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8/7/2019 HIST 300 Final Paper
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The Library of Alexandriaand
The Hellenization of Early Ptolemaic Egypt
Evan Richards
HIST 300
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When Alexander the Great conquered Egypt he decided to create a new city at the
entrance to the Nile which he intended to become one of the most magnificent cities of the
ancient world. After his death, his successors fought over and eventually divided the empire that
he had created. Ptolemy I Soter, general and friend to Alexander, became satrap of Egypt and
soon moved his capital to his leaders created city, Alexandria. This marked the beginning of the
Ptolemaic dynasty which would last for almost three hundred years.
Ptolemy I Soter, son of Lagus, was born in Macedon around 367 B.C. From an early age
he shared close ties to Alexander and had been a student to Aristotle, who was serving under
Alexanders father Philip II. When Alexander embarked on his campaign into Persia, Ptolemy
followed and spent most of it at Alexanders side. In 323 B.C., following Alexanders death,
Ptolemy was appointed satrap over the conquered Egyptian province and in 305 B.C. he assumed
control over all of Egypt and became King Ptolemy I Soter, thus succeeding the pharaohs of
Egypt and creating the Ptolemaic Dynasty. The Egyptians accepted Ptolemy with relative ease as
they had done with Alexander and had assumed him to be a continuance of pharaonic rule in
Egypt. His son, Ptolemy II Philadelphos, equally as educated as his father, became co-ruler of
Egypt at Alexandria during the final years of Soters life. Thus for the next three hundred years
the Ptolemy family ruled over Egypt until Rome conquered Alexandria in the first century B.C.
One of the most famous aspects of Alexandria was its grand library that is said to have
housed over 700,000 scrolls, a number that while meager today when compared to modern
libraries, was certainly astonishing for its day. Some of the most famous legends of the Library
of Alexandria come from Galen, a second century B.C. Greek physician. While these stories can
never be corroborated, they glorify the library and support it as a spectacle among ancient
academia. In one account, Ptolemy II Philadelphos, in order to support the newly created library,
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lighthouse of the city, exemplified this competition. Ptolemy himself may have wanted this even
more than the other Hellenistic rulers of his time so as to boost the reputation and prestige of this
newly founded city.
Another theory is based on Ptolemys own intellectual interests. In his youth, Ptolemy I
Soter had studied with Aristotle and through the end of his reign he remained in the company of
a variety of scientists, scholars, and poets.1 This background within academia would have made
the creation of a new library an essential addition for Ptolemys capital, to foster a fresh wave of
learning and to create the largest collection in the new world.2 Strabo, the ancient geographer,
states: He [Aristotle] is the first man, so far as I know, to have collected books and to have
taught the kings in Egypt how to arrange a library [Strabo XIII.1.54]. While this cannot be true
because the Library was created well after Aristotles death in 322 B.C., another meaning behind
this statement could be that Ptolemy modeled the Library of Alexander after Aristotles own
library at his school in Athens, the Lyceum.
While many theories exist as to the unknown motivation by Ptolemy to create such an
institution, another theory needs to be considered that is centered on the specific time period of
the Librarys creation: the Hellenistic age. Beginning with Alexander a movement was instigated
throughout his conquered territories to make them Greek, to Hellenize them. Greeks and the
Romans after them considered all those who did not speak Greek as barbarians. Ptolemy was no
exception and his new capitol city of Alexandria was built on the coast of Egypt, a traditional
society. In his attempt to Hellenize Alexandria and make the city more Greek and make the
Egyptians themselves more Greek, Ptolemy created the Library of Alexandria which was used
from the beginning as a major tool for Ptolemy to accomplish this goal.
1 Walter M. Ellis, Ptolemy of Egypt(New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 1994) 56.
2 Ibid. 63
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The city of Alexandria was as diverse a city as the ancient world would see. While
Macedonians along with other Greeks under Alexander had conquered the region, the
Macedonian population of the city was neither large nor superior in numbers to other Greeks in
the city.3The main concentration of Macedonians may have been largely confined to the royal
guard of the city.4 Early on, other Greeks began to migrate to Alexandria. Alexander himself
recognized that the region had many positive characteristics that could easily foster the growth of
a new city. Located at the mouth of the agriculturally rich Nile Delta region and easily accessible
from the Mediterranean, many Greeks were attracted to Alexandria in pursuit of successful new
enterprises.
