence; Teruel, 217; Proclamation ofGarcia II, São Salvador, 2 Mar. 1653, in Cavazzi, doe. 41, p. 326.

195. Teruel, 121-2; Anguiano, 357,359. 196. Romano, 85. 197. Cavazzi, IV, 362; Teruel, 89-90, 103a, 103b; Anguiano, 243,290-2. 198. Teruel, 116; Anguiano, 346. 199. Montesarchio, 7!, 103, 126-34. 200. Cavazzi, II, 243; IV, 364, 409; V, 14; Montesarchio, 34, 86; Teruel,

149-50; Anguiano, 431; P. Serafino da Cortona to Father Agent ofthe Capucins, Angola, 12 May 1653; ibid., 4 Sept. 1653.

201. Report of P. Giacinto da Vetralla, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 198; Montesarchio, 119-22, 168; Cavazzi, I, !17.

202. Memorial of P. Bonaventura da Alessano to Propaganda Fide, São Salvador, Aug. 1649, in Brásio, X, 395-403.

203. Montesarchio, 156; Cavazzi, I, 99. 204. Cavazzi, I, 100; VII,260,and below. 205. Ibid., VII, 259-60. 206. lbid., VII, 260. 207. Montesarchio, 158-64. 208. Cadornega, II, 204. 209. Manifesto ofWar of António I, São Salvador, 13 July 1665 in António

do Sousa de Macedo, Mercurio Portuguese com as TWvas do mez de jullw do mw de 1666 in Cavazzi, doe. 66, pp. 349-50.

210. lbid.

CHAPTER8:

I. Agreement with the Duke ofWandu, 11 Jan. 1666, in Sousa Dias, 141. They opened the mines in 1856. Fernando Mouta, 'As Minas de Cobre do Congo', Actividade EcoTWmica, 2 (1936), 9-15; Francisco Travasses Valdez, Six Years iif a Travellers Life in Jf'estem Africa (London, 1861 ), II, 82, III. They abandoned them soon after. A. Gaivão, 'Relatório da Minha Viagem ao Congo', Boletim da Sociedade de Geogrifúz de Lisboa, 36,4-6 (1918), 140.

2. Many of the documents concerning these developments, together with secondary accounts, have been pub1ished in Jadin, (1961) and (1970). See also Caltanisetta, Zuchelli, Monari. For a secondary account of late-seventeenth-century Kongo seeJohn Thomton, The Kingdom rif Kongo.

3. Report of P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti, Rome, 12 Dec. 1710, inJadin (1961 ), 77.

4. Pedro IV remained on the mountain ofChibangu for many years, fearing to descend to take Mbanza Kongo. Ibid. 98. Dona Beatrice (St. Antony­see below) turned 'towards the region of Kimpanzu, from ;vhich issued the dan ofChibenga' (Mpanzu).

5.. Caltanisetta, 23. 6. See n.4. 7. Report of P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti,

Rome, 12 Dec. !710, inJadin (1961), 66, 70. 8. Ibid. 7L 9. As, e.g., Pedro Constantino da Silva. The ma11i Soll)YJ of 1674 was Pedro da

Silva de Castro. His (Kongo) chaplain was P. Francisco Fernandez de Sousa. Treaty between Count ofSonyo and the Capucins, 10 Mar. !674, injadin (1966), 287.

10. See n. 5. The followers of the rebel Chíbango were principally his slaves, his relatives, his sisters. Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. !710, in Jadin (196l), 83. His arrny was composed of followers of St Antony (see below), Mubumbi (from the Poo!) and Vili. Ibid. 130.

II. For a detailed analysis ofthe economic base oflate seventeenth century Kongo seeJohn Thornton, The Kingdom iif Konga.

12. The principal sources for late seventeenth century Sonyo are Jadin (1966} and (1970), Caltanisetta, Zuchelli, Monari, Laurent de Lucques.

13. Note e.xpropriation of the !vibamba salt produce generaUy, below. This viev.- contradíc!S,

Thornton,

2B6 LA TER SEVENTEENTH ...

14 . .Jadin (1961) and (1970); Cadornega, II, 266-84; Monari, 126. 15. Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, injadin (1961),

510. 16. See accounts in Caltanisetta, Laurent de Lucques, Pavia injadin (1970),

and Da Gallo injadin, (1961). 17. Laurent de Lucques, 52. 18. e.g. Caltanisetta, 44. 19. See Chap. 5. 20. e.g. Caltanisetta, 71. See Chap. 5. 21. Jadin ( 1964) has published the relevant documents anda narra tive account. 22. See Chap. 4. 23. Caltanisetta, 54. 24. Rcport of P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti,

Romc, 12 Dec. 1710, injadin (1970), 432; Laurentde Lucques, 216. 25. Report of P. Bernardino da Gallo to Cardinal Giuseppe Sacripanti,

Rome, 12 Dec. 1710, injadin (1970). 26. Merolla, 730. 27. See controversies between Merolla and António Baretta da Silva, mani

Sonyo, in 1685 and 1687, Merolla, 704, 705-8; between Caltanisetta and Joio II of Mbula in 1695, Caltanisetta, 53. The Capucins also clashed with iesser chiefs who claimed the sarne privileges, e.g. ibid. 33.

28. Rcport ofP. Andrea da Pavia, 1702, injadin (1970), 432,445-7. 29. Ibid. 439-440. 30. For incidents in 1672--4: Paulo da Silva to Prefect ofLuanda, Sonyo, 29

May 1674, inJadin ( 1966), 294-5; P. Giovanni Antorúo da Montecucculo to Propaganda Fide, 8 Dec. 1674, in Jadin (!966), 317-18; Report ofP. Giuseppe Maria da Busetto, Rome, 1677, A.P.F., S.R.C., 594 (1774), pp. 441-8.

31. Bologne, 54. 32. Laurent de Lucques, 109-12; Examinationofthe ReportofP. Andreada

Pavia, Rome, 3 Aug. 1693, injadin (!970), 560 and Appendix L 33. Examination ofP. Andrea da Pavia, Rome, 3 Aug. 1693, injadin

Laurent de Lucques, 122; Report oflndigenous Kongo Religion P. Bonaventura da Corella, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 249, pp. 340, 340v; Cavazzi, I, 103. Nkasa is frequently mentioned in connection with the poison ordeals. See e.g., Matters to Raise in the Reply that the Pope makes to the King of Kongo, A.P.F., S.R.C.G., 250, p. 42; Cavazzi, I,

Caltanisetta, 1!7, !34. 34. See Chaps. l and 5. 35. Laurent de Lucques, 126. 36. Bo!ogne, 54. 37. Ibid. 140-2. 38. Bo!ogne tried to secure the profits for the masters. The governors clearly

dominated the situation but the masters probab1y colluded. Ibíd. 39. Janzen, Lemba, 49-51. 40. Teruel, V, 16; Romano, 28-9; F. Capelle

thc Directors oftheCompany, Mar. 1642, injadín (1966), 22. 41. Laurent de Lucques, 48; P. Gerard Corluy in P. Coudenhave,Regi>tmmde

NOTES TO PP. 199-2!6 287

Rebus Notabilibus, 1668-93, in Jadin (1966), 199-200. Pavia in Jadin (1970), 4-56, 458; Report ofP. Giuseppe Maria da Bussetto, Rome, 1677, injadin (1966), 334; Bologne, 140-2.

42. Note that the Antonines associated the Madonna with a slave ofthe mani n;:;imbu mpungu, the mani Kongo's female chief. See below and Chap. 4.

43. See Chap. 7. 44. Ali the relevant documents have been pub1ished by Jadin (1961). 45. Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, injadin (1961),

497,501,505,507, 528; Lorenzo da Lucca, Nkusu, 3Jan. 1707, injadin ( 1961), 546. For mbumba dimension, se e Chap. 1.

46. Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, injadin (1961 ), 501, 519, 528, 529; Report of Lorenzo da Lucca, Nkusu, 3 J an. 1 707, in Jadin (1961), 548. For nkadi mpemba dimension, see Chap. L

47. Ibid. 516. 48. Lorenzo da Lucca, Bengo, 30 Dec. 1705, injadin (1961), 534,54 I, 542;

Report ofP. Bernardina da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 1710, injadin (1961), 510.

49. Encountered in Sonyo, various parts of Mbamba, Nsundi, Mpangu, Pompa {Mpumbu?), Nkusu. Lorenzo da Lucca, 30 Dec. 1705 and 3 Jan. 1707, injadin (1961), 534-5,537,542, 546; Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 17!0, injadin (1961), 510,534.

