Hunters and Herders of Eastern Siberiaarchive.iite.unesco.org/courses/climate_change/en/... · Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North Hunters and Herders of Eastern

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Climate Change Adaptation: Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Inhabiting the Arctic and Far North

Hunters and Herders of Eastern Siberia

Hunters and Herders of Eastern Siberia Geography and Climate ................................................................................................................... 2

The Dolgans: General Information .................................................................................................. 4

The Dolgans: Beliefs and Cultural Traditions ................................................................................. 5

The Dolgans: Traditional Nature Use .............................................................................................. 7

The Evenks. General Information ................................................................................................. 12

The Evenks: Traditional Nature Use ............................................................................................. 12

The Evenks: Worldview and Spiritual Traditions ......................................................................... 21

The Evens. Ethnohistorical Review .............................................................................................. 23

The Evens. Traditional Nature Use ............................................................................................... 24

The Evens vs the Environment and Climate Change .................................................................... 30

The Yukaghirs: Ethnohistorical Review........................................................................................ 44

The Yukaghirs: Traditional Culture in the Late Twentieth Century ............................................. 45

The Yukaghirs: Traditional Nature Use ........................................................................................ 48

The Yukaghirs: Traditional Worldview ........................................................................................ 51

The Yukaghirs: Climate Change and its Impact on Traditional Lifestyle ..................................... 54

The Yakuts: Ethnohistorical Review ............................................................................................. 56

The Yakuts: Traditional Economy and Life Sustenance ............................................................... 56

The Yakuts: Traditional Beliefs about Nature and Humans.......................................................... 60

The Yakuts: Adapting to the Climate Changes ............................................................................. 64

Sources .......................................................................................................................................... 67

About Authors ............................................................................................................................... 69

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Geography and Climate

The territory of the present-day Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) occupies the northeastern part of the Eurasian continent. Its total area, including the adjacent islands in the Arctic Ocean, is 31,032,000 square km. The Republic stretches 2000 km from north to south and 2500 km from west to east. The easternmost point is on the border with the Krasnoyarsk Krai (105° east. long.), the westernmost point is on the border with the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug (165° east. long.), and the southernmost is in the Stanovoy Range (55° 30' north lat.). The northernmost mainland point is at Nordvik Cape (74° north lat.), and the most northern island is Henrietta Island (77° north lat.). More than 40% of the republic’s territory is located above the Arctic Circle.

Yakutia is primarily a mountainous territory. Almost two-thirds of its area is occupied by mountains and plains. Several mountain systems pass through the entire northeastern part of the region, primarily in an east-west direction. These include the Verkhoyansk Range, which serves as the watershed between Lena and Yana Rivers, and Tas-Khayakhtakh Range to the east of Yana River. The Cherskiy Range is the most massive mountain system in northeast Asia. It consists of seven to eight parallel mountain chains stretching for thousands of kilometers. The Cherskiy Range has an almost latitudinal direction and arcs across the upper Indigirka basin. The northwestern part of the region includes the northern edges of the central Siberian plateau, which consists of a system of flat-peaked mountains scattered in different directions. Their average height is approximately five hundred to six hundred meters. The terrain generally slopes from south to the north in the direction of the Laptev and East Siberian Seas. Tundra stretches out for 2000 km along their shores in a thin line a hundred to three hundred kilometers deep.

Central Yakutia (the valleys of Lena, Aldan, and Vilyui Rivers, and the area between the Lena and Aldan Rivers) is characterized by a flat ridge relief around 100–250 m above the sea level. Only at the watershed between the Lena and Vilyui Rivers does their height rise to 300–500 m above the sea level. These special features of the landscape of Central Yakutia were a determining factor in defining the economic use of the territory. The alases – shallow depressions of thermokarst origin that appear under the influence of thawing ice – are widely developed in the area. Indigenous people would build their dwellings primarily at the bottom of an alas, or near the edge of the wood, in places less noticeable and better protected from cold winds.

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The Lena, Kolyma, Indigirka, Yana, Olenek, Olekma, Vilyui, Aldan and other large-volume rivers flow through the territory of the republic. Many of these rivers cross the entire republic carrying their waters in the Arctic Ocean. The basins of the lower and middle Lena, Kolyma, and Indigirka Rivers are dominated by vast North Siberian, Yana-Indigir, and Kolyma plains. There are plenty of lakes that stretch almost non-stop, connected with each other and often connected to the nearest large rivers by small grassy streams. The surfaces of many lakes, such as the Nidzhili, Labynkyr, Ozhogino, Chukochye, Nerpichye lakes, measure up to hundreds of square kilometers. Many lakes are surrounded by good grasslands and hayfields, and their waters are filled with various fish. The lowlands are often covered with the so-called badarans, swamps that stretch for tens of kilometers and are nearly impassable in the summertime.

Almost the entire mainland part of Yakutia is a zone of solid, centuries-old permafrost. This cryolithic zone is 300-400 m thick (up to 1500 m in the Vilyui zone). In certain places the permafrost comes to the surface forming great aufeis, the so-called taryns. The region has a harsh continental climate with a severe winter and a short, warm summer. The snow cover stays from six and a half to nine months every year. The maximum temperature range is more than 100°С. The tundra zone has rather moderate winter temperatures, but the winds can be severe.

There are four landscape zones on the territory of Yakutia. The largest part of the vast territory (almost 80%) is covered with taiga forests; the rest of the territory is occupied by the tundra, forest tundra, and the Arctic deserts.

The territory is dominated by the Dahurian larch (85% of the forest area). Other types of commonly found trees include pine, dwarf pine, fir, and birch.

The fauna is quite diverse, representing practically all types of Arctic and taiga ecosystems. The islands of the Arctic Ocean are home to the walrus, eared seal, seal, and polar bear. The mainland is home to the reindeer, moose (elk), musk deer, bighorn, and wolf. There are many animals with highly valued fur such as the Arctic fox, sable, red fox, squirrel, ermine, etc. Hunting for these animals was always an important part of the life of the indigenous peoples of Yakutia. Fur trade items began to be exported to Russia and beyond its borders in the 1630s. In the pre-Revolutionary period, fur served as a form of taxation, and afterwards became a form of state monopoly. More than fifty species of fish inhabit the numerous bodies of water. Many of these fish, such as the Siberian white salmon, sturgeon, Arctic cisco, broad whitefish, whitefish, vendace, etc. are sought after by

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fishermen. Yakutia is well-known as the nesting place for more than 250 types of bird. To this day, the spring and fall hunting seasons play an important role in the life of indigenous peoples. They hunt for molted birds and upland game: ducks, geese, quails, heather cock, and hazel grouse.

A republican ecological policy has been developed to preserve the flora and fauna of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). The policy established the priorities for nature preservation and the measures aimed at nature conservation as national goals. The establishment of specially-protected national territories, Ytyk Kere Sirder (sacred lands), is the priority for the Government of the Sakha (Yakutia) Republic. These natural reserves are meant to protect the ecosystem from the negative impact of human activity and adverse natural factors. Preservation of the wealth and diversity of flora and fauna would maintain the ecological balance in the areas inhabited by the indigenous peoples of the North.

The Dolgans: General Information

The Dolgans – self-definition Dolgan, Dulgan, and Sakha – are the northernost Turkic-language people comprising several groups of northern Yakuts and Evenk clans, as well as Samoyedic tribes and Russian back settlers. The Dolgans live in the northern part of Krasnoyarsk Krai, in Taimyr (Dolgan-Nenets) District, as well as in Anabarsky District in the north-east of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). The census of 2010 recorded 7885 Dolgans living in the Russian Federation.

History

The Dolgan ethnos was formed in the seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries in the North of Siberia. The first mentioning of the Dolgans was published in the works by the nineteenth century explorers of Siberia, M.A. Kastren and A.F. Middendorf. An important factor in the formation of the new ethnic community was the fact that the Dolgans were Orthodox Christians (at least formally), unlike, for example, their northern neighbors, the Nganasans, who spoke a language that belonged to another language family and whose material and spiritual culture was completely different.

Language

The Dolgan language used to be attributed as a dialect of the Yakut language. Currently it is considered as an independent language close to the Yakut. The Dolgan language belongs to the Turkic group of the Altai language family and

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includes the Norilsk, Pyasinsk, Avamsk, Khatang, and Popigai dialects. The Dolgan writing system is based on the Cyrillic alphabet. It was officially accepted in the late 1970s. At present the educational and methodological literature for teaching the Dolgan language is being developed.

