History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson

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History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson,resident of the United States

y Edumud G. Ross

December, 2000 [Etext #2442]

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HISTORY OF THE IMPEACHMENT OF ANDREW JOHNSONRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATESY THE

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVESAND HIS TRIAL BY THE SENATE FORHIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS IN OFFICE

868

Y EDMUND G. ROSS

URT FRANKLIN RESEARCH & SOURCE WORKS SERIES #94

URT FRANKLINNEW YORK

REFACE.

ittle is now known to the general public of the history of thettempt to remove President Andrew Johnson in 1868, on hismpeachment by the House of Representatives and trial by theenate for alleged high crimes and misdemeanors in office, or of

he causes that led to it. Yet it was one of the most importantnd critical events, involving possibly the gravest consequences,n the entire history of the country.

he constitutional power to impeach and remove the President hadain dormant since the organization of the Government, andpparently had never been thought of as a means for theatisfaction of political enmities or for the punishment oflleged executive misdemeanors, even in the many heatedontroversies between the President and Congress that hadheretofore arisen. Nor would any attempt at impeachment have


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een made at that time but for the great numerical disparity thenxisting between the respective representatives in Congress ofhe two political parties of the country.

One-half the members of that Congress, both House and Senate, areow dead, and with them have also gone substantially the sameroportion of the people at large, but many of the actors therein

who have passed away, lived long enough to see, and were candidnough to admit, that the failure of the impeachment had brought

o harm to the country, while the general judgment practically ofll has come to be that a grave and threatening danger washereby averted.

A new generation is now in control of public affairs and theestinies of the Nation have fallen to new hands. New issues haveeveloped and will continue to develop from time to time; and newangers will arise, with increasing numbers and changingonditions, demanding in their turn the same careful scrutiny,

wisdom and patriotism in adjustment. But the principles thatnderlie and constitute the basis of our political organism, are

nd will remain the same; and will never cease to demand constantigilance for their perpetuation as the rock of safety upon whichur federative system is founded.

o those who in the study of the country's past seek a broadernd higher conception of the duties of American citizenship, theacts pertaining to the controversy between the Executive and

Congress as to the restoration and preservation of the Union, setut in the following pages, will be interesting and instructive.

No one is better fitted than the author of this volume to discusshe period of reconstruction in which, as a member of the Federalenate, he played so potent and patriotic a part, and it is aleasure to find that he has discharged his task with so muchbility and care. But it is profoundly hoped that no comingeneration will be called upon to utilize the experiences of theast in facing in their day, in field or forum, the dangers ofisruption and anarchy, mortal strife and desolation, betweenhose of one race, and blood, and nationality, that marked theistory of America thirty years ago.

DAVID B. HILL.

CHAPTER 1. THE PROBLEM OF RECONSTRUCTION.

MR. LINCOLN'S PLAN

he close of the War of the Rebellion, in 1865, found the countryonfronted by a civil problem quite as grave as the contest ofrms that had been composed. It was that of reconstruction, orhe restoration of the States lately in revolt, to theironstitutional relations to the Union.


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he country had just emerged from a gigantic struggle of physicalorce of four years duration between the two great Northern andouthern sections. That struggle had been from its inception tos close, a continuing exhibition, on both sides, of stubbornevotion to a cause, and its annals had been crowned withlustrations of the grandest race and personal courage theistory of the world records. Out of a population of thirty

million people, four million men were under arms, from first toast, and sums of money quite beyond the limit of ordinary

omprehension, were expended in its prosecution. There wasloodshed without stint. Both sides to the conflict fought for andea--on the one side for so-called State Rights and localelf-government--on the other for national autonomy as the surestuaranty of all rights--personal, local, and general.

he institution of negro slavery, the basis of the productivendustries of the States of the South, which had from therganization of the Government been a source of friction betweenhe slave-holding and nonslave-holding sections, and was in facthe underlying and potent cause of the war, went under in the

trife and was by national edict forever prohibited.

he struggle being ended by the exhaustion of the insurgents, twoonspicuous problems demanding immediate solution were developed:he status of the now ex-slaves, or freedmen--and the methods toe adopted for the rehabilitation of the revolted States,ncluding the status of the revolted States themselves. The swordad declared that they had no constitutional power to withdrawrom the Union, and the result demonstrated that they had not thehysical power--and therefore that they were in the anomalousondition of States of though not States technically in the

Union--and hence properly subject to the jurisdiction of theGeneral Government, and bound by its judgment in any measures toe instituted by it for their future restoration to their formerondition of co-equal States.

he now ex-slaves had been liberated, not with the consent ofheir former owners, but by the power of the conqueror as a war

measure, who not unnaturally insisted upon the right to declarebsolutely the future status of these persons withoutonsultation with or in any way by the intervention of their latewners. The majority of the gentlemen in Congress representinghe Northern States demanded the instant and complete

nfranchisement of these persons, as the natural and logicalequence of their enfreedment. The people of the late slavetates, as was to have been foreseen, and not without reason,bjected--especially where, as was the case in many localities,he late slaves largely out-numbered the people of the whiteace: and it is apparent from subsequent developments that theyad the sympathy of President Lincoln, at least so far as toefuse his sanction to the earlier action of Congress relative toestoration.

o add to the gravity of the situation and of the problem of


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econstruction, the people of the States lately in rebellion wereisfranchised in a mass, regardless of the fact that many of themefused to sanction the rebellion only so far as was necessary toheir personal safety.

t was insisted by the dominant element of the party in controlf Congress, that these States were dead as political entities,aving committed political suicide, and their people withoutghts or the protection of law, as malcontents.

t is of record that Mr. Lincoln objected to this doctrine, ando all propositions that contemplated the treatment of the lateebellious States simply as conquered provinces and their peoples having forfeited all rights under a common government, andnder the laws of Nations entitled to no concessions, or even toonsideration, in any proposed measures of restoration. That head no sympathy with that theory is evidenced by the plan ofestoration he attempted to establish in Louisiana.

t was at this point that differences arose between Mr. Lincoln

nd his party in Congress, which became more or less acute prioro his death and continued between Congress and Mr. Johnson onis attempt to carry out Mr. Lincoln's plans for restoration.

he cessation of hostilities in the field thus developed aolitico-economic problem which had never before confronted anyation in such magnitude and gravity. The situation was at onceovel, unprecedented, and in more senses than one, alarming.

