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Holmes, Wieland - NEGOTIATING the NATION - "Expanding" the Work of Joyce Wieland

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Table of Contents

1. NEGOTIATING THE NATION: "Expanding" the Work of Joyce Wieland..................................................... 1

Bibliography...................................................................................................................................................... 18

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Document 1 of 1 NEGOTIATING THE NATION: "Expanding" the Work of Joyce Wieland Author: Holmes-Moss, Kristy A Publication info: Canadian Journal of Film Studies 15. 2 (Fall 2006): 20-43.ProQuest document link Abstract: In several interviews from the early 1970s to the mid-1980s, [Joyce Wieland] consistently discussesher belief in her role as propagandist. Links: Check for full text via 360 Link, First Search Authorization Full Text: Headnote Résumé: La façon dont l'oeuvre de Joyce Wieland a été conceptualisée par le discoursdominant sur l'art et le cinéma canadien empêche un questionnement plus large de son rôle historique,politique et culturel. Cet article démontre, d'une part, que la notion de «cinéma élargi »de Cène Youngbloodpermet de situer le travail de Wieland àl'intérieur du mouvement de synesthésie artistique des années 1960.D'autre part, nous situons Wieland àl'intersection de la seconde vague féministe et des idéologies nationalistesqui émergent àla même époque pour élucider son articulation symbolique de la nation canadienne, des notionsde citoyenneté et des différences sexuelles. In 1997, Lee Parpart stated of the Canadian artist and filmmaker,Joyce Wieland, "Like a true mother of the Canadian avant-garde-that strangely fitting sobriquet that's cited innearly everything written about Wieland-she has meant different things to all of her offspring. And the demandson her legacy can only intensify leading up to and after her death, as critics, filmmakers, artists and friends vieover different versions of her story."' Parpart's observation is discerning and you might think that Wieland'sdeath in 1998 would have incited a fair amount of sibling rivalry and academic squabbling. It did generatecorollary life-affirming valorizations by way of two biographies,2 and the Art Gallery of Ontario (AGO) quicklythrew whatever works by Wieland it had in storage on to its walls in time for her memorial service. My intentionis not to construct Wieland as victim here, but to point out the discrepancy between what Parpart thought wouldhappen after Wieland's death and the reality of what has happened, which is essentially not much. As one ofCanada's most important cultural producers working from the late 1950s to the early 1990s, Wielandexperimented in a variety of media. From her early, large, stained canvases and Pop art inspired comic/film strippaintings, to three dimensional assemblages, textile work, and film, her overtly humourous and often sexual andpolitical subject matter has continued to remain relevant and intriguing to scholars.3 Wieland was, andcontinues to be, synthesized through several diverse discourses-art history, film studies, feminism, nationalism,modernism, and biography to name only a few-all of which contain Wieland's artistic production withindistinctively separate ideological frameworks. It is now necessary to make transparent this discursive tendencyand to re-position and re-evaluate the various tensions and overlaps produced by these discourses in order toafford both Wieland's film and non-film work the critical examinations that they demand. In order to begin such atask, it is crucial to situate Wieland within the networks of visual culture and political culture of the 1960s and1970s. It is possible to see and hear through her work the complex experience of that moment, or more broadly,what we might call the development of late capitalist modernity in Canada. The masculine, self-referential,artistic avant-garde of the twentieth century has difficulty recognizing and analyzing women's multifarious anddisparate relationships to modernity.4 As such, Wieland's works from the late 1960s through to the early 1970sprovide a productive case study through which to examine the ways female artistic producers consistently hadto traverse terrains of femininity, representation and modernity. Wieland's subject matter in both her film andnon-film work from this period is concerned with national symbols, myths and contemporaneous political issues,which are then worked through aesthetically in such media as quilting, embroidery, and film. In this article, Ioutline the ways in which Wieland's work has been constructed within the dominant narratives of Canadian art

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history and film studies and argue that such disciplinary boundaries inhibit larger discussions of the historical,political and cultural contexts of Wieland's artistic production. I suggest that using Gene Youngblood'scontemporaneous concept of expanded cinema locates Wieland's work within the milieu of the synaesthetic asit developed in the 1960s. Framing Wieland's work within expanded cinema allows for a discussion of herartistic production that accounts for the sensorial, emotive and contextual aspects of her work. Whileacknowledging the importance of the ways in which Wieland's work expands beyond traditional artistic andfilmic representations, I argue that Wieland's turn to the subject matter of the nation was deeply embedded inthe liberal, national unity projects of Lester Pearson and, more specifically, Pierre Trudeau. While it has oftenbeen suggested that Wieland's work appears to be an apolitical celebratory engagement with the concept of themodern Canadian nation, I argue that her political leanings developed out of the 1960s New Left movement inCanada,5 and were also never divorced from a feminist politics through which she consistently negotiated herartistic practice. Wieland's engagement with a particular nexus of nationalist ideologies within a moment ofdeveloping second wave feminism in North America is thus integral to understanding the ways she symbolicallyrearticulated the Canadian nation, contemporaneous notions of citizenship, and sexual difference throughaesthetic means. As the Canadian historian Ian McKay has pointed out, liberalism is the political form ofmodernity in Canada,6 and the 1960s through to the mid-1970s can be seen as a moment when Canada wasbeing re-liberalized by Pearson and Trudeau.7 Such projects were simultaneously being challenged bymarginalized groups within Canadian society, including women, the working class, Aboriginals, and FrenchCanadians. In this respect, it was an experiment in redefining who could be a national subject. McKay's conceptof the liberal order framework suggests that rather than thinking about Canada as a stable, transcendent unitdenoting a place, a nation, an essence, or an ideal, it should be thought of as a historically specific "project ofrule."8 This project of rule, specific to the context of Canada, is the implantation and expansion of a politico-economic liberalism. In short, the term suggests that what we think of as "Canada," in fact refers to howliberalism is, and has been, an on-going historical process that possesses certain core liberal values (such asthe rational male individual and the ownership of property) that are projected onto the construction of the idealcitizen and nation-state of Canada. While McKay is primarily concerned with how liberalism plays out withinnineteenth-century Canada, he also recognizes the potential for re-assessing the 1960s in Canada as a periodwhen liberalism was being mobilized to construct new concepts of citizenship and national, political andgendered identities.9 McKay suggests that using what he terms a "reconnaissance" approach to historicalscholarship can reveal both how liberalism's values were articulated and how "outsiders" resisted them.10 As awhite, EnglishCanadian woman operating during this transitional period, Wieland was envisaged as part of theliberal order while simultaneously operating as an "outsider" to its hegemony, continually forcing her tonegotiate her cultural citizenship and artistic practice. Situating Wieland within such a framework allows for amore complex understanding of her position as cultural producer rather than woman filmmaker or woman artistand establishes her identity as related to the differences produced by the networks of cultural, political andfeminist politics. "MUM'S THE WORD" An alarming paradox persists in the way Wieland has been written aboutin film and art historical scholarship. Canadian film scholars have provided a substantial amount of criticalscholarship on Wieland's films,11 while art historians have been anything but forthcoming in offering criticalaccounts of Wieland's work in any medium. In her pivotal essay "The Mummification of Mommy: Joyce Wielandas the AGO's First Living Other," Kass Banning articulates this problem: "The sustained neglect-the totallyevasive and inadequate literature on Wieland-gives one pause. There are a number of reasons for this, but themost evident is the inadequacy of past conceptual frameworks in which to situate her work."12 Although writtennearly twenty years ago, Banning's statement continues to resonate: Wieland's "mummification" as "mommy"within film studies has not been reciprocated within Canadian art history, which continues to perpetuate amodernist dominant narrative making it difficult for female artistic producers, such as Wieland, to beaccommodated within a structure that has difficulty accounting for alternative media such as film, the specificity

