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Journal of Psychosomatic Res
Identifying the eating disorder symptomatic in China: The role of
sociocultural factors and culturally defined appearance concerns
Todd Jacksona, Hong Chenb,c,4
aSchool of Psychology, James Cook University, Townsville, AustraliabKey Laboratory of Cognition and Personality (Southwest University), Ministry of Education, Chongqing, RP China
cSchool of Psychology, Southwest University, Chongqing, RP China
Received 3 March 2006
Abstract
Objectives: This study evaluated the extent to which eating
disorder symptomatic Chinese adolescents and young adults could
be differentiated from demographically similar peers on the basis
of their sociocultural experiences and appearance perceptions.
Methods: Forty-two students who endorsed all criteria for a
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth
Edition eating disorder diagnosis on the Eating Disorder Diag-
nostic Scale [Stice E, Telch CF, Rizvi SL. Development and
validation of the Eating Disorder Diagnostic Scale: a brief self-
report measure of anorexia, bulemia, and binge-eating disorder.
Psychol Assess 2000;12:123–31] and 42 less symptomatic class-
mates completed measures of perceived social pressure, teasing,
social comparison, negative affect, and concern with facial
features. Results: Symptomatic participants reported significantly
more social pressure/teasing, appearance comparison, and concern
0022-3999/07/$ – see front matter D 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.jpsychores.2006.09.010
4 Corresponding author. Key Laboratory of Cognition and Personality
(Southwest University), Ministry of Education, RP China.
with facial appearance than their less symptomatic peers, although
groups did not differ in average levels of negative affect. In a
jackknife discriminant classification analysis using these five
predictors, 76.2% of the symptomatic group and 81.0% of the
comparison group were correctly classified. Within the sympto-
matic group, 95% of respondents who reported either full or partial
criteria for bulimia nervosa or binge-eating disorder were correctly
identified compared to 59.10% of those who endorsed all criteria
for eating disorders not otherwise specified related to anorexia
nervosa. Conclusions: This is the first study to link appearance-
related social pressure and social comparison as well as appearance
concerns not directly reflecting body size or weight with increased
eating disorder symptomatology among young people from the
People’s Republic of China.
D 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Eating disorder; China; Sociocultural; Adolescents; Young adults
Introduction girls from economically developed cities of Hong Kong and
If eating disorders were once characterized as concerns
exclusive to young, affluent, white women in the developed
world [1], during the past two decades they have become a
global phenomenon, found even in rapidly developing
Asian countries such as Mainland China where body types
are typically leaner [2]. Economic development, moderniza-
tion, urbanization, and Westernization are among the
interrelated processes that have been linked to increasing
body image concerns among adolescents and young adults
from China. For example, Lee and Lee [3] found adolescent
Shenzhen reported more fatness concern, body dissatisfac-
tion, and lower desired body mass index (BMI) than their
peers living in less developed, rural Hunan.
Numerous other studies have documented weight pre-
occupation, body dissatisfaction, and disordered eating in
Chinese samples from Hong Kong [4–8], experiences that
extend to developing regions of China [9–11]. For instance,
in a study of more than 9000 3 to 15-year-old children from
the Chinese mainland, Li et al. [11] found respondents were
no more likely than their Western peers to be satisfied with
their bodies. Only 46.5% of boys and 43.0% of girls having
normal weight reported satisfaction with their current body
size. Even lower rates of satisfaction were found among
children considered to be overweight or underweight on
earch 62 (2007) 241–249
T. Jackson, H. Chen / Journal of Psychosomatic Research 62 (2007) 241–249242
the basis of Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
growth charts. Finally, in this sample, preferences for
thinner body ideals increased among adolescents compared
to younger children.
