ASSIGNMENT REFERENCE MATERIAL (2019-20)

MSO-04Sociology in India

Section-I

Q1. Describe the historical roots of Indian Sociology.

Ans: Sociology and social anthropology succeeded in establishing themselves as disciplines in India in the years following the end of World War I, despite an unfavourable academic environment. The atmosphere for the social sciences changed noticeably in the years following independence. The Indian state’s commitment to economic development through centralized planning, its banning of the practice of untouchability and the introduction of measures for protective discrimination in favor of the untouchables and tribals, and in a lesser way, of the other socially and educationally backward classes, made it an ally of the social sciences, including sociology and social anthropology. Sociology is a ‘humanistic’ social science. It, consequently, has to take into account the specific ideas and ideals, values and aspirations, problems and predicament of concrete groups of human beings in particular historical circumstances even when it tries to attain generalizations about human relations. Sociology, therefore, hardly fits in the mould of natural science and its development in different countries bears in one way or another imprint of particular historical experiences and cultural configurations. Lack of attention to the fact in India has resulted in that.

Fig. : Strength in Sociology

One cannot, even today, speak with much conviction of an Indian tradition in sociology whereas one could speak of a German or American tradition of sociology. This is largely because of the fact that in their teaching and research Indian sociologists has in an overwhelming manner drawn upon the concepts, methods and theories already in use in the West instead of developing their own. The activity of the sociologists in this regard is hardly different from what is done by the physicists or biologists or even economists. But the

sociologists have a special kind of reason for their worry. The relationship of data on the one hand and concepts, methods, and theories on the other in the human sciences is different from what it is in the natural sciences. When an Indian sociologist Andre Beteille formulates, most appositely points out, a general rule or principle such as the Saha Equation or Chandrasekhar Limit, he takes for granted that it will be used by the physicists everywhere and not just in India. The utility of a common stock of tools is not in question in natural sciences; but in human sciences, True, because of their familiarity with Western sociology and its basic concepts and categories, the Indian sociologists did not have to struggle so hard as their predecessors in the nineteenth century Europe to establish the legitimacy of sociology as a serious intellectual discipline. But their over dependence on the Western pathfinders made them forget the fact that sociology in the West was “an intellectual response, a cognitive response, to the problems which that society was facing as a result of industrialization and the type of social upheaval and transformation that were taking place”. The Intellectual Revolution embodied in the movement for Enlightment, Scientific Revolution and Commercial Revolution, which spanned the period between the 14th and the 18th centuries, the French Revolution of 1789 and the Industrial Revolution put a deadly blow to the age-old feudal system monarchy and the church when the saga of the aspirations and achievements of individuals and the tale of their woes started, there was great uncertainty about the values and social order in the new situation. Sociology in the West came by way of an attempt to come to grip with it. It “was very largely a kind of cognitive system which the industrial bourgeoisie in the European context tried to develop as a response, as a kind of worldview to overcome the problems of the disintegrating traditional worldview and, at the same time the disintegrating paradigms of knowledge.” But, the industrial bourgeoisie did not develop in India when sociology came to the country. Sociology in India was the product of intellectual response of the Indians to the Western interpretations of Indian society and culture by the Westerners, mainly after the colonial rule of the British began in India. Anthropology, the kindred discipline with sociology, too was largely the product of European expansion of the world during the last three or four centuries. The need to govern men of various races and vastly different cultures created the urgency in the European rulers to study the life and cultures of the ruled. The Western effort to gather information of the life and culture of the Indians, which formed the basis of sociology and anthropology in India, was marked by a similar interest of the colonial rulers. It is, of course, true that later genuine scientific interests enriched both the disciplines and they emerged in the Western context of modernity. At the same time one can ill-afford to ignore the colonial context within which sociology grew in this country.

Q2. How did Sociology as a profession grow in India.

Ans:- The discipline of sociology and anthropology has developed in India in broadly three phases; the first phase is the period between 1773-1900, when, as described earlier, the foundations for its growth were laid. The second phase is the period between 1901-1950, when the two disciplines became professionalised; and finally the third phase is the period after India gained Independence. During this phase, a complex of forces influenced the development of the two disciplines. Planned development, introduction of the Constitution and parliamentary democracy led to far reaching changes in the Indian society and its structure. During this period the Indian scholars were exposed to the work of their foreign colleagues which influenced their own work. Also availability of funds helped conduct research in several areas. (Srinivas & Panini 1986 : 19).