50. P. Lorenzo da Lucca, Nkusu, 3Jan. 1707, injadin (1961); Report ofP. Bernardino da Gallo, Rome, 17 Dec. 171 O, in J adin ( !961 ), 51 I, 5 I 8.

51. The discussions of economic developments on the Kongo coast in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is based upon Susan Broadhead, 'Trade and Politics on the Congo Coast, l770-I870', Ph.D. Thesis (U niversity of Boston, 1971). The discussions on internal developments are partially based upon Susan Herlin Broadhead, 'Beyond Decline: The Kingdom of Kongo in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries', /nter­

l!f AfricanHistmicalStudies, 12,4 (!979), 615-50. 52. Joseph C. ~viiller, 'The Slave Trade in Congo and Angola', in l\1artin

and Robert Rotberg, eds., The lVnc.zn Diaspora (Boston 1976), 96-7.

53. This refusa1 continued in Sonyo and Central Kongo into the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Report of P. Rosario dei Parco, 1738-80, injadin ( 1963), 375; Report ofP. Cherubino da Savona (1775), ibid. 370;J.J. Monteiro, Angolaand t!ze Riuer Congo (London, 1875), I, 89.

54. Report ofP. Cherubino da Savona injadin (I 964). 379-89. 55. Ibid. 56. Report ofP. Raimondo da Dicomano ( 1

11.1,329. 57. See below. 58. Report ofP. Raimondo da Dicomano

319 n. l. Powerful chiefs such as

injadin 322,322

injadin ( 1953), 327 n. l, Kina and Nabua Ngongo were

estimated to have Correi~ História de

houses, Elias Alexandre da Silva \'-''~vvu, 1937) n, i50-223.

59. Broadhead, 637. 60. Report of P. lll

288 LA TER SEVENTEENTH ...

ReportofP. RaimondodaDicomano (1791-5), injadin (1957), 327n. I. 61. Report ofP. Cherubino da Savona (I 775), injadin (1963), 381-2. 62. Report ofP. Raimondo da Dicomano (I 791-5), injadin (1957), 323-4;

Report of P. Castello da Vide (1788), in Marcellino da Civezza, 'O Congo' in Storia Universale dello Missioni Francescane, 7, 4 (1894), 349.

63. Report ofP. Cherubino da Savqna (1775), injadin (1963), 382,387. 64. Georg Tomas, Visit to the Portuguese Possessions in South-Westem Ajrica

(London, 1845), I, 190. 65. ReportofP. Raimondo.daDicomano (I 791-5) injadin (!957), 323; Elias

Alexandra da Silva Correia, História de Angola, II, 206, 208-9, 212. See also André l'Hoist, L'Ordre du Christ au Congo', Revue de l'Aucum, VII (I 932), 258-66.

66. Rcport of P. Raimondo da Dicomano (1791-5), in Jadin (1957), 322; Report of P. Cherubino da Savona (I 775), in Jadin (1963), 382, 387; Janzen,Lemba. ·

67. e.g. Sonyo paid a nominal tribute in the early nineteenth century. Pietro Paolo da Bene, 'Relazione deli o stato inche attualmente si trova il Regno de! Congo' (1820), in Boletim Official de Angola, 642 (16Jan. 1858), 370.

68. Civezza, 323, 353; Report ofP. Cherubino da Savona, injadin (1963), 382.

69. Report ofP. Cherubino da Savona (1775), injadin (1963). 70. Ibid. 378; ReportofP. RaimondodaDicomano (1791-5),injadin (1957)

328. 71. For the following, ibid, 326-31. 72. For trading patterns, Broadhead, 'Trade and Politics'. For an account of

internal developments, Broadhead, 'Beyond Decline'. 73. Bene, 248. 74. 'Relatório do Conego António José de Sousa Barrosa .. .' (1881), in

Arquivos de Angola, Ser. 2;xi,44,45 Uuly-Oct.l954), 313; Weeks, Bakongo, 41; Broadhead, 'Trade and Policies'.

75. Broadhead, 'Beyond Decline', 639-41; 645-50. 76. Adolf Bastian, Ein Besuch in San Salvador de Haupstadt des konigreichs Congo

(Breman, 1859), 50-l;John Weeks,Among thePrimitive Bakongo (London, 176-7; W. Holman Bentley, Pioneering on the Congo (London,

I, 282, 451; Broadhead, 'Beyond Decline', 646. 77. Joseph Troesch, 'Le Royaume de Soyo', Aequatoria, 25, 3 ( 1962), 95-I 00. 78. Laman, Kongo, I, 138-42. 79. Van \Ving, Études Bakongo; Mertens; MacGaffey, 'Oral Tradition', 424;

:rvlacGaffey, Custam and Govemmeni, 235-6. 80. For examples of these traditions see e.g. Van Wing, Ét:udes Bakongo. The

interpretation above is based on l\1acGaffey, Custom and Govemment, 17-35.

Appendix 1

Fertiliry Rites rif the Mani Sonyo in the Late Seventeenth Century

The mani Sonyo and his wife and principal nobles prepared a dish of mushrooms and other ingredients. On the Tuesday before Christmas week the mani Sonyo sat on his copper throne surrounded by his helpers who were seated in a circle on the earth. The mani Sonyo's wife, with two older women and two principal nobles advanced with the dish. They emptied it into a vessel held by the mani which was only used for this ceremony. The people then invoked the devil offering him the dish in sacrifice for rain and an abundant harvest. The mani Soll)'O then gave each of them a portion of the dish and everyone perforrned the usual ritual war dance. The following Tuesday the mani Son;yo and the nobles went to a certain field called U ri. They believed that a devi! called Uri lived in the field in the forrn of a snake and they left an uncultivated thicket in the middle of the field where it could rest. The maní Sonyo received the homage of the people and then wen t to a tree where h e spoke some words 'accompanied by diverse ceremonies.' He beat the tree with his knife and then threw it in the field. The knife was returned to him. Then the people struck the tree with their knives. The next Tuesday the mani and the people returned to the field. They worked it and then went round the thicket saying to the snake, 'Uri, Uri, we have offered you sacrifices, we have honoured you by our ceremonies. Have care to accord us much rain and abundance in ali things.' They would not cultivate before these ceremonies had been fulfilled. The next day they began to cultiva te the other fields.

Sources: Laurent de Lucques, 109-! 1; Examination of the Report of P. Andrea da Pavia, Rome, 3 Aug-. 1693, in Jadin (l970L 560.

Appendix2

The Kings of Kongo to the Mid-Seventeenth Century

Nzinga Nkuwu Mbemba Nzinga Nkanga Mbembe Mpudi Nzinga

Nimi Lukeni Mpanzu Nimi Nanza Mbemba Nimi Mpanzu Nkanga Mbemba Mbem ba Nkanga Nimi Nkanga Canyancala Nzinga (Nimi?) Nkuwu Mpangu Nimi Finguiz Nimi Lukeni Nkanga Lukeni Vita Nkanga

João I Afonso I Pedro I Francisco I Diogo I Bernardo I Henrique I Álvaro I Álvaro II Bernardo II Álvaro III Pedro II Garcia I Ambrosio I Álvaro IV Álvaro V Álvaro VI Garcia II António I

?-1506 1506-43 1543-4 1544 1545-61 1561-7 1567-8 1568-87 1587-1614 1614-15 1615-22 1622-4 1624-6 1626-31 1631-6 1636 1636-41 1641-61 1661-5

Appendix 3

Kinship Terms Amongst the Seventeenth-Century 1Hwissikongo

x-66

NKAKA oc NKAI CUYA (m) + NKENTU (I) I NKAI NKAI oc NKAKA NKAKA (m) or NKAI or NKAKA ETA TU (m)

+ NKENTU (!)· I NKAKA or NKAI A NEWA (mi oc NKAKA oc NKAI AZOLE (m) + NKENTU (fi

~ ó

6b~6b MPANGI ;_h MPANGI A NKENTU A

ó ~

.,_ or s,~~ 1

NKAKA oc NKAI

1

NKENTU

NK~~~ <4------SE-------+ +--- NGUDI ----+-

NKENTU or ~ NKAZI oc ~ MPANG! MBUTA MPANGI A NGURI

n EGO +----MPANGI~

,lNKENTU ZAKIMUVU ANA ANA ANA r ANA KIMOSI NKAZI +NGURI-+

NK~A +----MWANA------""

A ANA +-AME----+ NKENTU NKAZI

I NTEKULU (m)

+NKENTU lfl I

NTEKULU AZOLE or VtNUULULUHlA {m}

NTEKULU CUNZANUU or CUNZANUUTUL4RlA !m! +NKENTU (fl

I NTEKULU AYA (m) +NKENTU(!j

Souu:es: De Geei, 23, 198, 254, l03-l2 c/f

36-45.