While levels of body dissatisfaction among the Chinese
may approach those reported in the West, emerging evidence
suggests clinical eating disorders are also a problem. Prelimi-
nary research on Beijing schoolgirls concluded that 1.1% met
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders,
Fourth Edition (DSM-IV) criteria for bulimia nervosa (BN)
[12]. Huon et al. [10] used a survey to assess features of BN,
anorexia nervosa (AN), and binge eating disorder (BED)
among 1246 junior and senior high school girls from different
metropolitan areas of China. Although none of the girls
endorsed full criteria for AN, 7 reported all criteria for BED
and 9 others endorsed criteria for a partial diagnosis of AN. A
majority of the girls were concerned with weight and about
40% said they had dieted and/or binged, albeit only 25% of
bingers felt highly out of control during such episodes.
These studies highlight how young people from China are
not immune to body dissatisfaction or clinical eating dis-
orders. Presumably, adolescent females are at risk [10], and a
complex array of factors related to economic development and
modernization also have a role [3]. Beyond that, however, no
research has been published on specific psychological or
sociocultural factors that contribute to eating disorder
pathology in China. Determining why particular individuals
are more or less likely to experience features of clinical
eating disorder has important implications for establishing
appropriate targets for prevention and intervention.
In contrast to the dearth of research on sociocultural
predictors of eating pathology in China, related theory and
research has proliferated in the West. Leading theories on the
development of eating pathology [13–16] have implicated
specific psychosocial and sociocultural experiences as
predictors of body image and eating disturbances. For
example, the dual-pathway model [15] posits that pressures
to be thin from family, peers, and media contribute to body
dissatisfaction and disordered eating because repeated
messages that one is not thin enough promote disgruntlement
with one’s appearance. From this perspective, appearance-
based comparisons with and internalizations of thin body
ideals, at least among women, also contribute to body
dissatisfaction because such ideals are not attainable for
most. In theory, increases in body dissatisfaction foster
dietary restraint and negative affect, each of which sub-
sequently can increase risk for eating disorder symptoms.
Considerable evidence has linked disordered eating with
specific facets of the dual-pathway model including
appearance-based social pressure and social comparison
processes, negative affect, and body dissatisfaction. First,
recurring messages from family, media, and peers that one is
not thin enough are related to dieting because such pressures
foster discontent with body size or, in the absence of body
dissatisfaction, because people believe dieting might reduce
social pressures to be thin [17]. Indeed, perceived pressure
to be thin is associated with eating disorder symptoms in
both cross-sectional [18–20] and prospective studies
[21–23]. One form of direct pressure, teasing from family
[24,25] and/or peers [26–28] also predicts eating disorder
behaviors and body dissatisfaction, albeit effects are not
uniformly reliable in longitudinal work [29–31].
Social comparison, the process of evaluating how
personal attributes measure up to those of others [32], is a
second source of influence on body image and eating
disturbances. Social comparisons can enhance self-esteem,
but appearance comparisons with peers, models, and
celebrities are related to body dissatisfaction and eating
pathology in cross-sectional studies of patients with eating
disorder [33], adolescent boys and girls [34,35], and under-
graduate women [36,37]. Recent experimental evidence [38]
has found comparisons with attractive breal-worldQ peers
have effects similar to those observed with idealized media
portrayals, albeit real-world effects may not extend beyond
body dissatisfaction to disordered eating. Preliminary
longitudinal research also suggests social comparisons, in
tandem with conversations with friends on appearance and
body mass, contribute to body dissatisfaction in girls,
although different factors have relevance for boys [32].
Negative affect is a third potential influence on the
development of eating disorder symptoms. From the affect-
regulation perspective, people engage in disturbed eating
behavior such as bingeing and extreme compensatory
activities to distract from adverse emotions, reduce anxiety
about weight gain from overeating, and provide emotional
release [39]. Bolstering this hypothesis, negative affect has
positive associations with caloric intake in experiments of
persons not having an eating disorder [40] and with eating
disorder symptoms [21,41]. Once more, the association is
not as reliable in longitudinal research [42,43].