So it was in the beginning of the twentieth century that the two disciplines entered the early phase of professionalisation. Srinivas & Panini (1986 : 22) mention that ‘although the bulk of the ethnographic work continued to be carried out by the British officials associated with the Census operations, professional sociologists and anthropologists in Europe began taking interest in India.’ W.H.R. Rivers’ published his study of The Todas (1906), based on intensive fieldwork. This was one of the first monographs in the modern social anthropological tradition. Rivers did his fieldwork among the Todas, a tribe in the Nilgiri hills in South India, in the winter of 1901-2 and his interest in India continued almost until his death in 1922. He had also published papers on India, such as, on the origin of hypergamy; kinship and marriage in India in the first issue (1921) of the journal, Man in India. His posthumous work, edited by W.J. Perry, “Social Organisation” (1924) was intended to be delivered as a course of lectures in Calcutta University.

Two of his students, G.S. Ghurey and K.P. Chattopadhyaya came to play an important role in the development of sociology and social anthropology (which is a branch of anthropology) in India. His influence continued to exist in the works of G.S. Ghurey and K.P. Chattopadhyaya who held important academic positions in their respective universities of Bombay and Calcutta till the 1940s. Influence of Malinowski and Radcliffe Brown came later and they remained relatively unknown till the end of World War II. Radcliffe Brown studied the Andaman Islanders. During this period several European sociologists such as, C. Bougle, M. Mauss and Max Weber wrote on India relying on secondary sources.

Dhanagare (1998 : 37) says that the institutionalisation and professionalization of sociology and social anthropology in India have two clearly identifiable phases - Before 1950 and after. Moreover, 1950-52 is also a watershed in a historical sense that it was then that free India embarked on programmes of planned development.

The pre. 1950 phase was essentially a phase of multi-level syntheses. It was not without significance that both the disciplines had their beginnings in the two cities of Bombay and Calcutta which symbolically represented colonialism. The beginnings were more or less simultaneous in the second decade of the present century (R. Mukherjee, 1977 : 1-193).

During the first two decades of the 20th century two Indian scholars, L.K. Ananthakrishna Iyer and S.C. Roy made their mark in anthropology. Both lacked formal training in the discipline, but their achievements were note worthy. Anathakrishna Iyer studied the castes and tribes of Cochin and Mysore and also a study of the Syrian Christians of Kerela. Roy, who was a lawyer by profession, wrote monographs on some of the tribes in Bihar. He was also a ‘champion’ of his tribe. In 1921 he founded the journal, Man In India which is still in circulation. He also wrote a book called Caste, Race and Religion in India (1934).

Q3. How did the colonial rulers in India view caste system? Discuss their impact on caste.

Ans:- Colonial Perspectives of Varna Model in Caste System: The past two decades, historians, anthropologists and post-colonial scholars have debated the role of colonialism in shaping, even ‘inventing’, caste.

Brahm an (Priest)

Kshatriya(Warriors)

Vaishya(business Caste)

Shudra (Serving Caste)

Mouth

Arms

Fig. : Brahmana Varna

Brahmana Varna

“Peacefulness, self-control, austerity, purity, tolerance, honesty, knowledge, wisdom and religiousness — these are the natural qualities by which the brahma’s work.”

The brahmanas are the highest varna, said to have been created from the face of the original Purusha. As the spiritual teachers of society, the brahmins enjoyed the highest degree of respect from the other three classes of society. In the Bhagavata Purana, Sri Vishnu, the deity identified as Supreme Godhead in the Vaishnava traditions of Hinduism, says that the brahmanas are the most beloved, that he enjoys the eating through the mouths of the brahmanas who are devoted to him, and that the brahmanas are his very body. He is captivated by those who show respect to the brahmanas, even when the brahmanas utter harsh words, trying to pacify them with the thinking that brahmanas are the Lord’s very Self.