While the Greek population of Alexandria was considerable right from the citys
beginning, they were nowhere near the size of the Egyptian population who dominated their
native region and were more numerous than any other group in the city. 5 The Ptolemy rulers
recognized the size of this group from the beginning and established tolerable conditions of life
for the natives that almost certainly had not existed under the previous Persian occupation or
even the later Pharaohs. While the Ptolemies accepted the natives into Alexandria, there is no
evidence that they had any citizenship at all in the city.6 Many natives were confined to the lower
class and very few attained high positions within the government.7.
The last major group in the city was the Jews. While little is known about the status of
Jews within Alexandria, what is known is that their population was vast in the region. All
3 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 53.
4 Waler Scheidal. Creating a Metropolis: A Comparative Demographic Perspective (Netherlands: Brill AcademicPublishers, 2004) 25.
5 Ibid.
6 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 54.
7 John Baines. Egyptian Elite Self-Presentation in the Context of Ptolemaic Rule. (Netherlands: Brill AcademicPublishers) 34.
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through the Nile Delta and Gaza strip, Jews were involved in almost every aspect of the culture.
Their cultural level seems to have been much higher than the native population and Ptolemy
knew that this group of Alexandrians could not be ignored.
Along with Greeks, Egyptians, and Jews, many other foreign groups were represented in
Alexandria. These peoples made up most of the slave population. In the third century, the largest
foreign group in Alexandria was from Ptolemaic Syria and was comprised of both immigrants
and captured slaves.8 Migration to the capital of the Ptolemaic empire was common and many of
these foreigners tended to live together and set themselves apart in their own parts of the city.9
With as diverse a city as Alexandria, it was not uncommon for many groups to live
together. The upper class Greeks, Jews, and Egyptians deterred from interaction but the lower
class citizens practiced no such solitude. Mixed marriages were frowned upon and many times
not even recognized within the upper classes. In the lower class strict adherence to ones ethnic
group was less a requirement. Mixed marriages were more common and interaction, especially
on the commercial level, was much more welcome. Still, the city was split up into sections that
were labeled Alpha, Beta, Gamma, Delta, and Epsilon. The palace complex and the rest of the
Greek population comprised two of the sections but the other three were made up of specific
ethnicities. Strabo, the ancient geographer, states that the Jews of Alexandria had a special
quarter to themselves. In this quarter they lived primarily under their own law and were presided
over by an Ethnarch, a political leader over an ethnic group, who governed over them, presided
over the law courts and supervised contracts and ordinances.10 The Jews were almost self
8 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 58.
9 Ibid. 56
10 Pierre Jouguet. Macedonian Imperialism and the Hellenization of the East. (New York: Stephen Austin& Sons,Ltd. 1932) 344.
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sufficient and lived in a completely different Alexandria from the rest of the city, all the while
under the protection of the king.
Altogether, the citys diversity made it different from the old Greek city-states because it
lacked a definitive culture and tradition. Alexandria had no history as a classical Greek city-state
and encompassed a wide variety of races and cultures.11 Most of the citys residents including
Jews and the majority of Egyptians spoke Greek. With the Ptolemies in control of the region,
Greek naturally became the common language. While the native Egyptian population comprised
a large proportion of the city, the Ptolemaic administration operated in Greek, not Egyptian; it
wasnt until Cleopatra VII at the conclusion of the Ptolemaic dynasty did the administration
adhere to the native dialect.
From the beginning of its founding under Alexander the Great, Alexandria saw an
immediate surge in population growth. In 330 the city numbered 5,000 residents yet only sixty
years later that number jumped to 148,000.12 This increase in city size can be attributed to a
number of factors. For Greeks and other foreigners, the city was the land of opportunity. Egypt
was enormously wealthy and the region extremely fertile. The Ptolemaic administration had
neither the means nor the desire to keep the city solely Greek. Laws pertaining to foreigners who
settled in Alexandria were very lenient and it can be assumed that Ptolemy simply wished to
support the overall growth of his new capital.13 By encouraging new immigration Ptolemy hoped
to also encourage Greeks with talent and enterprise to come to his new city to increase the
regions academic and artistic prestige in competition with his successor counterparts.
11 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 38.