Without its due and timely solution there was danger of stillarther disturbance of a far different and more alarmingharacter than that of arms but lately ceased; and of a vastly

more insidious and dangerous complexion. The war had been foughtn the open. The record of the more than two thousand field andaval engagements that had marked its progress and the march ofhe Union armies to success, were heralded day by day to everyousehold, and all could forecast its trend and its results. Buthe controversy now developed was insidious--its influences, its

weapons, its designs, and its possible end, were in a measureidden from the public--public opinion was divided, and itsesults, for good or ill, problematical. The wisest politicalagacity and the broadest statesmanship possible were needed, andn their application no time was to be lost.

n his annual message to Congress, December 8th, 1863, Mr.incoln had to a considerable extent outlined his plan of

Reconstruction; principally by a recital of what he had alreadyone in that direction. That part of his message pertinent tohis connection is reproduced here to illustrate the broad,umane, national and patriotic purpose that actuated him, quites well as his lack of sympathy with the extreme partisan aimsnd methods that characterized the measures afterward adopted by

Congress in opposition to his well-known wishes and views, and,lso, as an important incident to the history of that controversynd of the time, and its bearing upon the frictions that followed


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etween Congress and Mr. Lincoln's successor on that subject. Mr.incoln said:

When Congress assembled a year ago the war had already lastedwenty months, and there had been many conflicts on both land andea, with varying results. The rebellion had been pressed backnto reduced limits; yet the tone of public feeling and opinion,t home and abroad, was not satisfactory. With other signs, theopular elections, then just past, indicated uneasiness among

urselves, while, amid much that was cold and menacing, theindest words coming from Europe were uttered in accents of pityhat we were too blind to surrender a hopeless cause. Ourommerce was suffering greatly by a few armed vessels built uponnd furnished from foreign shores; and we were threatened withuch additions from the same quarter as would sweep our traderom the sea and raise our blockade. We had failed to elicit fromuropean Governments anything hopeful upon this subject. Thereliminary Emancipation Proclamation, issued in September, wasunning its assigned period to the beginning of the new year. A

month later that final proclamation came, including the

nnouncement that colored men of suitable condition would beeceived into the army service. The policy of emancipation, andf employing black soldiers, gave to the future a new aspect,bout which hope and fear and doubt contended in uncertainonflict. According to our political system, as a matter of civildministration, the General Government had no lawful power toffect emancipation in any State; and for a long time it had beenoped that the rebellion could be suppressed without resorting toas a military measure. It was all the while deemed possible

hat the necessity for it might come, and that, if it should, therisis of the contest would then be presented. It came, and, as

was anticipated, was followed by dark and doubtful days. Elevenmonths have now passed, and we are permitted to take anothereview. The rebel borders are pressed still further back, and byhe complete opening of the Mississippi the country dominated byhe rebellion is divided into distinct parts, with no practicalommunication between them. Tennessee and Arkansas have beenubstantially cleared of insurgent control, and influentialitizens in each, owners of slaves and advocates of slavery athe beginning of the rebellion, now declare openly formancipation in their respective States. Of those States notncluded in the Emancipation Proclamation, Maryland and Missouri,either of which three years ago would tolerate any restraint

pon the extension of slavery into the new Territories, onlyispute now as to the best mode of removing it within their ownmits.

Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion, fullne hundred thousand are now in the United States militaryervice; about one half of which number actually bear arms in theanks; thus giving the double advantage of taking so much laborrom the insurgent cause, and supplying the places which musttherwise be filled with so many white men. So far as tested, its difficult to say they are not as good soldiers as any. No


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ervile insurrection, or tendency to violence or cruelty, hasmarked the measure of emancipation and arming the blacks. Thosemeasures have been discussed in foreign countries, andontemporary with such discussion the tone of sentiment there is

much improved. At home the same measures have been fullyiscussed, and supported, criticised, and denounced, and thennual elections following are highly encouraging to those whosefficial duty it is to bear the country through this great trial.hus we have the new reckoning. The crisis which threatened to

ivide the friends of the Union is past.

ooking now to the present, and future, and with reference to aesumption of national authority within the States wherein thatuthority has been suspended, I have thought fit to issue aroclamation, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. Onxamination of this Proclamation it will appear, as is believed,hat nothing is attempted beyond what is amply justified by the

Constitution. True, the form of an oath is given, but no man isoerced to take it. The man is only promised a pardon in case heoluntarily takes the oath. The Constitution authorizes the

xecutive to grant or withhold the pardon at his own absoluteiscretion, and this includes the power to grant on terms, as isully established by judicial and other authorities.

t is also proffered that, if in any of the States named a StateGovernment shall be, in the mode prescribed, set up, suchGovernment shall be recognized and guaranteed by the United

tates, and that under it the State shall, on the constitutionalonditions, be protected against invasion and domestic violence.he constitutional obligation of the United States to guarantee

o every State in the Union a republican form of government, ando protect the State, in the cases stated, is explicit and full.ut why tender the benefits of this provision only to a State

Government set up in this particular way? This sectionontemplates a case wherein the element within a State favorableo a republican government, in the Union, may be too feeble forn opposite and hostile external to or even within the State; anduch are precisely the cases with which we are dealing.

Any attempt to guaranty and protect a revived State Government,onstituted in whole, or in preponderating part, from the verylement against whose hostility it is to be protected, is simplybsurd. There must be a test by which to separate the opposing

lements, so as to build only from the sound; and that test is aufficiently liberal one which accepts as sound whoever will makesworn recantation of his former unsoundness.

ut if it be proper to require, as a test of admission to theolitical body, an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of the

United States, and to the Union under it, why also to the lawsnd Proclamation in regard to slavery? Those laws androclamations were enacted and put forth for the purpose ofiding in the suppression of the rebellion. To give them theirullest effect, there had to be a pledge--for their maintenance.


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n my judgment they have aided, and will further aid, the causeor which they were intended. To now abandon them would be notnly to relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a cruelnd an astounding breach of faith. I may add at this point, that

while I remain in my present position, I shall not attempt toetract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation; nor shall Ieturn to slavery any person who is free by the terms of theroclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress. For these andther reasons it is thought best that support of these measures

hall be included in the oath; and it is believed the Executivemay lawfully claim it in return for pardon and restoration oforfeited rights, when he has clear constitutional power to

withhold altogether or grant upon terms which he shall deemwisest for the public interest. It should be observed, also, thathis part of the oath is subject to the modifying and abrogatingower of legislation and supreme judicial decision.

he proposed acquiescence of the National Executive in anyeasonable temporary State arrangement for the freed people is

made with the view of possibly modifying the confusion and

estitution which must, at best, attend all classes by a totalevolution of labor throughout whole States. It is hoped that thelready deeply afflicted people of those States may be somewhat

more ready to give up the cause of their affliction, if, to thisxtent, this vital matter be left to themselves; while no powerf the National Executive to prevent an abuse is abridged by theroposition.

he suggestion in the Proclamation as to maintaining theolitical frame-work of those States on what is calledeconstruction, is made in the hope that it may do good withoutanger of harm. It will save labor and avoid great confusion.

ut why any proclamation on this subject? This question is besetwith the conflicting views that the step might be delayed tooong or taken too soon. In some States the elements foresumption seem ready for action, but remain inactive apparentlyor want of a rallying point. Why shall A. adopt the plan of B.,ather than B. that of A.? And if A. and B. should agree, how canhey know but that the General Government here will reject theirlan? By the Proclamation a plan is presented which may beccepted by them as a rallying point, and which they may bessured in advance will not be rejected here. This may bring them

o act sooner than they otherwise would.

he objection to a premature presentation of a plan by theNational Executive consists in the danger of committals on pointswhich could be more safely left to further developments. Care has

een taken to so shape the document as to avoid embarrassmentrom this source. Saying that, on certain terms, certain classes

will be pardoned, with rights restored, it is not said that otherlasses on other terms will never be included. Saying thateconstruction will be accepted if presented in a specified way,is not saying it will not be accepted in any other way.