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of socio-cultural contexts, and the importance of gender in informing artistic agency and production.13Banning's essay was published on the occasion of Wieland's 1987 retrospective at the AGO-the first afforded toa living female Canadian artist-and it poses, quite rightly, some disruptive questions as to why the AGO decidedthat this was Wieland's time. When there was evidently a strong, active group of feminist film scholars inToronto, why did the AGO not use this opportunity to address Wieland's work in light of current developments incritical scholarship? Perhaps more importantly, Banning wanted to know why the AGO had chosen twoAmerican scholars, Lucy Lippard and Lauren Rabinovitz (an art and a film historian respectively), to write theexhibition catalogue essays.14 Banning gets at a key point here: this retrospective occurred at a moment whenit was possible to integrate critical film and art historical scholarship and to do so in a way that might provide aconceptual framework for understanding the development of feminist art practices in Canada, but instead it onlyrepeated previous receptions of Wieland's work and kept segregated these two disciplinary approaches. InKathryn Elder's anthology, The Films of Joyce Wieland, Michael Zryd, after providing a long overdue andexceptional survey of the critical reception of Wieland in film literature, suggests topics for future research andscholarship. Zryd suggests that a contextual, cultural, historical, and feminist approach would allow for a moreproductive aesthetic analysis of Wieland's work in all media.15 I have specifically taken up his suggestion that"a closer reading of her films in relation to the spatial and temporal coordinates set by her painting, sculpturaland textile work would be illuminating."16 To examine Wieland's film and nonfilm work together not onlyprovides a means to recontextualize the work, but also resituates disciplinary boundaries and contributes to arenewal of both art historical and filmic methods of critical inquiry. WIELAND'S EXPANDED CINEMA: THEARTIST AS ECOLOGIST In 1970, Gene Youngblood published Expanded Cinema, an extremely influential textthat was one of the first book-length studies of the contemporary media-arts scene in North America.17 Whilecertainly dated in a number of ways, the book presents a concept of expanded cinema that continues to proveuseful in thinking about Wieland's work, because it provides a critical framework and a vocabulary suited to thesensorial and emotive aspects of Wieland's artistic production while offering a re-conceptualization of the artisticprocess as intimately bound to both the aesthetic (perceptual and sensorial) and the contextual. Within thecontext of Canadian art history, consideration of Wieland's artistic production as expanded cinema is a radicaldeparture from the biography-laden, essentialist, and formalist examinations that consistently have difficultyaccounting for such properties as sarcasm, humour, wit, and the overt materialization and manipulation of thecorporeal that are so integral to Wieland's work. Expanded cinema allows for an examination of these issues ina way that acknowledges Wieland's artistic practice as a fluid process intimately bound to her subjectivity andthe socio-political context in which it was created. In a recent essay, Jackie Hatfield expressed her concern overthe lack of critical writing on experimental film and video and the tendency for the existing literature to be undulyconcerned with aesthetic specificity.18 Hatfield notes that Youngblood's text is one of the very few that hasaddressed, and tested the limits of, the complexities of cinema in relation to technology, spectacle, narrative,active viewer participation and representation, all of which have tended to exist outside of both film and arthistorical scholarship.19 Youngblood's prose is decidedly optimistic, Utopian even, and reads as very "1960s."There is a sense of excitement, of renewal, of being on the cusp of something great. Youngblood embracestechnological change and has no problem fusing technology with a sensory or bodily experience. In otherwords, technology for Youngblood does not alienate viewers, but seduces them. Through a careful analysis ofcontemporary film, video and computer technology, Youngblood argues that a paradigmatic shift is taking place,which he calls "synaesthetic cinema." A genealogy of the synaesthetic exists in the writings of Frenchfilmmakers Germaine Dulac and Jean Epstein, for example, but what is particularly 1960s about theYoungblood version is its global embrace, the McLuhanesque sense of community, and the probity of artisticconsciousness. Youngblood's fundamental argument is that synaesthetic cinema uses technology todecentralize and individualize human communication.20 Youngblood overtly links technology with liberating theindividual: "Only through technology is the individual free enough to know himself and thus to know his own

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reality."21 Suitably, Youngblood concludes his text with examples of various media works featured at Expo 67,The World's Fair in Montréal, a definitive moment in Canada's process of cultural modernization. Expo 67 wasan international stage on which Canada could promote its technological prowess as harmonious with theindividualism so integral to Pearson's and, later, Trudeau's, liberalism, while advancing the nation-buildingstrategy so vital to the shifting construction of the project called "Canada" during the 1960s. In an unpublished1986 interview Joyce Wieland recounts, "I remember people being in love with Expo, because it was usemerging."22 In this, Wieland seems to identify with the nation-by "us" she implies both herself and Canada-andit also suggests that, like Youngblood, she saw Expo 67 as a moment of decisive change. Wieland had in factcreated the mixed media work Confedspread for the exhibition, "Painting in Canada," mounted in the entranceof the Canadian government pavilion at Expo 67. In Youngblood's view, technology involves and embraces theviewer. New media are harnessed as a way to create an environment of experience; hence Youngblood'sdiscussion of the massive film installations featured at Expo 67.23 The idea of an experiential environment ismade possible, according to Youngblood, by altering the role of the artist from an "object maker" to an"ecologist."24 The "artist as ecologist" does not invent new objects but reveals, "previously unrecognizedrelationships between existing phenomena, both physical and metaphysical."25 The resultant experientialenvironment, Youngblood argues, "turns the participant inward upon himself, providing a matrix for psychicexploration, perceptual, sensorial, and intellectual awareness."26 Orchestrated by the artist, the viewer'sexperience goes well beyond what appears on the screen.

