IJPA JAN -MARCH 014 BOOK REVIEWS Folder/14-BR.pdfpersonal gain out of official duties. The book defines corruption as “abuse of public power for private gain”. The Prevention of

BOOK REVIEWS

Fighting Corruption : The Way Forward (Ed.)SAMUEL PAUL (Editor), Academic Foundation, New Delhi, 2013, p. 298,Rs. 995.00.

Corruption has become the central national concern in contemporaryIndian Society. Earlier it was not taken seriously. However, it has emergedas a very serious cancerous problem in last couple of decades. Corruptionis a global problem. Almost all the countries in the world are seized of theproblem of corruption. It is confined to developing countries, it is commoneven in the developed societies. However, its nature, volume and dimensionsdiffer from country to country, environment to environment and culture toculture. When we talk about Indian society, it has become a widespreaddisease of epidemic proportions.

Corruption is not a new phenomenon. It is as old as the society itself.Kautilya talks about 40 ways of embezzlement/corruption in his famouswork “Arthshastra”, which was authored almost two thousand five hundredyear ago. However, the phenomenon of corruption is more in focus nowthan ever before. The volume of corruption was meager in the beginningbut it has increased in all walks of life in the recent years.

Corruption is a multi-dimensional problem. It manifests itself aspolitical corruption, the abuse of public power, office or resources bygovernment functionaries, officials or employees for personal gains, whichinvolves acts of extortion, collusion, soliciting or offering bribes. There isalso corporate corruption, corporate criminality and the abuse of power bycompany officials, either internally or externally.

Corruption connotes some form of moral delinquency or fall fromrectitude. It signifies perversion of integrity by bribery or favour. It maybe defined as lack of public and private morality and probity and disregardof honesty and integrity that leads to bribery, extortion, nepotism, patronage,embezzlement and graft. It involves illegal acts of officials for illicitpersonal gain out of official duties.

The book defines corruption as “abuse of public power for privategain”. The Prevention of Corruption Act of India (1988) refers to corruptionas:

Taking gratification other than legal remuneration in respect of anofficial act, as a motive or reward for doing or forebearing to do any

IJPA JAN -MARCH 014

BOOK REVIEWS / 173

official act or showing or forebearing to show, in the exercise of hisofficial functions, favour or disfavor to any person or for rendering orattempting to render any service or disservice to any person.The book also provides different definitions of corruption given by

various thinkers. Others have further refined and expanded these definitions.Illegal gratification can be both monetary and non-monetary. Corruptionmay occur in all aspects and functions of the state. It may take the form ofquid pro quo deals during elections, public policymaking, awards ofcontracts and approvals and numerous other discretionary decisions ofpublic officials. The definition of corruption given above focuses solelyon the bribe taker. But both takers and givers are involved in corrupttransactions. The U.K. Bribery Act of 2010 takes into account both giversand takers in its definition of corruption:

Crime of bribery occurs when a person offers, gives or promises togive a “financial or other advantage” to another individual in exchangefor “improperly performing such a function or activity”. Also coveredis the “offence of being bribed, defined as requesting, accepting, oragreeing to accept such an advantage, in exchange for improperlyperforming such a function or activity.The Editor of the book holds that this to be a more comprehensive and

balanced definition of corruption. It covers corruption in both private andpublic life. This is not to deny that corruption can be pervasive and harmfulin corporate governance and the private sector in general. But we proposeto deal with it only to the extent it arises in the context of the interactionsbetween private and public institutions. Corruption in public governanceaffects all and none can escape its dysfunctional impacts. Citizens’dependence on the state for essential services and public goods is far greaterthan their dependence on the private sector and its enterprises where theycan at least have some freedom to choose. It is why the public debatecontinues to be dominated by concerns about corruption in public life andpublic institutions.

The transaction costs of economic activities, including investments,are raised by corruption. There is a general feeling in society that corruptionis unjust, unethical and unfair. People have started to raise their voiceagainst corrupt practices and participate in campaigns to fight corruption.Huge scams involving political leaders as well as businessmen haveprovoked people in many parts of the country to register their anger againstcorruption.

Increased awareness about the need to protest and fight corruption is apositive development. However, corruption cannot be brought under controlby merely organizing public demonstrations or pursuing a one point agenda,

174 / INDIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION174 / VOL. LX, NO. 1, JANUARY-MARCH 2014

it requires actions on multiple fronts to tackle corruption. Consensusbuilding to translate good ideas and designs into action on the ground willtake time. A transition from protests to a “time for action” is the need ofthe hour-action by the state, by civil society and at the level of the individualcitizen.