Appendix4

Clan Reckoning and Individual Reckoning Amongst the Seventeenth-Cenlm]! 1\tJwissikongo

Ctan reckoning Ali members of father's father's I .......... u-" and mother's father's clan.

Ali members of father's clan

Ali members of an clans for which the ma!e members of ego's clan have produced children

Ali members of ali clans in which the mafe members of the mwana have produced children

Individuei reckoning etc.

NKAKA NKAKA,orNKAI NKAt orNKAKA orNKAI ETA TU

NKAKA, or NKAI NGWA. or NKAKA or NKA AZOLE

NKAKA or NKAI

(EGO) MPANGI

MWANA

NTEKULU

NTEKULU NTEKULU or NTEKULU A TATU

Ali members of ali clans related to ego's dan by marriage etc.

Sources: De Geei, 23, !98, 230,240,254, 256; Giacintoda Vetralla, Grammar, l08-l2. c/fWyatt MacGalfey, Cu.rtom a.nd Gouemment, Chaps 4, 5, andjanzen, Lemba, 36-4-5.

Archives Cited and Archival Abbreviations U sed

France

Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris

Holland

Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague Oude W est Indische Compagnie

Italy

Archivio Generale della Compagnia di Gesu, Rome Lusitania Catalogi Triennal

Archivio della Sacra Congrega tio de Propaganda Fide, Rome Scritture Ricevute nelle Congregazioni Generali Scritture Riferite ni Congressi

Archivio Provinciale dei Capucinni, F!orence Archivio di Stato, Milan Archivio di Stato, Modena Archivio di Vaticano, Rome Biblioteca Casanatence, Rome Biblioteca D'Este, Modena Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale Vittorio Emanuelle, Rome Instituti Storico dei Cappucini, Rome

Portugal

Arquivo Historico Ultramarino, Lisbon Papeis Avulsos

Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon Biblioteca da Acadamia des Ciocias, Lisbon Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisbon Biblioteca National, Lisbon Biblioteca da Sociedade de Geograffia de Lisboa

Spain

Bibliotheca Nacional de :Madrid Bibliotheca dei Palacio NacionaL Madrid

B.N.P.

A.H. O.W.I.C.

A.G.S.J. Lus

A.P.F. S.R.C.G.

S.R.C. A.C., Florence

A.S., lV[ilan A.S., Modena

A. V. B.C.

B.D.E. B.N.C.V.E.

A.G.C.

A.H.U. P.A.

A.T.T. B.A.C.L.

B.A.L. B.N.L.

B.S.G.L.

B.N.M. B.P.N.

Bibliography

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304 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

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DICTIONARIES, GRAMMARS AND EARLY TEXTS IN KIKONGO

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 305

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I 'Les Premicrs Travaux des 1\.tissionaires

306 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

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FARIA, FRANCISCO LEITE DE, 'A Situação de Angola e Congo Apreciada em Iv!adrid em 1643', in Portugal em Ajríca, X (Lisbon, 1952), 235-48.

FELG/\S. Ht:uo A ESTEVES, História do Congo Português (Carmona, Angola, l9'lil).

FILES!, TEORALDO, Na:::.ionalismo e Religione nel Congo al!'lni<.io del1700: La Setta Antmziani (Rome, 1972).

-- LP R e! a<.iorzi tm il Regno del Congo ella uel XVI Secolo J

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,m XXI

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VII

J.·\DIN, 1.. sce citations in list of primary sources. Ali contain secondary reconstructions.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 307

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MARCANDO, ALFREDO, 'Movimenti Profetici e Messianici Angolesi', in Revista St.orica Italiana, LXXX 3 (Rome, I 968) 538-92.

MARTIN, PHYLLIS lvL, 'The Trade of Loango in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries', in Richard Gray and David Birmingham, eds., Pre- Colonial Afrícarz Tmde: Essa)'S on Trade in Central andE as tem Afríca Bifore 1900 (London, 1970), 139-61.

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MA1TOS, R.J. DA CUNHA, Compéndio Historíco das Possessões Portugue<.as na Ajrica (Rio de janeiro, 1963).

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MILLER, JOSEPH, C., 'Kings anel Kinsmen: The Imbangala Impact on the Mbundu ofAngola', Ph.D. thesis, University ofWisconsin, 1971.

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308 THE KINGDOl'vl OF KONGO

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Thesis, UniversityofLondon, !977.

Index

Notes

l. Kongo Kings are listed by their European names. 2. Capucin missionaries are lísted by their town of origin. 3. Other individuais are listed by their first name. 4. Kongo títles and titles of Kikongo speakers are listed under location e.g. Kongo,

mam. 5. Kongo towns are listed by location, e.g. Kongo, Mbanza.

Afonso I,45, 53-65,78,81,83, 87,89, 90, 95, 96, 99, 100, 1!4, !20, 12!, 131, 131-3,136,216

Afonso II, 68 Afonso, brotherofAlvaro III, 82 Afonso, son ofGarcia II, 152-3, !58,

!70-3, 179 . Afonso VI, KingofPortugal, 177 Afonso, patrilineal category, 87-8,96-7,

126-8, 130-3; Nkanga MubicaAfonso (Nlaza}, 126-7, 131-3, 171-5, 189, l99-20!,212-l6;220;wfpanzu Afonso,88, 127-8, !30-3, 17!, 188-9, 199-202,212-!6

25, 67; useofslaves (indigenous) 78-9, !00, (European)

Uesuit) 107, 139; cash crops, 78-9; at l\1banza

5, !09; as 34, 35,215 (seealsokitome;

mani Vimda}; seealsa Luanda colony {victualling); tribute; animal hus­bandry; arboriculture

Rosada, descent group, 2!2 !5,26

ll.lessano, Bona ventura da Capucin, !59 AI! Souls Day, 95,96

2!0, 2!!, 212,223 1,69, 71, 74,87, !05, !!7, !30,

- 133, 134-5 Alvaro H, 71,85,87,96, ll7, 120, 12!,

!25, 135, 137, !33, !78

Alvaro III, 82, 87, 95, 96, 106, I 17, 1!9, 125,126, 130, 13!, 135,138-9

Alvaro IV, 82, 127 Alvaro V, 151, 17l Alvaro VI, 96, 127, 131, 136, 139, 140,

143, 15!, !55, 158, !70, 199 brotherofGarcia I, 171-5

Ambrosio I, 127 André Vida! de Negreiros, governar

Luanda, 176-9 ancestors, see dead animais, husbandry, 5, 6; produce, 5;

tribute of, 34-5 Anna (Queen),ofNkondo, 203 Antonine movement, 26, 28, 208-10 António I, 175-9, 191-2, 197, 199,200 AntóniodoCouto,Jesuit, 181-2,184,190 António da Silva, maní Mbamba, 89, !26,

131 António de Sousa, mani So;ry"O, !25 arboriculture, 5, 6 archers, ll9 arrny, Kongo, 42-3,57, 70-l, 78 (s1aves),

85 í s!aves) see also M wissikongo; rules oí war; firearrns; archers

at.ombola, cult, ll, 93, !96-8

ofMakamba, !69

beads, Venetían g!ass, 75

310 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

Bengo Riverand Valley, I, 107, 134, 135, 140, l!:l-6passim, 167,197

Benguela, 71 Bernardo I, 63 Bernardo II, 87, 123 Beatrice, (St. Antony), 26, 92, 208-!0 bishop, see São Salvador Boko Snngo, 7, 32, 33, 114; see also copper bolungo, poison ordeal, 25 Brandonc, descent group, 213 Bras Correa, canon, 32, 83, 85, 100, 138 Brazil, 106, 114,135,143, 145-9passim,

169, l'l() ' Bula (statc) see Lemba bulungi, u;;ed for 'hei!', 94

'Cabata c:hiefs', 81 Cabinda, 21 O, 212, 224 Calvinism, 155-6 Cambarnbe, 133 canons, see São Salvador Captain General of the Kongo Kingdom,