Finally, cross-sectional research has found associations
between eating disorders and body dissatisfaction in both
Western [44] and Chinese samples [5,6,10,11]. Some West-
ern studies have observed this association over longer
intervals [15,22,23], but findings are not always consistent
[45,46]. Differences in ages of samples, outcome measures,
and length of interval between assessment points are among
the factors that may contribute to discrepancies. Despite
their relatively robust relations, overlaps between measures
of body dissatisfaction and features of eating disorder (e.g.,
intense fear of becoming fat, body shape, and weight as
undue influences on self-evaluation) might artificially inflate
strengths of relation. Furthermore, although some Chinese
patients with eating disorder report fat phobia, others deny
fear of fatness [4,47]. Among the Chinese, self-starvation
may also be motivated by complaints of abdominal bloating
or pain, loss of appetite, no hunger, distaste for food, or bnotknowingQ why one does not want to eat [47].
On a related note, eating disturbances may be precipitated
by stigmatizing physical appearance concerns not directly
associated with weight or body size. For example, concern
with facial appearance has no obvious overlap with eating
T. Jackson, H. Chen / Journal of Psychosomatic Research 62 (2007) 241–249 243
disorder criteria but may be central to judgments of attrac-
tiveness in China. Lee et al. [6] observed that a substantial
portion of undergraduate women (15.2%) endorsed a specific
facial feature as the body part with which they were most
dissatisfied. Other research on judgments of Hong Kong job
candidates found facial attractiveness was more important
than either grade point average or public examination
performance in observer ratings of work-related skills [48].
With growing affluence, increasing numbers of Chinese
undertake surgery to lengthen the nose, reshape the jaw, and,
most commonly, to put an extra fold of skin in eyelids to
enhance the odds of success in the workplace and love [49].
Finally, facial acne has been linked to risk for clinical eating
disorder among the Chinese. As explained by Lee et al. [50],
facial acne is associated with excess bhotQ energy and may be
treated by reducing intake of hot foods such as oily, fried or
spicy food, red meat, and chocolate. Subsequent weight loss,
which can improve acne, may reinforce such beliefs and
precipitate AN [50]. If such ideas are intriguing, they remain
highly speculative and are based on limited case study
evidence. Nonetheless, the research above suggests concerns
with facial appearance may be a culturally specific factor
related to eating disorder risk in China.
In summary, although disordered eating behavior has been
observed in adolescent and young adult samples from China
and researchers have suggested sociodemographic factors
such as gender [10] and economic development/urbanization
[3] contribute to risk, no past studies have examined potential
sociocultural and appearance-related correlates of eating
disturbances in this population. The purpose of this inves-
tigation was to assess the degree to which self-reported social
pressure and social comparison about physical appearance,
negative affect, and dissatisfaction with facial features could
differentiate eating-disorder symptomatic Chinese adoles-
cents from peers expressing relatively lower levels of eating
pathology. In light of evidence that sociodemographic factors
influence relative risk for disordered eating among the
Chinese, these between-group comparisons were made only
after matching each symptomatic participant with a classmate
of the same gender, region, or residence (urban vs. rural), and
age (within 1 year). It was hypothesized that symptomatic
adolescents would report more appearance-based pressure,
teasing, and social comparison with others, negative affect,
and dissatisfaction with facial features compared with peers
endorsing fewer eating disorder symptoms. It was also
expected that participants would be classified correctly into
their respective group at better than chance levels on the basis
of responses on these measures.
Method
Participants
An initial sample of 1297 females and 754 males
was recruited from 10 Chinese cities (Zunyi, Chongqing,
Kunming, Chengdu, Guiyang, Liuzhou, Xinzhou, Qianjiang,
Neijiang, and Xichang) representing North, South, Central,
and Southwest China. The sample ranged in age from 12 to
21 years (mean=15.81 years, S.D.=2.43) and was composed
of 522 middle school (25.45%), 852 high school (41.54%),
and 677 college and university (33.00%) students. Partic-
ipants resided in both urban (48.2%) and rural (51.5%)
regions of China, with 0.3% not providing this information.