The work under review is a volume edited by Professor Samuel Paul.It examines the phenomenon of corruption from multiple perspectives andproposes an agenda of reform that has the potential to achieve corruptioncontrol. The book has been divided into the following ten chapters.

The editor is the author of first chapter. Prof. Samuel Paul has analysedthe problem of corruption in India. He has defined the problem fromdifferent points of view. He has provided three different perspectives oncorruption namely, the moral perspective, the efficiency perspective andthe human rights perspective. The author also talks about typology ofcorruption along with the growth of corruption and also various causes ofcorruption in India.

The foregoing review of the complexity, severity, causes, and thesystemic nature of the widespread corruption in India’s public life remindsus that there are no quick fixes to successfully tackle this evil scourgeanytime soon. The problem calls for a multipronged approach, combiningreforms at different levels, strategies to elicit the support of all the relevantstakeholders, and persistent public campaigns. The remedy needs to gobeyond the laws and punitive measures to punish the guilty and focus alsoon preventive measures that can reduce the scope and opportunities forcorruption in public life. It is instructive to recall that the importance oftaking preventive measures to tackle corruption was emphasized by theSanthanam Committee on Corruption almost 50 years ago in 1964. Thefirst Administrative Reforms Commission had recommended the creationof the Lokpal and Lokayukta institutions in 1966. It is not the lack ofknowledge about what needs to be done to control corruption but the willand sense of urgency in taking follow-up actions that are sadly missing inour political and governance leadership. This is clearly brought out by aclose look at what happened to the anti-corruption proposals made in thepast few decades by various official committees of the government. TheRight to Information Act is a landmark legislation in this regard.

Mechanisms to prevent, monitor and punish corruption are not adequatenor have they proved to be effective to the extent that they exist. At thenational level, India still does not have an Ombudsman-type Lokpallegislation yet the Lokpal Act has been passed by the government recently.In general, governments at the Centre and the states have been tardy atbest, and insincere at worst, in investigating and pursuing corruption.

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Commissions of Inquiry established over the years have not been able toeffectively prove or punish corruption. Corruption has been politicized-just as politics has been corrupted—in the sense that cases of corruptionhave been used for partisan political purposes, rather than with any seriousintent to objectively tackle the problem. Investigative journalism has helpedto expose corruption, but given its nature, media coverage has been episodicrather than sustained.

The low priority given to corruption control may mask a variety offactors. Vested interests that benefit from corruption will certainly putroadblocks to kill reform plans. The silence of the majority may be read asindifference by those in authority. The complex nature of some of themeasures presented above may make consensus building a long drawn outprocess. Populist policies and schemes may leave no time or resources tothe powers that pursue the cause of corruption control. But there is a silverlining in the cloud. Over the past decade, public revulsion against corruptionhas increased. A new generation of citizens, young and educated, are inthe vanguard of a popular movement to fight corruption. This rising publicpressure for change has the potential to demand better governance andcorruption control. Resistance to change by the entrenched beneficiariesof corruption is bound to crumble once this movement gathers momentum.It is this changed environment that emboldens the contributors to this bookto highlight the core issues in corruption control and to propose the wayforward to tackle them.

E. Sridharan argues in second chapter that corruption is significantlyrooted in the imperative for political parties and politicians to raise fundsfor political activities, including elections. This upstream root ofdownstream corruption has to be effectively tackled in order to addressthe cancer of corruption. He offers evidence from international experiencein political finance reform that has reduced the dependence on politicalparties and politicians on illicit funding and discretionary favours frombig donors that contribute to corruption. He also presents some proposalsto tackle the malaise of political corruption in the Indian context.

In the third chapter, Bibek Debroy examines the multiple dimensionsof corruption and presents a diagnosis of the problem, supported byempirical evidence on its ubiquity and severity. The challenge, in hisopinion, is to turn corruption from a low risk-high return activity to a highrisk-low return enterprise. Tackling the inadequacies of the legal machinery,reform of the supply side of delivery, including civil service reform,procurement reform, independent anti-corruption bodies and strengtheningthe demand side of governance are among the areas he probes in detail.

Madhav Godbole in fourth chapter, surveys India’s track record in


tackling corruption in public life. He reviews the various initiatives thatthe successive governments have adopted to contain corruption andconcludes that they have amounted to no more than a “sham war againstcorruption”. One exception that stands out as an oasis in the desert is theimplementation of the Right to Information Act. The evidence he presentsis wide ranging and includes administrative reform, functioning of thejudiciary and the ombudsman system, and police reform. He argues thatthe Constitution, laws and regulatory systems will be effective only whenthe leaders and people let them function in the way they are meant towork. This missing link cannot be restored through the mere prescriptionof reforms.