The Dolgans: Beliefs and Cultural Traditions

The Dolgans were considered to be Christians and performed many Orthodox rituals, but at the same time they almost fully retained their old beliefs. Their deities and spirits were divided into three categories. The first group consisted of ichchi, bodiless invisible beings whose souls could take over inanimate objects and animate them. The second group consisted of aiyy, the spirits that helped humans. The third group consisted of the malicious abaasy, spirits that brought sickness and misfortune. Abaasy resided both on earth and in the underworld. They strived to steal human souls, take them underground, and then take over the human body. A person whose body was overtaken by the abaasy fell gravely ill. In that case, the Dolgans believed that only a shaman could help. If the shaman was able to identify which of the evil spirits entered the ill person’s body he could drive them away and cure the person. However, if the shaman failed, the ill person died. The Dolgans also believed in the saitaan. According to their beliefs the saitaan could be an oddly shaped rock or a wild reindeer antler, in other words, any object that the shaman used to plant ichchi, the soul. The saitaans possessed powerful magic and in the eyes of the Dolgans were a kind of an amulet that brought luck in hunting and in everyday activities.

The Dolgans managed to preserve plenty of cultural traditions, which are based on extensive ethnocultural experience that reflects centuries-long ethnic traditions of peoples of the Arctic. Cultural heritage of the Dolgans includes a number of diverse ethnic features of different origin, their combination forms a unique ethnic identity, which distinguishes the Dolgans from their neighbors and other cognate peoples that are of common origin and practice similar economic and cultural activity. Nevertheless, one can trace the relics of the culture of ancient nomads, forest-tundra reindeer herders, in the cultural heritage of the Dolgans.

The Dolgan folklore combines the original Dolgan features with the elements of art of different peoples that became part of the Dolgan ethnos. Thus, Dolgan folklore includes the Yakut olonkho, Evenk legends, Russian tales, etc. The distinctive folklore genres reflect real northern environment and the everyday life of the

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nomads. Most Dolgan songs narrate about different seasons of the year, and the surrounding environment: rivers, mountains, trees, and the tundra. These are improvisation songs. Hunters and reindeer herders would sing them during long journeys. A song could consist of a single phrase, and sometimes the Dolgans vocalized the melody only. Round songs were also popular.

When the long polar night is over, in the end of April or beginning of May the Dolgans celebrate the Festival of the Sun “Big Day” or hana kun, based on the ancient sun-worship rituals, common cultural tradition of northern nomads. During the celebration the Dolgans dance one of the most popular rounds Kheiro around a pole dug into the ground. The dance is not only a tribute to the Sun and reviving nature, it has a special magic and religious meaning, it contributes to absolution and fulfillment of good will.

Olonkho is one of the main Dolgan folklore genres. They distinguished yryalaak olonkho (legends and narration with songs and heroic epos) and hatyy olonkho (usual tale). The traditions of Dolgan olonkho are close in plot, contexture and pictorialism to the northern versions of the Yakut heroic epos. Dolgan story-tellers usually performed olonkho in the evenings after supper. They recited the narrative part of the epos and sang the songs of the heroes. Different songs of different heroes had their own melody. Dolgans respected talented olonkhosuty and considered them as persons selected by kind divine beings and good spirits, aiyy. They believed that the heroes of the story could come into existence, influence the way hunting went and help in the time of sickness and troubles. Therefore, legends and tales were never recited in spring during the arrival of wild geese and wild reindeer migration or the night before hunting because the images called forth by the prophetic word of the narrator could scare off the game. Dolgan shamans used to include story-telling in their rituals.

Musical genres of Dolgan folklore (cradlesongs, lyrical and love songs tuoisuu) have much in common in melody, style and intonation with the song forms of the northern tribes of Yakut reindeer herders.

Myths explained natural phenomena, regulated the rules of behavior and the norms of common law. The Dolgan mythology includes the works that confirm the religious belief about the existence of the three worlds and the different spirits and deities that reside in them. The Dolgans did not have a systemized mythology about the origin or creation of the world or about great gods and their deeds. Their

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myths tell about the instances of contact with the spirits from different worlds and indicate how a person should act in that case.

Tales were the most widespread and persistent genre that has survived to this day. The types of tales were traditional including the tales about animals, magical tales, and everyday life tales. The personages of the animal tales included the bear, wolf, fox, hare, polar owl, and different fish. All of them were anthropomorphized, granted human character traits and speech. Dolgan magical tales borrowed narratives and motives, especially the ones from Russian tales. Everyday life tales are similar to stories of real life events. There are no magical transformations or magical powers, instead they mostly tell about the intelligence, bravery, and perseverance of the main hero.

In older days the Dolgans always gave part of the wild reindeer meat and part of the caught fish to their relatives and neighbors.

In the process of adaptation to the environment the reindeer herders, fishers, and hunters developed a complex of rules and taboos. This allowed them to use natural resources without exhausting them, and without disturbing the stable ecosystem. They subconsciously respected the necessity to protect the surrounding flora and fauna from aimless annihilation. They came up with various restrictions, taboos, and rituals. These beliefs and traditions were preserved in folklore and customs. Next generations learn the traditions from legends and tales. The Dolgans have acquired reindeer herding and other skills of everyday nomadic activities in tundra since their childhood.

The Dolgans: Traditional Nature Use

Traditional Dolgan nature use activities include reindeer herding, hunting wild reindeer and fur animals, and fishing. They practiced a nomadic way of life and did not leave the forest tundra zone. Dolgan reindeer herding combined the traditions of the Tungus riding reindeer herding with skills borrowed from the Samoyedic peoples. For example, the Dolgans use reindeer herding dogs, like the Nenets and the Nganasan, practice reindeer milking characteristic of the Evenks. The reindeer were used for riding and packing (in the summer) and for driving a sled (in winter). The sled types are mainly similar to the Nenets and the Nganasan types, but the Dolgans also used sleds of the Yakut type, with low straight-set stanchions. The Dolgans use the Tungus type of saddles and way of riding. The harness method was different from that of the Nenets. The head reindeer was put into harness and

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controlled by the rein on the right, while the Nenets, Enets, and Nganasan controlled it by the rein on the left.

Dolgan hunting traditions have preserved some archaic forms, dating back to those of ancient indigenous peoples of the North Asia – spearing wild reindeer at river crossing, hunting with the use of a specifically trained luring reindeer, as well as skills borrowed from the Samoyedic peoples – hunting wild reindeer with a leather net. In the past the Dolgan widely used Arctic fox hunting using a line of rat traps. Fishing with a fish net was the most widely spread among other fishing. Set nets were used both in summer and in winter.

The Dolgans hunted Arctic fox, reindeer and birds, such as geese, ducks, and quail. Traditionally the Dolgans hunted wild reindeer using slingshots and bows and arrows. They still use crossbows. At present the use of firearms, originally borrowed from the Russians, is widespread. They used poisoned bullets. The poison was derived from the rancid fat of wild reindeer. Spearing of reindeer during river crossing had a lot of importance. In the summer and the fall hunting dogs were used to track down reindeer. In the fall the Dolgans used a specifically trained luring reindeer during the drive period of the wild reindeer.

In winter the Dolgans hunted wild reindeer by driving them. They used a light-weight sled pulled by four domesticated reindeer and for hours hunted the tracked down herd. In winter the hunters masked the sled with a screen attached to the runners in order to get close to the herd. They moved around using wide Tungus-type skis.

The Dolgans used nets, snares, and traps to hunt water birds. For catching quails they tied a live female quail as bait. For Arctic fox hunting they used traps, or jaws. The Arctic fox was primarily hunted for trading purposes.

Special stand-up nets made of thread or horsehair brought from Yakutia were used in fishing. The Dolgans bought small boats from the Russians and the Yakuts.

Dwellings

The Dolgan traditional nomadic dwelling consisted of a conical Tungus-type tent covered with suede covers (in the summer) and reindeer pelts (in winter). In the old days the Dolgans also set up the golomo and Yakut-type sheds without windows and plank beds, which were later replaced by sledge supported houses and balloks. The household buildings consisted of different types of sheds on high stilts.