42-3, 126; see also warfare; army; archns

Capucins, 19, 81, 83, 94, 97-9, 122, 134, 153-L IS7-6!, 163,171-2, 175-6, 182-')il, 202-5, 207, 224; as Kongo am bassadors, !51, 159, 169, 184; si aves of, 221

Castello Bianco, descent group, 213 Castro patrilineal category, 89 chapei, royal, 65, 80, 95; see also churches Chile!, dassífícatory, 214, 224; ofthe

kanda nf the mmu' Kongo, 36 Christian priests, see priests;

missionaries; Capucins,Jcsuits; Francíscans

chiefdoms, extra kanda, 28-3!, 32, 34; see also kitmne; Nkisi Valley; states by nam<,,

to early sixteenth 5!-3, i)0-5, 87, 89, 90-!03; to seventcenth century 136-41; mid­sevent<'enth century, 154-6!, !79-98; late sewnteenth century, 202-3,203-8

cighteenth century, 216-20; and the mbumba dimcnsion, 50, 90, 99-lfn, 185, 192,203-lO;andtheJLtadi

dimension, 62-5, 92, 98-9, 159-61,184-5, !92,203-4;and

the non-l\1wissikongo !01-2, !86, !92; anel cult ofthe roya! graves, 62-5,92, 94-8, ! 84-5, 192; mani Kom!o anel

diocesan authorities, 137-41, 179-81; patronage ofChurch, 136-41; see aLro congregations; Mwissikongo, ideo­!ogicallegitimacy, Propaganda Fiel e; Calvinism; São Salvador, Cathedral of; , churches; chapei royal; Ali Souls Day; StJames Day; Holy Thursday; Holy Saturday; Saturday; eucharist; mass; baptism; excommunication; marriage; erosses; crucifixes; Pope;Jesuits, Franciscans; Capucins; entries under individuais provinces, Makoko, Nzinga Matamba

Churches, 51,63-5,69,95-6, 100; of lmmaculate Conception, 158; ofüur ladyofthe Victory, 95, 96, 99, 158; ofSt Antony, 95, 209; ofSt Ignacius, 96; of StJames, 138, !40;seealsochape!royal

clients,2l, 108-9, l21-4;andgrowthof chiefdoms, 29; anel war!ords, 20!; see also titleholders, clients of

cloth, indigenous, 6, 7, 22, 34, 35, 39, 44, 52, 55, 75-8, 106, 112, 113, 116-1 !64-5, 167, 179;seealso trade

communications, 8!-5, 139, 155, 168, !70, 176, l88-90seealsoliteracy

congregations, confraternities, and orders, 95, 97, lOl, 160-1, 193; ofSão Salvador, 97; ofCapucins, 97,204 (Sonyo); ofjesuíts, 97; ofSt Antony, 97, 209; ofHoly Mercy, 95; ofHoly

95; OrderofChrist, 2!7-19, 223, in provinces, lO!

6, 7, 143; 6,7,29,32-4,40,53-5,57-60,

!49, l5l;ofiv1bembe,6, 7,40, 117, 222; Luanda/Europeans and Mbembe mines,82, !l7, 133-6, !40, 143,148-9, 151,167-8,176-9,199,223

Cortes, patrilineal categorv, 89 v<tpuuu, 19{), 191

crosses, crucifíxes, 94, 102 cultivation, see agriculture

52, 93, 192, 208, 223-4; see also lanha; aiombola;

Antonine movement Curação, l !4 curers, see disease

7, 75-7, !13, l63-5;seealsa, doth

INDEX 31!

Damba, province, 33, 4{) Dande River anel Valley, I, 77, 107, 109,

118, !33, 134-6, 140, 144, 163-4, 166, 168,200,222

Daniel da Silva, 127, 152-+ Daughter, classificatory, ofthe mani

Kongo, see nzimbu mpungu, mani dead, category of, 10-12; cult of(kanda),

12, 20, 98; (chiefs), 29; (Mwissikongo) see Mwissikongo; individual titles; Christianity; graves; governors, pro­vincial; Saturday; see also, mona

death, rituais of, lO-! l, 216-17 demography, 7-8,44-5,188, 196,2!4-15 dcscent, 8, 19-23,87,88-90,200, 212-14;

see also M wissikongo, patrilineal categories; kanda

Diogo, brother offifteenth century mmli Vunda, 51

Diogoi,65-8, 71,81,87, 100,105 Diogo Cão, 50 disease, 145, 168, 196; issues and curers,

12, 15, 16, 18-l9seealsomedicines Dom bala, chiefdom/province of

Mbamba, 212;seealso Mbala Dutch, see traders, Dutch; Luanda,

Dutch; Kongo-Dutch relations

earth spirits, see mbwnba drought, 5, 52 ecological zones, l-2, 6-7,28-9,33-5,

52,66, 79,84, 107, ll2, 165,216 Eleanor, wife ofJoão I, 89 election, of mani 1\fbata, 39, 4!; of mani

mani; of mani So"w,

elephants tails, see trade, elenhants tails Estevão Castanho, canon,

motherofManuel Roboredo, !54 'll

eucharist, l 00; see alsa mass European goods, see trade, European

excommunication, 99

Fernão de Sousa, governar ofLuanda, !36

Fire, ritual, 13, 25 firearms,53,55,57,62,69-74, !!!, 117,

]9-20, !53, !74, !78-9, 189,211 fish, dried, see trade, dried fooo, see fish, dried; Luanda

n<-cu"'"'"' \cvarfare;justice

Franciscans, Portuguese, 173, 187, 190, 191; Third Order, 174, 176, 184;seealso Capucins

Francisco de São Salvador, Capucin, see Manuel Roboredo

Franciso Soveral, bishop ofSão Salvador, 140-1, 154-6

Funta, mani, (in Sonyo), 170

Garcia I, 89-90,96, 127, 143, 171 Garciaii,8!,82,83,96, 117,120,122,

127, 130, 131, 134, 136, 142-198, 199 Garcia IV, 217 Garcia V, 222 Gaspar Cão, bishop ofSão Tomé, 137 Georges de Geei, Capucin, 195 God, see nzambi mpungu governors, provincial, and Christíanity,

100-l; 186; l92-7;andgravecults,46, l 00-l; investiture, 39-41, 46-8; anel kanda,+3, 124-30, !70-l, l94;and kitome, 46-8; anel mbumba dímension, 47-9; and nkadi mpemba dimensíon, 45, lO I; wives of, 194; see also titleholders; M wissikongo; individual govemors

Grandfather, classificatory, ofthe mani Kongo, 54, l 00; see a!so A/bata, mani

graves, I!, !6, 29, 94-8; see also dead; governors, provincial; Mwissikongo; Kongo,

guns, see firearms

in town, see Ki-beio

hel!, see buhmg:' Henrique, mani ;\!bamba, 172 Henrique, son ofAfonso I, bishop, 137

Saturday, 96; see also Saturday 96

honey, 55 houses, 6, 44 Hum, peoples, H Hungu, people, 211

I mbangala, people, III, I !2, 135 inheritance, 85, 89, 214

67,81, 101,134,185, 188,

protective charmsr­iron ore, 6 I sabe!,

trade, ivory

312 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

)aga' peoples, 59, 68,69-74, 112, 114, 133, 145, 160

Jesuits, 60, 66, 83, 135, 139--41, 154, 155, 157, 174, 176,181-2,184, 185;exempt from Kongo taxation, 117 see also António do Couto; agriculture

.João da Costa, Luanda magistrate in Mbanza Kongo, 189-90

João Baptista, bishop ofSão Tomé, 137 João I, 51-3,89,90 .João IV, King ofPortuga1, 168, 169, 173,

174,177,178,181,182-3,190 Jordão Manuel, mani Nsundi, mani Wembo

etc., 128-9 judges, system established by Álvaro II,

85; principa1judgeofKongo, 38,31 ;see also slaves,judges of

justice, 38, 43; and Christianity, 64; and slave trade, 58, 122-3; eighteenth century 220--1

Kainza, district in Sonyo, 23 Kakongo, state, 26, 60, 113-7 Kakongo, River, I I 3 Kakulu Kahenda (Ndembu title), I 10, 135,

145, 176 Kalunga, the water barrier through which

thedead pass, titleofthekitomepriestly chief.s, 9, 23, 94

Kambole, chief captain ofMatamba, 110; see also Matamba; muhongo Matambo

kanda, matrilineal descent groups, 8, 12, 19-23, 32-4,87, 90; ofthe central region, 35,37-8,44, 46, 52, 66, 80, 90, 131-2,214, 224-5; provincial, 88, 90, 214, 224-5; effect of establishment of Kingdom, 43--4; see also Kongo, mani and the kanda; govemors, provincial, and kanda; individuais provinces; Nkusu; Nsaku Lau; Nsundi; Nlaza; Kitirna; Nimi; Mpangu; Mbala; chief­doms, extra-kanda

Kasanje, Imbangalastate, 77, lll, !50; Christianity in, 19!