In terms of ethnicity, 74.3% of respondents were Han, while
substantially fewer were Miao (5.8%), Buyi (5.6%), Yi
(3.9%), Tu (2.7%), Zhuang (2.2%), or botherQ (5.3%). The
mean Body Mass Index of the sample was 19.10
(S.D.=2.32). A majority of respondents reported educational
attainment levels of their mother (63.6%) and/or father
(51.0%) to be less than high school completion and a small
minority (11.7%) reported a monthly household income in
excess of 3000 yuan.
Based on their responses on the Eating Disorder
Diagnostic Scale (EDDS) [51], 42 participants (36 females,
6 males) from the initial sample composed the eating
disorder symptomatic group. Each respondent endorsed all
criteria for a DSM-IV eating disorder (ED) or eating disorder
not otherwise specified (EDNOS) on the EDDS. The group
included 7 girls who endorsed all criteria for BN, 8 girls
who endorsed all criteria for BED, 16 girls and 6 boys who
endorsed all diagnostic criteria for AN with the exception of
the amenorrhea criterion, and five girls who endorsed all BN
criteria except that they engaged in compensatory behaviors
at levels lower than the DSM-IV threshold. Consistent with
past work on demographic correlates of disordered eating
[3,10], highly symptomatic respondents were more likely to
be female (85.7%), from an urban region (66.7%), and from
a higher income household (35.7%) compared to the sample
from which they were drawn, although similar proportions
were Han (83.3%) and reported their mother (52.4%) and/or
father (59.5%) had a bless than high school completionQeducation level.
Subsequently, each symptomatic adolescent was matched
a priori for gender and residence (urban vs. rural) with a
classmate who had also completed the survey. Hence, the
comparison sample (n=42) was also composed of 36 females
and 6 males, of whom two thirds were from urban regions.
No one in the comparison group endorsed all criteria for an
ED or EDNOS. With only one exception, each symptomatic
participant was also matched with a classmate of exactly the
same age; there was only a 1-year age difference in the
mismatched pair. Finally, with the exception of one pair
mismatched on ethnicity (a symptomatic Han participant
paired with a Buri classmate), all other symptomatic–less
symptomatic pairs were matched for ethnicity.
Measures
Back translation
Survey items were translated into Chinese by the
corresponding author and back-translated into English by a
T. Jackson, H. Chen / Journal of Psychosomatic Research 62 (2007) 241–249244
faculty member in the English Department at Southwest
University in Chongqing, China. Minor deviations from
English-language versions were discussed by the researchers
and changed to better approximate meanings from ori-
ginal scales.
Eating Disorder Diagnostic Scale [51]
The EDDS is a 22-item self-report screening measure-
based on DSM-IV criteria for AN, BN, and BED. The scale
has high internal consistency, satisfactory test–retest reli-
ability, excellent concordance with structured clinical inter-
views, and convergence with validated measures of eating
disturbances (i.e., dietary restraint, hunger, disinhibited
eating, and eating, weight, and shape concerns and rituals),
eating disorder risk factors, and social impairment [51,52].
The EDDS is sensitive in detecting intervention effects
and predicting risk for subsequent binge eating, com-
pensatory behaviors, and onset of depression [52]. In this
study, the standardized EDDS had an alpha coefficient
(a=.86), that was comparable with past work on American
samples [51,52].
The Perception of Teasing Scale (POTS) [53]
The 22-item POTS assesses frequency and impact of
teasing about weight (e.g., bHow often have people made
jokes about the way your body looks? Q ) and competence
(e.g., bHow often have people teased you by repeating
something you say because they think what you said is
stupid?Q) on the individual. For this study, only the six-item
weight teasing frequency subscale was used. Its alpha was
.75 in the current sample.