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The Dolgan dwelling called ballok was borrowed from the Russian long-term residents of the North. It is a carcass house made of rods set up on sledges. In the right corner from the door there was a kuchigar, a box for firewood lined with tin on the inner side. Next to it there was a small propped up iron stove. Its chimney went through a socket in the roof and stood about half a meter above. It was stopped with a small satchel filled with reindeer fur. The kitchen utensils were placed behind and next to the stove. The washing stand was also placed there, a table and seats were by the window.

The sleeping quarters and the baby crib were across from the kitchen side of the dwelling. In a big ballok sleeping places could also be located on the side of the stove. The people slept on feather beds and thick reindeer pelts. During the day the beds were rolled up against the wall or carried out of the ballok. The pelts were left for sitting. Reindeer herders quickly appreciated the advantages of the ballok. It did not have to be taken apart and put back together again like the tent when travelling with the herd. In the beginning of the last century the indigenous population of the North adapted the ballok to their lifestyle conditions. As its size increased, the way of attaching it to the sleds was changed. Living balloks were ordered from Russian craftsmen.

Traditional Clothes

Dolgan clothing is well adapted to the severe climate conditions of where they live and to their everyday life activities. Leatherworking done by using scrapers (the scraper handles were ornately decorated) and sewing were considered as woman’s responsibility.

The Dolgan traditional clothes have elongated hem on the back. The Dolgans explain that when they sit down on the cold ground this elongated hem serves as an extra mat. The clothes and footwear were sewn using tendon thread. Unlike other peoples of the North the Dolgans had a single-layer outwear. Usually it was sewn during the polar day period. It was a hard exhausting labor that demanded time, patience, zeal, and mastery. The mastery of using the scraper was taught from childhood.

Dolgan women’s clothing was fitted and elongated on the back. The flaps in the front could be pulled together edge-to-edge and buttoned up or tied up with suede ties. The lower part of the flap was flared and had slipped sewn on the sides.

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Dolgan clothes (in particular, female) were decorated with embroidered geometrical ornaments and beads. A distinctive feature of decoration of Dolgan clothes is the use of various materials and different techniques: embroidery by reindeer neck hair, sinew, coloured cotton thread, beads, application by textile, leather patchwork, etc.

Men’s clothing is sewn from long-fur reindeer pelts that were worn on top of an Arctic fox or red fox fur coat. This type of clothes keeps the body warm and is comfortable for working in the tundra. Wide ankle-long shirts, with a hood and flared at the bottom, called sakui are worn on top of the clothes on frosty days during long journeys. Sakui sewn of white close fabric is worn on top of all layers of clothes during snowstorms and on windy days.

The Dolgans had a great variety of headwear and each of them had its own special purpose: they used to wear festive and everyday hats. They had a bonnet-shape form and mainly consisted of four parts: on both sides, back and front, all lined with Arctic fox or hare fur on the inside. The hat closely fit the head protecting the ears and the back of the neck, and was tied in the front with narrow suede ties. The Dolgans had a great variety of headwear and each of them had its own special purpose.

Footwear was sewn out of reindeer fur and also greatly varied. It was divided into everyday short and long footwear, outside footwear, and festive footwear. Men’s and women’s mukluks had vertical panels decorated with colorful beads. The upper part of the mukluks was sewn out of red cloth about twelve to thirteen centimeters wide. It was decorated with rose-shape beadwork that alternated with vertical decorative strips. Usually this type of footwear was sewn out of very dark or white reindeer furs. Fur boots meant for outside wear were padded inside with stockings made of well-shaved adult reindeer skin. Children’s footwear was characterized by the round shape of the nose. These shoes were comfortable to wear and easy to put on. The soles of all footwear were made out of shaved reindeer skin with the fur on the inside. During fall and spring days the Dolgans put dry grass inserts inside the shoes to soak up moisture.

The Dolgans have strongly developed applied arts: beadwork and clothing and footwear ornamentation with reindeer fur and beads. Reindeer, mammoth bone and wood carving (decorating reindeer harness plates, knife handles, etc.), tin and brass incrustation, metal plate print and stamping are widespread. The ornaments evidence the influence of two artistic cultures: Yakut (arc and bow motives, spiral

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and curvilinear patterns) and Tungus (linear and circular ornaments, fork-and cross-shaped patterns) traditions.

Culinary Traditions

Dolgan dishes of reindeer meat and fresh fish seem to be simple and inelaborate, but one should acquire special skills to cook them properly.

Reindeer meat was the most important part of a Dolgan family diet. The meat was mostly boiled, but could also be frozen and smoked. After killing a reindeer the herders like to eat fresh raw meat, liver, and kidneys. Young reindeer antlers seared above the fire are a traditional delicacy. Concentrated meat broth with different added soups, potatoes, cereal, or macaroni is also very popular. Ecologically pure delicacies, such as frozen reindeer liver and marrow, are special northern gourmet items served uncooked.

The fish is used for food by both reindeer herders and village residents. In the fall and in winter the Dolgans prefer slices of frozen fish served cold: Siberian white salmon, white fish, and lake herring. In summer the Dolgans love to eat raw (fresh-caught) fish (sagudai) or pickled fish. Boiled fish is used in food all year round. Preparing and drying fish for future use is still a widespread custom. Dried fish is called yukola and kyardilyak.

Edible plants are also present in Dolgan diet. Wild onion, the roots of certain plants, and berries (cloudberry, blueberry, and red billberry) are all used for food.

Young geese killed in the spring are dried for future use, or boiled.

Dolgan women bake flatbreads and pancakes.

Transportation

Traditionally the Dolgans used reindeer and dog sleds as means of transportation The most universal means were reindeer. In summertime the Dolgans rode with a saddle, and in winter they used reindeer-driven sleds. Since the reindeer herds grazed all year round the Dolgans had to catch for riding the necessary number of reindeer in the herd. Herders and the youngsters caught the reindeer using a special noose called maut. The skill of using the maut had to be learned from childhood. The most valuable maut was long, thin, and firm. Sometimes the Dolgans organized special reindeer drives to catch the animals.

The packing reindeer caravan was organized in a certain order. The leading reindeer was followed by a reindeer with a child cradle, then followed a reindeer

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with bedding and the reindeer with packing sacks and crates. The last reindeer in the caravan dragged the tent beams. In spring the Dolgans travelled with a boat for river crossings.

In winter the Dolgans put harness on the reindeer to drive the sleds. Winter harness consisted of a headstall for the leading reindeer on the right, head ropes for the strapped reindeer, and connecting belts.

The Evenks. General Information

The Evenks are spread across the Russian Federation from west to east on the territory of Tyumen and Tomsk Oblasts; Krasnoyarsk Krai; Irkutsk, Chita, and Amur Oblasts; the Republics of Yakutia and Buryatia; Khabarovsk Krai; and Sakhalin Oblast. According to the population census of 2002, there were 35,527 Evenks living in the Russian Federation. By 2010 their population had increased to 37,843 people. In 2002 18,232 Evenks lived in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) and by 2010 more than 21,000.

The number of those speaking the Evenk language varies among the regions. Amur Oblast and Khabarovsk Krai have a highest percentage of Evenks speaking their native language. In the Evenk Autonomous Region around 50% of Evenks speak the Evenk language compared to 12–15% in Yakutia and Buryatia. All of the Evenks speak Russian as their first or second language, most are bilingual, and some trilingual (Yakut or Buryat language).

In terms of economy the Evenks greatly differ from the other peoples of the North, Siberia, and the Far East. They are predominantly hunters and reindeer herders. Evenk hunters spend half of their lives riding reindeer. The Evenks also had groups that hunted on foot, but in general riding reindeer is universally practiced by this people.

The Evenks: Traditional Nature Use

Hunting

In terms of hunting the territory of Evenk residence can be divided into two large zones. The first, western zone is between Yenisei and Lena Rivers, excluding the mountainous area of the Lena headwaters. There are no areas with peaks higher than the top of the trees. The second zone is located to the east of the Lena River and Lake Baikal. It is a mountainous area interlaced with high peaks. For that

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reason hunting with a bow was prevalent in the west, while in the east hunting was primarily done with crossbows and snares. The region of the Lena headwaters was located between these two zones.

During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the bow was replaced by the gun, and in the regions where the Evenks continued to live near Russian villages, they adapted Russian traps (jawed traps, sable traps, and clamping traps).