12 Waler Scheidal. Creating a Metropolis: A Comparative Demographic Perspective (Netherlands: Brill AcademicPublishers, 2004) 15.
13 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 52.
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During the beginning years of Ptolemaic Alexandria, the administration, while supporting
immigration to the region, also wanted to retain its Greek heritage. Along with the Library of
Alexandria, the Ptolemies used many forms of Hellenization to make Alexandria Greek. While
this helped retain the history and tradition for Greeks, it had little effect on the Jews and the
native Egyptian population, who while they did speak the ruling language, never became Greek
in any traditional sense. The city spoke Greek but adhered strictly to their traditional culture.
While assimilation to Greek was ultimately the goal encouraged most by the kings, it proved
unrealistic. Retention of Greek heritage amongst Egyptian culture, which had dominated the
region Alexandria inhabited, amongst widespread ethnic diversity of the city soon became the
primary focus.14
One initial step Ptolemy I Stoter took to legitimize his rule over Egypt was to steal
Alexanders body on its way back to Macedonia and bring it to Egypt. After he brought the body
to Alexandria, Ptolemy built a huge shrine for Alexander in his new capital.15 His tomb in Egypt
soon became a major attraction for pilgrims and tourists from all over the Greek world.16 These
steps were part of a political move to connect the Ptolemaic dynasty with Alexanders empire.
Ptolemy hoped to attract Greeks and Macedonians to Egypt who would identify Ptolemy as
Alexanders legitimate successor.
Ptolemy also realized that he was forced to secure his rule over the Egyptians as well.
After Alexanders death in 323 B.C., Ptolemy secured his rule over Egypt by ascending from
satrap to Pharaoh. In order to gain acceptance of the Egyptian people, he inevitably was willing
14 Pierre Jouguet. Macedonian Imperialism and the Hellenization of the East. (New York: Stephen Austin& Sons,Ltd. 1932) 341.
15 Walter M. Ellis, Ptolemy of Egypt(New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 1994) 33.
16 Ibid.
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to become Pharaoh, a position that made him a god to the natives.17 Since the Greeks were the
minority population in Egypt, Ptolemy knew he had to adhere to local custom if he wanted to
maintain control over the region. His successors knew this as well as Soter did. Ptolemy II
Philadelphos married his own sister during his reign possibly as a political move because this
was common practice among Egyptian Pharaohs.18 While the Ptolemies were Greek, they knew
that addition of Egyptian pharonic traditions could only aid in securing their rule over Egypt.
Another molding of Greek and Egyptian heritage came from religion. Greeks were
willing to include the Egyptian gods into their worship and identified many classic Egyptian
gods as gods of their own pantheon. Gods and goddess such as Hera, Apollo, Zeus, and
Aphrodite were the Egyptian gods Setet, the Falcon Horus of Edfu, Amon-Ra, and Hathor.19 Yet
while Greeks were more willing to adopt native customs, the Egyptians did not return the
sentiment towards Greek gods. The priests maintained Egyptian ritual for native Egyptians alone
and did not to accept the Greek pantheon.
One common area of religion was created by Soter as a tool to mold the cultures under
one religion. He did this by introducing Sarapis who was intended to be worshiped by both
Egyptians and Greeks. While it is clear that Ptolemy had political motives by doing this, he
legitimized it to Alexandrians by claiming Sarapis appeared to him in a dream. It is clear, with
the importance of religious worship amongst the two cultures, that Ptolemy realized that this cult
could ultimately support the blending of Egyptian and Greek religious culutures.20 The cult of
17 Pierre Jouguet. Macedonian Imperialism and the Hellenization of the East. (New York: Stephen Austin& Sons,Ltd. 1932) 288.
18 Walter M. Ellis, Ptolemy of Egypt(New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 1994) 58.
19 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972)
20 Walter M. Ellis, Ptolemy of Egypt(New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 1994) 30.
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Sarapis was under the strict protection of the government and supported heavily by Ptolemy.21
He called upon the famous Egyptian theologians Manetho and Timotheus to organize the
religion and he hoped this would have a similar effect to Alexanders attention to the blended
deity, Zeus-Ammon. Overall the Ptolemies intended to replace Osiris with Sarapis as the major
god of the region and supported this notion by creating an enormous temple, called the
Sarapeum, in his honor in the heart of the palace quarter of the city. While mixing of cultures
was important, the retention of Greek heritage was still the mostimportant thing to the early
administration who wished to create a new grand Greek city in the Mediterranean.