In the fifth chapter, A. Vaidyanathan offers systematic evidence on thepervasiveness of corruption in the rural sector through the medium ofagricultural credit policy. Poor design of policies and flawed assumptionscreate a fertile ground for the practice of corruption. Thousands ofcooperative societies have been set up in all the states for the disbursementof subsidized credit to millions of small farmers. Both cooperatives andcommercial banks have been reporting the disbursement of vast sums ofmoney every year as agricultural credit to farmers. The wide gap betweenthese amounts and the actual receipt of credit reported by farmers (throughlarge scale surveys) is a measure of the large-scale diversion of funds byvested interests for other purposes. It is not merely the delivery of publicservices that has been hit by large-scale corruption but also productionoperations in agriculture in which millions of farmers are engaged.Vaidyanathan argues for stricter monitoring and greater decentralizationof the credit disbursal process, delinking it from the exclusive control ofstate governments and political elites.

Grand corruptions and its manifestations in the regulatory arenaconstitute the theme of V. Ranganathan’s essay which draws importantlessons from a small set of case studies in the sixth chapter. A carefulanalysis of the recent experiences in the telecom, power and otherinfrastructure sectors, where independent regulators exist, show howinformation asymmetry, competence deficit, non-transparent systems andproblems with the design of regulatory systems create opportunities formassive corruption. He also argues that all regulatory failures cannot beattributed to corrupt motives. The way forward lies in the sustenance oftruly independent and competent regulatory mechanism and greateropenness in the regulatory process.

R. Balasubramaniam, examines corruption in essential public services,with special reference to its impact on the poor. He presents a case studyof the public distribution system (PDS) in Karnataka, and offers useful

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lessons for the reform of this essential service. He then moves on togovernmental health services and narrates the strategy of a project whosefocus is on the role that communicates can play in monitoring these servicesand their efficacy.

The potential role that e-governance can play in corruption control isthe focus of essay by Subhash Bhatnagar. Though e-Governance has beenseen primarily as an efficiency enhancing tool, he argues that it can also beused to fight corruption as improved efficiency, timeliness and transparencywill reduce the scope and opportunities for corruption. There is no shortageof pilot projects on e-Governance in India, but scaling up often runs intopolitical and bureaucratic resistance. The challenge is to break this barrierand let e-Governance act as an aid to the improvement of public services,accountability and control of corruption.

Justice G.C. Bharuka examines the phenomenon of corruption in India’sjudicial system and the main factors that contribute to its persistence in theninth chapter. He also reviews specific cases of allegations against seniorjudges, and warns against the tendency to generalize about the extent ofcorruption based on limited cases. He surveys the work on e-Governanceand the impact it has made in the functioning of the Supreme Court. Thechapter concludes with a review of the Judiciary Accountability Bill andthe unfinished tasks that remain.

In the last chapter, Samuel Paul, takes an overview of the proposalsfor fighting corruption discussed in the foregoing chapters and suggeststhe way forward. The importance of adapting these ideas to the context ofthe country environment, sequencing and mixing them to suit thecapabilities of the state and civil society, learning from experience andresponding to new challenges cannot be overemphasized. Simple stepstaken by government can sometimes make a big difference. Dismantlingmajor barriers such as political resistance and unethical conduct in publiclife, on the other hand, calls for more time, persistence and patience. Thereis a place for both preventive and punitive measures to tackle corruption.The use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) can be anaid to greater transparency and the empowerment of people. Theorchestration, monitoring and fine tuning of the complex mix of measures,however, calls for leaders with vision and a watchful civil society.

Thus, it is a very useful publication on corruption. The authors ofvarious papers have covered the different areas and sectors of Indian societywhich are afflicted by the menace of corruption. The book not only presentsa diagnosis of the problem through a careful look into different sectors andpublic institutions, but also offers a menu of actionable ideas that need tobe debated and fine-tuned. It is through such debates and reflections that a


better understanding of what it takes to control corruption will emerge. Itis only then that a broad consensus can be generated in support of an agendafor the policy and institutional reforms that are essential for fightingcorruption in India’s public life. The book is very useful for the planners,policy makers, public servants, students in general and the students ofPublic Administration and Political Science in particular. The book alsoprovides a detailed Bibliography at the end. The Jacket of the book is alsobeautiful and meaningful. The book is priced reasonably. Lastly, the bookshould be read by every citizen of India.