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he movements, by State action, for emancipation in several ofhe States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, are

matters of profound gratulation, and while I do not repeat inetail what I have heretofore so earnestly urged upon thisubject, my general views and feelings remain unchanged, and Irust that Congress will omit no fair opportunity of aiding thesemportant steps to a great consummation.

n the midst of other cares, however important, we must not loseight of the fact that the war power is still our main reliance.o that power alone can we look, for a time, to give confidence

o the people in the contested regions that the insurgent powerwill not again over-run them. Until that confidence shall bestablished, little can be done anywhere for what is calledeconstruction. Hence our chiefest care must still be directed tohe Army and Navy, who have thus far borne their hardest partobly and well. And it may be esteemed fortunate that in givinghe greatest efficiency to these indispensable arms, we do alsoonorably recognize the gallant men, from commander to sentinel,

who compose them, to whom, more than to others, the world musttand indebted for the home of freedom disenthralled,egenerated, enlarged and perpetuated.

Abraham Lincoln.December 8, 1863.

he following is the Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstructioneferred to in the foregoing Message, and further illustrates Mr.incoln's plan for the restoration of the Union:

ROCLAMATION OF AMNESTY AND RECONSTRUCTION.

Y THE PRESIDENT ON THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

Whereas, in and by the Constitution of the United States, it isrovided that the President "shall have the power to granteprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States,xcept in cases of impeachment;" and

Whereas, a rebellion now exists whereby the loyal Stateovernments of several States have for a long time beenubverted, and many persons have committed, and are guilty of

reason against the United States; and

Whereas, with reference to said rebellion and treason, laws haveeen enacted by Congress, declaring forfeitures and confiscationsf property and liberation of slaves, all upon terms andonditions therein stated, and also declaring that the President

was thereby authorized at any time thereafter, by proclamation,o extend to persons who may have participated in the existingebellion, in any State or part thereof, pardon and amnesty, withuch exceptions and at such times and on such conditions as he

may deem expedient for the public welfare; and


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Whereas, the Congressional declaration for limited andonditional pardon accords with well established judicialxposition of the pardoning power; and

Whereas, with reference to said rebellion, the President of theUnited States has issued several proclamations, with provisionsn regard to the liberation of slaves; and

Whereas, it is now desired by some persons heretofore engaged inaid rebellion to resume their allegiance to the United States,nd to reinaugurate loyal State Governments within and for theirespective States; therefore,

Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do proclaim,eclare, and make known to all persons who have, directly or bymplication, participated in the existing rebellion, except asereinafter excepted, that a full pardon is hereby granted tohem and each of them, with restoration of all rights ofroperty, except as to slaves and in property cases where rights

f third parties shall have intervened, and upon the conditionhat every such person shall take and subscribe an oath, andhenceforward keep and maintain said oath inviolate, and whichath shall be registered for permanent preservation, and shall bef the tenor and effect following, to-wit:

___ __ ___ , do solemnly swear, in presence of Almighty God,hat I will henceforth faithfully support, protect, and defendhe Constitution of the United States, and the Union of thetates thereunder; and that I will, in like manner, abide by andaithfully support all acts of Congress passed during thexisting rebellion with reference to slaves, so long and so fars not repealed, modified or held void by Congress, or by theecision of the Supreme Court; and that I will, in like manner,bide by and faithfully support all proclamations of theresident made during the existing rebellion having reference tolaves, so long and so far as not modified or declared void byecision of the Supreme Court. So help me God.

he persons exempted from the benefits of the foregoingrovisions are all who are, or shall have been, civil oriplomatic officers or agents of the so-called Confederate

Government: all who have left judicial stations under the United

tates to aid the rebellion; all who are or shall have beenmilitary or naval officers of said so-called ConfederateGovernment above the rank of Colonel in the army or Lieutenant inhe Navy; all who have left seats in the United States Congresso aid the rebellion; all who resigned commissions in the army oravy of the United States and afterward aided the rebellion; andll who have engaged in any way in treating colored persons, or

white persons in charge of such, otherwise than lawfully asrisoners of war, and which persons may have been found in the

United States service as soldiers, seamen, or in any capacity.


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And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known that whenever,n any of the States of Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi,ennessee, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, South Carolina and North

Carolina, a number of persons, not less than one-tenth in numberf the votes cast in such State at the Presidential election ofhe year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty, eachaving taken the oath aforesaid and not having since violated it,nd being a qualified voter by the election laws of the Statexisting immediately before the so-called act of secession, and

xcluding all others, shall reestablish a State government whichhall be republican, and in no wise contravening said oath, suchhall be recognized as the true government of the State, and thetate shall receive thereunder the benefits of the constitutionalrovision which declares that "the United States shall guaranteeo every state in this Union a republican form of government, andhall protect each of them against invasion; and, on thepplication of the legislature, or the executive (when theegislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence."

And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known, that any

rovision which may be adopted by such State government inelation to the freed people of such State, which shall recognizend declare their permanent freedom, provide for their education,nd which may yet be consistent as a temporary arrangement withheir present condition as a laboring, landless, and homelesslass, will not be objected to by the National Executive.

And it is suggested as not improper that, in constructing a loyaltate government in any State, the name of the State, theoundary, the subdivisions, the constitution, and the generalode of laws, as before the rebellion, be maintained, subjectnly to the modifications made necessary by the conditionsereinbefore stated, and such others, if any, not contraveningaid conditions, and which may be deemed expedient by thoseraming the new State government.

o avoid misunderstanding, it may be proper to say, that whethermembers sent to Congress from any State shall be admitted toeats, constitutionally rests exclusively with the respectiveouses, and not to any extent with the Executive. And stillurther, that this proclamation is intended to present to theeople of the States wherein the National authority has beenuspended; and loyal State governments have been subverted, a

mode in and by which the National authority and loyal Stateovernments, may be re-established within said States, or, in anyf them; and while the mode presented is the best the Executivean suggest, with his present impressions, it must not benderstood that no other possible mode would be acceptable.

Given under my hand at the City of Washington, the eighth day ofDecember, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred andixty-three, and of the Independence of the United States of

America, the eighty-eighth.


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L. S.]

y the President: Abraham Lincoln.William H. Seward,

ecretary of State.

How the revolted States could be most successfully andxpeditiously restored to their constitutional relations to the

Union on the cessation of hostilities, was the momentous question

f the hour, upon which there were views and schemes as variednd antagonistic as were the mental differences and politicalisagreements of those who felt called upon to engage in thetupendous work. As history had recorded no similar conditions,nd therefore no demand for the solution of such a problem, there

were no examples or historic lights for the guidance of thosepon whom the task had fallen.

t is apparent that Mr. Lincoln maintained the indestructibilityf the States and the indivisibility of the Union--that theesolutions of secession were null and void, and that the States

ately in rebellion were never in fact but only in theory out ofhe Union--that they retained inherently, though now dormant,heir State autonomy and constitutional rights as before theirevolutionary acts, except as to slavery, and that all theireople had to do, to re-establish their former status, as heeclared to the Emperor of the French when that potentate wasbout to recognize the Confederacy, was to resume their duties asoyal, law-abiding citizens, and reorganize their State

Governments on a basis of loyalty to the Constitution and theUnion. The terms he proposed to formally offer them were first

lustrated in the case of Louisiana, early in 1863, and later inhe foregoing Message and Proclamation; and clearly indicated

what was to be his policy and process of reconstruction.