Many elements of traditional Greek culture were found throughout the city that differed
greatly from native custom. The gymnasium, plastera, elementary Greek schools, and baths were
all major aspects of Greek culture that aided the administration in Hellenizing the region. By
including these institutions the city could retain aspects of Greek everyday life and not only
attract the primarily desired immigrants but also exclude the Egyptian culture from over
intrusion into the Greek way of life.
The Library of Alexandria became another major institution that would adhere to Greek
heritage. Strabo places the Museum of Alexandria which contained the Library within the
palaces.22The entire institution included a public walkway, a dining-hall, and many lecture
rooms which all around made it less a library when compared to our modern sense of the
definition but in ancient times this would have made the institution more academic and thus
more Greek. [Strabo XVII.1.8] There were two libraries within the city. The first was the main
library in the palace which contained the bulk of the collection and the second was connected to
the temple of Sarapis and helped aid in the unification of the Greek and Egyptian cultures. It is
21 Pierre Jouguet. Macedonian Imperialism and the Hellenization of the East. (New York: Stephen Austin& Sons,Ltd. 1932) 340.
22 Walter M. Ellis, Ptolemy of Egypt(New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 1994) 51.
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create one edition. The librarians at Alexandria did this often in an attempt to legitimize the
institution in the Greek world and to make it an intellectual center among Greeks.
While the Hellenization process had little effect on Egyptians, Ptolemy I Soter still made
an attempt to unify Greek and Egyptian culture. He accomplished this by encouraging Manetho
to write a history of Egypt in Greek.26 Manetho was an Egyptian priest and advisor to Ptolemy I
Soter and had established himself as a respected individual under the Ptolemaic administration.
To write his history, he had an arsenal of primary sources at his disposal which includes the
temple libraries, palace records, papyri of the sacred books, the annals of the Kings of Egypt, the
economic records of the temples and estates, and much of the poetic literature of Egypt. 27 His
work, written in eight books, spanned the entire history of Egypt and concluded with the
conquest of Alexander. Unfortunately Manethos entire work has been completely lost and what
remains are fragments and excerpts from other authors such as the Jewish historian Josephus (37
B.C. 100 A.D) who used Manetho to help obtain the traditions of the origin and antiquities of
the Jewish people.28There are many possible reasons why Ptolemy required this history of Egypt
for the Librarys collection. Perhaps the Ptolemaic administration wished to learn more about the
history of the people they were ruling. While this is possible, considering how involved the
Ptolemies were in other aspects of Egyptian culture such as religion, this is unlikely considering
that they took no interest in the most basic aspects of native culture such as the Egyptian
language. It is more likely that Ptolemy wanted the Egyptian natives of Alexandria (most of
whom spoke Greek) to have a connection to this purely Greek institution. While Egyptians
26 Walter M. Ellis, Ptolemy of Egypt(New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 1994) 57.
27 Edward A. Parsons. The Alexandrian Library: Glory of the Hellenic World. (New York: Elsevier Press, 1952)186.
28 Ibid.
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resisted assimilation, if their complete history written by a native Egyptian was included in the
Library they might have been more attracted to other Greek institutions.
The Library of Alexandria also contained other books from many authors who were
neither Greek nor Egyptian. Following Alexanders conquests, much of Asia became integrated
into Greek culture and with it the literary works of the conquered regions. As diverse a city that
Alexandria was, much of this literature was included in the Library in Ptolemys attention
towards unifying the population and completing a grand collection of books. Most notably was
Babylonian literature, that of Brossos the author ofChaldiaca, the history of Babylonia.29
Brossos was a priest who lived between 356 and 261 B.C. and was an extremely learned
individual who dedicated his work to Soter. Brossoss history has many similarities to Manethos
work such as its composition in Greek and unfortunately its only fragmentary survival. What is
known is that his work contained the records of Chaldea, Babylonia, Media, Persia, Bactria, and
of the empires of Asia.30 Given the large foreign population from Babylon and Asia, Brossoss
books would have had the same importance for Ptolemy as Manethos work and thus can be
assumed to have been included in the Library of Alexandria.