Physical Appearance Comparison Scale (PACS) [54]
The PACS has five items that assess the tendency to
compare one’s own appearance with that of others (e.g., bAtparties or other social events, I compare my physical
appearance to the physical appearance of othersQ). Responseoptions ranged from 1 (never) to 5 (always). Thompson et
al. [54] found the psychometric characteristics of the PACS
to be adequate in an early study. However, consistent
with recent work [55], item four of the scale was dropped
due to its low correlations with all other PACS items. The
internal consistency of the four-item PACS was a=.87 in thepresent research.
Perceived Sociocultural Pressure Scale (PSPS) [12]
The eight-item PSPS assesses perceived pressure to
change physical appearance from four sources: friends
(e.g., bI’ve felt pressure from my friends to change my
physical appearanceQ), media (e.g., bI’ve felt pressure from
the media to change my physical appearanceQ), dating partner(e.g., bI’ve felt pressure from people I would like to date or
have dated to change my physical appearanceQ), and family
(e.g., bI’ve felt pressure from my family to change my
physical appearanceQ). Itemswere rated between 1 (none) and
5 (a lot). Stice andAgras [12] conclude the scale has adequate
internal consistency, stability, and predictive validity. The
total PSPS had an alpha of .91 in this study.
Positive and Negative Affect Scale (PANAS) [56]
The 10-item Negative Affect subscale of the PANAS
assessed experiences of negative affect. Participants were
asked to how often they experienced a number of relevant
mood states (e.g., guilty, distressed, nervous) during the past
week between 1 (none of the time) and 4 (most of the time).
Negative affect had an alpha of .88 in this research.
Negative Physical Self-Scale (NPS) [57,58]
The NPS is a 42-item multidimensional measure of body
image concerns (i.e., General Appearance, Facial Features,
Shortness, Fatness) developed specifically for use with
Chinese adolescents and adults. Each NPS dimension has a
stable factor structure, in addition to satisfactory reliability
and validity. The 12-item Facial Features concern subscale
was used in the main analyses. Sample items on the
subscale include, bI am ashamed about my facial appear-
anceQ and bPeople around me don’t like the way my face
looks.Q Facial Features Concern had an alpha coefficient
of .82 in this study.
Background data
Information was solicited about participants’ age, gender,
weight, height, region of residence, and ethnicity. Because
self-reported weight correlates (r =.97) with confederate-
measured weight [59], BMI was calculated from participant
reports. Finally, in relation to socioeconomic indicators,
participants provided information about parents’ educational
levels and estimated monthly household income. Specifi-
cally, educational level of each parent was measured as
bless than high school completion,Q bhigh school graduate,Qor bmore than high school graduate (e.g., college or
university degree).Q Income was also-based on three
options: less than 1000 yuan per month, 1000–3000 yuan
per month, or more than 3000 yuan per month (1 US dollar
is worth about 8.0 Yuan).
Procedure
The corresponding author contacted colleagues working
in middle schools, high schools, colleges, and universities
from the above cities, seeking permission to conduct a study
on body image and eating concerns. All contacted settings
granted permission. Subsequently, one class from each
setting was randomly selected for the research. Teachers
from the class gave prospective research volunteers a
survey packet that included a cover page outlining the
research purposes (to foster knowledge about body image and
eating behavior among students from China), and an
informed consent form that included information about the
time involved (30–40min), the voluntary, anonymous nature
Table 1
Comparisons of sociodemographic factors among eating disorder symptomatic and comparison samples (N =84)
Measures
Eating disorder sample
Difference value P Effect sizeSymptomatic Less symptomatic
Gender
Male 6 6 – – –
Female 36 36
Area
Urban 28 28 – – –
Rural 14 14
Ethnicity
Han 35 34
Miao 3 3 v2(3)=0.21 b.98 Phi= .05
Zhuang 2 2
Buyi 2 3
Age 15.71 (2.40) 15.74 (2.38) F(1,82)=0.01 b.96 g = .01Body Mass Index 18.03 (2.56) 18.52 (1.80) F(1,82)=1.01 b.32 g = .11Father’s education 1.60 (0.80) 1.71 (0.83) F(1,82)=0.45 b.51 g = .07Mother’s education 1.55 (0.63) 1.50 (0.63) F(1,82)=0.12 b.73 g = .04Family income 2.19 (1.04) 2.02 (0.84) F(1,82)=0.65 b.42 g = .09
T. Jackson, H. Chen / Journal of Psychosomatic Research 62 (2007) 241–249 245
of participation, and the right to withdraw from the research at
any point. The research measures were included in the packet
followed by information regarding referral sources should a
student experience body image concerns or eating disturban-
ces. Participants were encouraged to read each question
carefully and to answer all questions if possible. The survey
was completed during class time and handed back to teachers
separately from informed consent forms. All data were
collected during September and October, 2005.