Messrs. Flanders and Hahn were admitted to the House ofRepresentatives as members from Louisiana agreeably to the

resident's views thus outlined. They had been chosen at anlection ordered by the Governor of the State (Gov. Shepley), whoad undoubtedly been permitted, if not specially authorized byhe President, to take this step, but they were the last to beeceived from Louisiana under Mr. Lincoln's plan, as the next

Congress resolved to receive no more members from the secededtates till joint action by the two Houses therefor should be

ad.

rior to the election at which these gentlemen were chosen, Mr.incoln addressed a characteristic note to Gov. Shepley, which

was in effect a warning that Federal officials not citizens ofouisiana must not be chosen to represent the State in Congress,We do not," said he, referring to the South, "particularly need

members of Congress from those States to get along withegislation here. What we do want is the conclusive evidence thatespectable citizens of Louisiana are willing to be members of

Congress and to swear support to the Constitution, and that other


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espectable citizens are willing to vote for them and send them.o send a parcel of Northern men as Representatives, elected, as

would be understood, (and perhaps really so) at the point of theayonet, would be disgraceful and outrageous."

Mr. Lincoln would tolerate none of the "carpet-bagging" thatfterwards became so conspicuous and offensive under the

Congressional plan of Reconstruction.

hese steps for reconstruction in Louisiana were followed by thessembling of a convention to frame a new constitution for thattate. The convention was organized early in 1864, and its most

mportant act was the prompt incorporation of an antislaverylause in its organic law. By a vote of 70 to 16 the conventioneclared slavery to be forever abolished in the State. The new

Constitution was adopted by the people of the State on the 5thay of the ensuing September by a vote of 6,836 in its favor, to,566 against it. As the total vote of Louisiana in 1860 was0,510, the new government had fulfilled the requirement of theresident's Proclamation. It was sustained by more than the

equired one-tenth vote.

n a personal note of congratulation to Gov. Hahn, of Louisiana,he President, speaking of the coming convention, suggested thatsome of the colored people be let in, as for instance, the veryntelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly inur ranks." "They would," said he, "probably help in some tryingme in the future TO KEEP THE JEWEL OF LIBERTY IN THE FAMILY OFREEDOM."

his action in regard to Louisiana was accompanied, indeed inome particulars preceded, by similar action in Arkansas. A

Governor was elected, an anti-slavery Constitution adopted, atate Government duly installed, and Senators and Representatives

n Congress elected, but were refused admission by Congress. Mr.umner, when the credentials of the Senators-elect wereresented, foreshadowing the position to be taken by the

Republican leaders, offered a resolution declaring that "a Stateretending to secede from the Union, and battling against the

General Government to maintain that position, must be regarded asrebel State subject to military occupation and without

epresentation on this floor until it has been readmitted by aote of both Houses of Congress; and the Senate will decline to

eceive any such application from any such rebel State untilfter such a vote by both Houses."

A few weeks later, on the 27th of June, 1864, this resolution wasn effect reported back to the Senate by the Judiciary Committee,o which it had been referred, and adopted by a vote of 27 to 6.he same action was had in the House of Representatives on thepplication of the Representatives-elect from Arkansas fordmission to that body.

his was practically the declaration of a rupture between the


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resident and Congress on the question of Reconstruction. It wasrebuke to Mr. Lincoln for having presumed to treat the secededtates as still in any sense States of the Union. It was inffect a declaration that those States had successfullyeceded--that their elimination from the Union was anccomplished fact--that the Union of the States had beenroken--and that the only method left for their return that woulde considered by Congress was as conquered and outlyingrovinces, not even as Territories with the right of such to

membership in the Union; and should be governed accordingly untiluch time as Congress should see fit (IF EVER, to use theanguage of Mr. Stevens in the House) to devise and establishome form whereby they could be annexed to or re-incorporatednto the Union.

t was at this point--on the great question of Reconstruction, ormore properly of Restoration--that the disagreements originatedetween the Executive and Congress which finally culminated inhe impeachment of Mr. Lincoln's successor; and that condition oftrained relations was measurably intensified when, on the

ollowing July 4th, a bill was passed by Congress makingrovision for the reorganization and admission of the revoltedtates on the extreme lines indicated by the above action of

Congress and containing the very extraordinary provision that theresident, AFTER OBTAINING THE CONSENT OF CONGRESS, shallecognize the State Government so established. That measure wastill another and more marked rebuke by Congress to the Presidentor having presumed to initiate a system of restoration withouts consultation and advice. Naturally Mr. Lincoln was not in a

mood to meekly accept the rebuke so marked and manifestlyntended; and so the bill not having passed Congress till withinhe ten days preceding its adjournment allowed by the

Constitution for its consideration by the President, and as itroposed to undo the work he had done, he failed to return it to

Congress--"pocketed" it--and it therefore fell. He was not in amood to accept a Congressional rebuke. He had given careful studyo the duties, the responsibilities, and the limitations of theespective Departments of, the Government, and was not willinghat his judgment should be revised, or his course censured,owever indirectly, by any of its co-ordinate branches.

our days after the session had closed, he issued a Proclamationn which he treated the bill merely as the expression of an

pinion by Congress as to the best plan of Reconstruction--"whichlan," he remarked, "it is now thought fit to lay before theeople for their consideration."

He further stated in this Proclamation that he had alreadyresented one plan of restoration, and that he was "unprepared byformal approval of this bill to be inflexibly committed to any

ingle plan of restoration, and was unprepared to declare thathe free State Constitutions and Governments already adopted andnstalled in Louisiana and Arkansas, shall be set aside and heldor naught, thereby repelling and discouraging the loyal citizens


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who have set up the same as to further effort, and unprepared toeclare a constitutional competency in Congress to abolishlavery in the States, though sincerely hoping that aonstitutional amendment abolishing slavery in all the States

might be adopted."

While, with these objections, Mr. Lincoln could not approve theill, he concluded his Proclamation with these words:

Nevertheless, I am fully satisfied with the plan of restorationontained in the bill as one very proper for the loyal people ofny State choosing to adopt it, and I am and at all times shalle prepared to give Executive aid and assistance to any sucheople as soon as military resistance to the United States shallave been suppressed in any such State and the people thereofhall have sufficiently returned to their obedience to the

Constitution and laws of the United States--in which MilitaryGovernors will be appointed with directions to proceed accordingo the bill."