Kshatriya Varna

“Heroism, power, determination and resourcefulness, courage in battle, generosity and leadership are the natural qualities of work for the kshatriyas.”

The kshatriyas are the second highest varna, consisting of warriors and administrators of society. Their role is illustrated by the Rig Veda description of their origin in the arms of the Purusha, indicating a propensity towards action. Far from a mindless warrior or soldier of fortune, the kshatriya was a fighter whose martial skills were tempered by his education in the Vedas.

The protection of all should be just and lawfully made by a Kshatriya (king), initiated with all the initiatory rites inculcated in the Vedas, according to the laws of his own realm and in the exercise of the functions peculiar to his own order.

Vaishya Varna

“Farming, cow protection and business are the natural work for the vaishyas”

The Vaishyas are primarily merchants, cattle-rearers and artisans. In Hindu beliefs, the duties of a Vaishya, as described by Hindu God Krishna, are krsi (growing food grains), goraksha (cow protection), vanijyam (trade), vaisya karma (work) and svabhavajam (born of his own nature). The Vaishyas eventually became land-owners, money-lenders and influential traders and are often credited for the evolution of capitalist ideologies in India.

The Vaishyas, along with the Kshatriyas and Brahmins, claim to be of the ‘twice born’ (dvija) castes of the classical theory, and Vaishyas are the third in rank, above Sudras, but below Kshatriyas and of course the Brahmins. Historically, Vaishyas have played a much larger role in Indian affairs apart from trade and commerce. Indian traders were widely credited for the spread of Indian culture to regions as far as south-east Asia.

Shudra Varna

“For the Shudras there is labor and service to others.”

The Shudras are the lowest varna, only the untouchables (chandala) are below them in Indian tradition.

This view indicates that a certain minimum standard of virtuous behavior is expected even of the shudras, while an excess of faulty qualities was considered unbecoming of members of any varna.

“The four orders of society were created by Me classifying them according to the mode of Parkriti predominant in each and apportioning corresponding duties to them; though the author of this creation, know Me, the immortal Lord, to be a non-doer.” [Bhagavad-Gita 4.13]

The Ashrama refers to the four stages of individual life of the Hindus. The ideal lifespan of a hundred years was divided into four stages. Brahmacharya (student life) for 25 years, Grihastha (householder life) after marriage for another 25 years, Vanaprastha or age of retirement for another 25 years (anchorite life) and if after that somebody lives, Sannyasa (renunciate life) or permanent seclusion from social activities for the rest of life. Hindu tradition holds this system as a dharma (sacred law) sanctioned by the scriptures.

Q4. Is the ideology of purity and pollution the core value of caste or can it be ignored? Discuss.

Ans: Pollution regulates relationship between different castes significantly. It also provides a basis of hierarchy of castes. Thus, more pure a caste is, the higher is its place in the social hierarchy. The Sanskrit word for purity is sodhana. It is derived from the root, sudh meaning ‘pure’. The cognate3 of sudh is saucha meaning cleanliness. The Hindu scriptures lay down several means for attaining purity. Spiritual purity comes from studying the Vedas and other sacred texts; meditating on a deity; undertaking pilgrimages; repeating the name of god; practicing continence (brahmacharya), asceticism (tapas), non-violence (ahimsa); and avoiding food (such as onion, garlic, non-vegetarian food) that raise anger, lust, and passions.

When purity is lost or contaminated (because of, for example, infringement of some critical caste rules as of a Brahmin who touches an untouchable by accident, or because of birth or death in the family, or any other reason), purification through performance of specific rituals