The Evenks hunted moose (elk) at the end of winter and the beginning of spring. The rest of the time, they hunted it only occasionally. The hunter would pursue the moose on skis following its tracks. The hunter would run against the wind and shoot from a concealed spot in the bushes. When hunting among the peaks of the Baikal area, the hunters put covers of roe deer skin over their skis so that they would not make noise.

Hunting by tracking and pursuing animals demanded endurance and developed commitment. It often happened that the hunter had to pursue a moose for more than a day. The hunter might fall down from exhaustion, but would not abandon the chase, and after getting some rest, he would continue his pursuit.

In the autumn hunting season the moose (elk) would usually be pursued by a dog. After finding a fresh set of tracks, the hunter would let the dog off the leash. It would chase down the animal and try to keep it at bay until the hunter arrived.

In some regions, hunters used boats to hunt the moose in summer. At night the hunter waited for the moose to come down to the river, and then he carefully made his way against the wind among the thickets rowing with two small oars. When the animal came to the river bank, the hunter would spear or shoot it. This type of hunting required particular cunning, observation, and skill.

In the fall the Evenks of the upper Lena hunted moose at the river crossings, when the animals were moving into the areas that would get less snow in winter. The Evenks would set up an ambush in the nearby bushes and shoot the animals swimming across the river and coming onto the shore. The Olyokminsk Evenks set up crossbows in the fences used for driving moose during hunting. The Evenks of the upper Lena would sometimes team up with Russians to cut down the fence in certain places, then dig holes there, reinforce the sides with poles, cover the openings with mats, and then camouflage them with fir needles and branches.

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The Evenks hunted wild reindeer in spring and in the fall, and used the same concealment and pursuit tactics as for the moose. In the Vilyui River area and in the tundra the Evenks waited for the herds at river crossings.

In the forest tundra zone, in the areas of the upper Vilyui and Olenek Rivers, and also in the areas of the middle Aldan River tributaries, certain Evenks hunted using a specially trained decoy reindeer ondodo. Staying downwind, the hunter released the decoy reindeer on a long strap, moving behind it until he could approach and kill the wild reindeer. In the fall, during the driving period, the decoy reindeer was released to join the wild reindeer. While the reindeer were fighting, the wild reindeer would pay no attention to the hunter.

Reindeer Herding

In the taiga zone of southern Yakutia, where most of the Evenks in this republic live, reindeer herding primarily supports transportation. Reindeer are used for riding, packing, and for pulling sleds, as well as for milking.

In Evenkia, Buryatia, the southern part of Yakutia, Khabarovsk Krai, and Amur, Chita, and Sakhalin Oblasts, people raise the Evenk breed of reindeer. The Evenk reindeer have long legs and are surprisingly tall. The weight of grown males is 135-168 kg, and the weight of the females is 108-120 kg.

The reindeer were mostly kept in small herds and were permitted to graze freely. After the winter hunting season had ended, several families would usually join up and move to places convenient for reindeer calving. Herding reindeer in common continued throughout the summer. In winter the reindeer usually grazed by the camps of the hunter families. Every time the family moved, they would take different routes. In the summer they would travel along the drainage divides and in winter along the rivers. Permanent pathways led only to trading posts.

The Evenks are true nomads. Added together, the length of all the moves made by hunters and reindeer herders in a single year could reach hundreds of kilometers. Certain families covered distances that measured up to a thousand kilometers.

Fishing

The rivers of southern Yakutia thaw in the beginning of May. After the floating ice has gone from the taiga streams, fish begin to go upriver to their spawning places. The names of the rivers and streams reveal a lot about what kinds of fish live in a certain area. For instance, the names of the Olyokma River's tributaries mean the

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following: Khatystyr – sturgeon, Nirechan – grayling, and Jalinda – taimen. The name Olyokma came from the Evenk word ollo, which means “fish”.

The Evenks count taimen as one of the cult fish. In Evenk mythology this fish is believed to carry the soul of the shaman in the water world. It is prohibited to eat the head of the taimen nor can it be fed to dogs. The head of the shaman fish is dried and hung on a tree as a talisman against evil spirits.

Fishing tools such as bone hooks and harpoon heads have been used in the North since the Paleolithic times (20,000-25,000 years ago). They are divided up into the simple tools (spears, fish nets, drag-nets, etc.), hooks, nets, and traps.

The spear is a striking or throwing tool with a shaft-hole head that has from one to six barbs. There were two types of spears: the throwing spear with a detachable head and the striking spear with a head tightly secured to the shaft. The detachable spearhead was set on the shaft. As soon as the head pierced the fish, it came off the shaft, which then served as a float. The spear with a fixed head was used to kill small, common fish.

Lighting the fish, that is, fishing with a torch and a spear, was also fairly common. A burning bundle of birch bark or kindling wood was attached to the nose of a boat going downstream in the dark. The light attracted the fish, which were then killed with the spear. The same method was used in winter for ice hole fishing when the fish would come to the ice hole for air.

The Evenks, Nanai, Ulchi, Nivkh, and other peoples caught fish from a boat or river bank using a marik, a hook tied or set into a special groove in a pole, up to as much as six meters in length. A thong attached to the end of the hook was also tied to the shaft. When the hook pierced the fish, it came out of the shaft and the fish hung on the thong. The Evenks also used a marik with a non-detachable hook.

Means of Transportation

The Evenks used hunting skis without reindeer skins (kingne, or kigle) for moving across icy crusted snow and skis with reindeer skin glued on the undersides suksilla for moving in deep snow. The latter were thin, human-height, fir boards around 35 cm wide, curved in the middle, with sharp, upward-curving ends. The area for the foot had glued-on birch bark and was equipped with straps for the leg. In order to prevent making any noise, some Evenks put a cover made of dog, wolf, or wolverine pelt on their skis. The Evenks moved on skis without the use of ski poles or used only a single pole sevgure. The poles were used not for pushing off,

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but mostly for grabbing onto tree trunks when climbing upwards and for slowing down during descent. For this purpose there was a metal hook on the upper end of the pole.

The Evenks had several types of boats. The most widely distributed boats of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries were canoes of several constructions. They were used for hunting reindeer, moose (elk), and water birds, for fishing, and for individual travel. For crossing the rivers, in addition to boats, the Evenks also used rafts temu. At the end of the nineteenth century the Evenks also used a certain kind of leather boat mereke.

Reindeer herding Vitimo-Olyokminsky and Dzhugzhur Orochon Evenks used the reindeer for riding even during hunting. This mobility allowed them to travel long distances.

Dwellings, Buildings, and Housewares

A conical tent served as the traditional Evenk dwelling and was called dyu, or dyug. The Evenks left a hole at the top of the tent for smoke and light to pass through. The tent covers, the nyuks, were different depending on the season. In wintertime they were made with several layers of planks, felt, earth, animal or reindeer skins. In the summer, they used reindeer skins or birch bark. In winter the bottom hem of the tent was held closed with snow or pine branches. In the summer the bottom was opened for airing. The entrance to the tent was low (so that the heat would not escape) and closed with a piece of animal skin or birch bark. Near the entrance there was a place called chona for household items, and the place of the head of the household right next to it. The Evenks kept all their belongings in special packing bags on wooden platforms near the tent. The hearth for lighting and warming the tent was located in its center. In the summer it was not used for cooking, as the Evenks would start another hearth outside near the tent. The hearth of the tent was considered sacred. To the right and to the left were places for family members be. Opposite the entrance was the honorary place for guests, malu.

The dwellings of those Evenks who raised horses and cattle were similar to the Russian cabins, but were lower, though in many ways they resembled Russian household buildings. Many Evenk horse breeders lived in Mongol-type tents. The temporary camps of Evenk reindeer herders were called urikit, and the permanent camps (mostly winter camps) on river banks were called meneyen. Winter camps consisted of one or two tents, but summer camps could include up to ten tents, and on the festival days even more. In the eighteenth century certain Evenks began to

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abandon their reindeer and settled down near Russian, Yakut, and Buryat villages to practice small handicrafts. Some of them lived in a conical dwelling called golono (gloom). It was made out of timbers cut from split tree trunks. The interior of the golono dwelling was no different from the interior of the dyu tent.

Housewares and dishware (spoons, cups, vessels for water and milk, baskets for handicrafts, baby cradles, and packing bags) were made out of wood and birch bark. The handicraft baskets were decorated with beads.