It must be frankly admitted," says Mr. Blaine in reciting thisecord in his 'Thirty Years of Congress,' that Mr. Lincoln'sourse was in some of its respects extraordinary. It met withlmost unanimous dissent on the part of the Republican members,nd violent criticism from the more radical members of both

Houses. * * * Fortunately, the Senators and Representatives hadeturned to their States and Districts before the Reconstructionroclamation was issued, and found the people united andnthusiastic in Mr. Lincoln's support."

n the last speech Mr. Lincoln ever made, (April 11th, 1865)eferring to the twelve thousand men who had organized theouisiana Government, (on the one-tenth basis) he said:

If we now reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to disorganizend disperse them. We say to the white man, you are worthless, or

worse. We will neither help you or be helped by you. To the blackman we say, 'this cup of liberty which these, your old masters

old to your lips, we will dash from you, and leave you to thehances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents IN SOME

VAGUE AND UNDEFINED WHEN AND WHERE AND HOW.' If this course,iscouraging and paralyzing to both white and black, has anyendency to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations with

he Union, I have so far been unable to perceive it. If, on theontrary, they reorganize and sustain the new Government ofouisiana, the converse of all this is made true. We encourage

he hearts and nerve the arms of twelve thousand men to adhere toheir work and argue for it, and proselyte for it, and fight for, and grow it, and ripen it to a complete success. The colored

man, too, in seeing all united for him, is inspired withigilance and with energy and daring to the same end. Grant thate desires the elective franchise. HE WILL YET ATTAIN IT SOONERY SAVING THE ALREADY ADVANCED STEPS TOWARD IT THAN BY RUNNINGACK OVER THEM. Concede that the new Government of Louisiana is


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nly to what it should be as the egg to the fowl; we shall soonerave the fowl by hatching the egg than by smashing it."

t is manifest that Mr. Lincoln intuitively foresaw the danger ofgreat body of the people becoming accustomed to government by

military power, and sought to end it by the speediest practicablemeans. As he expressed it, "We must begin and mould fromisorganized and discordant elements: nor is it a smalldditional embarrassment that we, the loyal people, differ among

urselves as to the mode, manner, and measure of reconstruction."

ouisiana was wholly in possession of the Union forces and underoyal influence in 1863, and in his judgment the time had comeor reconstructive action in that state--not merely for theurpose of strengthening and crystallizing the Union sentimenthere, at a great gate-way of commerce, that would become aonspicuous object-lesson to foreign governments in behalf of

more favorable influences abroad, but also to the encouragementf Union men and the discouragement of the rebellion in all thether revolted States. He had fortified his own judgment, as he

rankly declared, "by submitting the Louisiana plan in advance tovery member of the Cabinet, and every member approved it."

he steps taken in Louisiana were to be but a beginning. Theature of subsequent proceedings on his part must be governed byhe success of this--that under then existing conditions it wasnexpedient, in view of further possible complications, toorecast further proceedings, and especially to attempt tostablish, at the outset, and under the chaotic conditions of theme, a general system of reconstruction applicable to all thetates and to varying conditions. So the beginning was made inouisiana. It is manifest that the purpose of this immediatection was two-fold--not only to restore Louisiana to the Uniont the earliest practicable day--but also to so far establish arocess of general restoration before Congress should reconvenet the coming December session, that there would be no sufficientccasion or excuse for interfering with his work by thepplication of the exasperating conditions that had beenoreshadowed by that body.

On this point Mr. Welles, his Secretary of the Navy, testifieshat at the close of a Cabinet meeting held immediately preceding

Mr. Lincoln's death, "Mr. Stanton made some remarks on the

eneral condition of affairs and the new phase and duties uponwhich we were about to enter. He alluded to the great solicitudewhich the President felt on this subject, his frequent recurrenceo the necessity of establishing civil governments and preservingrder in the rebel States. Like the rest of the Cabinet,oubtless, he had given this subject much consideration, and withview of having something practical on which to base action, head drawn up a rough plan or ordinance which he had handed to theresident.

The President said he proposed to bring forward that subject,


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lthough he had not had time as yet to give much attention to theetails of the paper which the Secretary of War had given himnly the day before; but that it was substantially, in itseneral scope, the plan which we had sometimes talked over in

Cabinet meetings. We should probably make some modifications,rescribe further details; there were some suggestions which hehould wish to make, and he desired all to bring their minds tohe question, for no greater or more important one could comeefore us, or any future Cabinet. He thought it providential

hat, this great rebellion was crushed just as Congress haddjourned, AND THERE WERE NONE OF THE DISTURBING ELEMENTS OF THATODY TO HINDER AND EMBARRASS US. If we were wise and discreet, we

hould reanimate, the States and get their governments inuccessful operation, with order prevailing and the Unioneestablished, BEFORE CONGRESS CAME TOGETHER IN DECEMBER. This hehought important. We could do better, accomplish more withouthan with them. There were men in Congress who, if their motives

were good, were nevertheless impracticable, and who possessedeelings of hate and vindictiveness in which he did notympathize and could not participate. Each House of Congress, he

aid, had the undoubted right to receive or reject members, thexecutive had no control in this matter. But Congress had NOTHINGO DO WITH THE STATE GOVERNMENTS, which the President could

ecognize, and under existing laws treat as other States, givehe same mail facilities, collect taxes, appoint judges,

marshals, collectors, etc., subject, of course, to confirmation.here were men who objected to these views, BUT THEY WERE NOT

HERE, AND WE MUST MAKE HASTE TO DO OUR DUTY BEFORE THEY CAMEHERE."

he subjugated States were in a condition that could not beafely permitted to continue for any indefinite period. It woulde inconsistent with the purpose of the war, incongruous to the

American system and idea of government, and antagonistic toAmerican political, or even commercial or social autonomy.Naturally upon Mr. Lincoln would fall largely the duty andesponsibility of formulating and inaugurating some method ofestoration. With the abolition of slavery, the most difficult ofettlement of all the obstacles in the way of reconstruction hadeen removed. Naturally, too, during the later months of the war,

when it became manifest that the end of the struggle was near,he question of reconstruction and the methods whereby it coulde most naturally, speedily, and effectively accomplished, came

ppermost in his mind. A humane, just man, and a sincere,road-brained, patriot and far-seeing statesman, he instinctivelyejected the many drastic schemes which filled a large portion ofhe public press of the North and afterwards characterized manyf the suggestions of Congressional action. With him the primeurpose of the war was the preservation of the political,erritorial and economic integrity of the Republic--in a word, toestore the Union, without needless humiliation to the defeatedarty, or the imposition of unnecessarily rigorous terms whichould but result in future frictions--without slavery--and yet

with sufficient safeguards against future disloyal association of


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he sections; and that purpose had been approved by anverwhelming majority of the people in his re-election in 1864.

n these purposes and methods Mr. Lincoln appears to have had thective sympathy and co-operation of his entire Cabinet, morespecially of Mr. Stanton, his Secretary of War. Indeed, Mr.tanton is understood, from the record, to have been the jointuthor, with Mr. Lincoln, of the plan of reconstruction agreedpon at the later meetings of the Cabinet immediately prior to

Mr. Lincoln's death. Mr. Stanton proposed to put it in the formf a military order--Mr. Lincoln made an Executive order. Thelan was embodied in what afterwards became known as the "North

Carolina Proclamation," determined upon by Mr. Lincoln at hisast Cabinet meeting and promulgated by Mr. Johnson shortly afteris accession to the Presidency as Mr. Lincoln's successor, ands inserted in a subsequent chapter.

Mr. Lincoln unquestionably comprehended the peculiar conditionsnder which the Republican party had come to the control of theegislative branch of the Government, and fully realized the

ncapacity of the dominant element in that control for theelicate work of restoration and reconstruction--leading aonquered and embittered people back peacefully and successfully,

without unnecessary friction, into harmonious relations to theUnion.