is necessitated. Dumont (1970) situates the contrast between Brahmins and untouchables in the opposition between purity and impurity. For him, the opposition of pure and impure lies at the very root of hierarchy to an extent that it merges with the opposition of superior and inferior. He suggests that specialization in impure tasks in practice or in theory leads to the attribution of permanent impurity to certain categories of people such as the untouchables. The untouchables regularly perform unclean tasks (such as scavenging, washing dirty linen, disposing dead animals and human bodies, making shoes). One example is that of the washermen who, in most parts of the country, clean the soiled linen at the time of birth and menstruation. The other example is that of cobblers who have to use leather (which is an impure material) for making or repairing footwear. Since these are the traditional tasks of the untouchables, they remain perpetually impure. This is permanent impurity. The impurity is contagious4 in the sense that it gets transmitted to those who touch or are touched by them. The defilement is corrected after performing a prescribed set of rituals. On the other hand, Manu has identified bodily secretions such as excrements5, semen, saliva as impure and their presence on the body makes a person impure. In addition, some events as those of birth and death, menstruation, are considered to harbour a danger which lends to the temporary seclusion of the affected persons, to prohibitions against contact, etc. A person’s closest kin often becomes impure, therefore, untouchable for a specific period of time. Touching a menstruating woman or one is observing taboos after child-birth or a man who has returned from the cremation ground after lighting a funeral pyre6 all impart temporary impurity. This is temporary impurity. Water is a purificatory agent; bath in running water, better still in sacred water as of the Ganges is particularly efficacious in cleansing impurity.

In order that the Brahmin retain their purity, the untouchables and people of lower castes are believed to absorb the temporary impurity of the Brahmins by cleaning their premises, and their soiled clothes, and performing the tasks that are treated as unclean and impure by them and in the process, become impure themselves. In doing so they ensure that the Brahmins remain in a state to perform rituals and act as intermediaries between gods and people. In the broad sense, one of the factors identifying the purity of a caste is whether or not a Brahmin accepts drinking water from the hands of its members. Surely, there are local variations. Hutton (1983) cites the example of Brahmins in north India who take water poured into their own drinking vessels by men of Shudra who are regarded as relatively clean, e.g. Barhai (carpenter), Nai (barber), Barbhuja (grain-parcher), Kahar (fisherman, well sinker, and grower of water-nut). Brahmins in south India are extremely particular in this regard. Like water, exchange of food and dining between castes is fraught with several regulations. The glance or the shadow of an untouchable on the cooking pot of a Brahmin is enough to throw away its contents. Interestingly, food cooked in water as by boiling known as Kachha khana is subject to more restrictions than pakka khana or food cooked in ghee or clarified butter. Just as the restrictions on water and food, those on smoking are observed too. At this juncture it may be mentioned that the material of which the cooking utensil is made is of much importance.

Q5. Is family in India changing? Discuss its nature and structure in contemporary India.

Ans:- Research involving the application of the modernisation thesis on the Indian joint family discussed earlier (see also Patel 2005) viewed the changes in the size, structure and composition of the family over time. Patel (2005) views the family as the workshop of kinship and marriage norms and practices.

Studies on changes in the family in the last quarter of the 20th century have been scarce. Societal and structural changes have influenced the family size and structure (see unit 6 of ESO-12 of IGNOU’s B.A. Sociology Programme for the factors influencing the changes in the joint family).

Since the second wave of feminism in the 1960’s, the family has been viewed with some amount of skepticism at least by feminist scholars. Increased female labour force participation, legislation impacting gender, personal law and international migration, advances in science and technology including new reproductive technologies among others, have interacted with the family.

How has the family dealt with change? Whether it moved in the ‘cultural lag’ thesis direction or the resilience one, is yet to be explored. The past two decades have seen a decline in total fertility rate on the one hand and increased life expectancy on the other. This is bound to impact family living.

Simultaneously, emigration to foreign countries is on the rise leading to the phenomenon of the emptiness. Also the marital breakdown i.e. divorce is on the rise, and so is remarriage of widows and divorced women even among upper castes where it was earlier prohibited. It is not unheard of for a female to remain unmarried today. How the family deals with these changes is not yet studied seriously in Sociology. What is happening in the family in matrilineal communities? See Jain (1996) and Shardamoni (1999) for family, kinship and marriage and changes in matrilineal communities in India. What happens to families and households in the following contexts: a) intercaste marriage, b) inter-religious marriage, c) economic liberalization, and d) religious conversion? The way in which these contexts impact family formations in India is not yet studied.

Section-II

Q6. Discuss the Verrier Elwin and G.S Ghuryes’ debate regarding tribes in India.