Evenk blacksmiths made various small objects such as knives, spear heads, jewelry, etc. The main methods of ironwork included casting, pressing, engraving, and forging. They would buy or trade cauldrons for making food from the Russians in exchange for fur.

The women engaged in leatherwork and sewed clothes, sleeping bags, blankets, tent covers, and fur kumalan mats. All that work was done by hand.

The women decorated household items made of skin, fur, and cloth, while the men engraved objects made of wood and bone. There were no master craftsmen, though certain craftswomen were highly respected by their relatives. The Evenks created wonderful and colorful ornamental designs that could be put on different objects such as dishware, clothes, and other household items. Colored thread, silk, and beaded threads were widely used by the Evenks from the time of the arrival of the Russian population.

Traditional Cuisine

The main food of the Evenks in all regions was the meat of moose (elk) and northern reindeer, upland game and water birds. In the summer, surplus meat was dried in the sun or over the fire on special fixtures. The blood and intestines of reindeer and moose were used to make sausages. Reindeer brains fried on a special roasting plate in the form of a basket were considered a delicacy. The Evenks preferred to eat raw bone marrow, kidneys, and tendons from the marrowbone.

Fish dishes were cooked almost the same way as the meat dishes. The fish was boiled, fried, dried, and later even salted. The northern Evenks ate raw frozen fish. In the summer they also drank reindeer milk.

Due to their nomadic lifestyle the Evenks did not prepare supplies for long-term use. For this reason they never hunted or fished for more game than they needed for food for a short period.

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They usually drank boiled hot water. Only hunters would drink cold water when they were parched from pursuing an animal.

They ate regularly four times a day with precise time intervals in-between. The first two meals were light, while the other two were more substantial. This regularity in eating was broken only when traveling and hunting. Formerly, the Evenks would eat by the fire. Later this custom was preserved only as part of a ritual. Before eating the Evenks would drink tea or boiled water with a tea substitute. Anyone who arrived at the start of the meal could participate in it equally with the hosts.

Variety in food was determined by the seasons. In spring, April and May, the Evenks would mostly eat meat of hoofed animals, alternating with a small amount of upland game. In May and June they would sometimes get fish, and beginning in the second half of July the meat or fish diet would be supplemented with fresh berries. In September the amount of meat increased and was supplemented with pine nuts. In October and November the main dish was upland game, alternating with the meat of hoofed animals and bears, and sometimes fish. Only in December and January did the Evenks use their supplies of dried meat and fish as the main dish.

All Evenks preferred the meat of wild rather than domestic reindeer. They would never eat wolf meat, nor the meat of fur animals, loons, herons, and storks. They also would not eat dog meat.

Transbaikal hunters and cattle breeders added dairy products to meat and fish. Sedentary Evenk fishermen mostly ate various types of fish, while the Okhotsk Evenks also added seal meat and fat to their diet.

From the time of their acquaintance with the Russians, aside from tea, the Evenks also began to add bread in form of flatbread and baked round loaves.

The observations of researchers from the expeditions in the 1920s reveal a lot about the role of meat in the Evenk diet: instead of a greeting, “Hello”, one would ask: “What did you eat?”, “What did you kill?” And any Evenk would answer the question of “What did you eat?” not with the word “meat”, but with the name of the body part of the animal he ate.

For all Evenks the main methods for cooking meat were boiling in water without any seasoning and with very little salt, or frying it without salt on a skewer called silavun (the rod also gave the name to the fried meat pieces silan. The brain, the

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meat from under the tendons or from the back sides, the tongue, and the kidneys were considered to be delicacies. The tongues, if there were several of them, were smoked in advance.

Reindeer milk was usually put into tea, and also used to put into flour porridge and mashed berries. If there was a lot of milk, the Evenks would put a jug of milk into a kettle of boiling water and boil it. Thickened milk was eaten with bread.

Sedentary Evenk hunters ate eared seal meat boiled and fried. A portion of the eared seals that were killed was frozen. Eared seal fat was used as flavoring, and sometimes it was mixed with mossberries. Fish, like meat, was eaten boiled or fried on a rod. Frozen fish (tala) was usually eaten before tea, cutting it along the spine. Fish roe was eaten boiled or frozen.

The Evenks would also prepare fish for future use. Dry flat breads (kanna) were made by mixing roe, milt, and pieces of meat and then attaching this to a board, where it was fried by the fire, and then dried up under the sun. Sulta is boiled fish ground with raw roe into porridge and dried under the sun. Nyak is sun-cured Pacific salmon. Kololi is fish roe sun-dried and cured over the fire in the tent. Khachibas is sun-cured Pacific salmon to feed the dogs.

Vegetable food was characteristic of the spring and summer seasons. In the spring they collected birch juice. All berries (bog bilberry, blueberry, cloudberry, etc.) were eaten raw with tea. If there was enough reindeer milk, the Evenks would treat themselves to menin, milk poured over mashed bog bilberries. The first pine nuts were eaten with the shell. Sometimes the Evenks would bake them in the ashes, pound them into meal, and then pour boiling water over the nut meal to make porridge.

The Evenks living near the Yakuts would eat larch sap (charа). It was cut into small pieces and boiled in a soup made from bone.

The Evenks learned about grain and flour before they came into contact with the Russians, which is evident from their Evenk names, burduk and talgan. In the old days the flour was used only to make pottage or to fry it with fat. Evenks learned to make bread from the Russians and would make just enough bread for one day. Only for the hunters that had to go taiga for several days would Evenks make more bread. If the hunters took a woman with them, then they would also take enough flour for her to make fresh bread every day at the camp.

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Seven, tekemin was a ritual dish. It was made of well chopped up bear meat boiled and mixed with boiled fat, and was eaten no more than two or three spoons at a time.

The Evenks would use bars of tea. They would drink several cups of tea without sugar before food. Northern and Transbaikal Evenks drank tea with salt. In winter places with no fresh water, the Evenks broke ice and put it by the entrance of the tent in a chuman. When traveling or hunting, they would also melt snow in a cauldron or a kettle. If no tea was available, they would use dry red bilberry leaves, briar fruit, or pigweed leaves.

Clothing

The most widespread traditional outerwear for the Evenks of Yakutia, both men and women, was the parka, a short, fitted coat with straight tie-up flaps, made of reindeer pelts. The collar of the parka was either cut round or sewn-on. Evenk attire also included a belt and gloves. A cap served as the main headgear and was worn either separately or sewn onto the parka. Fur was widely used for hems on outerwear.

After coming into contact with the Russians, the Evenks began to sew trousers and shirts out of cloth and suede. Before that the Evenks would put a parka on with nothing underneath and used short pants and leggings of fur instead of trousers. The appearance of cloth promoted an abundance of color in the Evenk clothing. The reindeer parka was gradually replaced by a homespun coat. Its cut was borrowed from the Russian peasant clothing. The homespun coat was accompanied by fur footwear made of reindeer skin.

Mukluk footwear made of reindeer skin were, and still are, an extremely rational and comfortable piece of footwear. Even though this type of footwear quickly wore out and had to be replaced with a new pair, it still combines the practical with the beautiful. A skillful craftswoman could give a slender and elegant form to the mukluks she made. On both of its sides were two symmetrical, vertical beaded inserts connected with a beaded strip across the front below the knees. At the top, the mukluks were decorated with a wide ornate edge that consisted of dark and light squares of edge-sewn fur mosaic. Later this was replaced with a cloth or velvet border with arched or striped design beaded embroidery.

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The Evenks: Worldview and Spiritual Traditions

Although most Evenks today are no longer nomads in the classical sense of the term, they still adhere to the traditional worldview and rituals. Traditional ritual practice is most fully retained by Evenk reindeer herders and hunters, although the Evenks living in the cities still retain some of the ancient ritual traditions as well.

The most popular rituals are the ones covered by the Evenk term Imty: every hunter, fisherman, and most men and women perform the “feeding of fire” at the most important moments of their lives. The Evenks believe that through fire a human can address different spirits and deities. They feed the fire and ask for luck in hunting and fishing, in family affairs, and during festivities.

It is characteristic of the Evenk ritual folklore to address the spirits and to make requests in a quiet hardly audible voice, or as Evenks say, to “say inside oneself” (men dyaldui), that is, to say something in one’s mind rather than out loud. The custom stems from the belief that the master spirit of the taiga likes silence and has good hearing.