No such responsibility, no such herculean task, had ever before,n the history of civilization, devolved upon any ruler orolitical party.

Mr. Lincoln seems to have realized the incapacity of partyeaders brought to the surface by the tumult and demoralizationf the time, whose only exploits and experiences were in the linef destruction and who must approach the task with dividedounsel, to cope successfully with the delicate and responsible

work of restoration the close of the war had made imperative. Heomprehended the incongruities which characterized that greatarty better than its professed leaders, and foresaw the futilityf any effort on its part, at that time and in its then temper,o the early establishment of any coherent or successful methodf restoration. Hence, unquestionably, his prompt action in thatehalf, and his failure to call the Congress into specialession, to the end that there should be no time unnecessarily

onsumed and lost in the institution of some efficient form ofivil government in the returning States--some form that wouldave the sanction of intelligent authority competent to restorend enforce public order, without the dangers of delay andonsequent disorder that must result, and did afterwards result,rom the protracted debates sure to follow and did follow theudden precipitation of the questions of reconstruction andeconciliation upon a mass of Congressmen totally inexperiencedn the anomalous conditions of that time, or in the methods mosteeded for their correction.


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hat Mr. Lincoln contemplated the ultimate and not remotenfranchisement of the late slaves, is manifest from hisuggestion to Gov. Hahn, of Louisiana, hereinbefore quoted inonnection with the then approaching Convention for thee-establishment of State Government there, and again still more

manifest from his last public utterance on April 11, 1865,eprecating the rejection by Congress of his plan for theestoration of Louisiana, in which, he said, speaking of thatction by Congress rejecting the Louisiana bill: "Grant that the

olored male desires the elective franchise. He will attain itooner by saving the already advanced steps towards it than byunning back over them."

t is also apparent in the light of the succeeding history ofhat time and of that question, that if Mr. Lincoln's views hadeen seconded by Congress, the enfranchisement of the negro wouldave been, though delayed, as certain of accomplishment, and of aastly higher and more satisfactory plane--and the country savedhe years of friction and disgraceful public disorder thatharacterized the enforcement of the Congressional plan

fterwards adopted.

As to the success of Mr. Lincoln's plans, had they beenanctioned, or even had they not been repudiated by Congress, Mr.laine, in his book, asserts that Mr. Lincoln, "By his four yearsf considerate and successful administration, by his patient andositive trust in the ultimate triumph of the Union, realized atast as he stood upon the edge of the grave--he had acquired soomplete an ascendancy over the public, control in the loyaltates, that ANY POLICY MATURED AND ANNOUNCED BY HIM WOULD HAVEEEN ACCEPTED BY A VAST MAJORITY OF HIS COUNTRYMEN."

t was indicative of the sagacious foresight of Mr. Lincoln thate did not call the Congress into special session at the close ofhe war, as would have been natural and usual, before attemptinghe establishment of any method for the restoration of theevolted States. The fact that he did not do so, but was makingreparations to proceed immediately in that work on his own linesnd in accordance with his own ideas, and with the hearty accordf his entire Cabinet, of itself affords proof that he waspprehensive of obstruction from the same element of his partyhat subsequently arose in opposition to Mr. Johnson on thatuestion, and that he preferred to put his plans into operation

efore the assembling of Congress in the next regular winteression, in order that he might be able then to show palpableesults, and induce Congress to accept and follow up a humane,eaceful and satisfactory system of reconstruction. Mr. Lincolnndoubtedly hoped thus to avoid unnecessary friction. Having theuite unlimited confidence of the great mass of the people of theountry, of both parties and on both sides of the line ofostilities, there seem to be excellent reasons for believinghat he would have succeeded, and that the extraordinary andxasperating differences and local turmoils that followed therastic measures which were afterward adopted by Congress over


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he President's vetoes, would have been in a very large degreevoided, and THERE WOULD HAVE BEEN NO IMPEACHMENT--either of Mr.incoln had he lived, or of Mr. Johnson after him.

t was the misfortune of the time, and of the occasion, whichetermined Mr. Lincoln to institute a plan of restoration duringhe interim of Congress, that the Republican party, then inbsolute control of Congress, was in no sense equipped for such a

work. Its first and great mission had been the destruction of

lavery. Though not phrased in formal fashion, that was the logicf its creation and existence. It was brought into being purelys an anti-slavery party, illustrated in the fact that its

membership included every pronounced anti-slavery man, known asbolitionists, in the United States. All its energies, during alls life up to the close of the war had been bent to that end. Itad been born and bred to the work of destruction. It came toestroy s lavery, and its forces had been nurtured, to the lastay of the war, in pulling down--in fact, did not then whollyease.

he work of restoration--the rebuilding of fallen States--had nowome. The Republican party approached that work in the hot bloodf war and the elation of victory--a condition illy fitting theemands of exalted statesmanship so essential to perfectolitical effort.

Never had nation or party thrust upon it a more delicate duty orraver responsibility. It was that of leading a conquered peopleo build a new civilization wholly different from the one inuins. It was first to reconcile two races totally different fromach other, so far as possible to move in harmony in supplantingervile by free labor, and the slave by a free American citizen.he transition was sudden, and the elements antagonistic in race,ulture, self-governing power--indeed, in all the qualities whichharacterize a free people.

here was a wide margin for honest differences between statesmenf experience. A universal sentiment could not obtain. Theccepted political leaders of the time were illy equipped to meethe issue--much less those who had been brought to prominence,nd too often to control, in the hot blood of war and therictions of the time, when intemperate denunciation and a freese of the epithets of "rebel," and "traitor," had become a ready

assport to public honors. It was a time when the admonition tomake haste slowly was of profound significance. A peril greaterhan any other the civil war had developed, overhung the nation.

Greater than ever the demand for courage in conciliation--forivesting the issues of all mere partyism, and the yielding ofomething by the extremes, both of conservatism and radicalism.

CHAPTER II. THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION.


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INCOLN AND JOHNSON NOT NOMINATED AS REPUBLICANS.

Mr. Lincoln had been elected President in 1860, distinctively asRepublican. In 1864, however, the conditions had changed. The

war had been in progress some three years, during which thensurgents had illustrated a measure of courage, endurance, and aommand of the engineries of successful warfare that had not beennticipated by the people of the North. It was seen that tonsure the success of the Union cause it was imperative that

here should be thorough unity and cooperation of the loyaleople of all parties--that it was no time for partisan divisionmong those who hoped ever to see a restored Republic--that it

was necessary to lay aside, as far as possible, mere partisanssues, and to unite, in the then approaching campaign, upon aon-partisan, distinctively Union ticket and platform.

Mr. Lincoln had given so satisfactory an administration sowisely, efficiently, and patriotically had he conducted his greatffice, that he was on all sides conceded to be the proper personor nomination and election. The Convention of 1861 was not

alled as a Republican Convention, but distinctively as a UnionConvention.