Situating Wieland as ecologist allows for a synaesthetic examination of her artistic production. Consideration ofWieland's non-film work operating like screens, where the emotive, bodily and contextual exist simultaneously,allows for a re-conceptualization of her artistic production as authored by a cultural producer rather than womanartist. Wieland herself alluded to her artistic practice in such "expanded" terms, often noting that the intention ofher film and non-film work was to achieve an emotional response in the viewer. For example, in notes she madein response to curator Marie Fleming's essay published on the occasion of her 1987 retrospective, Wielandwrites, "A lot of meaning in my work has to do with how it makes the viewer FEEL. I express an emotionalcontent. Titles often provide clues."27 In an interview, Kay Armatage asks Wieland about her 1976 film, The FarShore (Canada, 1976), "You said before that with the editor you fought to leave the frame empty, not cut on theaction, why?" Wieland responds, "I wanted you to be able to feel their absence for a few seconds rather than18 January 2013 Page 4 of 18 ProQuest

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use another device to get from one scene to another. To empty the frame and hear the footsteps disappear orsomething like that and then make the direct cut to the next scene. It's nice to have this moment-it's sort of apulse in the film."28 The idea of Wieland's work having a pulse recalls a persistent image in her work whichprovides this sense of the living and corporeal, while also signifying and complicating her relationship to thenation: lips. Images of lips are the focus of Wieland's 1969 lithograph, O Canada (Figure 1), for which shepressed her lipsticked lips against the stone used to make the print while forming the words to the Canadiannational anthem. By using her own body to create the image in an intimate and performative way, Wieland fusesher corporeal presence with a signifier of the nation, the national anthem. A similar concept is evident in severalof her works from the early 1970s, including the embroidered work O Canada Animation (1970) in which brightred lips mouthing the words to the anthem have been stitched onto white cloth. The embroidered work SquidJiggin' Grounds (1974) and the quilted work, The Maple Leaf Forever Ð(1972) also depict lips that mouth thewords to popular nationalist songs, so that as a viewer you find yourself participating, mouthing along with theimage. Wieland's lips are active, speaking lips; they have something to say. They suggest the corporeal, but aredislocated from the body, which exists outside the frame. Active speaking lips dislocated from the body are alsoevident in Wieland's film work. In the opening sequence of her film Reason Over Passion (Canada, 1967-69),Wieland includes a written version of the words to O Canada immediately followed by a close-up of the lowerhalf of her face silently mouthing the words to the national anthem. This firmly establishes Wieland as author ofthis alternative, gendered discourse of nation, literally claiming and re-presenting her own version of the anthemas intimately bound to the bodily and sensorial. In The Far Shore we again see a focus on lips when the femalelead, Eulalie, holds a magnifying glass to her mouth and silently mouths words to her soon-to-belover Tom.Such palpable imagery suggests the importance of the corporeal, or more specifically a feminine corporeality, ininterfering in the realm of the techne-reason, technology, rationality, logos. In all of these works, Wieland bringstogether craft, song, nation, and body to create an environment that simultaneously evokes the presence of thefemale body and the nation. Recalling the liberal order framework, we can see how Wieland negotiates herposition as an outsider to liberalism's politico-economic project of rule by choosing to have her artisticproduction elicit an emotional, rather than a rational, response to the nation through synaesthetically, andsubsequently politically, questioning the terms by which one can be a national subject. This renegotiation notonly expands beyond the frame/quilt, but is deeply connected to the specific subject matter of the Canadiannation. Wieland as ecologist is able to navigate different aspects of the corporeal and the nation in her artisticpractice, but there is perhaps another question of greater interest. Why did the nation become Wieland'sprimary subject matter in both her film and non-film work from the late 1960s onwards, and what is thesignificance of such a turn?

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WIELAND AS CULTURAL PRODUCER: THE ARTIST AS PROPAGANDIST In 1967, Wieland began shootingReason Over Passion (Figure 2), an eightyminute film that is a nearly cross-Canada journey recorded almostentirely through the windows of a train and a car. Wieland begins in Cape Breton Island in the spring with thewaves of the Atlantic Ocean and ends in the snow-capped Rocky Mountains just short of the Pacific Ocean.Where Ontario should be, the narrative is interrupted by a recording of an elementary-school French lessonfollowed by fifteen minutes of grainy footage of Pierre Trudeau (the source of the phrase used as the film's title),filmed by Wieland at the 1968 Liberal convention in Ottawa. During the film, 537 permutations of the letters in"reason over passion" flash across the bottom of the screen accompanied by an artificial beeping sound. At thebeginning of the film the Canadian flag flashes intermittently on the screen followed by the words to O Canada,a close-up of Wieland's lips silently mouthing the words to O Canada, and Tïudeau's phrase, "La Raison AvantLa Passion...c'est le thème de tous mes écrits" and "About Reason over Passion that's the theme of all mywritings." In 1968, Wieland created two quilts entitled Reason Over Passion (Figure 3) and La Raison avant lapassion. They are both massive, brightly coloured, quilted works scattered with stuffed hearts and large lettersspelling out Trudeau's political philosophy. On 21 May 1968, Wieland hosted a "quilt-in" at her New York Cityloft where she, along with other female Canadian expatriates, quilted La Raison avant la passion, which wasgiven to Trudeau as a gift. The now-notorious fate of the quilt has been noted by Margaret Trudeau in herautobiography, where she writes: "Shaking with rage at my inability to counter his logical, reasoned arguments,I grabbed at the quilt, wrenched off the letters and hurled them down the stairs at him one by one, in an insanedesire to reverse the process, to put passion before reason just this once."29 The National Gallery of Canadasubsequently purchased the English counterpart, Reason Over Passion, in 1970. On 8 November 1969,Wieland and her then husband, Michael Snow, hosted a massive party in their New York City loft, attended byCanadian expatriates and various New York artists and writers, as well as the guest of honour, Pierre Trudeau.Afterwards, Trudeau sent Wieland and Snow a letter thanking them for the party, adding, "Thank you as well forthe magnificent quilt which, if I estimate correctly, must have taken almost as much work as the organization ofthe party. It is a very sensitive and thoughtful gift and I am honoured to receive it."30 In his own hand-writingTrudeau concludes, "and in the hope of seeing you again, with some films!"31 Wieland's relationship withTrudeau, personally and aesthetically, is a particularly odd one, especially because her apparent fascinationwith Trudeau remains extremely ambivalent. In undated notes, which appear to have been made to accompany

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a screening of the film Reason Over Passion, Wieland writes: Then came the fantasies of being a governmentpropagandist. When you are editing a film for three months you may have fantasies. 12 hrs. a day. I thought Iwas Lennie Riefenstahl. It was due perhaps to editing Trudeau... would he be a good leader? Or just apolitician? Irony came wandering in...in the form of applause (in the introduction) for his statement 'reason overpassion...that is the theme of all my writing'...French lesson is a direct reference to Trudeau's idea ofbilingualism...we must all speak French so that the French Canadian will feel at home in his own country (I likethe idea)...The film is sewn together with flags 10 different kinds....32 While Wieland wonders about Trudeau'seffectiveness as a leader, she also positions herself as a "government propagandist," supporting such classicTrudeauvian reforms as bilingualism, reiterated in her literal and symbolic uses of French and English in bothher film and non-film work.