Ans: A large percentage inhabits a large contiguous geographical belt that divides India into the Northern and Southern parts. The autonomy and independence of tribal people in India is circumscribed by the legal regime laid out in the fifth and the sixth schedules of the

Constitution of India. Their population is distributed over all states, except Chandigarh, Delhi, Haryana, Jammu and Kashmir, Laccadive, and Pondicherry. This belt extends from the North-East Frontier region into the Santal Parganas and the Chotanagpur plateau in West Bengal and Bihar into Orissa and Andhra Pradesh in the South-east into Madhya Pradesh in Central India up to Rajasthan, Gujarat and Maharashtra in Western India. Outside this belt there are pockets inhabited by tribal people in North and South India. The tribal population is socially, culturally, economically and politically differentiated on account of the different histories of interaction between them and the non-tribal people. There are only a few places where tribal people dwell in deep-forest, and continue to practice shifting cultivation for instance, in Abujhmarh in Bastar (Madhya Pradesh) and in Koraput and Phulbani (in Orissa). A majority of them however, live on wastelands, in settled agriculture regions, in towns and cities. Their mode of earning livelihood varies from teaching in schools and colleges to white collar jobs to running small shops to industrial entrepreneurs. Economically, a large number are poor because either they are landless labour or they are cultivators with small unproductive land holdings. Some are rich and some belong to the middle class. The tribal workforce is distributed over the following categories: cultivators, agricultural workers, livestock, forestry workers, mining and quarry workers, construction workers, workers in the trade and commerce sector, workers in the transport, storage and communications sector, and workers in other services. The legal regime laid out in the 5th and 6th schedules has its origins in the Act of 1935, which created, excluded and partially excluded areas where a different set of laws will govern the life of tribal people. Elwin pointed out: “Section 52 and 92 of the Act provided for the reservation of certain predominantly aboriginal areas (to be known as Excluded or Partially excluded areas) from operation of provincial legislature. The executive of authority of provinces extends to ‘excluded’ and partially excluded areas therein, but the administration of excluded areas is under the governor at his discretion and partially excluded areas are administered by the ministers subject to the special responsibility for their peace and good government imposed on the governor by the Section 52(e) of the Art.

Ghurye: “To enable the so-called aborigines to live their lives according to their traditions and customs without active interference from non-aborigines is certainly a desirable end as natural as the grant of responsibility in their administration to other people. But to exclude these tracts from the operation of the full institution for this purpose implies that the facilities for such a life are likely to be denied by a general community, if the so-called aborigines are placed under the same administrative and political machinery. This is not borne out by history.”

It is clear that both Elwin and Ghurye argued for assimilation into the Hindu fold.

In 1950, after debate in the constituent assembly the partially excluded and the excluded areas became the fifth and the sixth scheduled areas. Tribal development programs were initiated and the Ghurye-Elwin position remained unquestioned. On the ground, tribal people has no choice other than to become part of the mainstream and get assimilated into the Hindu fold or become part of Christianity. Today for NGOs and political activists primarily in the fifth schedule areas the Bhuria Committee Report and the subsequent Act of 1996 is an important step towards the realization of self-rule for tribal people in India. These concern resonate the demand for Tribal autonomy in the sixth schedule areas in the Northeastern frontier regions of India. The Act of 1996 emphasized that “Traditional tribal conventions and laws should continue to hold validity. Harmonization with modern systems should be consistent herewith. The committee felt that while shaping the new Panchayati Raj structure

in tribal areas it is desirable to blend the traditional with the modern by treating the traditional institutions as the foundation on which the modern superstructure should be built.”

To what extent does this legal regime equip the tribal people to move towards self-rule? What does self-rule mean when there are only few tribal people who have not become what they are not, that is have not adopted non-tribal religions and cultures? What part of their tradition remains that can harmonize with modern systems?

Q7. Does religion impact politics in India or politics impact religion in India? Discuss Critically.

Ans: A large percentage inhabits a large contiguous geographical belt that divides India into the Northern and Southern parts. The autonomy and independence of tribal people in India is circumscribed by the legal regime laid out in the fifth and the sixth schedules of the Constitution of India. Their population is distributed over all states, except Chandigarh, Delhi, Haryana, Jammu and Kashmir, Laccadive, and Pondicherry. This belt extends from the North-East Frontier region into the Santal Parganas and the Chotanagpur plateau in West Bengal and Bihar into Orissa and Andhra Pradesh in the South-east into Madhya Pradesh in Central India up to Rajasthan, Gujarat and Maharashtra in Western India. Outside this belt there are pockets inhabited by tribal people in North and South India. The tribal population is socially, culturally, economically and politically differentiated on account of the different histories of interaction between them and the non-tribal people. There are only a few places where tribal people dwell in deep-forest, and continue to practice shifting cultivation for instance, in Abujhmarh in Bastar (Madhya Pradesh) and in Koraput and Phulbani (in Orissa). A majority of them however, live on wastelands, in settled agriculture regions, in towns and cities. Their mode of earning livelihood varies from teaching in schools and colleges to white collar jobs to running small shops to industrial entrepreneurs. Economically, a large number are poor because either they are landless labour or they are cultivators with small unproductive land holdings. Some are rich and some belong to the middle class. The tribal workforce is distributed over the following categories: cultivators, agricultural workers, livestock, forestry workers, mining and quarry workers, construction workers, workers in the trade and commerce sector, workers in the transport, storage and communications sector, and workers in other services. The legal regime laid out in the 5th and 6th schedules has its origins in the Act of 1935, which created, excluded and partially excluded areas where a different set of laws will govern the life of tribal people. Elwin pointed out: “Section 52 and 92 of the Act provided for the reservation of certain predominantly aboriginal areas (to be known as Excluded or Partially excluded areas) from operation of provincial legislature.

Ghurye: “To enable the so-called aborigines to live their lives according to their traditions and customs without active interference from non-aborigines is certainly a desirable end as natural as the grant of responsibility in their administration to other people. But to exclude these tracts from the operation of the full institution for this purpose implies that the facilities for such a life are likely to be denied by a general community, if the so-called aborigines are placed under the same administrative and political machinery. This is not borne out by history.”

It is clear that both Elwin and Ghurye argued for assimilation into the Hindu fold.

In 1950, after debate in the constituent assembly the partially excluded and the excluded areas became the fifth and the sixth scheduled areas. Tribal development programs were

initiated and the Ghurye-Elwin position remained unquestioned. On the ground, tribal people has no choice other than to become part of the mainstream and get assimilated into the Hindu fold or become part of Christianity. Today for NGOs and political activists primarily in the fifth schedule areas the Bhuria Committee Report and the subsequent Act of 1996 is an important step towards the realization of self-rule for tribal people in India. These concern resonate the demand for Tribal autonomy in the sixth schedule areas in the Northeastern frontier regions of India. The Act of 1996 emphasized that “Traditional tribal conventions and laws should continue to hold validity. Harmonization with modern systems should be consistent herewith. The committee felt that while shaping the new Panchayati Raj structure in tribal areas it is desirable to blend the traditional with the modern by treating the traditional institutions as the foundation on which the modern superstructure should be built.”

To what extent does this legal regime equip the tribal people to move towards self-rule? What does self-rule mean when there are only few tribal people who have not become what they are not, that is have not adopted non-tribal religions and cultures? What part of their tradition remains that can harmonize with modern systems?

Q8. What is urbanisation? How is it changing peoples’ life style and culture?

Ans: Throughout the centuries urbanism has been about humans living in sustaining, and stimulating proximity. The urbanism of villages, towns, neighborhoods, and cities drew people in as places of interaction, opportunity, and creativity.

Sociologically, the focus is on heterogeneity, impersonality, interdependence and the quality of life. Tonnies (1957) differentiated between gemeinschaft (rural) and gesellschaft (urban) communities in terms of social relationships and values. The former is one in which social bonds are based on close personal ties of kinship and friendship, and the emphasis is on tradition, consensus and informality, while in the latter, impersonal and secondary relationships predominate and the interaction of people is formal, contractual and dependent on the special function or service they perform. Other sociologists like Max Weber (1961) and George Simmel (1950) have stressed on dense living conditions, rapidity of change and impersonal interaction in urban settings.

In India, the demographic and economic indexes are important in defining specific areas as town or city. The census definition of ‘town’ remained more or less the same for the period 1901-1951 but in 1961, a new definition was adopted. Up to 1951, ‘town’ included:

(1) An inhabited locality with a total population of not less than 5,000 persons;

(2) Every municipality, corporation and notified area of whatever size; and

(3) All civil lines not included within municipal limits.

Family and Kinship

Urbanization affects not only the family structure but also intra-and inter-family relations, as well as the functions the family performs. With urbanization, there is a disruption of the bonds of community and the migrant faces the problem to replace old relationships with new ones and to find a satisfactory means of continuing relationship with those left behind. Several empirical studies of urban families conducted by scholars like I.P. Desai, Kapadia

and Aileen Ross, have pointed out that urban joint family is being gradually replaced by nuclear family, the size of the family is shrinking, and kinship relationship is confined to two or three generations only. In his study of 423 families in Mahuva town in Gujrat, I.P. Desai (1964) showed that though the structure of urban family is changing, the spirit of individualism is not growing in the families. He found that 74 per cent families were residentially nuclear but functionally and in property joint, and 21 per cent were joint in residence and functioning as well as in property and 5 per cent families were nuclear. Kapadia (1959) in his study of 1,162 families in rural and urban (Navsari) areas in Gujrat found that while in rural areas, for every two nuclear families there were three joint families; in urban areas, nuclear families were 10 per cent more than joint families.

Urbanization and Status of Women

Women constitute an important section of rural urban migrants. They migrate at the time of marriage and also when they are potential workers in the place of destination (Rao). While middle class women get employed in the white collar jobs and professions, lower class women find jobs in the informal sector. Women are also found in the formal sector as industrial workers.

The onslaught of forces of rapid industrialization in a patriarchal social system led men to move out in order to qualify for the labour market by acquiring specialized skills. Women were traditionally relegated to the informal and family setting.

Urban Politics

Rao (1974) has identified four problem areas in the study of political institutions, organization and processes in the urban context: (1) Formal political structure, (2) Informal political organizations, (3) Small town politics, and (4) Violence. There is the formal political structure, municipal or corporation government where national, regional and local political parties compete for positions of power. Lloyd Rudolph’s (1961) essay on Populist Government in Madras outlines the struggle for power in the Madras Corporation and shows the decisive dominance of the D.M.K., a regional political party. It also reveals the control exercised by the party leaders in the context of the anti-Brahmin movement and the populist support the party has acquired. The study brings out clearly the relationship between urbanization and the changing power structure.

Q9. Define globalisation and discuss its impact on society in India.

Ans:- The term Globalisation has entered almost as a part of the vocabulary of all major disciplines, languages, cultures and nations in contemporary times. Given the increasing appeal of the term, numerous public debates and discussions on its constructive and destructive affects have been taking place in academia, political circles and in the civil society. There is an ongoing controversy over the term ‘Globalization’. Both enthusiasts and critics emphasize the broad range of its impact. The term ‘Globalization’ has entered almost as a part of the vocabulary of all major disciplines, languages, cultures and nations in contemporary times. Given the increasing appeal of the term, numerous public debates and discussions on its constructive and destructive affects have been taking place in academia, political circles and in the civil society.

Technological and Cultural impact of globalisation in India:- With the process of globalisation, there is an access to television grew from 20% of the urban population (1991) to 90% of the urban population (2009). Even in the rural areas satellite television has a grown up market. In the cities, Internet facility is everywhere and extension of internet facilities even to rural areas. There is an increase of global food chain/restaurants in the urban areas of India. Excessive Multiplex movie halls, big shopping malls and high rise residential are seen in every cities. Entertainment sector in India has a global market. After economic liberalisation, Bollywood expanded its area and showed a major presence in the global scale. The industry began to explore new ways to become more global and modern. In India, modernity is observed with the West. Therefore, Western philosophy began to be incorporated into Bollywood films. As these new cultural messages began to reach the Indian population, Indian moviegoers were pushed to re-evaluate their traditional Indian cultural ideology. Bollywood movies are also distributed and accepted at international level. Big International companies (Walt Disney, 20th Century Fox, and Columbia Pictures) are investing on this sector. Famous International brands such as Armani, Gucci, Nike, and Omega are also making investment in the Indian market with the changing of fashion statement of Indians.

Impact of globalisation on education in India:- There is immense effects observed in educational sector due to globalisation such as literacy rate become high and Foreign Universities are collaborating with different Indian Universities. The Indian educational system faces challenges of globalisation through information technology and it offers opportunities to evolve new paradigms shifts in developmental education. The distinction between formal, non-formal and informal education will vanish when move from industrial society to information society takes place.

Globalisation promotes new tools and techniques such as E-learning Flexible learning Distance Education Programs and Overseas training.

It is observed in current Indian society that through globalisation, women have gained certain opportunities for job options and to recognize women’s rights as a part of the human rights. Their empowerment have given considerable opportunities and possibilities of improving employment conditions through global solidarity and coordination. It is found that the growth of computer and other technologies enabled women with better, flex timings, and capacity to negotiate their role and statues in home and at corporate level.

Q10. What is a social movement? Discuss its various types with examples.

Ans: Social movements are a type of group action. They are large informal groupings of individuals and/or organizations focused on specific political or social issues, in other words, on carrying out, resisting or undoing a social change. Modern Western social movements became possible through education (the wider dissemination of literature), and increased mobility of labour due to the industrialization and urbanization of 19th century societies. It is sometimes argued that the freedom of expression, education and relative economic independence prevalent in the modern Western culture is responsible for the unprecedented number and scope of various contemporary social movements. However others point out that many of the major social movements of the last hundred years grew up, like the Mau in Kenya, to oppose Western colonialism. Political science and sociology have developed a variety of theories and empirical research on social movements. For example, some research in political science highlights the relation between popular movements and the formation of

new political parties as well as discussing the function of social movements in relation to agenda setting and influence on politics.

The plural and transforming nature of social conflicts in the contemporary India, the claims and contestations of different collectivities; the types of stake they articulate and the nature of the method and style of their mobilization suggest of two major typological orientations in the themes on movement studies. These orientations help us in identifying the different types of social movements in India. The traditions of movement studies in India have been broadly divided into themes of:

(1) the classical tradition,

(2) the neo-classical tradition and finally,

(3) into the contemporary ‘new’ social movement (hereafter referred to as NSMs) study tradition (Rajendra Singh; 2002 : 89).

Social Characteristics of New Social Movements and Their Sub-Types:- New NSMs are the reflections of a new representation of society characterized by post-capitalism, post-industrialism and post-materialism. In the 1960’s and 1970’s European and American societies gave rise to large-scale movements around issues and questions which were non-materialistic in nature. These movements generally raised questions which were basically cultural and humanistic. Unlike the region or locality bound old types of social movements, the new movements espouse the goals, objective and values of universalistic application. Their objectives are to defend the essence of the mankind and protect the conditions on which human life depends on. The ideological discourse of the ‘new’ movements centre around the question of identity, human dignity, peace and social justice. There has been a radical shift from the discussions on capitalism ‘class exploitation’, class revolution, etc;’ to the questions of the expanding nature of state power and the shrinking space of the citizen and the civil society. In these new movements, at the stakes are the problems of individual freedom, personal liberty, identity and social equality.

Ideal-typical Character of the NSMs:- Most of the NSMs base their ideological conceptions by imputing a duality between the state and the civil society. The assumption is that the social space of the civil society getting increasingly shrunk the ‘social’ of the civil society is being systematically eroded by the penetration of the expanding tentacles of power and control in almost every aspect of life.

What more is disturbing the reality is that the expansion of the state coincides with and overlaps upon the process of the expansion of market. The institutions of state and the market grip the civil society so tenaciously that society is rendered helpless in their combined pressure of surveillance and control. NSMS therefore, emerge in the ‘self-defense’ of the community. The state, in the name of the ‘public’ interests attempt making encroachment at almost every aspect of the ‘private’ lives of the individual. Its perhaps on account of the all-round attack of the state and the market on the civil society the diverse forms and types of NSMs: urban, ecological, anti-authoritarian, anti-institutionalists, feminist, anti-racist, ethnic and regionalist have sprung up in the contemporary society. The site of the struggle has shifted from the traditional workplace of industries and factories, and field and farms.