While Ptolemy used the Library to Hellenize the entire city and all its inhabitants, it had
the most effect on the Jews of Alexandria. At this time the Jews on a whole on a higher cultural
level than the Egyptians and proof of this is evident from the Jewish-Greek literature of the
second and third centuries which is much superior to that of the Egyptians during this time.
During the reign of Soter and Philadelphos the Jews of Alexandria enjoyed favorable relations
with the other citizens of the city and with the government. Almost the entire population spoke
Greek and much of the Hellenistic Jewish literary and religious activity is a reaction to the
29 Edward A. Parsons. The Alexandrian Library: Glory of the Hellenic World. (New York: Elsevier Press, 1952)191.
30 Ibid 193
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completely Greek environment in which they inhabited. In fact, the first evidence of any anti-
Semitism within Alexandria comes from much later in the Ptolemaic dynasty.31 Much of the
literary work is related or inspired by the most important and most famous of the Librarys
contribution: the Septuagint.
The story of the Septuagint comes from a letter called the Letter to Philocrates or more
commonly known as the Letter of Aristeas and is dated to around 160 B.C. Although the letter is
a report by a Greek courtier named Aristeas to his brother Philocrates, the writing is similar to
that of a Jew praising Judaism and thus it is assumed the true author was an Alexandrian Jew.32
Along with a narrative about the Greek translation of the Pentateuch, the author also describes a
request Demetrius of Phaleron makes to Philadelphos asking that the books of the Jews be
included in the Library and that the Jewish prisoners of Soters reign be freed.33 This is an
excerpt from the Letter in which Aristeas quotes a letter written by Philadelphos requesting the
translation.
Now since I am anxious to show my gratitude to these men and to the Jews throughout theworld and to the generations yet to come, I have determined that your law shall be translatedfrom the Hebrew tongue which is in use amongst you into the Greek language, that these booksmay be added to the other royal books in my library
Traditionally the belief was that the translation of the Hebrew Bible into Greek was for
the purpose of increasing the collection at the Library and to attract scholarly attention for entire
institution. The Letter of Aristeas states that Demetrius of Phaleron requested the translation for
this purpose, yet another theory has become popular which claims that due to the fact that most
Jews in Egypt could not read Hebrew, the translation was requested by the Jews of Alexandria.34
31 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 57.
32 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 696.
33 Ibid. 697
34 Nina L. Collins. The Library and the Bible in Greek (Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2000) 115.
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This theory was created partly because authenticity and doubt surrounds the Letter of Aristeas.
The creation of the a Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible is not in question but the truth
concerning the circumstances of the story of it as described in the letter remain unreliable. One
cause for doubt arises because of the repetition of the number seventy-two. The letter states that
seventy-two translators were asked seventy-two questions by the king at a banquet and then
commenced work on the translation of the first five books of the Hebrew Bible which in total
took seventy-two days to complete. The letter also describes the costs of the translation and the
lavish gifts given to the translators, amounts of which are so large that it is doubtful that they
would have been spent on one book.35
Although the Letter of Aristeas is considered more a semi-fictional narrative, it is known
that Ptolemy II Philadelphos didsponsor a translation. What is in question is the why
Philadelphos wanted it created. One answer is that it was a political move by Ptolemy to gain a
favorable response from the Alexandrian Jews. The request by Jews to overcome their lack
Hebrew knowledge can easily be assumed to have been granted by the administration because of
their willingness to assimilate Jews into the population and gain further favor. The Jews needed a
Greek translation to make public recitation possible but Ptolemy also was hoping for a similar
positive reaction by the Jews as when the royal family had built synagogues for the city early at
near the beginning of Soters reign.36 Aristeass claim that Ptolemy wanted to increase the
collection of the library may have not been untrue. Although not the primary focus, it was an
added motivation given his attention towards collecting books. It can also be assumed that
Ptolemy also realized the usefulness the translation could have for his administrations
understanding of the laws and customs of the Alexandrian Jews he was ruling.37Overall the
35 Nina L. Collins. The Library and the Bible in Greek (Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2000) 2.
36 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 690.