The undersigned," so ran the call, "who by original appointment,r subsequent delegation to fill vacancies, constitute thexecutive Committee created by the National Convention held at

Chicago on the 10th day of May, 1860, do hereby call upon allQUALIFIED VOTERS WHO DESIRE THE UNCONDITIONAL MAINTENANCE OF THEUNION, THE SUPREMACY OF THE CONSTITUTION, AND THE COMPLETE

UPPRESSION OF THE EXISTING REBELLION, WITH THE CAUSE THEREOF, byigorous war, and all apt and effective means; to send delegateso a convention to assemble at Baltimore, on Tuesday, the 7th dayf June, 1864, at 12 o'clock noon, for the purpose of presentingandidates for the offices of President and Vice President of the

United States."

he delegates met pursuant to this call. Hon. Edwin D. Morgan, ofNew York, Chairman of the Union National Committee, called theConvention to order, and Robert J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, washosen temporary Chairman. In the course of his introductoryddress, Mr. Breckinridge said:

assing over many things which it would be right for me to say,

id the time serve, and were this the occasion--let me add,--youre a Union party. Your origin has been referred to as havingccurred eight years ago. In one sense it is true. But you arear older than that. I see before me not only primitive

Republicans and primitive Abolitionists, but I see also primitiveDemocrats and primitive Whigs. * * * As a Union party I willollow you to the ends of the earth, and to the gates of death.ut as an Abolition party--as a Republican party--as a Whigarty--as a Democratic party--as an American party, I will notollow you one foot.


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Mr. William Dennison, of Ohio, was chosen President of theConvention. On taking the chair he said:

n no sense do we meet as members or representatives of eitherf the old political parties which bound the people, or as thehampions of any principle or doctrine peculiar to either. Thextraordinary condition of the country since the outbreak of theebellion has, from necessity, taken from the issues of thesearties their practical significance, and compelled the formation

f substantially new political organizations; hence therganization of the Union Party--if party it can be called--of

which this Convention is for the purpose of its assembling, theccredited representative, and the only test of membership in

which is an unreserved, unconditional loyalty to the Governmentnd the Union.'

After perfecting its organization the Convention proceeded toallot for a nominee for the Presidency, and Mr. Lincoln wasnanimously nominated--the Missouri delegation at first castings 22 votes for Gen. Grant, but afterwards changing them to Mr.

incoln, giving him the total vote of the Convention--506--on therst and only ballot.

Nominations for the Vice Presidency being next in order, Mr.yman Tremaine, of New York, an old time Democrat, nominated

Daniel S. Dickinson, another old time Democrat and a veryistinguished citizen of that State. In his nominating speech Mr.remaine again emphasized that this Convention was a Union, andot a partisan body, in these words:

t was well said by the temporary and by the permanent Chairman,hat we meet not here as Republicans. If we do, I have no placen this Convention; but, like Daniel S. Dickinson, when the firstun was fired on Sumter, I felt that I should prove false to myevolutionary ancestry if I could have hesitated to cast partisanes to the breeze, and rally around the flag of the Union for

he preservation of the Government.'

he Indiana delegation nominated Andrew Johnson, also a Democrat,nd the nomination was seconded by Mr. Stone, speaking for theowa delegation.

n the earlier proceedings of the Convention there had seemed a

isposition to exclude the Tennessee delegation, and Parsonrownlow, an old line Whig, being called on for a speech,videnced in the course of his remarks the small part whichartisan considerations were permitted to play in the purposesnd proceedings of the Convention. He said:

There need be no detaining this Convention for two days iniscussions of various kinds, and the idea I suggest to you as annducement not to exclude our delegation is, that we may take itnto our heads, before the thing is over, to present a candidaterom that State in rebellion, for the second office in the gift


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f the people. We have a man down there whom it has been my gooduck and bad fortune to fight untiringly and perseveringly forhe past twenty-five years--Andrew Johnson. For the first time,n the Providence of God, three years ago we got together on theame platform, and we are fighting the devil, Tom Walker, andeff. Davis, side by side.'

Mr. Horace Maynard, a conspicuous Republican of Tennessee, said:

Mr. President, we but represent the sentiment of those who sentere the delegation from Tennessee, when we announce that if none else had made the nomination of Andrew Johnson, which is nowefore the Convention, it would have been our duty to make it byne of our own delegation. That citizen, known, honored,istinguished, has been presented to this Convention for theecond place in the gift of the American people. It needs nothat I should add words of commendation of him here. From theme he rose in the Senate of the United States, where he then

was, on the 17th day of December, 1860, and met the leaders ofreason face to face, and denounced them there, and declared that

he laws of the country must and should be enforced, for which hewas hanged in a effigy in the City of Memphis, in his own State,

y the hands of a negro slave, and burned in effigy, I know notn how many places throughout that portion of the country--fromhat time, on during the residue of that session of the Senatentil he returned to Tennessee after the firing upon Fort Sumter,

when he was mobbed in the City of Lynchburg, Virginia--on throughhe memorable canvass that followed in Tennessee, till he passedhrough Cumberland Gap on his way North to invoke the aid of the

Government for his people--his position of determined and undyingostility to this rebellion that now ravages the land, has beeno well known that it is a part of the household knowledge of

many loyal families in the country. * * * When he sees youresolutions that you have adopted here by acclamation, he willespond to them as his sentiments, and I pledge myself by allhat I have to pledge before such an assemblage as this, that

whether he be elected to this high place, or whether he retire torivate life, he will adhere to those sentiments, and to theoctrine of those resolutions, as long as his reason remainsnimpaired, and as long as breath is given him by his God.

wo ballots were taken on the nomination for Vice President. Mr.ohnson, whose nomination was known to be desired by Mr. Lincoln

nd his friends because of his prominence as a Southern Democratnd an influential supporter of the Union cause in his State,eceived 200 votes on the first ballot, and 404 on theecond--the delegations of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont,

Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware,Maryland, Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Tennessee, Ohio,ndiana, Illinois, Michigan, Iowa, Minnesota, Oregon, West

Virginia, Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado, and Nevada, voting solidlyor him--Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Kentucky, Wisconsin and

Minnesota, only, being divided.


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hus a Republican and a Democrat were made the nominees of theConvention, and its non-partisan character found furtherxpression in the first three Resolutions of the Platformdopted, which were as follows:

Resolved, 1st. That it is the highest duty of every Americanitizen to maintain against all their enemies the integrity ofhe Union and the paramount authority of the Constitution andaws of the United States; and that laying aside ALL DIFFERENCES

OF POLITICAL OPINION, we pledge ourselves as Union men, animatedy a common sentiment and aiming at a common object, to doverything in our power to aid the Government in quelling byorce of arms the rebellion now raging against its authority, andn bringing to the punishment due to their crimes the rebels andraitors arrayed against it.

nd. That we approve the determination of the Government of theUnited States not to compromise with Rebels, or to offer them anyerms of peace, except such as may be based upon an unconditionalurrender of their hostility and a return to their just

llegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States, andhat we call upon the Government to maintain their position, ando prosecute the war with the utmost possible vigor to theomplete suppression of the Rebellion, in full reliance upon theelf-sacrificing patriotism, the heroic valor and the undyingevotion of the American people to their country and its freenstitutions.