In several interviews from the early 1970s to the mid-1980s, Wieland consistently discusses her belief in herrole as propagandist. In unpublished parts of an interview with the then-curator of contemporary Canadian art atthe National Gallery of Canada, Pierre Théberge, Wieland states that she imagined she was working for thegovernment when she made Reason Over Passion and felt that at the time Trudeau was "an interestingman...and maybe a creative man."33 In a 1971 interview with Wieland, Kay Armatage asks about Wieland's useof Trudeau in Reason Over Passion: "Do you think of it as a process of objectification of Trudeau, in the waythat women have always been objectified in movies?" To which Wieland responds, "No, I guess what I'm doingto Trudeau is putting him on for his statement 'Reason over passion-that is the theme of all my writings.' Takingthe words Reason Over Passion in the beginning of the film, treating them as a propaganda slogan, andthrough permutation, turning them into visual poetry, into a new language."34 In 1986, Barbara Stevensonasked Wieland, "I'm wondering about your attitude about Trudeau...what message about Trudeau were youconveying in those works?" to which Wieland replied, "I was just saying that he had this reason aboveeverything. And it really should be reason and passion in a person. But this man is only reason over passion,and ultimately, he's a psychopath." Stevenson: "You'd go that far?" Wieland: "Oh, yes...."35 Wieland goes on totell Stevenson that her support of Trudeau waned after he implemented the War Measures Act, stating, "[W]hat

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do you do after that when you find out that the person's heart is closed and that the War Measures Act couldtake place[?]"36 In an undated interview with Joyce Wieland the interviewer, identified as AL (Ardele Lister),asked, "What influenced you to make work about Canada?" Wieland responded, I didn't fit in there [NewYork].... I was engaged in a lot of reading about Canada at that time, and a lot of people here were writingthings that were very important. Some of the really interesting writing on economics and independence and stuffwere being written at that time. That made me think that there should be an artistic response to this kind of newphilosophy, this new thinking in nationalism. I got interested in propaganda, about the Trudeau campaign andso on that I conceived the idea...of the quilts and the film combined, Reason Over Passion. To me those aren'treally political films, but it was like tasting the idea of responding to the culture, or even having dialogue with thepolitical body, as it were, of the country.37 This statement suggests that Wieland felt a sense of obligation torespond artistically to her environment which, despite living in New York City from 1962 to 1971, she identifiedas the contemporary political and cultural milieu of Canada. It also again suggests Wieland's thinking about herartistic practice and propaganda. The place of propaganda in the nation-building project of Canadian cinemahas roots in John Grierson and the stated aims of the National Film Board of Canada.38 While Griersonexplicitly used film for propagandistic purposes, Wieland draws from already existing propaganda in order toshift embedded notions of what such a discourse implies, thus contaminating propaganda's usefulness as areasoned, political discourse. In each of these statements Wieland notes the importance of Trudeau as asignifier for reason and the modern Canadian nation in her work, but she also positions herself as a mediator, atranslator, an ecologist, in order to destabilize such a binary relationship. Wieland does this in a way thathumourously and provocatively suggests her ambivalence towards Trudeau and his political project. Wieland aspropagandist acts as a translator of her environment. To examine what that environment was and how Wielandaesthetically re-ordered it constitutes the process of what I call re-gendering. Like her non-film work that useslips as subject matter, the two Reason Over Passion quilts and the film, interfere in the realm of the techne.Reason, rationality and technology are re-claimed, reordered, and hence re-gendered by Wieland as she insistson the transparency of her authorship. Wieland does this through the aesthetic of craft and in such devices inthe film as cutting from the words to O Canada to a shot of Wieland's lips silently mouthing them, making theviewer aware-in no uncertain terms-of who the author of this film is. The production of the quilts by a group ofwomen works in a similar way by dislocating the masculine modernist tradition of authorial power. Just as"reason over passion" has been re-gendered by way of the quilted medium, so too have the same words in thefilm by way of their re-ordering into nonsensical words: the techne of language is rendered useless and void ofthe knowledge and power it once signified. Wieland's depiction of Trudeau in the film reiterates ambivalencetoward him and his policies. By re-shooting the original footage from the Liberal convention, using differentlenses, tinting the celluloid, and playing with camera speed, focus and iris, Wieland produces a distorted andobviously manipulated image of the prime minister. In this way she reinforces the notion that the "real" image ofTrudeau is an illusion-and image-the viewer can access only through Wieland's distortions. Wieland'sengagement with the techne of language and political culture combined with her manipulation of signifiers of thenation such as the land and Trudeau is an artistic means of evoking the political and the sensorialsimultaneously. Wieland reclaims this artistic act of re-gendering as a practice of citizenship, positioning herselfand her artistic production in both feminist and nationalist terms. A larger question does remain however: whydid Wieland find propaganda and nationalist discourses pertinent subject matter? Why did she feel the need totransform them? A closer examination of the socio-political context of Canada during the late 1960s and early1970s helps to place Wieland's artistic practice within the larger networks of the visual and political culture ofthat period. TOWARDS A "JUST SOCIETY"? The way feminism played into Trudeau's national unity projectsuggests why Wieland, as a white English Canadian woman, may have found the traditionally masculinediscourse of the nation and propaganda so appealing in the 1960s and why she famously declared, "I think ofCanada as female."39 While the nation and nationalism, as products of modernity, have characteristically been

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seen as structures that treat women unequally,40 feminist historians Jill Vickers and Micheline de Sève haveargued that "aspects of Canada as a 'New World' society provide a greater opportunity for some women,especially majority-culture women, to participate actively in nation-building and to combine nationalist andfeminist aspirations."41 Vickers argues that at various times during the twentieth century, including the late1960s and early 1970s under Pearson and Trudeau, white English Canadian women enjoyed a positiverelationship with nationalism and the nation-building project.42 She suggests that under the guise of liberal civicnationalism, "Federal Liberals attempted to co-opt the women's movement into their Canadian national-unityproject by funding many women's organizations, mainly because they hoped undifferentiated 'feminism' wouldcut across the cleavage of Québec nationalism."43 It was hoped that both English and French Canadianwomen would see the attainment of gender-based equality as equivalent to biculturalism and multiculturalism. Inorder to quell mounting threats to national unity, primarily Québécois nationalism, Trudeau sought to have allCanadians identify with the nation, rather than their province, by entrenching language and gender rights in lawat the federal level. This project of liberalization during the 1960s laid the foundations for renewed nationalismsthat were both for and against a united Canada. Some strains of nationalism aligned themselves with orsupported the feminist cause, and one of the most significant was the Waffle movement. By 1969, the concernsof the new nationalist left could no longer be contained within the New Democratic Party (NDP). Under theleadership of Mel Watkins and James Laxer, the Waffle, a splinter group of the NDP, became increasinglyconcerned with the economic and political control of Canada by the United States.44 As historian KennethMcRoberts has argued, the Waffle movement attracted a rapidly growing class of English Canadian salariedprofessionals including intellectuals, teachers and artists.45 Vickers notes that the movement was also one-thirdEnglish Canadian socialist feminists,46 and argues that Waffle women saw themselves as oppressed by thedomination of American capitalism and culture rather than patriarchy.47 In 1969, the Waffle published amanifesto entitled For an Independent Soaalist Canada, which outlined, among other things, its stance onQuebec and national unity. It states, "A united Canada is of critical importance in pursuing a successful strategyagainst the reality of American imperialism. Quebec's history and aspirations must be allowed full expressionand implementation in the conviction that new ties will emerge from the common perception of 'two nations, onestruggle.'"48 Drawing on the writings of Watkins and Laxer, the Waffle set out to convince Canadians that thebiggest threat to national unity was American imperialism rather than Québécois nationalism; Québec, ratherthan being seen as a threat, should be treated as an ally. WAFFLE AND WIELAND'S ARTISTIC PRODUCTIONIt was this socialist strain of feminist nationalism that, I would argue, Wieland engaged with in her artisticpractice. It is decidedly different from the more apolitical nationalism with which she has often been aligned,especially in official uses of her work within the art institution and dominant art historical narratives.49 Herpolitical leanings can be seen in the 1970 quilt I Love Canada-J'aime Canada. Two white quilts, eachemblazoned with stuffed letters spelling out her love for Canada in English and French, are dotted with quiltedhearts and joined together with a chain. On each quilt, directly underneath "I Love" and "J'aime," Wielandplaced a small quilted panel onto which is embroidered: "Death to U.S. Technological Imperialism" and "A BasL'impérialisme Technologicque [sic] des E-U."50 The Water Quilt, 1970-71 uses a similar strategy. Sixty-foursmall pillows are joined together with rope, each adorned with a wildflower native to the Canadian Arcticembroidered onto its front panel, which can be lifted up to reveal excerpts from Waffle leader James Laxer'stext, The Energy Poker Game.51 Published in 1970, it tells of the power and politics involved in controlling andexploiting Canada's energy resources, including a U.S. plot to steal Canadian water from the arctic region.52Wieland wrote in her notes about the quilt, "Greed and Flowers," "Another American crime against nature,""Powerful greed and powerful flowers," and "Canadian [which is crossed out and "American" written above]Arctic."53 Barbara Stevenson's interview with Wieland highlights an important aspect of Wieland's use ofLaxer's text: Stevenson: You've said you're not a follower of a particular ideology or theory or party line....Wieland: I can't-I don't like it. Stevenson:...but you did use excerpts from James Laxer's book in The Water