Below we provide a short description of the most popular collective rituals tied to the most important Evenk event, the Bakaldyn (or Ikenipke) Festival. In modern interpretation, it is the New Year celebration. In the past the rituals described below were successive component actions of a single, whole shamanic ritual, Singelavun, for procuring hunter’s luck. Here they are described in the order in which present-day Evenks perform them during the Bakaldyn Festival.

Chichipkavun, Cleansing Ritual, is meant to rid Evenk people of the accumulated problems and misfortunes that have accompanied them in the course of the past year. The Chichipkavun Ritual is conducted in the following manner. A Chichipkan idol is made of larch tree. Then a bonfire is started next to it. Two people (usually older people) cleanse every participant of the ritual with ledum smoke and then let them pass “through” Chichipkan. After the last participant has finished the ritual, the idol is put on the ground, its legs tied with a rope, and then it is placed on a special platform. In certain cases (when the ritual is performed to heal someone), the idol is completely burned.

Imty is the ritual of “Feeding the Fire”. The fire is fed on many occasions, almost daily, because the whole life of the Evenk depends on fire. During the Bakaldyn, the Imty ritual is entrusted to someone from the older generation. That person feeds the fire with greasy food and addresses the spirit of that particular area asking that the Evenks be provided with luck and good lives. This ritual is often combined

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with the symbolic feeding of Sevek-Mo, a sacred tree of the Evenk that symbolizes the Universe of three-layered worlds. The celebration is usually conducted on the bank of a river, and, after Imty is completed, the participants address the spirit of the river, treat it to food, and ask it for prosperity.

Elluvka is a ritual of inclusion into the clan (family) fire circle. In the old days this ritual was used only with newborn children. In this way the new family member was introduced to the grandmother spirit of the fire, Enyekan Togo. The forehead of the newborn was rubbed with soot from the hearth and was accompanied by a phrase that went along of: “Here’s our new person, accept him/her as a blood relative, as ours”. At present this ritual is often performed during the Bakaldyn celebration and any child participant of the celebration can be included into the fire circle. It is a very meaningful ritual. From an early age the child has to feel as part of its people.

The Ulganni ritual is next in popularity for the Evenks. When they perform it during Bakaldyn, they tie strips of cloth to a chosen tree and address Aiikhit Eni, who, according to the Evenk worldview, is the highest deity and who gives souls to humans, animals, and everything that lives on Earth.

Singkelevun is a ritual for procuring hunter’s luck (from the Evenk word singken meaning luck or fortune) and is one of the most ancient hunting rituals for all Evenk groups. In the old days this ritual was an eight-day shamanic ritual, “the magic hunt” for the soul of the moose (elk). At present the ritual is performed by hunters without a shaman, but with the same goal of procuring hunter’s luck (the soul of the moose). The hunters make an moose figurine (less commonly they make a figurine of a wild reindeer) from willow rods and place it on the edge of the ritual area. Then hunters equipped with bows and arrows imitate the process of the hunt. They find the moose tracks, use them to find the moose, and then shoot it. The best conclusion of the “hunt” is for the arrow to pierce the moose and make it fall down (to make sure this happens, the hunters tie a rope or a maut, a lasso, to the figurine with which they pull down the figurine when the arrow pierces it). Afterwards the “moose” is cut open and placed on a platform. It is believed that in this way the hunter’s luck is procured.

The ritual part of the celebration is concluded with Evenk round dances, because in Evenk culture round dance songs still have a sacral meaning tied to the ritual practice.

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The Evens. Ethnohistorical Review

The Evens – self-designation yvyn, eben, evun – are one of the native ethnic minorities of the Far East and East Siberia. The Even language belongs to the Manchu-Tungus group of the Altaic language family. According to the All-Russia Population Census of 2010, 31730 Evens lived in the Russian Federation. Today they mainly live in the Sakha (Yakutia) Republic, Magadan Oblast, Kamchatka and Khabarovsk Krais. Traditionally the Evens were involved in one of the three types of economic activities: taiga reindeer herding, combined taiga and coastal type (hunting, fishing and reindeer herding were of equal importance), and coastal fishing and hunting. Almost 70% of the Evens practiced the combined taiga-coastal type and migrated for more than a thousand kilometers in spring from continental taiga to the coast of the Sea of Okhotsk and in autumn – back.

Beliefs, Rituals, and Customs

The model of the world within the religious and mythological beliefs of the Evens followed the general traditional pattern of the Tungusic peoples of Siberia. The Universe Neelbeen was divided into upper, middle and lower spheres (worlds). The Middle World, the world of the living people, animals, birds, and plants, was believed to have one level. The Lower World (the world of the dead) and the Upper World (the world of the gods) were believed to be multi-level. According to the Even beliefs, the Middle World was inhabited by spirits. These included the spirits of the earth, the spirit of water, the spirit of fire, and countless spirits of the forest, local areas, mountains and mountain passes, rivers, lakes, rocks, objects, and things. The Lower World Buni was inhabited by evil spirits arinkil and ibdiril who brought misfortune and various illnesses. The Upper World was inhabited by the Supreme Deities. It was the country of heavenly residents, such as the gods of the sun, the moon, lightning, and thunder. The Supreme Deity Seveki was believed to be an old man who gave life to all people, animals, and plants, and was the main keeper of the threads of human lives (fates).

The Moon Ilan and the Sun Neltin also hold a special place in the belief system of the Evens. They believed that the Moon originated from flint and was female, while the Sun originated from tinder and was male. A ritual dedicated to worshipping the Moon and the Sun was accompanied by a ritual dance. In many Even myths, the male and the female principles appear as equivalent opposites. The sky, the earth, and the people are born from their union. According to Even mythology, the Sky Nyanin and the Earth Teer are two major bodies responsible

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for the creation of the world, producing and maintaining the life on the earth. The sky embodies the male principle (father), and Earth embodies the female principle (mother).

The Sacred Reindeer Kudai

The Evens called reindeer, their main fortune, nolten orolni (sunny) and reindeer fawns were called “the children of the sun”. The Even tradition considers the reindeer as a sacred animal sent by the gods. The reindeer accompany humans not only in their life on earth, but also in the heavens, which can reached only riding a reindeer. From olden times the Evens esteemed the kudai reindeer as a protector of an individual and the whole family, and even the whole clan.

The kudai was chosen with great care from among many reindeer by experienced herders, the elders or the fathers, in the old days the kudai could only be chosen by the shamans. Only a reindeer with a heavenly mark (a white or spotted reindeer with a tuft of hair called tigok sometimes found underneath the skin on the neck) could be selected as a kudai.

Traditional Calendar

The traditional calendar of the Evens keeps track of the months according to human body parts, which was characteristic not only for the Evens, but also for other peoples of Siberia and Central Asia. The Evens divide the year into thirteen lunar months and count them according to the head and the arms. The beginning of the year is the top of the head, the left shoulder is the next month (the year is counted coming down the body from the head), and the last month is the right shoulder (after making a circle around the body the year has come back up). The hunting and reindeer herding calendar of the Evens has been strongly influenced by the generally accepted modern calendar. However, the archaic calendar is still used by the elders in reindeer herding.

The Evens. Traditional Nature Use

Hunting, reindeer herding, and fishing were the bases of the complex nomadic economy of the Evens. The area of reindeer herding used by different clans occupied a vast territory from the lower Vilyui River to the Indigirka River, and from the lower Aldan River to the Sea of Okhotsk.

The hunting for wild animals (reindeer, elk, mountain sheep, musk deer) and birds (great groose, partridge, goose, duck) used to be the best way to meet the

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subsistence demands of the Evens. Hunting for bear, wolf, eagle, swan, and some other birds was allowed but it was regulated by special rules and was accompanied by appropriate rituals. Hunting for fur animals was also practiced.

Reindeer herding (originally reindeer were mainly used for transportation) has become an important form of nature use, which formed special nomadic lifestyle and distinctive culture of the Evens.

Semi-sedentary fishermen comprise around 5% of the Evens. They spent most of their time on the coast of the Sea of Okhotsk fishing and hunting sea mammals. Only in winter did they go to the taiga to hunt, and as a rule they did not go far from their permanent place of residence.