37 Nina L. Collins. The Library and the Bible in Greek (Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2000) 116.
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creation of the Septuagint by the Library of Alexandria was Ptolemys attempt to Hellenize the
Jews of Alexandria. The translation allowed the Jews to become more Greek and it allowed
Philadelphos to gain political favor, better assimilate the Jews into Alexandrian citizenry, and
better understand their culture.
The Library of Alexandria was amongst an arsenal of Hellenization tools used by the
Ptolemaic rulers. Total integration was not necessarily the intention of early Ptolemaic rulers yet
they realized early on the diversity of the region they were ruling and strived for region truly
Greek by definition but in reality fundamentally not.38 Egyptians maintained their own culture in
Alexandria and Greeks sought to retain their roots of their own from mainland Greece. The
Library of Alexandria was created as a purely Greek institution and while it adhered in many
ways to every citizen in Alexandria its purpose was to make the city more Greek. Its collection
was vast and encompassed many Greek and foreign books of the time. While the Library will
always be considered one of the premier academic institutions of the ancient world, it was first
and foremost the right hand of Hellenization for early Ptolemaic rulers.
38 John Baines. Egyptian Elite Self-Presentation in the Context of Ptolemaic Rule. (Netherlands: Brill AcademicPublishers) 36.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Baines, John. Egyptian Elite Self-Presentation in the Context of Ptolemaic Rule. InAncient Alexandria Between Egypt and Greece, edited by W.V. Harris and GiovanniRuffini, 33-62. Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2004.
Barnes, Robert. Cloistered Bookworms in the Chicken-Coop of the Muses: The Ancient Libraryof Alexandria. In The Library of Alexandria: Centre of Learning in the Ancient World,edited by Roy MacLeod, 61-78. New York: Tauris & Co Ltd, 2004
Collins, Nina L. The Library and the Bible in Greek. Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers,2000
Ellis, Walter M. Ptolemy of Egypt. New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 1994
Erskine, Andrew. Culture and Power in Ptolemaic Egypt: The Museum and Library ofAlexandria. Greece & Rome 42, No. 1 (Apr., 1995): 38-48http://www.jstor.org
Fraser, P.M. Ptolemaic Alexandria. London: Oxford University Press, 1972
Hammond, N.G.L. The Macedonian Imprint of the Hellenistic World. InHellenistic History and Culture, edited by Peter Green, 12-22. Los Angeles: Universityof California Press, 1993.
Jouguet, Pierre. Macedonian Imperialism and the Hellenization of the East. New York: StephenAustin & Sons, Ltd. 1932
Kovelman, Arkady. Between Alexandria and Jerusalem: The Dynamic of Jewish and HellenisticCulture. Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2005
Milligan, George ed. Selections from the Greek Papyri. New York: Books For Libraries Press,1969
Parsons, Edward Alexander. The Alexandrian Library: Glory of the Hellenic World. New York:Elsevier Press, 1952.
Potts, D.T. Before Alexandria: Libraries in the Ancient Near East. InThe Library of Alexandria: Centre of Learning in the Ancient World, edited by RoyMacLeod, 19-34. New York: I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd, 2004
Samuel, A.E. The Ptolemies and the Ideology of Kingship. InHellenistic History and Culture, edited by Peter Green, 168-191. Los Angeles: Universityof California Press, 1993
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Scheidal, Walter. Creating a Metropolis: A Comparative Demographic Perspective. InAncient Alexandria Between Egypt and Greece, edited by W.V. Harris and GiovanniRuffini, 1-32. Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2004.
Tanner, R.G. Aristotles Works: The Possible Origins of the Alexandria Collection. InThe Library of Alexandria: Centre of Learning in the Ancient World, edited by RoyMacLeod, 79-91. New York: Tauris & Co Ltd, 2004
Veltri, Giuseppe. Libraries, Translations, and Canonic Texts: The Septuagint, Aquila and BenSira in the Jewish and Christian Traditions. Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers,2006
Vrettos, Theodore. Alexandria: City of the Western Mind. New York: The Free Press, 2001
Primary Sources
Galen. Epidemics. XVII39
Strabo. The Geography of Strabo. Edited by T.E. Page, E. Capps, W.H.D. Rouse, L.A. Post,and E.H. Warmington. The Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press, 1960.
The Letter of Aristeas. Charles, R. H. editor. Oxford: The Claredon Press, 1913
39 This source was not available to reference directly and this note comes from the secondary source whoreferenced Galen first.