Kazanze, state, 74, !33-5 Kiandu, mani, throne-bearer, 95 Kibangu, town, state, 21 !, 212,215 Ki-belo, ham!et, 8 Kikongo, language, 1, 74, 93, 96, !34,

161,165,181, !35;booksin,80, 154 Kilombo, kJrrn o fim banga!a organization,

111 Kimbundu, language, I, 181 Kimpassi, cult, 26-8,50, 196-8,203,

223-}

Kina, district in Mbarnba, 212,215 Kindoki, witchcraft, see ndoki, witch kingweno, Ndembu title, !64, 166 kinship, 8-9, 19-23,65, 200; breakingthe

bonds of, 32, 37; classificatory, see Grandfather; Mother; Father; Daughter; Child; mpemba nka:â; see also traders, Iineage seniors, labour, kin­based; kanda; lineages; descent

Kiondo, district in Sonyo, 23 Kiova, district adjacent to Sonyo, 23-4,

I 15, 174-5,212;mani, I5I;Christianity in, 193

Kisama salt mines, 75 Kiteke, language, I Kiteshi kandambi (Ndembu títle), 149 Kitima, kanda, 35 kitome, priestly chiefs, 23-5, 33-4, 52, 62,

91, 94, 99, 100, 153, !60, 135-6, !92, 194-6, 193,203-I0,214,224-5;wifeor femalechiefof, 24,47; and Kongo Kingship, 46-3, 52; and provincial governors, 46-8; and maniSollJ'!l, 204-6; eighteenth century, 221; and mbumba cults, 28, 48; see a1so mani Vunda

Kitome and provincial governors, 46-8; and mani Sonyo (late seventeenth century), 204-6; eighteenth century, 221

Kitomo nineteenth century trading system, 222

K ivela, pre-pu bertal virgin given by kitome to governors, 4 7

Kongo, nuclear kingdom, I, 32--4; 'Greater' kingdom, 60, 34, !05; Luanda Peace Treaty 1649,33, 163, 163; Dutch relatíons, 135--6, 142-61; Papal relations, see Pope; Portuguese relations, see Portugual; Spanish relations, 15!, !69, 187; Luanda relations, see Luanda co!ony; mani Kongo, administration, 35--44, 57 ,80-S, !38-9, !78-9, 217-21 (eighteenth century}, 222--4 (nineteenth century); blessingof, 97; and central kanda, 35-9, 53-4,66-7,71,85, 13!-2, !70-l;and Christianity, see Christianity; council of, 37-8,85, 138, 164, 179, 220-l; and cult of predecessors, 3 7, 46, 48; election and investiture, 36-7,96,99-100, !88, 203, 220; evolution of title, 33; and female co-chief, see mani; funerais of, 95-6; household of,

INDEX 313

38-9, 67, 85, 179; inheritance of goods, 35, 85; insígnia, 36-7,96, !00 (see also mpu); investiture ofprovincial titleholders, 40, 127, 152; and the mbumba dirnension, 36-3, 46-7, 5 I (see also Christíanity and the mbumba dimension); monopoly on guns, 73, I I 7, 119-20; on ivory, 109, I 17; and the nkadi mpemba dimension, 37, 45, 48 see also Christianity and the nkadi mpemba dimension); and provincial governors, 41-3,52-63,79-85,97, 104-33; and provincial kanda, 36, 39, 41,53-4, 66-7, 71; and redístribution of products, see tribute, of mani Kong o; role within Mwissikongo group, 35-7; and slaves, 35, 33,57-60,65-7, 78-9, 84-90, 120-4, 169; succession, 66-8, 81, 87, 89, 130-3, 170-3; and tribute, see tribute; and taxation, see taxation; daughters given in marriage, 172; wives of, 35, 36, 39,52-3,65-7,87-8 (slaves), !00, I 18, 126 (slaves), 130, 152,155

Kongo, Mbanza (São Salvador), 33, 40, 44-5,58,59,64,66, 74-5, 77,79,80, 82-5,94-5,99,101,106-7,112,120, 127, 144, 173-4,190,197,200,203, 2I0-11,219;archivesof, I78;churches of, 64, 94-7 (see also churches); ideological significance, eighteenth century 2!5-2I;.twentieth century 224-5

Kongo trading corporation, eighteenth century, 215; ideology of, 215-221

Kongode Mbata, town in Mbata, 77,202 Kongo dia Nlaza, state, !09-!0 Kundi, state, 74; kundi cloth, 77, 165 KwangoRiver, !, 2, 70, 73, I !O, li!, !48,

!50 KwanzaRiver, 74, 105,133,135 Kwilu River, l; province, 45

labour, divisions of, 5-6, 7, 17; kin­based, 8, 20-1, 107--8, 113; and slaves, 73, I 23 (see also slaves; titleholders and slaves; Kongo, mani and slaves

law, see judge;justice Lazaro, brotherofGarcia I, 171-5, 189 legitimacy, see Mwissikongo, ideological

legitimation !emba cult, 27,206, 2!7-8 Lemba, state{later Mbula}, 148,200, 2!2

215

Leonor, nâmbu mpungu, 171, I 88 libata, villages, 7, 20-I, 90,91, 214 libongo cloth ofLoango, 77, !64-5, 167 1ineages, 8-9, I 8, see also kanda;

matrilateral relationships; patrilateral relationships; patrilineal categories; descent; nkuluntu; traders, lineage seniors; labour, kin-based

Literacy, 64-5,67,79-83, 143, 144, I 85-6, 188, I 93, 203, 205, 217

Loango state, 26, 46, I 14-7, I 48, I 64-5; mani,30,91, 114,176

locusts, 5, 98, 183, 196 Loje, River, 34, 84, !09, I 13, I 75,222 loka, curse, bewitch, 17; see also ndoki,

witch Luanda, eco1ogy, 107; island of, 33, 77,

105 (see ais o námbu shell money); Kongo governors of, 41, 107-8, !63-9, !67-8; mani, 4!, 30, 135, 144, !51, 163; colony and victualling, 107, 1 !2-3, !34, 145, !46, 151, I68;andtrade,see trade, Luanda; and slave trade, see slaves, trade, Luanda; and market, see market, Luanda; Portuguese occupation, 71, 74-7,83--4, 105-12; economicproblems, 166-7, 176-7;and Kongo, 71,73-7,82-3,105-6, !13, 134-6, 167-70, 174-9, 181-2, 184, 190, !92, 223 (seealso Paulo Dias; Fernão de Sousa; Salvador Correia; Soüsa Chichorro; André Vida! de Negreiros); and Sonyo, 202; and guns, I 19; and currency, 75-7,164-5, I67-8;and l'v!bembe mines, see copper; economic influence on Kongo, 73-8, 104-12, 126, 133--43; Dutch occupation, 77, 34, !36, 142-61, 163-5; Dutch threat to, 166-7, 169-70, 176; Spanish threat to, 176-8, 184

Lw:hetta, maní, 217 Lu fine, River and Val!ey, 107 Lukala, River, 110 Lukeni, 'first King ofKongo', 45 Lukunga, title, chiefdorn and province,

seeOlolo Lula, state, 74; mani, I !8 Lumbo, mani, the mani Kongo :r major-domo,

38-9,67,85,219 87

lV!akoko, sta<e and makf:lko, tit!e, 37, 54,

314 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

60, 70. 73-5, 78, 107-9, 114-5, 120-1, 142,118, 165,211;andChrístianity, 190; .1ee also Malebo Poo1; mpumbu; Tio

manilla. copper arm-ríngs from Mindouli­Boko-Songo, 54

Malebo Pool, 58, 66, 70, 73, 85, 108, 114, 121; sce also market, Ma1ebo Poo1; Makoko; mpumbu; Tio

mani (governor), see under locus of governorshíp

Manga ( cighteenth century province), 212

mangon.~n (Ndembu tit1e), 166 ManueL patrilinea1 category, 128-9 Manuel Baptista, bishopofSãoSalvador,

137, 138 Manuel!, KingofPortugal, 100 Manuel, mani Sml)•o, 124-5 Manuel Roboredo, (Francisco de São