rd. That as slavery was the cause, and now constitutes thetrength, of this Rebellion, and as it must be, always andverywhere, hostile to the principles of Republican Government,ustice and the National safety demand its utter and completextirpation from the soil of the Republic; and that, while wephold and maintain the acts and proclamation by which the

Government in its own defense, has aimed a death blow at thisigantic evil, we are in favor, furthermore, of such an amendmento the Constitution, to be made by the people in conformity withs provisions, as shall terminate and forever prohibit thexistence of slavery within the limits or jurisdiction of the

United States.

o there seems to be good ground for saying that this was in noense a partisan Convention, but, on the contrary, that it was a

Convention of the loyal people of the Northern and Border States,f all parties, who were ready to lay aside party creeds andartisan considerations, the better to make common cause for thereservation of the Union.

efore the war, Mr. Johnson had been a Democratic Senator fromennessee, and during the war, a gentleman of great influence inupport of the Union cause. So pronounced and effective had beenis loyalty that Mr. Lincoln appointed him a Brigadier Generalnd Military Governor of Tennessee, to accept which he resignedis seat in the Senate, and so judicious and successful had been


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is administration of that office in behalf of the Union causend of Union men, that Tennessee was the first of the revoltedtates to be readmitted to representation in Congress after thelose of the war.

o it may be said of Mr. Johnson that he was a persistent andonsistent Union Democrat of the old school--for war so long as

war might be necessary to the preservation of the Union--foreace when the war was ended by the abandonment of the struggle

y the insurgents--and for the restoration of the Union on termsonsistent with then existing conditions--without slavery, which

was dead--and the return of the people of the South to theiroyalty to and support of the Government without debasingxactions--after they had laid down their arms. Aggressivelyadical so long as the people of the South continued inebellion, he was considerate and merciful so soon as theyielded themselves to the authority of law and of the Union.

ike Mr. Lincoln, he opposed the idea strenuously advanced byumner, and Stevens, and that wing of the Republican party which

hey led, that the States in rebellion had committed suicide andwere therefore dead and without rights, or entitled toonsideration, even, in any proposition that might be adopted forheir rehabilitation.

his record very effectually disposes of the criticisms of Mr.ohnson's course, so common after he came to the Presidency androwing out of his disagreements with the extremists of Congress,hat he had deserted and betrayed the Republican party after itad elected him to the Vice Presidency and thus made him Mr.incoln's immediate successor--the facts of history showing thateither Mr. Lincoln nor Mr. Johnson were elected by the

Republican party as Republicans, nor by the Democratic party asDemocrats, but by a union of all parties of the North

istinctively as a Union party and on a Union ticket and platformor the preservation of the Union and the destruction oflavery--and when those purposes were accomplished, the war endednd the Union party disbanded and was never heard of again. Mr.incoln, had he lived, would doubtless have still been a

Republican, as Mr. Johnson was still a Democrat, as before thewar--the purpose of that war and of the Convention that nominated

im having been accomplished--and under no obligations,specially of a partisan character, to adopt or promote the

artisan purposes relative to reconstruction or otherwise, thatame to actuate the Republican party.

As stated. Mr. .Johnson had, during the later years of the war,een acting as Military Governor of Tennessee, of which State head been a citizen nearly all his life. His administration hadeen so efficient that Tennessee was practically restored to the

Union at the close of the War, and so satisfactory to the loyaleople of the country, that though an old line Democrat and aouthern man, Mr. Johnson's nomination by the National Conventionor Vice President on the ticket with Mr. Lincoln for President,


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was, as has been shown, logical and consistent. Though aronounced State Rights Democrat and a citizen of a Southerntate in rebellion, he regarded himself as a citizen of the

United States, to which he owed his first allegiance. StateRights meant to him, the rights of the States IN the Union, and

ot OUT of the Union.

n evidence of the confidence and esteem in which Mr. Johnson wasenerally held by those who knew him and knew of the valuable

ervices he had rendered the cause of the Union, the followingetter from Mr. Stanton, then secretary of War under Mr. Lincoln,s here reproduced. It was written to Mr. Johnson on his tendero the War Office of his resignation of the Military Governorshipf Tennessee to accept the office of Vice President of the Unitedtates:

War Department, Washington, March 3, 1865.

ir:--This Department has accepted your resignation as BrigadierGeneral and Military Governor of Tennessee. Permit me on this

ccasion to tender to you the sincere thanks of this Departmentor your patriotic and able services during the eventful periodhrough which you have exercised the highest trust committed toour charge. In one of the darkest hours of the great struggleor National existence, against rebellious foes, the Governmentalled you from the comparatively safe and easy duties of civilfe to place you in front of the enemy and in a position ofersonal toil and danger, perhaps more hazardous than wasncountered by any citizen or military officer of the Unitedtates. With patriotic promptness you assumed the post, and

maintained it under circumstances of unparalleled trial, untilecent events have brought safety and deliverance to your Statend to the integrity of the Constitutional Union, for which youo long and so gallantly periled all that is dear to man onarth. That you may be spared to enjoy the new honors and performhe high duties to which you have been called by the people ofhe United States, is the sincere wish of one who in everyfficial and personal relation has found you worthy of theonfidence of the Government and the honor and esteem of yourellow citizens.

Your obedient servant,

dwin M. Stanton.

His Excellency, Andrew Johnson, Vice-President elect.

CHAPTER III. MR. JOHNSON'S ACCESSION TO THE PRESIDENCY.

HE RECONSTRUCTION ERA.

Mr. Johnson succeeded to the Presidential office on the death of


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Mr. Lincoln, April 15th, 1865. The conditions of the time werextraordinary. The war, so far as operations in the field wereoncerned, was at an end. The armies of the rebellion had beenanquished and practically disbanded. The States lately in revolt

were prostrate at the feet of the conqueror, powerless forurther resistance. But the general rejoicing over the happyermination of the strife had been inexpressibly saddened by therutal assassination of the President who had so wisely anduccessfully conducted his great office and administered all its

owers to the attainment of that happy result, and it was notnnatural or strange that the shocking event should greatlye-inflame the passions of the strife that the joys of peace hadt last well nigh laid.

t was an especial misfortune that he who had so wisely andafely conducted the Nation through the conflict of arms and hadoreshadowed his beneficent measures of peace and the restorationf the shattered Republic, was taken away as he and the Nationtood at last at the open door of successful rehabilitation on aroader and grander basis than had ever been reached in all

revious efforts of man at Nation building. From day to day head watched, with his hand on the key-board, the development andrend of events. They had resulted as he had planned, and he hadecome the most conspicuous, the best loved, and the most

masterful of living man in the control of the future. In hiseath the Union lost its most sagacious and best trusted leader,nd, the South its ablest, truest, and wisest friend.

t was under these circumstances that Mr. Johnson came to theresidency as Mr. Lincoln's successor--without a moment of

warning or an hour of preparation for the discharge of therushing responsibilities that had so suddenly fallen to hisirection.

Actuated, doubtless, and not unnaturally, by feelings ofesentment over the manner and circumstances of Mr. Lincoln'seath, Mr. Johnson at first gave expression to a spirit ofostility toward the leaders of the rebellion, and foreshadowed aomewhat rigorous policy in his methods of Reconstruction inccordance with the

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History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson