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III. The Established European Nations … and Two New Ones 9 Influence of Enlightenment on “the people” of Europe. 9 Overall goal of the Congress of Vienna in 1814. 9 The nervous Monarch and the creation of the “Enlightened Despot” … think about it … 9 The Process of the Unification of Italy 1858 to 1870; Main Figures to Recognize. 9 The Process of the Unification of Germany 1865-1871; Main Figures to Recognize. DeMatteo Global HSW

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III. The Established European Nations … and Two New Ones

Influence of Enlightenment on “the people” of Europe.

Overall goal of the Congress of Vienna in 1814.

The nervous Monarch and the creation of the “Enlightened Despot” … think about it …

The Process of the Unification of Italy 1858 to 1870; Main Figures to Recognize.

The Process of the Unification of Germany 1865-1871; Main Figures to Recognize.

DeMatteo Global HSW

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Mazzini Cavour

Garibaldi

Wilhelm I

Bismarck

Italy

Germany

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DeMatteo Global HSW

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DeMatteo Global HSW

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Giuseppe Garibaldi, the "sword" of Italian Unification, added the southern Kingdom of the Two Sicilies to Italy in 1861. He describes his "Red Shirts" with these words.

O noble Thousand! .. . I love to remember you! . . . Where any of our brothers are fighting for liberty, there all Italians must hasten! - such was your motto. Let him who loves his country in his heart, and not with his lips only, follow me.

Source: Giuseppe Garibaldi

^ How does Garibaldi's statement reflect the idea of nationalism?

A contemporary British cartoon, entitled "Right Leg in the Boot at Last." shows Garibaldi helping Victor Emmanuel put on the Italian boot.

^ What does the boot represent? What is the significance of Garibaldi helping Victor Emmanuel to put it on?

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PRIMARY SOURCE Proclaiiiatloe of 1860 b y G i u s e p p e G a r i b a l d i

Giuseppe Garibaldi, an Italian nationalist, issued this proclamation before he left on a successful military expedition in May 1860 to liberate Sicily, the first step toward unifying southern Italy. How did Garibaldi try to persuade Italians to fight for Italy's independence?

The Sicilians are fighting against the enemies of Italy, and for Italy. To furnish them with money

and with arms, and to bring them the aid of his strong right arm, such is the duty of every Italian. The spirit of discord and the indifference of any one province to the fate of her neighbour are the things that have been at the bottom of the misfor­tunes of Italy.

The salvation of Italy began on the day on which the sons of the same soil rushed forward to defend their brothers when in danger.

If we abandon these brave children of Sicily and leave them to their fate, they will have to fight against the mercenaries of the Bourbon, plus those of Austria and those of the priest who reigns in Rome.

Let the people of the liberated provinces lift high their voices in championing the cause of their brothers who are fighting! Send your generous youth where the battle is for the Motherland!

Let the Marches, and Umbria, and Sabina, and the Roman Campania, and the land of Naples rise, so as to bring division into the forces of our enemy!

If the towns do not offer sufficient support to the insurrection, let the more determined of you range the country in bands.

A brave man can always find arms! In the name of God, do not hsten to the cowards who parade before their richly laden tables! .

Let us arm! Let us fight for our brothers! To­morrow, we shall fight for ourselves.

A httle band of brave men who follow me on the country's battlefields are marching to the rescue

along with me. Italy knows them.: they appear whenever the tocsin of danger sounds. Noble and generous comrades! they have consecrated their lives to their country. They will give to her iJieir last drop of blood, seeking no other reward save; that of having done their duty, and that a clear conscience may abide with them.

"Italy and Victor Emmanuel!" This, our battle-cry when crossing the Ticino, will echo to t ie fiery rocks of [AE]tna. To tfiis cry, prophetic of combat, and borne along by Italy's lofty mountains as far as the Tai-peian rock, the tottering throne of t/raany will crash. Al l , then, will rise as one man!

To arms! At one blow, let us end the sufferings of centuries. Let us prove to the world that it was indeed in this land that the sturdy race of sjacient Romans once lived.

from Alexandre Dumas, ed., The Memoirs of Garibaldi (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1931), 359.

According to Garibaldi, what does it take to make a country?

Identify two examples of Propaganda:

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. . . Therefore, if we so ardently desire the emancipation [unification] of Italy — if we declare that in the face of this great question all the petty questions that divide us must be silenced— it is not only that we may see our country glorious and powerful but that above all we may elevate her in intelligence and moral development up to the plane of the most civilized nations. . .

Source: Camillo di Cavour, 1846

^ According to Camillo di Cavour, what would be one positive result of Italian unification?

Young Italy is a brotherhood of Italians who believe ... that Italy is destined to become one nation ... They join this association in the firm intent of consecrating both thought and action to the great aim of reconstituting Italy as one independent sovereign nation of free men and equals ... The means by which Young Italy proposes to reach its aim are education and insurrection, to be adopted simultaneously, and made to harmonize with each other.

Source: Giuseppe Mazzini (1831), Young Italy

What is the goal of the members of Young Italy?

How do they intend to reach their goal?

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PRIMARY SOURCE N a t i o n a l i s t S p e e

by Otto von Bismarck

On April 1, 1895, German nationalist Otto von Sismarcic delivered a speech to a delegation of students in Friedrictisruh on his 8Qth birthday. He reviewed key events that led to the unification of Germany and promoted the idea of German unity. As you read part of this speech, consider his hopes and dreams for future generations of Germans.

We had to win our national independence in difficult wars. The preparation, the prologue, was the Holstein war. We had to fight with Austria for a settlement; no court of law could have given a decree of separation; we had to fight. That we were facing French war after our victory at Sadowa could not remain in doubt for anyone who knew the conditions of Europe. . . . After the war had been waged everybody here was saying that v^athin five years we should have to wage the next war. This was to be feared it is true, but I have ever since considered it to be my duty to prevent it. We Germans had no longer any reason for war. We had what we needed. To fight for more, from a lust of conquest and for the annexation of countries which were not necessary for us always appeared to me like an atrocity; I am tempted to say Like a Bonapartistic and a foreign atrocity, alien to the Germanic sense of justice. . . .

The men who made the biggest sacrifices tliat the empire might be bom were undoubtedly the German princes, not excluding the king of Prussia.

My old master hesitated long be.iore he voiuntanly welded liis independence to the empire. Let us then be thankful to the reigning houses who made saci-i-fices ibr the empire which after the full tlrousand years of German liistor)' must have been hard for them to make, ,

I would then—and you wil l say I am an old, consei-vative man—compress what I have to say into these words: Let us keep above eveiything the tilings we have, before we look for new diings, nor be afraid of those people who begrudge them to us. In Germany struggles have existed always. . . . Life is a struggle everywhere in nature, and without inner struggles we end by being like the Chinese, and become petrified. No struggle, no life! Only in every fight where the national question arises, there must be a rallying point. For us this is the empire, not as it may seem to be desirable, but as it is, the empire and the emperor, who represents it. That is why 1 ask you to join me in wishing well to the emperor and the empire.

According to Bismark, provide examples of how Germany

became an Empire:

7 Bismark takes a negative shot at China....why?

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Map A MapB

Germany

'Hanover

-JBrandenburg::;

Nationalism

Austria-Hungary

Source: Sol Holl and John R. O'Connor, Exploring World History. Globe Book Co. (adapted)

. According to Map A, how did nationalism affect the German states?

According to Map B, how did nationalism affect the Austro-Hungarian empire?

Prussia must concentrate its strength and hold it for the favourable moment, which has already come and gone several times. Since the treaties of Vienna, our frontiers have been ill-designed for a healthy body politic. Not through speeches and majority decisions will the great questions of the day be decided - that was the great mistake of 1848 and 1849 - but by iron and blood.

Source: Otto von Bismarck (1862)

In this speech by Bismarck, what do "iron and blood" represent?

i }

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~ Nationalism and Congress ofVienna had set up. Although the Congress could not Unification in Europe suppress nationalism permanently, it was able to postpone its

Environment and Society

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CONCEPTS GLOBAL

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The Metternich Age and the Growth of Nationalism (1815-1871) After Napoleon's defeat, five major European powers-England, Russia, Prussia, France, and Austria-met at the Congress ofVi­enna in 1814 and 1815 to draw up peace plans and settle a number of important territorial questions by redrawing the map ofEurope. Under the leadership ofAustria's Count Metternich, the Congress ofVienna sought to restore political life in Europe, including for­mer rulers and boundaries, to what it had been prior to Napoleon and to maintain peace and stability. Such a policy of restoring past ways and turning the clock back is called reactionary. Metternich wanted to wipe out the ideas spread by the Napoleonic era and re­turn to the old days of absolutism and special privilege. The deci­sions reached at the Congress of Vienna were based on three principles-legitimacy, the balance of power, and compensation. Legitimacy meant restoring the ruling families that reigned before the French Revolution to their thrones. Balance of power meant that no one nation should be strong enough to threaten the security ofthe others. To do this, shifts ofterritory were necessary. This in­volved compensation, or providing one state with territory to pay for territory taken away from that state.

Metternich opposed the French Revolution ideas of freedom and equality. He sought to maintain what had been the status quo prior to the French Revolution. During the Metternich age (1815-1848), there were challenges to the status quo. However, most attempts by European peoples against these reactionary policies in order to achieve national unity were put down by force. These attempts, which led to revolutions in 1830 and in 1848, were inspired by a nationalistic spirit, whereby a group of people, such as the Italians, Poles, or Germans, sought to create their own nation and establish self-government. Although most of these revolutions failed, two successful attempts were made in Belgium and Greece in 1830. The Quadruple Alliance, represent­ing the four powers that had defeated Napoleon, did not want these revolutionary movements to succeed. From this alliance emerged the Concert of Europe. This was a form of interna­tional government, arranged by concert, or agreement, among its members. It wanted to keep the balance of power that the

success for a half century. The unification of Italy and of Germany in the later 1800s were the first breaks in the territorial settlements of 1815.

The spirit of nationalism influenced the political history of Europe from 1815 to 1914. Nationalism is the belief that a group of people who share a common culture, language, and historical tradition should have their own nation in a specific area of land. Once the people accomplish their nationalistic goals and form a nation-state, they can then make their own laws and are said to be sovereign and to have autonomy. Na­tionalism was the guiding force that led to the unification of both Italy and Germany in the late 19th century. The Italians, Poles, Hungarians, Turks, and others who were ruled by the large dynastic states that dominated Europe-the Austrian Em­pire, the Russian Empire, and the Ottoman Empire-all strug­gled to win freedom and form their own nation-states.

Unification of Italy. In 1815 there was no nation called Italy; Italy was really a geographic expression. The Italian Peninsula was divided among large and small states, such as the Lom­bardy province and the kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont. Aus­tria, which controlled the states in the northern part of the Italian Peninsula, was against any kind ofunity. But by 1861 all the Italian states had become unified into a nation. Those most responsible for bringing unification about were:

1. Cavour. Considered the brain ofunification, he was a suc­cessful diplomat who got France to help him fight the Austri­ans. He also expanded the power of Sardinia-Piedmont by adding to it other Italian states.

2. Mazzini. The soul of unification, he wrote and spoke elo­quently about his desires for Italian unity. He was the founder of the Young Italy movement.

3. Garibaldi. The sword of unification, he conquered south­ern Italy and joined it to the state that Cavour had unified under the control of Sardinia-Piedmont in the north.

4. King Victor Emmanuel. Formerly the King of Sardinia­Piedmont, he became the ruler of a united Italy in March 1861.

c

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GLOBAL CONCEPTS

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Unification of Germany. In 1815 there was no nation called Germany. Instead, there were more than 30 independent Ger­man states that had their own traditions, laws, and economic regulations. The largest of these states, Prussia, located in northern Germany, led the movement for unification. The chief obstacle to Prussia's leadership was Austria. It sought to domi­nate German affairs and did not want to see the German states unified. But by 1871, under the leadership of Prussia's chief minister, Otto von Bismarck, Austria's power was weakened and the German states achieved unification.

Otto von Bismarck

Following a policy of blood and iron, Bismarck used military means to achieve his goal of Gelman unity under Prussia's lead­ership. Under this policy, Prussia won victories in the Danish War (1864), the Austro-Prussian War (or Seven Weeks' War, 1866), and the Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871). As a result of these wars, Prussia was able to gain land, such as Schleswig-Hol­stein from Denmark and Alsace-Lorraine from France, unite other German states with Prussia, and reduce the influence of Austria in German affairs. Y.,ing William I of Prussia became the ruler of a united Germany in 1871 and was called emperor, or kaiser.

Conclusion. Nationalism can be positive ~a force for good) ~r

negative (a force for evil). The desire by ItalIans a_nd Germans 0

form their own nations brought together people with common ties and histories. The wishes of a group of people to achieve sovereignty and self-determination are common themes through­out history and exist even in our own day. However, nationalistic desires can become so intense that hatred and unnecessary bloodshed can result. The reign of terror in France was one exam­ple; Bismarck's humiliation of France after the Franco-Prussian war was another. Intense nationalism can also be dangerous when it turns into chauvinism and excessive ethnocentrism. This occurs when a group of people claim to be superior to an­other group of people. Such claims have often led to prejudice and wars.

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