Salvador, Capucin), 154, 161, 171, 178-~. 185, 189, 191

Maquelo do Zombo, 2 markets, fourday, 7; Luanda, 107-8;

controlled by Luanda, 74; Ma1ebo Poo1, 59, 70, 73, 85, 114, 120; Mbanza Kongo, 44, 57, 106; Okango, see Okango; Samba, see Mpumbu Samba; see also mjmmbu; trade routes; trade capital; entries under individual states; slavé's

marriagc, 21-2, 155; Christian, eightecnth century, 217-8; nineteerith century, 223; alliances, 22, 29, 33, 126, 131,217-8, 223; seealso wives

Mary, mother ofChrist, 92-3, l02, 205, 206-7

district in Sonyo, 23 see also eucharíst mass,

l'vlassangano, 180, lfl2. !83, 190

l'viassou la, port, 2 !O

155,163,

Matamba, 60, 77, 93, !09-12, 121, 169, 21!; 1ee also Nzinga fvlatamba; Nzinga, s!aves, trade, Nzinga Matamba;

.Hatamba; kambole north-west ofMbanza

Kongo, 2!2; Christiani!y in, 93 matrilateral relationships, 8, see also

kamla: descent; kinship l'vfazinga, d istrict ofNsundi, 55 Mbaka, near Ri ver Luka!a, 1!0, !50 i\1bala kanda, 23, 24, 67-8, 13; see also

Dom bala

Mbamba, province, 2, 33, 40, 77, 80, 107-9, 133, 145,202 (1ateseventeenth cent]lry), 211-6 (eighteenth century), 221-3 (nineteenth century); Chris­tianityin, 140,191,193, l97;mani, 33-4,65,80, 84, 88, 108-9, 118, 126, 135-6, 143, 152, 172-5, 178-9,217 (see also António da Silva; Alvaro VI; Garcia II; Pedro II; Garcia I); and the kanda ofLuanda island, 41; and the se a, 48; and slaves, 108-9, 120-1; wives of 126, 172;l'v1banza,34

Mbarnba Nsala, mani, 152 rnban;:;a, towns, 8, 14-5, 90, 193, 215; see

also individual towns Mbata, province, 2, 34, 40, 52,69-70,73,

77, 122-3,202 (late seventeenth century), 212,215 (eighteenthcen­tury); mani, 34, 36, 52-4, 62, 73, 82, lOO, 127; and the Kongo title, 36-7, 39-41, 100, 118, 129-30, 172,178-9, 218; wives of, 173; see also Nsaku Lau kanda; Mbanza, 34, 64, 74; Christianity in, 64, 140, 193-5,197, (seealso Christianity)

Mbembe, see copper mbila, 'tomb', a Church in Mbanza

Kongo,64 i'vibrije,RiverandValley,34,84, !07, 175 mbumba dímension of'other' wor1dly

power, 10, 13-7, !9, 23-31,51,93-4, 205-l O; and the Kongo title, see Kongo; and Christianity, see Christianity; and provincial governors, see governors, provincial; entries under individual provinces

mbumba, disease, 14 mbumba mbula, mani pangala, 46; figure in

etiologicallegends ofNgola a Ki!uanje and Kongo, !3

l'v[bumbe, district ofl'vfbamba, 77, !35, 175, 196

l\1bundu, peoples, l, 34, 57, 60, !05, !34, !48, 150, !51, 163

mbuta, 'eldest', 20 title,200,215

tPfnrnvmce and mbwila, title, 164, 166, !78-9, 200,

211-13, 2!5; Christianity in, 140; battle of, 165, l 78-9

medicines, 6; see also disease Meneses, patrilineal category, 89,213 Mfinu Tio, peoples, 74

INDEX 315

mfumumpu, nineteenth century title, 224 Mfuningu, state, 70, 78 Miguel de Castro, canon, 154-6, 180-1 Miguel, mmzi Sonyo, 124-5, 151-2 Miguel Rangel, bishop ofSão Salvador,

137-B milungu, protective statues and bracelets,

18 Mindouli, 7, 32, 33, !14see also copper missionaries, 93; see also Capucins;

Jesuits; priests; Franciscans Mother, dassificatory, ofthe mani Kongo,

see n;:;ímbu mpungu moyo, 'sou!', 9, 27, 91, 93,94 Mpangu, extra-kanda chiefdom, 29, 33;

province, 2, 4-0, 196, 202 (late seven­teenth century), 212 (eighteenth century); mani, 64-5, 122, 127, 173, 175, I 78, 219; Mbanza, 34, 64; Christianity in 64; kanda, 29, 33

Mpanzu Afonso, descent group, see Afonso

Mpanzu a Kitima, son ofjoão I, 53 mpemba, white, the colour of the dead and

the other world, 16 Mpemba, province, 34, 40, 67, I 19,178,

200,212,213,216;mani,8l, !19, 126, 135, 171-3, !73-9, 217, 218; wives of, 172, 217; Mbanza, 34; Christianity in, 140, 193-4, 197 (see also Christianity)

mpemba nka;:;í (kanda and extra-kanda chiefs who supplied mani Kongo with a wife), 39-40,65, !00,218

rvlpinda, port, Sonyo, 50, 59, 67, 7!'>, I 05, 1!3-5, 143, J 53, !63, 202

cap, insígnia ofauthority, 37, 40, 96, 18,138,157, 192,205,209,224·

Mpumbu, s1ave markets on the Kongo border,59,60,66, 148;seealsoMakoko;

Malebo Pool

l\·fukato, province adjacent to Sonyo, 151-2

mulanos, 71, 73, !40, !4!, !56, !78, 180-2 see a!so Bras Correa; Manuel Roboredo; Simão Medeiros; Castro; Estevão Castanho,

chiefdom, 212

Mussul, 211,212,221,223 l\1!utemu, state and mutemu, Ndembu title,

145,164, !66;Christianityin, l+O mutinu (ntínu), an honorific title, the 'first'

king ofKongo, 90 Mwissikongo, elite, definitions to early

sixteenth century, 35, 44, 65-9, 71, 81-2, 84-5; patrilineal categories, 88-9, 92, 125, 128-9, 159 (see also Afonso; Brandone; Castro; Cortes; Manuel; Menezes; Pereira; Silva; Sousa; Vasconcellos; Castello Bianco; Romano Leite; Água Rosada); alliances with local descent groups, 124-30; late seventeenth century, 200-l; eighteenth century, 212-7; see also, titleho1ders, governors, provincial; Kongo, marzi, administration; interpreters; individual provinces, maní; ideological legitimacy, fifteenth century, 45-9; Christian, 50-3,60-5,94-103, 144, 156, 192, 202-!0, 2!5-21 (see also Christianity; Kongo, mani; Sonyo, mani) rules of war, 122; slaves of, see slaves

mui! a, eategory of descent, 23

nambu a kalombo, Ndembu title, 145 nambu ngongo, Ndembu title, 109, 135,

145, !64, 166, 176 names, significanee of, 8, B8-90 Nbele, mani, 217 Ndembu, peoples, 57, 60, 77, 108, 12!,

135-6, !45-50passim, 163-4,166-8, I 76-7, 196, 212; title, 212; see also nambu ngongo; kakulu Kahenda; Mbwila; mutemu; mangombe; kingweno; kíteslzi kandambi: nambu a kalombo; ngombe a mukama

Ndibu, Kikongo speaking group, ! 5 ndoki, witch; kindoki, witchcraft, ll,

17-!9,28,5!,52,62,93,94,98-9, 101-2, !59, !95, !96,209,2!7

!8, 92, 94, 98, alombola~

18;

316 THE KING DOM OF KONGO

ngoma, drum, insígnia ofKongo King-ship, 9:1

ngombe a mukama, Ndembu title, !45 Ngoyo, state, 60, 1 !3-7 Niari Rin:r, I 'Nimeamay', neighbouring Makoko, 73 Nimi, kanda, 35 nkadi mpemba, a dimension of'other

worldly' power, lO, 16-19,26,30,90, 91, 9:1, 94, 204, 209; and Christianity, see Christianity; and mani Kongo, see Kongo