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Quilt. Does that imply any sort of sympathy for the Waffle movement? Wieland: No. I thought it was a brilliantbook because it dealt with all the facts. The hard theories were that they had planned since 1953 to re-route allthe major waterways south. Mad fantasies like that. It infuriated me to think that someone outside could bedrawing plans for stuff like that. And that's what inspired The Water Quilt-the stuff that he dug up.54 It issignificant that while Wieland evidently allied herself with such Waffle causes as opposition to the Americancontrol of Canada's energy resources, she is quick to deny any association with the actual political party. Itsuggests that while the Waffle and the NDP certainly acknowledged how capitalist labour markets (specificallyin the U.S.) were oppressive to women, they were unable to truly offer an alternative political ideology thatmajority-culture women could identify with. Nevertheless, Waffle sympathies are also evident in Wieland's filmwork. In Rat Life and Diet in North America (Canada, 1968), rats (really gerbils), signifying American draftdodgers escape past their cat guards to Canada where they learn organic gardening, raise "more grass thanthey can possibly use" all free of D.D.T., and partake in a "flower ceremony" while listening to the Beach Boys'1967 song "Vegetables."55 The film symbolically depicts Canada as a place of freedom, healthy living andunspoiled nature, while the United States is constructed as oppressive and violent. For example, when the ratsescape to Canada we hear birds chirping and dogs barking, the word "Canada" flashes on the screen and is setagainst a background of trees, a lake and grass. As the rats enjoy eating cherries at the "cherry festival,"Wieland includes split second shots from the beginning of the film when the rats were in "political prison,"reminding the viewer of just how diametrically opposed the two countries really are. This is even morepronounced when during the rats' escape, Wieland flashes on the screen, "Some of the bravest are lostforever," and then cuts to a newspaper clipping of Che Guevara's dead body.56 Since Guevara was shot deadin Bolivia while trying to overthrow the government (heavily supported by the United States), Wieland warns theviewer that Canadians may also lose their bravest, if they are not vigilant in the fight against Americanimperialism. The Waffle desire to ally French Canadians against the threat of American imperialism is reflectedin another of her films. In unpublished notes Wieland writes, "For about a year I have been working on studiesof birds in extreme close-up...and now felt like using the lense [sic] for a political report."57 That political reportwas Pierre Vallières (Canada, 1972). Shot just two years after the October Crisis (1970), this forty-two minutefilm features Pierre Vallières, a member of the radical separatist group Front de Libération du Québec (FLQ)and author of the controversial book, Nègres blancs d'Amérique/White Niggers of America (1968). Throughout,the film focusses exclusively on Vallières lips as he reads statements on the working class of the Mount Laurierregion in Québec, on history, race and separatism in Québec, and on women's liberation (Figure 4). WhileVallières was notorious for his involvement in the FLQ and was an advocate of violent political uprisings,Wieland wrote about him in sympathetic terms: "Here was a man who tried to do something about his societyand spent three years in jail without trial...and who had been born into the extreme position of French Canadianpoverty."58 She was also sympathetic with his position on the working classes, women and French Canadiansas oppressed groups within Canadian society-concerns to which Vallières both figuratively and literally gives,voice to her film. For example, Vallières states, "I feel that women should unite and assert themselves withaggressiveness to help everybody free themselves from domination and repression.... I hope in my next book tobe able to tell from a male point of view the effects on men of women's efforts at liberation, just as we Québecpeople are working together to gain independence and build socialism." Like the lips in O Canada Animationand O Canada, Vallières' lips are speaking, active lips that fuse the sensorial with the subject of the nation-inthis case, Québec as a nation. Vallières' lips are at once sensual and slightly repugnant. The teeth are yellowedand stained, and as the viewer is forced to watch only the mouth, she or he becomes increasingly aware of hissaliva, the thick moustache hairs, the redness of his lips, and even his breath (which I imagine smelling of stalecigarette smoke), rendering the image more and more grotesque over the course of the film. While the filmevokes a sensory reaction in the viewer-repulsion, disgust-it also prompts a contemplative or meditativeresponse. As Wieland notes, "Here is a close-up hold of his mouth on and through which you can meditate.

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Meditate on the qualities of voice, the French language, revolution, French revolution, Gericault's colour etc."59The film juxtaposes a public body, the depiction of a well-known political radical, and a private body, an intimateportrait of a particular person. This juxtaposition, along with the essays that Vallières reads, elicits a sympatheticresponse in the viewer by constructing Québécois nationalism and Vallières himself as marginalized withinCanada and existing outside the contemporary notion of citizenship. The grotesqueness also works to shift thepublic persona of Vallières from a radical separatist to a "real" human being-someone who lives, breathes,smokes, speaks, has feelings, hopes and beliefs. The emphasis on the overt corporeality of Vallières, his"realness," is not just an expression of sympathy, but also a way of using the sensorial and political to highlightthe commonalities of the groups Wieland (and Vallières) sees as marginalized by capitalism: women, FrenchCanadians and the working classes.

THE "EXPANDED" ENVIRONMENT: TKUE PATRIOT LOVE/VEKITABU AMOUR PATRIOTIQUE The optimismof the late 1960s evoked in Youngblood's text, the creation of the experiential environment, and Wieland's turnto the discourses of gender and nation were perhaps most vividly expressed in her 1971 exhibition, True PatriotLove/Véritable amour patriotique, which opened at the National Gallery of Canada on 1 July, Dominion Day (asCanada Day was called at the time). The curator of the exhibition, Pierre Théberge, recalls, "We agreed itshould not be a retrospective as such and that she should design the show very much as an environment."60This environment was both literal and metaphorical and all the senses were aroused. Works of art in variousmedia-from quilting, embroidery and knitting, to bronze sculpture, painting and films-were juxtaposed with realtrees and live ducks, while bird music was piped into the gallery space. A huge Arctic Passion Cake wasdesigned by Wieland in the shape of an iceberg and made by the parliamentary chef, John Van Dierandonck.Wieland's homemade perfume Sweet Beaver: The Perfume of Canadian Liberation was also available forpurchase. Nearly every work in the exhibition dealt with the concept of the Canadian nation, featuring theReason Over Passion quilts, The Water Quilt, Confedspread, I Love Canada-J'aime Canada, O CanadaAnimation, and O Canada (lithograph and quilt). The retrospective was the first afforded to a living femaleCanadian artist by the National Gallery. In lieu of the usual laudatory exhibition catalogue, however, Wielandcreated an artist's book from Bulletin No.146, Illustrated Flora of the Canadian Arctic Archipelago originallypublished by the National Museums of Canada in 1964. By placing images of her works of art, film scripts, driedflowers, photographs of nature, reproductions of Tom Thomson and Group of Seven paintings, and handwrittenpoems and songs over the text, she subverted the techne or logos of this official government document. As18 January 2013 Page 11 of 18 ProQuest

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Wieland states, "The floor or the earth was the book and then I built up things over it and into it."61 The titlepage of the book features an image of Wieland's 1970 quilt O Canada superimposed over the official title of thedocument (Figure 5). A new title, hand-written by Wieland on a small piece of paper, is pinned to the bottom ofpage. On another page we again see the use of lips as subject matter (Figure 6). Wieland photographed theembroidered work O Canada Animation and juxtaposed it with typed words of the national anthem in Frenchand English. On other pages Wieland fuses her film and non-film work by placing parts of the script that wouldbecome The Far Shore (originally titled "True Patriot Love") next to fragments of her textile works, such as anembroidered flower from The Water Quilt. In its entirety, the book symbolically presents Wieland's version of theCanadian nation and mirrors the intent of the exhibition itself. The exhibition and book are a culmination ofWieland's aesthetic, political, cultural and feminist concerns of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Both the bookand exhibition draw on hegemonic notions of Canadian identity: images of well known paintings by TomThomson, Wieland dressed as Laura secord, poems, stories and songs in Inuktitut, Gaelic, French and English,the national anthem, the flag, and images of the land and references to nature are featured throughout.Wieland's re-presentation of the nation is, however, always filtered through a feminist politics. Throughout thebook, and indeed in the exhibition as a whole, Wieland experiments with disrupting the techne. The originalgovernment document signifies a reasoned and rational desire to categorize knowledge, in this case the flora ofthe Canadian Arctic. The text states, "The present work is intended as a guide or manual to the 340 speciesand major geographical races of flowering plants and ferns that comprise the vascular flora as it is known atpresent of the Canadian Arctic Archipelago."62 Such an ambitious and thorough plan prefaced by Wieland's"quilted" title page humourously and pointedly challenges the idea that the nation, as documented by thegovernment, is capable of being depicted and experienced by reason and rationality alone. As in the ReasonOver Passion works, Wieland plays the role of propagandist, while implicitly challenging the idea that language,signifying the techne, is an adequate medium for presenting the Canadian nation. She also challenges thetraditional role of the museum as a space for passive viewing by creating an environment in which all thesenses are activated and works of art transcend the conventional limits of "artistic" media and take outspokenpolitical stances.

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While the book remains, in essence, a printed text, we cannot actually read it in the traditional sense. Rather, itevokes a sensory experience in the reader similar to what the viewer experiences in the environment Wielandcreated at the National Gallery. Youngblood suggests that the task of the new artist of the twentieth century is toaccept the inherent chaos and disorder in the world and through the synaesthetic attempt to change the way wesee, feel and communicate-to expand our own consciousness.63 Wieland's book, created at a moment of late-capitalist modernity and the re-liberalization of the Canadian nation, takes the rapidly changing positions ofpreviously marginalized groups and through aesthetic means, asks readers to expand their consciousness-toperhaps shift their thinking about these political and gendered processes towards a more "just society." BothYoungblood and Wieland, in this sense, share a similar utopie optimism for the future. The artist's book Wielandcreated for the exhibition illustrates, in fact, the type of analysis I have attempted to perform in examining herfilm and non-film works. And like Wieland's own intermedia approach to the True Patriot Love exhibition andbook, the linkages between Wieland's artistic production, expanded cinema, and a critical feminist andcontextual approach, provide a framework for engaging with Wieland's artistic production in a way that affordsher work the historical, cultural and political specificity it demands at a moment when it is possible to do so.Footnote NOTES I would like to thank Blaine Allan, Lynda Jessup, Susan Lord, William Wees, and the twoanonymous readers from the CJFS/RCEC for all their insightful comments and suggestions on earlier drafts ofthis paper and the initial presentation from which it developed. An extended note of gratitude to William Weesfor his ushering me through the publication process. I would also like to thank Suzanne Dubeau, Michael Moirand Scan Smith at The Clara Thomas Archives and Special Collections, York University for their help innavigating through the Joyce Wieland archive, and the many people at the Film Studies Association of Canadaconference in May 2005 who offered helpful and encouraging comments and suggestions for this paper and mylarger doctoral project. The Film Studies Association of Canada's Gerald Pratley Award provided funding for thisproject. 1. Lee Parpart, "Mining for Joyce Wieland: A Salt in the Park and Other Treasures," Point of View 32,(Summer/Fall 1997): 18. 2. Iris Nowell, Joyce Wieland: A Life In Art (Toronto: ECW Press, 2001 ) and JaneLind, Joyce Wieland: Artist on Fire (Toronto: James Lorimer &Company Ltd., 2001). 3. While humour is anintegral aspect of Wieland's artistic production, it has been ignored in critical discussions of her work. She usedhumour to challenge and subvert dominant political, feminist, cultural and social norms and aesthetic practices,which, perhaps helps to account for the continued appeal and resilience of Wieland's work. 4. The dominant arthistorical narrative in texts such as H.W. Janson, History of Art. Sth edition (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Inc. andHarry Abrams, Inc., 1995) and the construction of the artistic avant-garde and modernism in the twentiethcentury by such influential art critics as Clement Greenberg, treat art history as a progression of aesthetic shiftslargely constructed as a Western phenomenon and reliant on the conceptualization of the artist as genius. It isalso significant that texts by these, and many other scholars, include few to no women artists. The dominantnarrative of film studies, however, has to a larger extent been transformed by more recent feminist debates. Theprominent film scholar P. Adams Sitney includes a number of women filmmakers (e.g., Wieland, Maya Deren,Yvonne Rainer) in his important texts on avant- garde film, but, like Janson and Greenberg, he only discussestheir work at a formal level. This is what feminist art historian Griselda Pollock has termed "additive" feminism,which sees lists of women artists added to an already existing dominant narrative without altering the terms inwhich that narrative has been constructed, nor the exclusions it perpetuates. In terms of Wieland in particular,Kass Banning and Michael Zryd have pointed out the problematic ways in which her artistic production hasbeen ill-served by the narratives of both art history and film studies. See Clement Greenberg, "Avant-Carde andKitsch," Partisan Review 6.5 (Fall, 1939); Clement Greenberg, "Towards a Newer Laocoon," Partisan Review7.4 (1940); Clement Greenberg: The Collected Essays and Criticisms: Modernism with a Vengeance, vol. 4,John O'Brian, ed. (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1993); P. Adams Sitney, Film Culture: An Anthology(London: Seeker and Warburg Ltd., 1971); P.Adams Sitney, Visionary Film: The American Avant-Carde 1943-