In the past the gathering of the wild harvest took a special place in the nomadic life of the Evens. In spring the Evens gathered roots and used them for food and as medicine. They also used to eat Dahurian larch sap wood. In July-August black currant, heathberry, red bilberry, and igelte berries ripened, and they would be gathered in warm weather, when it was dry and easy all around. In the fall they gathered pine nuts. The nuts they gather are from the dwarf Siberian pine bolgit. The Evens could identify squirrel habitat by how well the nuts grew and ripened, and there they would hunt squirrels in winter. Gathering was secondary type of nature use activity.

The Evens did not strive to preserve berries, nuts, and edible roots for winter. Everything that was gathered was eaten fresh.

Reindeer Herding: Riding and Pack Animals

The thick forests and the rough northeastern taiga made it difficult and sometimes impossible to use reindeer sleds. For this reason the Evens, who originally inhabited the taiga zone, used reindeer as a riding and packing animal. Riding and packing reindeer were used all year round, especially during summer travelling.

The Evens divided reindeer oralbu into two groups, one for packing inuche and the other for riding uchak. The strongest and toughest, yet calm and unafraid, castrated males and sterile females were specifically trained for carrying cargo in. That kind of reindeer could carry twenty-five to thirty kilograms. Not every reindeer could be used for riding. The Evens also chose the largest and strongest animals for riding and highly valued them. Pack animals were trained from the age of two, and riding animals were trained from the age of four or five.

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Narrow taiga trails taught the reindeer to go in a line and follow one another. The reins from the head of each following reindeer were tied to the saddle of the one in front. For this purpose special horn or bone plates were attached to the rear pommels of the cargo saddles. This way the Evens could build a long caravan stretching for hundreds of meters, or even for almost a kilometer if the family was large or wealthy. Summer trails usually followed along the watersheds, and winter trails along the rivers, or treeless areas “tundras”. The order in which the caravan traveled when moving camp was strictly regulated and had different features in each season. In the summer the herd was moved first, making several rest stops. An hour or two after that, the riders would follow in the same direction with the caravans of pack reindeer, but using different roads.

Reindeer Herding: Sledding

Winter sled transportation was most convenient and economical in open spaces. It was used primarily in the tundra and forest tundra. Its advantages were evident. The usual weight of a sack is 20-40 kg, but a sled can carry 100-160 kg. Packing reindeer move at the speed of three to four km per hour, while the sled reindeer move at the speed of twelve to thirteen km per hour. The sleds turku are mostly made out of larch, fir, and birch.

Nomadic lifestyle demands an especially strict order of cargo placement. For this reason the Evens place parts of the tent, housewares and various items on separate sleds that are divided into light sleds and cargo sleds in accordance with their role for travelling.

For moving from one place to another the caravan is made up of five or six (rarely more) sleds. The reindeer pulling the cargo sleds are tied with a strap to the back of the sled in front of them. The first cargo sled is tied to the light sled leading the caravan. Usually the women lead these groups of sleds, while the whole caravan is led by a man riding at the very front in a light sled. Cargo sleds in the caravan are placed in a particular order. The sleds in the front carry soft cargo, the middle sleds carry boxes, boards, etc., and the sleds carrying tent poles follow in the back.

Sledge-Dog Breeding and Horse Husbandry

In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, cattle-breeding began to spread in the northeastern and southwestern borderlands of Yakutia. At the same time there was also a gradual reduction in “meat and fur animals” due to unregulated hunting, which led to a decrease in hunting and reindeer herding among the local people.

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These economic conditions forced a part of the Tungus people to turn to cattle-breeding and horse husbandry. In the nineteenth century horse husbandry practically did not develop and by the end of the century there were about 115–130 thousand horses left. The number of horses raised by the Evens began to decrease in early twentieth century due to an epidemic among the animals. By the beginning of 1930s, wealthy Even reindeer herders still raised horses and let them graze all year round. In winter they were kept separately from the reindeer, and in the summer horses and reindeer were herded together.

According to popular belief the ancestors of the Evens were not acquainted with this type of transportation. They adapted it from the northern indigenous people of the Arctic Ocean coast much later, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Dogs became the main transportation animals for those Evens who practiced fishing and resided along large rivers and on the coast of the northern seas, because fishing and sea mammal hunting could also provide food for the dogs as well as humans.

Settlements and Dwellings

By the beginning of the twentieth century, the Evens had three types of settlements: reindeer herders and hunters camps, sedentary Even settlements, and hunters’ lodges.

The camps, small temporary settlements, were usually located along reindeer herding routes. Two or three families would live there, and most often they were related to each other. The camps became crowded only in spring (when there could be up to twenty tents), and even more people would gather together for festivals, communal meetings, and meetings with relatives.

The settlements of sedentary Evens and hunters’ lodges were concentrated on the coast of the Sea of Okhotsk and Anadyr River basin, places good for fishing or hunting sea mammals, and also near already existing residential localities. In time, some of them became large settlements.

Traditional dwellings of nomadic Evens are called ilumu and chorama-dyu; both are types of mobile tents. An ilumu is a conical pole construction, and chorama-dyu is a cylindrical-conical dwelling.

The form of dwelling most widespread over the entire Even territory was the conical tent because it was more compact than chorama-dyu. Birch bark tents became rare by the 1930s due to the difficulty of making birch bark covers. Suede

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tents remained popular for much longer. At present the tents, which are used for smoking meat and hides, are covered with canvas tarpaulin.

Chorama-dyu were also an essential element of Even settlements, especially in the northern treeless areas of Yakutia. To this day this type of tent is used by the tundra reindeer herders of northeastern Yakutia, because they protect against the strong winds that prevail on the coast of the Arctic Ocean in winter.

Food

Meat and fish took an extremely important place in the Even diet in the past. Domesticated reindeer were seldom used for food. The Evens to this day prefer the meat of the game and use every part of the animal for food. Meat is usually consumed boiled. They enjoy warm brain and marrow of recently killed reindeer and antler as a delicacy. The Even favourite dishes are uncooked kidney bosta, liver khakan, eyes yasal, lights evto, throat kapka and the cartilage nosma.

From the seventeenth century and up to the beginning of the twentieth, almost all Even groups practiced milking the does of domesticated reindeer. They drank tea with reindeer milk, and even used the milk to make butter, kyerchekh sour cream, and buttermilk. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, trade between Russians and Yakuts brought flour, grain, salt, tea, sugar, tobacco, and vodka to the Evens.

Housewares and Crafts

One of the main economic activities that formed the lifestyle and material culture of the Evens was making housewares and hunting gear. At the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries, the Evens used dishware made of wood and birch bark. Sometimes they used copper or cast-iron cauldrons and copper teakettles that they got from the neighboring peoples.

The Evens often used reindeer and ram horns in making housewares. They made spoons, ladles, and dippers out of ram's horns. These spoons could be used for a very long time. They also used hooks for hanging dishware and cradles made of the horns of domesticated and wild animals. The women sewed various bags and sacks out of suede, reindeer skin, bird feet, fish skin, and bought materials for storing fur clothing, pieces of fur, pelts, wood shavings, etc.

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Clothing

Even outerwear was divided according to its role into everyday wear, hunting and travelling wear, festive wear, and ritual wear. The main materials for making clothes were fur and suede. Both men's and women's outerwear consisted of button-down caftans tied at the top with two or three suede thongs. Under the caftan they would wear a jacket. The complete costume also included hip covers, leg and knee covers, boots, hats, and gloves, or mittens. The outerwear had the same cut and structure for both genders; the difference was only in the ornamentation.

Means of Transportation

In the past, herding domestic reindeer was secondary, as they were only used for transportation among the Evens. The ways and means of transportation of the Evens were suited for constant travel all year round. Originally they used the reindeer for riding. Their gradual colonization of the forest tundra and tundra regions brought them into contact with the Chukchi and the Koryaks in the east and the Samoyedic peoples in the west. This led to the adoption and spread of reindeer sled transportation. This type of transportation began to spread among the Evens in the second half of the nineteenth century.

Skis

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, almost all groups of Evens and Evenks used hunting skis. The Evens had two types of skis, the non-sliding, unlined hunting skis called kaisar, and sliding, lined skis called meringte. The skis should be lightweight, flexible, and sturdy, go smoothly, and slide well. For this reason their length, thickness and width had to be measured exactly. A certain measuring system was developed for that purpose. The standard length was calculated based on the height of the future owner, and the width in the middle part of the skis was measured by two distances between the outstretched thumb and index finger (30 to 40 cm). The ends of the ski were tapered a little (to 27 cm), and sometimes the back end was made more narrow than the front. It was difficult to get a board of a right thickness, which is important for the flexibility of the skis. The thickness could not exceed four or five mm. Only the support area for the foot was made thicker.