Results
Preliminary analyses
Due to a priori matching, each of the 42 eating disorder
symptomatic–less symptomatic pairs was identical for
gender and region of residence in addition to being
nearly equivalent for age. Chi-square analyses and t tests
indicated symptomatic and less symptomatic groups did
not differ from one another on any other sociodemographic
factor (Table 1).
Main analyses
Prior to performing the discriminant classification
analysis (DCA), a multivariate analysis of variance was
Table 2
Group differences in measures of sociocultural influence and facial appearance c
Measures
Symptomatic Less symptom
Mean S.D. Mean
Social Pressure 14.57 7.64 6.19
Teasing Frequency 11.29 3.92 8.83
Social Comparison 11.60 4.36 8.40
Negative Affect 17.81 4.52 16.21
Facial Concerns 22.79 12.15 9.48
conducted to assess group differences in sociocultural
experiences and facial features concerns. A significant
multivariate effect was obtained from the analysis,
F(6,77)=7.70, Pb.001, g=.38. Table 2 provides group
means, univariate F values, and effect sizes on each
measure. Symptomatic students had higher scores than
comparison sample participants on all measures with the
exception of negative affect. The most prominent difference
was for concerns with facial features. Due to moderately
high correlations between this dimension, Fatness Concern,
and General Appearance Concern [57], a supplementary
univariate analysis of covariance was performed on dif-
ferences in facial features concerns while controlling for
these other two dimensions. A highly significant differ-
ence remained, F(3,80)=19.95, Pb.001, illustrating that
the difference in degree of concern with facial features
was at least somewhat independent of other facets of
body dissatisfaction.
Subsequently, a standard DCA examined group member-
ship of students on the basis of responses to the five
psychosocial measures. The analysis resulted in a significant
discriminant function, v2(6, N=84)=37.11, Pb.001. The
loading matrix of correlations between predictors and the
discriminant function indicated facial features concern and
social pressure differentiated most strongly between groups
(Table 3). Compared to a 50% rate of classification that
would be found by chance alone, 79.80% of the sample
oncerns (N=84)
atic
Difference value P gS.D.
5.61 F(1,82)=32.81 b.001 .54
3.66 F(1,82)=8.77 b.01 .10
3.30 F(1,82)=14.30 b.001 .39
4.27 F(1,82)=2.76 b.10 .03
6.65 F(1,82)=38.78 b.001 .32
Table 3
Results of discriminant classification analyses for eating disorder symptom groups (N=84)
Predictor
Predictor correlations
with function
Standardized function
coefficients
Pooled within-group correlations among predictors
2 3 4 5
1. Facial Concerns .90 .70 .62 .47 .30 .48
2. Social Pressure .83 .39 – .42 .35 .32
3. Social Comparison .55 .13 – .21 .35
4. Teasing .43 .12 – .22
5. Negative Affect .24 �.29 –
Predicted group
Eating disorder symptoms Higher Lower
Initial classification results, n (%)a
Higher 32 (76.2) 10 (23.8)
Lower 7 (16.7) 35 (83.3)
Cross-validation results, n (%)b,c
Higher 32 (76.2) 10 (23.8)
Lower 8 (19.0.7) 34 (81.0)
a Of total cases, 79.8% were correctly classified.b Each case was classified by functions derived from all cases except its own.c Of total cases, 78.6% were correctly classified.