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2000, 3rd edition (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2002); Griselda Pollock, Vision andDifference: Femininity, Feminism and the Histories of Art (London and New York: Routledge, 1988), 22-24;Kass Banning, The Mummification of Mommy: Joyce Wieland as the AGO's First Living Other," in The Films ofJoyce Wieland, Kathryn Elder, ed. (Waterloo, ON: The Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1999), 29-43, andMichael Zryd, "There Are Many Joyces': The Critical Reception of the Films of Joyce Wieland," in Elder, 195-212. 5. Recently, a similar argument has been offered by Johanne Sloan in, "Joyce Wieland at the Border:Nationalism, the New Left, and the Question of Political Art in Canada," The Journal of Canadian Art History 26(2005): 81-104. 6. Ian McKay, The Challenge of Modernity: A Reader on Post-Confederation Canada (Toronto:McGraw-Hill Ryerson Ltd., 1992), xi. 7. By national unity projects I am referring to the series of governmentpolicies (Royal Commission on the Status of Women, 1967-70, Royal Commission on Bilingualism andBiculturalism, 1963-71, White Paper, 1969, amongst others) instigated by the Liberal governments of Pearsonand Trudeau that aimed at modernizing the Canadian nation by redefining citizenship and quelling threats tonational unity such as Québécois nationalism, the women's movement, the Red Power movement, and thesolidification of the Left in the form of the New Democratic Party (NDP). 8. Ian McKay, "The Liberal OrderFramework: A Prospectus for a Reconnaissance of Canadian History," Canadian Historical Review 81.4(December, 2000): 620-21. 9. The 1960s in Canada remains an era still woefully understudied. McKay suggestshow this period can be rethought in terms of the liberal order framework and the influence of the New Left, seeIan McKay, Rebels, Reds, Radicals: Rethinking Canada's Left History (Toronto: Between the Lines, 2005), 40-42. For one of the few sustained discussions of the 1960s in Canada see Myrna Kostash, Long Way FromHome: The Story of the Sixties Generation in Canada (Toronto: James Lorimer &Company, 1980). 10. McKay,"The Liberal Order Framework," 621. This "reconnaissance" approach is fully played out in McKay, Rebels,Reds, Radicals, 49-144. 11. See for example, Lauren Rabinovitz, "The Development of Feminist Strategies inthe Experimental Films of Joyce Wieland," Film Reader 5 (1982): 132-40; Kay Armatage, "Joyce Wieland,Feminist Documentary, and the Body of Work," Canadian Journal of Political and Social Theory 13.1-2 (1989):91-101; Kay Armatage, "The Feminine Body: Joyce Wieland's Water Sark," in Dialogue: Canadian and QuébecCinema, Pierre Véronneau, Michael Dorland and Seth Feldman, eds. (Montréal: Mediatexte, 1987), 283-95;Kass Banning, Textual Excess in Joyce Wieland's Handtinting," CineAction 5 (Spring 1986): 12-14; BrendaLongfellow, "Gendering the Nation: Symbolic Stations in Canadian and Quebec Film History," in Ghosts in theMachine: Women and Cultural Policy in Canada and Australia, Alison Beale and Annette Van Den Bosch, eds.(Toronto: Garamond Press Ltd., 1998), 163-80; Lee Parpart, "Cowards, Bullies, and Cadavers: Feminist Re-Mappings of the Passive Male Body in English-Canadian and Québécois Cinema," and Janine Marchessault,"Feminist Avant-Garde Cinema: From Introspection to Retrospection," in Gendering the Nation: CanadianWomen's Cinema, Kay Armatage, Kass Banning, Brenda Longfellow and Janine Marchessault, eds. (Toronto:University of Toronto Press, 1999), 253-273, 137-147. 12. Banning, in Elder, ed., 35. 13. For examples of theways Wieland has been discussed in Canadian art history textbooks, see Dennis Reid, A Concise History ofCanadian Painting, 2nd edition. (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1988), 300, 303-04, 308-10, 379; DavidBurnett and Marilyn Schiff, Contemporary Canadian Art (Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers Ltd., 1983), 96-99; BarryLord, The History of Painting in Canada: Toward a People's Art (Toronto: NC Press, 1974), 211-215. 14. SeeBanning in Elder, ed., 30, and Lucy Lippard, "Watershed: Contradiction, Communication and Canada in JoyceWieland's Work," and Lauren Rabinovitz, "The Films of Joyce Wieland," in Joyce Wieland (Toronto: Key PorterBooks, 1987), 1-16, 117-79. It should also be noted that it was Wieland herself who wanted Lippard andRabinovitz to write the essays; see Rabinovitz's interesting discussion of this in Lauren Rabinovitz, "Preface tothe Second Edition," in Points of Resistance: Women, Power &Politics in the New York Avant- garde Cinema,1943-71 (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2003), xvii-xviii. 15. Zryd, in Elder, ed., 209. 16. Ibid.,209-10. 17. Gene Youngblood, Expanded Cinema (New York: Dutton, 1970). 18. Jackie Hatfield, "ExpandedCinema-Moving Image Future Experiment and Exhibition," in Experiments in Moving Image, Jackie Hatfield and