Apart from winter skis lined with reindeer hides, the Evens, like other taiga hunters, use another type of skis. Unlike the lined skis, these are more varied in

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size and especially in shape. The shape sometimes was similar to that of the lined skis. Unlined skis are primarily used in the spring on the ice crust, when moving on lined skis in the forest becomes difficult. The method of making the skis is the same as making meringte skis, but unlined skis are more crudely made and are not curved. Since they had no curve, their thickness did not play a big role like it did for the meringte, and they could be used without any lining. The front end of these skis is only slightly tapered.

Waterborne Means of Transportation

Waterborne means of transportation were used primarily by sedentary Evens who lived along the sea coast and large rivers. They often bought a boat from the neighboring peoples. They could get them from the neighboring peoples.

The Evens used three types of boats: dug-out, framed, and planked.

A dugout canoe was indispensable in taiga. It was used to set and check fishing nets and to hunt water birds. It was also used for hunting wild reindeer by driving them into the water. The canoe was fast and easy to maneuver, and could pass through shallow rivers and streams and overcome rifts.

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, several groups of Evens also used framed birch bark boats characteristic of the taiga culture of the Tungusic peoples – the Evenks, Nanai, Ulch, and the Negidal. Birch bark boats were made in areas rich with birch trees.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, aside from dug-out canoes and birch bark boats, the Evens began to use plank boats that were widespread in the northern zone of Yakutia. The plank boat had a flat bottom and was made from three or four planks. Flat-bottom boats belonged only to those Evens who led a sedentary life and regularly engaged in fishing in the summer.

The Evens vs the Environment and Climate Change

… For thousands of years My people has travelled across the lands, Across the times, and their fate, Along with others, has entered the twenty first century,

Retaining its customs, And thus retaining itself.

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The ancient unwritten code of laws The Evens honor and breathe, Just as their ancestor did, Now their descendants do, For this is the air of their life…

At times even the mighty mountain, That has born the weight of the skies from times long past, Gets tired of withstanding the elements And begins to crumble, And disappear under the cover of the thunderclouds, As if it wasn’t there at all.

I wonder if my people Has hope for the future or not? The distant centuries whence my people came Are now hidden by the mists of time. The oncoming century will pass by like a comet, And what will become of the Evens then? Will their ancient language disappear, Will their tales be forgotten, Will the sound of their incantations, Legends, and song, and children’s laughter fade away?

Andrei Krivoshapkin, National Writer of Yakutia

The Evens have a special intimate relationship with nature. This is how it has been for centuries. Their respect is inherited from generation to generation, transforming it into permanent traditional knowledge.

From ancient times the Evens have developed a keen understanding and appreciation of their everyday dependence on nature. This is how their enduring idea of preserving the taiga, the water in the rivers and ponds, the mountains, and the sacred places was born. They taught it to their children and instilled in them a worshipful feeling before Mother Nature. They learned to adapt to any climate changes. The Evens would hide from strong winds deep in the taiga forests. In winter they would hunt fur animals and the elk/moose following the taiga trails. In the steep mountains they would sneak up to the bighorns uyamkan. They never exterminated the furbearers and the hoofed animals, but instead hunted only what

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they needed for that season. This is how it has been since the old times, because for them the taiga was an everlasting provider.

I remember clearly how my mother told me: “Son, we are all alive and well as long as our mother taiga is alive. It’s our salvation, and our home. Always be careful with fire. You’ll also become a grown man someday. Teach your children right, so that they will guard the taiga. A fire in the taiga can ruin us. The reindeer die, and we die without them. The animals may leave our taiga”. My whole life I have always remembered my mother’s instruction.

At present there are a lot of forest fires, in many cases caused by man. City-dwellers are far removed from the taiga and they don’t cherish it; they start fires wherever they like it without abiding by any safety rules.

Modern Evens are very prudent with fire. Reindeer herders and hunters start a fire only in the most secure places, where there is not a lot of vegetation, no dry branches nearby, and, more importantly, close to a water source. This traditional knowledge is ingrained in the heart and soul of every Even, and saves them from danger.

I spent my childhood around reindeer. My mother was a reindeer herder for the collective farm herd. There were three children in the family: my older sister, me – the second child, and our little brother. We traveled often. I would ask my mother, “Why do we move so often?” She would respond, “The reindeer need it. We have to provide them with fresh mountain pastures and untrammeled reindeer moss. As long as the reindeer are healthy and well-fed, we can also stay warm and content”.

Every time we moved to a new campsite, we would get new experiences: green meadows, thick stands of willow, low hills all around, and beyond them, at a distance, a range of mountains. Mother would quickly undo the pack loads and reindeer saddles. After a while she’d begin assembling the ilumu (a conic-shaped, tent dwelling of the Evens). The poles that make up its framework are called iruka. During any kind of travelling, in summer and in winter, Evens would take the iruka with them. From much use, the poles are long and smooth as if they had been polished. When you have them on hand assembling the dwelling goes by fast, and there’s no need to cut new trees. It is simple and wise: the people are comfortable, and the forest remains untouched.

I remember this as if it were yesterday. Mother carefully chooses a place for the fire. She is worried that a reindeer might accidentally step on burning coals, that sparks from the fire flakes might just land on clothes or the ilumu cover during a

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wind, and most importantly, that the campfire might cause a fire in the forest. Our mother always made sure to account for everything in advance.

As children we were not passive observers, but, while busy with our own duties (I gathered firewood, and my sister got water), we’d follow mother’s actions. We would remember to take to heart our mother’s lessons and remember them for the rest of our lives, and then pass them on to our own children.

Finally, she’d choose the place for the fire. Mother would set up a hearth, bring stones from the river and put them around the fire place. This was so that the flame wouldn’t spread to the grass or reindeer moss. It’s a simple but sure measure against forest fires in taiga. After the long awaited tea we helped mother to assemble the ilumu. A light suede could serve as a cover, but usually we just used canvas tent material. In passing, mother would say: “Make sure to make the knots tighter. Otherwise the wind will come and take away the cover”. Then we would reinforce the tent with extra poles outside.

The taiga is like home for so many people. Someone who has no knowledge of it may think that there’s so much freedom there you can do just as you like. Of course, this is not so. The inhabitants of taiga, one might say, are “registered” there by nature itself, and the person who calls the taiga his or her home is inculcated with such qualities as generosity and compassion. I will give some examples.

Once, my grandfather, who spent his whole life in taiga, took me with him to hunt the bighorns uyamkan. We always had trouble with food, and I really wanted him to shoot one of the uyamkans. For a long time we rode on reindeer around the mountains, often stopping to carefully survey the surrounding area. We did not find anything. The day was coming to a close. The sun that was so bright and golden just moments ago slowly descended behind the mountain, getting redder and redder every second. It was as if it too was vexed by our misfortune. My grandfather suggested that we turn back home, saying that both we and our reindeer need rest. I agreed, but timidly expressed my desire to continue riding in the mountains. I didn’t tell my grandfather that the mountains captivated me. I felt confident there, like I was all grown up and strong, even though I was about eight years old at the time. Grandfather smiled with his eyes. In one place grandfather nimbly jumped off the reindeer and reached for his Berdan rifle. My heart started pounding, blood flowed to my head from excitement, and I felt hot. Grandfather nodded towards a cliff that rose to the left of us. I turned around and right away saw an uyamkan: it was a female laying peacefully with her back turned to us. In

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my mind our success was certain. We led the reindeer to a thick little forest, tied them there and began to sneak towards the animal. Grandfather moved soundlessly, and I followed him, afraid to breath too loud. Grandfather didn’t move directly towards the animal, but slowly began to move up the hillside. I understood later on that he decided to get to a spot above the uyamkan in order to have a good view.

Finally we decided to look out carefully. The uyamkan did not notice us and was still calm. Grandfather loaded his Berdan rifle. With his right hand he waved for me not to come out. I obeyed, crawled back and kept still waiting for the sound of the shot. To my surprise the shot did not follow: grandfather lowered his rifle and continued to watch the uyamkan. “Grandfather, why aren’t you shooting?” – I asked bewildered. “Look for yourself”, my grandfather said turni

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