T. Jackson, H. Chen / Journal of Psychosomatic Research 62 (2007) 241–249246
correctly classified from patterns of response on psychoso-
cial measures including 76.2% of symptomatic students and
83.3% of less symptomatic students. In a cross-validation
analysis wherein each case was classified from functions
derived from all cases except its own, 78.6% of the sample
was correctly classified. Accuracy rates of 76.2% and 81.0%
were found for eating disorder symptomatic and less
symptomatic samples, respectively.
Finally, variability in patterns of endorsing eating
disorder diagnoses provided the opportunity to examine
whether misclassified symptomatic cases differed as a
function of diagnostic subgroup. All participants who
endorsed full criteria for BN (n=7) or BED (n=8) were
correctly classified into the eating disorder symptomatic
group, as were 80% of those endorsing EDNOS criteria for
subclinical BN. In contrast, the rate of correct classification
for students endorsing all criteria for EDNOS related to
subclinical AN was much lower (13/22 or 59.1%), v2(3)=
8.27, Pb.04. Because all symptomatic males were in the AN
symptomatic subgroup, a supplementary analysis was
performed to assess whether classification accuracy within
this subgroup was affected by gender. Rates of misclassi-
fication did not differ between males (33.3%) and females
(43.8%), v2(1)= 0.20, Pb.65.
Discussion
To our knowledge this is the first study to show how
eating disorder symptomatic Chinese young people can be
differentiated from their demographically similar, less
symptomatic peers on the basis of their perceptions of
appearance-related pressure and social comparison as well
as concerns about facial appearance. More than 75% of
respondents in each group were correctly classified into
their respective groups from their responses on these five
measures. Although the study did not fully test a particular
explanation of eating pathology [12,19,35], it did support
the utility of extending facets of the dual-pathway model
[15,22] to understanding eating disorder symptomatology of
young people in China. Like their neighbors from the West,
Chinese adolescents and young adults who report relatively
heightened appearance-related pressure from peers, parents,
and media as well as proclivities to compare their own
appearance with that of others express more eating disorder
pathology than their less symptomatic peers.
The study was also the first to extend past research on the
link between dissatisfaction with body weight/size and
disordered eating among the Chinese [4–6,11] to a possible
culture-specific facet of appearance dissatisfaction and
eating pathology. Specifically, preoccupations with facial
appearance emerged as one of the strongest individual
factors discriminating between symptomatic and less
symptomatic groups. If this finding does not directly
support hypothesis that changes in dietary practices due to
facial acne contribute to eating disorder [47], it does provide
empirical underpinnings for the contention that eating
disorder symptoms among the Chinese can arise in concert
with appearance concerns not directly related to fatness and
body size [44,47]. Although specific preventive interven-
tions do not follow easily from this discovery, the finding
does suggest that concern expressed about facial appearance
is a potential marker for corresponding eating disturbances
among Chinese adolescents and young adults. Nonetheless,
given its novelty, replication of this finding is warranted to
better evaluate its stability.
Contrary to expectations, groups differed only margin-
ally on the measure of negative affect. Although future
work is also needed to assess whether this pattern is a
reliable one, two factors may have contributed to the
T. Jackson, H. Chen / Journal of Psychosomatic Research 62 (2007) 241–249 247
attenuated group difference in negative affect. First, because
our eating disorder symptomatic group was not obtained in
a clinical setting, its mean level of negative affect may have
been attenuated relative to what might be found among
patients with eating disorder in treatment. Second, negative
affect, as measured here, may simply not be as relevant to
Chinese samples, in light of evidence that depression is
expressed more strongly through somatic concerns among
the Chinese and through affective distress among Western-
ers [60]. This potential cultural difference suggests links
between body dissatisfaction and eating pathology may not
be mediated by overt negative affect among the Chinese
compared to some Western samples [21,40,41]. Hence,
theoretical accounts may need to be modified in extensions
to non-Western cultures.