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Stephen Liftman, eds. (Surrey, U.K.: EpiGraph Publications Ltd., 2004), 2. 19. Ibid. 20. Youngblood, 42. 20.Ibid., 419. 22. Joyce Wieland fonds, The Clara Thomas Archives and Special Collections [hereafter, CTASC],York University, 1999-003/005, File 5. For extensive excerpts from this interview, see the Ciné-Documentssection of this issue of CJFS/RCEC. 23. Youngblood, 352-58. 24. Ibid., 346-51. 25. Ibid., 346. 26. Ibid., 348.27. Joyce Wieland fonds, CTASC, 1988-003/002, File 31, unpaginated, Wieland's caps and underline. 28. KayArmatage, "Interview with Joyce Wieland," in Women and the Cinema: A Critical Anthology, Karyn Kay andGerald Peary, eds. (New York: Dutton, 1977), 255-56. 29. Margaret Trudeau, Beyond Reason (New York:Paddington Press, 1979), 240-41. 30. Joyce Wieland fonds, CTASC, 1992-018/003, File 42. 31. Ibid. 32. JoyceWieland fonds, CTASC, 1993-009/010, File 120 (See Ciné-Documents). 33. True Patriot Love/Véritable amourpatriotique exhibition files, National Gallery of Canada fonds, National Gallery of Canada Archives, 32. 34. KayArmatage, "Kay Armatage Interviews Joyce Wieland," Take One 3.2 (November/December 1970, published1972): 25. 35. Joyce Wieland fonds, CTASC, 1999-003/005, File 05. 36. Ibid. 37. Ardele Lister, interview fromCriteria, special issue, "The Politics of Film in Canada" (c 1975), found in Joyce Wieland fonds, CTASC, 1991-014/005, File 73. 38. See for example, Gary Evans, John Grierson and the National Film Board: The Politics ofWartime Propaganda (Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1984). 39. Armatage, "Kay ArmatageInterviews Joyce Wieland," 24. 40. Recent critical discussions by feminist theorists have posited nationalism asa process that traditionally constructed women as unequal members of the state and nationalism itself as agendered phenomenon; see Himani Bannerji, The Dark Side of the Nation: Essays on Multiculturalism,Nationalism and Gender (Toronto: Canadian Scholars Press, 2000); Anthony Smith, Nationalism andModernism: A Critical Survey of Recent Theories of Nations and Nationalism (London and New York:Routledge, 1998); Veronica Strong-Boag, Sherrill Grace, Avigail Eisenberg and Joan Anderson, eds., Paintingthe Maple: Essays on Race, Gender and the Construction of Canada (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1998); SylviaWalby, "Women and Nation," International Journal of Comparative Sociology 33.1-2 (1992); Lois West, ed.,Feminist Nationalism (New York: Routledge, 1997); Nira Yuval-Davis and Floya Anthias, eds., Woman-Nation-State (London: Sage, 1989); Nira Yuval-Davis, Gender and Nation (London: Sage, 1997). 41. Jill Vickers andMicheline de Sève, "Introduction," Journal of Canadian Studies 35.2 (2000): 7. 42. Jill Vickers, "Feminisms andNationalisms in English Canada," Journal of Canadian Studies 35.2 (2000): 132. 43. Ibid., 138. 44. For asuccinct history of the Ontario Waffle movement see James Laxer, In Search of a New Left: Canadian PoliticsAfter the Neoconservative Assault (Toronto: Viking, 1996), 147-62, and John Bullen, "The Ontario Waffle andthe Struggle for an Independent Socialist Canada: Conflict within the NDP," Canadian Historical Review, 64.2(1983): 188-215. 45. Kenneth McRoberts, Misconceiving Canada: The Struggle for National Unity (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1997), 54. 46. Vickers, 139. 47. Ibid., 140. 48. New Democratic Party, For AnIndependent Socialist Canada: Waffle Manifesto and Some Supporting Resolutions (Kingston: Queen'sUniversity, WD Jordan Special Collections, Lorne Pierce, no date), 3. 49. See, for example, the way Wieland isoften used to stand for apolitical nationalism in exhibitions that promote Canadian cultural nationalism such asPainting in Canada at Expo 67 in 1967 and The Sixties in Canada at the National Gallery of Canada in 2005,and the way her work figures in sections devoted to Canadian art at the Art Gallery of Ontario and the NationalGallery of Canada. See also endnote 13 for the way Wieland's work is used in a similar fashion within thedominant narrative of Canadian art history. 50. In addition to the misspelling, "A" lacks an accent grave, and"impérialisme" lacks an upper case "I." Thanks to Timothy Long, Head Curator at the MacKenzie Art Gallery inRegina, Saskatchewan for taking this quilt out of storage and carefully going over the text for me. 51. JamesLaxer, The Energy Poker Game: The Politics of the Continental Resources Deal (Toronto: New Press, 1970).52. Ibid., 35-42. 53. Joyce Wieland fonds, QASC, 1988-003/003, File 48. 54. Joyce Wieland fonds, CTASC,1999-003/005, File 5. 55. Thanks to Blaine Allan for identifying this song. 56. Thanks to Blaine Allan foridentifying this image as Che Guevara. 57. Joyce Wieland fonds, CTASC, 1994-004/003, File 3. Wieland'sreference to the study on birds refers to her film Birds at Sunrise, (Canada, 1972-86). 58. Ibid. 59. Ibid. 60.

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Pierre Théberge, email to the author, 31 March 2000. 61. Joyce Wieland fonds, CTASC, 1999-003/005, File 5.For another interesting critical discussion of this exhibition see Christine Conley, "True Patriot Love: JoyceWieland's Canada," in Art, Nation and Gender: Ethnic Landscapes, Myths and Mother Figures, Tricia Cusackand Síghle Bhreathnach-Lynch, eds. (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2003), 95-112. 62. Joyce Wieland, True PatriotLove/Véritable amour patriotique, 1. 63. Youngblood, 41, 75-77. AuthorAffiliation KRISTY A. HOLMES-MOSS isa Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Art at Queen's University. She is currently completing her dissertation,Negotiating the Nation: The Work of Joyce Wieland, 1968-1976, which explores both the film and visual art ofJoyce Wieland in relation to the visual culture and political culture of the late 1960s and early 1970s in Canada. Subject: Motion picture directors&producers; Art history; Nationalism; Feminism; Personal profiles Location: Canada People: Wieland, Joyce Publication title: Canadian Journal of Film Studies Volume: 15 Issue: 2 Pages: 20-43 Number of pages: 24 Publication year: 2006 Publication date: Fall 2006 Year: 2006 Publisher: Film Studies Association of Canada Country of publication: Canada Journal subject: Motion Pictures ISSN: 08475911 Source type: Scholarly Journals Language of publication: English Document type: Feature Document feature: Photographs ProQuest document ID: 211524481 Document URL:http://myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/login?url=http://search.proquest.com/docview/211524481?accountid=14771 Copyright: Copyright Film Studies Association of Canada Fall 2006 Last updated: 2010-06-08 Database: CBCA Complete,CBCA Reference&Current Events,ProQuest Research Library

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BibliographyCitation style: APA 6th - American Psychological Association, 6th Edition

Kristy, A. H. (2006). NEGOTIATING THE NATION: "expanding" the work of joyce wieland. Canadian Journal ofFilm Studies, 15(2), 20-43. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/211524481?accountid=14771;http://bf4dv7zn3u.search.serialssolutions.com/?ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&ctx_enc=info:ofi/enc:UTF-8&rfr_id=info:sid/ProQ%3Acbcacurrent&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:journal&rft.genre=article&rft.jtitle=Canadian+Journal+of+Film+Studies&rft.atitle=NEGOTIATING+THE+NATION%3A+%22Expanding%22+the+Work+of+Joyce+Wieland&rft.au=Holmes-Moss%2C+Kristy+A&rft.aulast=Holmes-Moss&rft.aufirst=Kristy&rft.date=2006-10-01&rft.volume=15&rft.issue=2&rft.spage=20&rft.isbn=&rft.btitle=&rft.title=Canadian+Journal+of+Film+Studies&rft.issn=08475911;http://partneraccess.oclc.org/wcpa/servlet/Search?wcapi=1&wcpartner=proquesta&wcautho=100-167-144&wcissn=08475911&wcdoctype=ser

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