Nkanga iv! ubica, see N1aza, kanda; Afonso nkasa, poison ordea1, 13, 205 nkz'mba, cult, 13, 26, 27, 43,223 Nkisi, Ri ver, I, 2, 6, 23, 34, I70;

chiekioms, 23-9, 32-3, 40 nkisi, 'fetish', !4, 15, I7, 13, 19,25,30,31,

51,62,G4,94,99, 195;mibiteke, 17;mi mafilla, 17

nkita, earth spirit, 13, 16, 27, 50, 53, 93, 203

Nkoje, town, 211,222 Nkondo, town/state on River Mbrije, 34,

212, 21 t see also Anna (Queen) of Nkondo

nkulunla, lineage head, 20, 91,94 Nkusu, province, 33, 40, 196;

Christianity in, 193; kanda, 35 nkwiya, evil spirit, 11 Nlaza, kanda, 35, 199-20!, 214seealso

Afonso, Nkanga Mubica No la, Gennaro da, Capucin, !59 Nsaku Lau, kanda, 29, 33, 36, 39, 41, 52,

53, 5+, G2, 65, 67, 118, 129, !30, 202 see aLw Mbata, mani

Nsaku nc Vunda,kanda, 51 seealso Vunda, mam

nsamba, indigcnous cloth ofNgoyo, !13 1zsanda, tree, H, 15 Nsanga, district ofNsundi, 55 Nsele, River, 2

nmvmcce ofNsundi, 24; in, !93-4

rzsona, first of the four-day week, !4, 93 Nsonso, state, IIOseealso Sosso Nsundi, province, 2,33,40,53-5,58, !49,

196, 2m (late seventeenth century), 21 I-3, 215, (eighteenth

of, 93; Christianity in, 100, 140, !96-7 (seealso

chiefs of, 30 (nineteenth mani, 34,54-6,62, 65,67,

31' 126-9, 170-1' 173, 178-9, 224 (nincteenth century) (see also Pedro, mani Nsundi; Afonso I; Jordão Manuel); and kitome, 47; wives of, 4 7, 49; Mbanza, 34, kanda, 35

N ta ri, district in Sonyo, 23 ntotela, title normally applied to great

chiefs, 94 n:::;ambi mpungu, 'God', 50, 5!, 91-2,94,

102 nzimba, a kiiome title, 23 n;:,imbu mpunga, mani the mani Kongo's

femaie co-chief, the 'Mother and Daughter ofthe King, 33,92-3, 17!, 133

n:::;imbu shell money, 7, 33, 34, 35, 39, 40, 44,57,59,65-6, 74, 75, 77,30,105-3, 133, 139, 163, 165-6, 211

Nzinga, daughter of Afonso I, 65 Nzinga, rulerofMatamba, 1!0-12,

145-52, !57, 163,169,177-3,196 Nzinga Makamba, state, 113, 145, !43,

190; Christianity in, 190-1; see also l\.fatamba; Nzinga

n:::;o a nkisi, 'house ofthe fetish', 'graves' used to denote churches, 95

Okango, state, 70, 73, 74-5, 77-3, !07, !03, !09, 112, 120, !29, 133, !43, 164; Christianity in, 140 (seealso Christianity)

O lo lo (Lukunga}, 33, 2!2; mani, ·elationship to mani Kongo, 40, 218

orders and confratemities, see congregations

pangala, smith, a kitome title, 24, 46, 205; Pangala, forme r residence of kitome, 224

Pangu a Lungu, peoples, 60 panos, cloth, see cloth; limpos, cloth

currency in canquista, 77; merc.ados, doth marked as currency in Luanda, 77

patri!ateral relationships, 8, 88-90 patrilinea! descent categories, see

Mwissikongo pawns, 21 Pau! V, Paulo Dias, Paulo da Silva, Pedro, mani Nsundí, cousin ofAfonso I, 54,

5,5, 59,62 Pedro, 'legitimate' son ofAfonso I, 66

INDEX 317

Pedro, grandson of Afonso I, 67,31 Pedro, brother ofGarcia I, 171-5, 139 Pedro II, 80, 88, 90, 126-7, 130, 135, 133,

139, 143 Pedro, son of Alvaro VI, 170-l Pedro de Lagrimas, mani l'lsundi (mid-

seventeenth century), 173 Pedro IVofKimbangu, 201,203 Pedro Constantino da Silva, 20 I Pende, peop!es, 211 Pereira, patrilinea1 category, 39 pigmies, 15 pintelso, tax, 113 p1antations, see agriculture pombeiros, traders,59,65-6, 70, 71, 74, 77,

107, 108-!0, 1!6, l 17-3, !20, l66;see also traders, Portuguese

Pope, 63, 82, 94, 100, !3!, 134, 135, 141, 151, 153, 153, !59, 172, 133,133, 192

popu1ation, see demography porters, see trade and porters Portugal, Kingof, 50-2,55-3,60,69, 73,

73,82,33,91, 100,105, !35-41, 155, 157, 164, !68, l70, 173,174, !76-7, 130, 134, 187, 190; taxationof,see ta.xation; see also João IV; Afonso VI

Portuguese, and l\1bembe copper mines, see copper; and Kongo elections, 66, 68, 7!, 135-6, l43;functionariesinKongo, 31;gunmen,53,57,69-70, 71-3, 74; Kongophile, 7!-3, 33, 35; plantations, see agriculture; traders, s.ee traders; see a!soLuanda

priests, European, 51-2,55,58,64-5,67, 69, 82, 33, 94, 96-!03, !34, !85 (seealso Jesuits; Capucins; Franciscans; São Salvador); Kongo and mulatto, 64, 67, 141, 154-5,130,185,202 (seealsoSão Salvador; mulatto}; concubines of, J8l

Propaganda Fide, C~ngregation Óf, !53, 172, 181, 183, !36, 190, !91, !92

residence, rules of; 21, 44-5, 38 resurrection, 93 Rodrigo, grandson of Afonso I, 67 Roma, Giovanni Francesro da, Capucin,

151,169, !72, 184,187, !90 Romano Leite, descent group, 2!3, 216

sa!t, 6, 29, 33, 34, 35, 39, 44, 75, !07, 109, 112,153, l65,202;andbaptism,see

Salvador Correia, governar Luanda, 163-9, 182, 133-4

Samba, people, I I O; see also Mpumbu Samba

São Salvador, Cathedra! of, 97, JOO, 136-J 41; bishop of, 32 (see also Henrique, Manuel Baptista, João Baptista, Gaspar Cão, Miguel Rangel, Francisco do Sovera1); Chapter of, 32, 95, 133,140-1,154-7,173-31, J84;see also Kongo, Mbanza

São Tomé, 55-7,62,63, 69, 71, 73, 33, 105, I36-7; bishopof, 136-7

Sardenia, Bona ventura da, Capucin, 160, 132

Saturday, day ofthe dead, 95, 93, J07; see also Holy Saturday; llSOTza

Savona, district ofSonyo, 23 schoo1s, see literacy Sebastião, King ofPortugal, 32 sembo ansure, a smith's whistle, insígnia of

the Kongo title, 37, 95 shells, 29, 33, 34, 77, I 09; see also n:::;ímbu

andsongo shells, foreign imported, !06 Silva, patrilineal category, 39, 115,

124-33; corporate group, 2!0-2; eighteenth century, 212, 2 14; see also Sonyo, mani

Simão de Medeiros. canon, 54-6, 130-l simbi, water spirits, 13, 27 simboebuto, adrum, insigniaofthe Kongo

tit!e, 37, 96 skins, see trade, skins sky spirits, see nkadi mpemba slaves, fifteenth century, 21-3;

acquisition, criminal process, 103, 121-3, !95; fugitives, 103-9, 121, !35, 143,164,166, l74-5;inheritance,35; kidnapping, 58, 103, 122; pawns, 113, !21; purchase, 121; raiding, 57, 60, 70, !67, 177;wars,59, !08, 121-2, l96;and kanda, 43, !23; labour, 78, !08, 113, 123; propor!ion to free, 123; wives, 44, 78, 87, 126, 130-3;and Kongoadrnini-stration, 78-9, 34,90 (see also Kongo,

titleholders, individual of, 58, 85, 123;

!39; Mwissikongo, 44,57-8, 78-9,

35,38-90, !00, 120-4, !23 (seealsa individuai titleholders); Pm:tuguese,

318 THE KINGDOM OF KONGO

108-9~ \'ili.ll+;warlords,201;clergy, !55; trade, Kakongo, 114-7; Kongo, 55, 57--i,fl, b.'i-fi, 67, 70,73-5,77, 8+, H7, 89, 'lfl, !O'l, !06, !08-!2, 148-9, 210-2, :.'~ l-2; (.ree also taxation); Kongo dia Nlaza, !09-l O; Loango, see Loango; traders, Vil i; Luanda colony, 74-7, iíi'>-Ü, !3+, 1+6-8 (Dutch

!66-7; victuallingof, 107; see Makoko; Malebo Pool;

Matamha, 110-12; Mbamba, 108-9, 211-2; \lbwila, l09;Ndembu, !09-!0; Ngola a Kiluanje, 74, !O.'i-7, 100-12; Ngoyo. 11·1-7; Nsonso, I !O; Nzinga Matamha, 1+8-9, 169; Samba, 110; Sonyo. I I +-7, 2 10-2; Wandu, 1 !O; factorics, 1 l·l-7, 210 ( cightecnth centuryl; value, 16+-67; late seventccnth century states, 20 I; cightccnth century, 210-12; trading corporation, 2!5-21

smithing, fi; anel Kongo Kingship, 37, +6; anel kitome, 23, 46; smith traders, 32;

Vili.lll snake, 15 Songo,state, 71, 77;songo,clothofSongo,

77 songo shcils. 7 Sonyo, province, 2, 26, 33, 40, 66, 67, 9+,

1!2-17, 119, 121, 148, 165, 189, 196; state, 103,201-2,210,

224; anel Dutch, !12-6, 151-4; Christianitv in, 64, !00, !4-0, 143, 153, 157, 191. 1:1+, 203-3; Mbanza, 34-, 6+, 79,33-~. 9~1, 113, I 15, l25;mani,•+5,82, 99, 115. 1~4-5, 143,172-5,178, !94, 22·~ (ninneenth century) (seealso Miguel da Silva, 1\hnuel da Silva, António da Silva, Daniel da Silva, Paulo da Silva); wives ofalliances with local de-scent groups, 124-3; electors of, !52: and the mbumba dimension, +E, 51,22 !: and Christianity, !53, 203-3; and the 11kimba cult, 43, 51; anel slaves, i 15, 1 ~IJ-1, !52; administration late sevente~nth century, 202; as an nkisi, 224; taxation of, see taxation; slaves of, see slaves

Surrento, Bona ventura da, Capucin, 184, 138

Sosso, peoplc, 60; seealso Nsonso Sousa, patrílineal category, !25 Sousa Chicharro, governar Luanda, 169,

!74

Spain, Kingof, 153, 163;seealsoKongo, anel Spain

Stjames Day festival, 4·2, 97, 101 succession to titles, H9; see also Kongo,

mam, succession Suku, people, 12, 60, 70 Sumpa, district between Sonyo anel

Lemba, 212

taboo, 8,83 landala, 'general of the black camp',

Luanda, !03 taxation, by Luanda, 74, 167; by mani

Kongo,85, 117-8,129, !53, l75;ofdoth trade, 75-3, 129; of slave trade, 66, 74--5, !05, 112; by mani Kongo's governors, I 09, ! 17-8; in eighteenth century, 2 l 7; of mani Loango, 116; of maniSo;~yo, 113, !15, 117;ofKingof Portugal, 57, !05

Third Order ofSL Francis, see Franciscans

Tio, 17,54-5, 70,85, l2l;seea!soMfinu Tio; Makoko; Malebo Pool; markets, MaleboPool

tithes, 118, 180 titleholders, clients of, 123-4; wives ot;

44--5, 8B-9, 90 (see also under individual titles); si aves ot; see slaves; ideologicallegitimacy, see Mwissikongo; governors; individual titles

tombs, 95, 96 towns, see mbam:_a trade, local anel regional, fifteenth

6-7, 32-3; anel extra-kanda 29,32;and

Kongo Kingdom, 32; Nlaza, 109-lO;ofLoango, l Luanda, 74-8, !05-17, !21; of lV!akoko, see Makoko; ofMatamba, l Hl-l2;ofllifbamba, !08-9, 117-!8;of l'vlbwi!a, 109; ofNdembu, 109-!0; of

74, 105--7, I HH2;of !13-7; ofNsonso, !lO; of

see Okango; ofSamba, ! I O; of 1!2-3, !7, !42-3; ofVungu,

ofWandu, ! !O; oflate seventeenth century, 199-200; of ei2'hteenth century, 2 !0-!2; of

221-2; financial 3l;of

indigenous doth, 75-8, !05, 107, l ! !6-7, 133, !6•t-5, (seeaísadoth; trade,

INDEX 319

local anel regional; nsamba, panos, Okango); European doth, 211; coppcr, see copper; dried fish, 107; elephants tails, 107, 109, 113-4; European goods, 50-2, 55-7' 59-60, 64--6, 74--5, 77' 108-10,113,116,211-2,116 (Dutchv_ Portuguese); European services, !08: food, 107, !12-3, 115, ll7;gunssee firearms; gunpowder, III, 120, 21 I; ivory, 107-9, 1!3-4, !43 (seeaúo ivory); n;âmbu shells, se e n;dmbu; anel porters, 78, 8•L 101, 108. 112, 117; redwood, 113; salt, see salt; services, 1!5; shells, see shells; n:âmbu; songo; slaves, see slaves; skins, 107, 1!3; wood, !07, !12; routes, 29,32-3,58-9,65-6, 7!, 73-3, 104-17, 129, !64-5, 210-!2, 222; ofVili, !!4-5; ofDutch, 84, 113-6, !!9, 125, 142-6!, 142-53, 155-6, 201-2; ofEnglish, 113, 20!; of lineage seniors, 108, .1!3; of Mwissikongo, 78, 115-6, 120; of pombeiros, see pombeiros; of Portuguese, 53, 55,57-60, 66-B, 71-•1, 77-3, !09, 113, 115-9, 12!, 129, 134, 165 (seealso

13, 2ll; ofVili, !14-7, !!9, 121, !42, 143, 165, 200-!, 2! !-2; Zombo. 21 L 222; capital for, 113, 114; seeaí.ro markets;

Teme!, Antonio de, Capucin. !51 traditions, sixteenth

32-4,46

25; ! !3 (see also nkulunla)

from nuclear Kingdom, 34-5, 4:), 52, 55, 58, 66. 71, 80-l, 85, 106-7, !09, j 12, !13-9, !29, i 53, 165-6; from neíghbours, 60, 74; of mafwko, 70; of provincial governors 34-5,43,45, 74, lO!, !07, ll8, 129; of Luanda, l36;ofmaniSo'E)W.Il3

tsetse f!v, 5 twins,

uzinga, 'Life', 9

Va.lencia, Angelo de, !51

Vasconcelos, patrilineal category, 89, 213 Vetralla, Giacinto da. !5+, !B2, IB3, IB5,

186-9! Vili, people of, see traders, Vil i vil! age, see li/mia Virgin Mary, see Mary, mother ofChrist fimda, mani, kitome ofMbanza Kongo, 50,

51,52,67,81, 192,2!0;andtheKongo títle, 36-7,40, 46-7, 48, 219-21 (eighteenth century); rdationship to other kitome, ,}8

Vungu, state/region, 32-3,60, 114

Wandu, extra-kanda chiefdom, 29; province anel state, 2, 33, 40, 77, 94, l !0, !30, 177-9, 196,200,212-6 passim; Christianity is. 140, !93. 194-. !96; mani, anel the Kongo title, 36-7, 40, 46-7,48,219-21; wives oC J 77-8; anel cult ofwater anel earth spirits, 49

warfare,42-3, 127,135,149,151.152-3, 174-, 173-9, 196, see also. Captain

General of the Kingdom; firearms; archers

see mbumba; simbi: see market; seven day, 98;

see also nsona: Saturdav \Vembo, chiefdom, 29; p~vince. 2, 33,

40,212, 2!.5; mmzi. 65, 88, I !9. 129 (Jordão Manuel), 2!7-3; relationship to mani Kongo, 40

witch, witchcraft, see ndoki women, co-chiefs. 38, 92; chiefs, 2H

mler ofl\Iatamba; Anna roles, 5-6.

22; anel the Kongo title, 38, 92; see _ also nzimbu mpunJ;u, mani: Kongo, ma11i anel nzimhu mpungu

wives, ofPortuguese traders, 66, 71, 77; see aúo marriage; Kongo; títleholelers; kitame; c!ergy; govemors. provincial; \vomen

Yaa, Tio tributaries ofMakoko, 14-Yaka. people and state,

L 6, 32. 35, 34, 196,2fJ6,2l ,213,222

Zembo, port, 2!0, 212 Zombo. province, 21!-2. 215: i\fbanza.