Finally, examination of misclassified cases revealed that
students endorsing all criteria for BN, BED, or subclinical
BN were detected with striking accuracy via their patterns of
response on sociocultural and appearance scales. In contrast,
over 40% of those endorsing all AN criteria except for
amenorrhea were misidentified as less symptomatic. Similar
to Western studies linking features of the dual-pathway
model specifically to bulimic symptoms [15,21,22], this
pattern suggests sociocultural influences and perceived
personal appearance concerns are more useful in identifying
eating disorders among the Chinese that involve bingeing
and/or compensatory behaviors than those that emphasize
underweight and fear of weight gain/fatness. The less
accurate classification of adolescents fulfilling a subclinical
AN diagnosis may reflect, in part, the fact that a number of
respondents in the lower risk comparison sample also
fulfilled the underweight criterion. As well, early [47] and
recent [2] commentaries have questioned the use of DSM
eating disorder diagnoses in Asian samples, noting, for
example, that core diagnostic criteria for AN, such as fat
phobia, do not account fully for self-starvation in Asians.
In summary, findings suggest that clinicians and research-
ers working with eating disorder symptomatic adolescents
and young adults in China must be sensitive not only to overt
eating pathology but also to perceptions of social pressure,
comparison about physical appearance, and personal con-
cerns about physical features that do not correspond directly
to weight or body size. The present findings help to justify
future resource allocation to assess the impact of socio-
cultural pressure and appearance concerns over extended
intervals and suggest several of these factors might be useful
targets in eating disorder prevention efforts in China.
Notwithstanding its implications, the main caveats of this
research must be acknowledged as well as directions for
further investigation. First, symptomatic participants may
have been higher functioning than clinical inpatient samples.
Consequently, it is not clear how findings generalize to
clinical samples. Future research should examine whether
classification accuracy is even more pronounced when
comparing clinical patient samples with less symptomatic
controls. Second, if their satisfactory alpha coefficients and
patterns of intercorrelation with one another suggest the
measures used in this research are reliable and valid in
Chinese samples, further work should be undertaken to
bolster their validity in this cultural context. Third, this
research is a necessary first step in differentiating Chinese
students with heterogeneous patterns of eating disorder
features from those reporting few symptoms, but further
research is needed to identify potential psychosocial differ-
ences between larger AN, BN, and BED samples in China.
On a related note, it remains to be seen whether social
pressure, teasing, and social comparison about appearance
are specific to eating disorder symptoms or are general risk
factors for diverse forms of psychopathology including social
anxiety and depression [61]. Inclusion of clinical comparison
groups in future studies can elucidate specificity in effects of
such experiences. Fifth, following from prospective research
done in the West [12–14,19,20] and the present cross-
sectional findings, the hypothesis that measures of socio-
cultural pressure and appearance concern predict increases in
bulimic symptoms over time now merits consideration in
Chinese samples. Finally, because this and other studies
[62,63] suggest body image concerns of Chinese andWestern
samples have commonalities, future work might explore how
best to adapt eating disorder prevention programs deemed
effective in the West [64] to Chinese cultural contexts.
Acknowledgments
This research was supported by grants from the China
National Key Subject Foundation of Fundamental Psychology
(SNKSF04016), the Humanistic and Social Science Research
Foundation of the Chongqing government (05JWSK192), and
a Visiting Scholar grant from James Cook University. We
thank Liu Yanmei, Chen Fuguo, Wang Ruiqiang, Zhang
Xiaohong, and Chen Yanlei for assistance with data entry, and
Zhai Lihong, Jiang Tingzhi, He Yulan, Shuai Shun, and Zhou
Tianmei for assistance with data collection.
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