—B.M. SHARMA

“Horticulture for Tribal Development” BAIF’s Story of ExcellenceDR. R.N. HEGDE AND DR. SOMNATH D. SURYAWANSHI, Ashish Advertising,Pune, 2011, pp. 1-126, Rs. 120.00.

The present book under review is an outcome of Bharatiya AgroIndustries Foundation(BAIF) efforts made for economic empowerment ofthe tribals through Wadi (practice of mango orchard) in Thane and Nasikdistricts of Maharashtra. Prior practice of Wadi the tribals of both districtswere facing problems of livelihood, employment, income, migration,education of the children, health, basic requirements, etc. but preciousefforts made by the Bharatiya Agro Industries Foundation has changed thelife style of indigenous people. The authors, prior the discussion about theproject promoted by BAIF, narrated picture of the tribals in terms ofdemographical, social, economical both at national level and local levelthoroughly. The book covers the efforts of Government of Indiasystemically since Independence (1947). This book is divided into 10Chapters. Chapter one as entitled “Tribal Development In India: AnOverview” narrates an over view of tribal development in India whichcovers 8.2 per cent population of the country. This Chapter focuses onproblems of education, health, infrastructure, land holding, poverty,indebtedness, addiction, blind beliefs, poor housing, etc. and flow of theapproach of the Government of India covering dimensions like scholarships,economic development, health and housing through Centrally Sponsoredprogrammes. Second Chapter “Horticulture Development—A Tool forPoverty Reduction”, promotes management of natural resources, socialbenefits of the project, improvement of climate, economic benefits of theproject, etc. by involving different levels of land holders/farmers. ChapterThird “BAIF’s Genesis and Philosophy” deals with motto and principle ofBAIF in terms of awareness, community mobilisation, institutional building

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for sustainability, participatory planning, ownership of community assets,human approach of development, etc. with emphasises on promotinglivelihood, literacy, health and moral values. This Chapter includes effortsof the founder (Dr. Manibhai Desai) who was disciple of the Father ofNation (Mahatma Gandhi). BAIF has not only formed 50,000 self-helpgroups (with a motto to develop saving habits, micro-financé, inter-loanpractice, gender sensitisation, capacity building, maintenance of recordsand accounts, etc.) in the country but also looks after health care throughimmunisation, vaccination, hygiene sanitation, etc., to promote healthsituation of the rural poor. BAIF functions are based on active peopleparticipation and result oriented approach.

Chapter four entitled “History of Orchard (Wadi) Development” isreally a gist of this volume. The term Wadi is a sort of small orchardwhich is developed by BAIF under the forest and wasteland developmentprogramme with a tie of forest department since 1982. Wadi has promotedsocio -economic development of the tribals in the project areas coveringStates (providences) like Maharashtra, Gujarat, Karnataka, Rajasthan, UttarPradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Bihar and Chhattisgarh. Under Wadi,62536 hectares of land from 5246 villages have been covered consistingof 164589 tribal families. Wadi incorporates crops of mango, cashew nut,amla, guava, lemon, citrus, sapota, jackfruit, litchi, drumstick, etc. whichare commercially useful. The tribals especially those belonging to Vansdadistrict of South Gujarat were not able to maintain smooth livelihoodswere bound to face starvation due to socio-cultural ethos, has changedlifestyle because of the Wadi approach.

Similarly, this chapter covers Wavli system which is one of the incomegenerating activities among the tribal women in Valsad and Navsari districtsof South Gujarat. BAIF has recognised talent of the tribal women andintroduced dairy, vermicompost, plantation, etc. to enable them financiallystronger in favour of family development. The traditional mode of incomegenerating activities like vegetable cultivation is still alive whereas sellingof goat, chicken, liquor, etc. disappeared due to social reform andintervention of BAIF.

Chapter five “Project Concept and Design” has got objective ofaddressing problems of the poor, strengthening participation, addresspoverty, ensure food security, promote health, education, environment,etc. through Orchard Development. This Chapter also covers key factorsfor the success of the Orchard Development Programme in tune of landdevelopment, plantation, post-plantation activities, soil improvementactivities, water resource development, post harvest management training


component, etc. along with health development programmes for the tribals.Chapter six “Process of Development” focuses on participatory

approach which needs to be initiated at grassroots level and therefore BAIFhas chosen cluster approach with covering five to six villages. Thisapproach promotes participation through the people. The gram sabha playsan important role in this process. Chapter seven “Success Stories”incorporates benefits generated by the six families under orcharddevelopment project. This chapter includes variables like quantum of landuse for orchard, monetary benefit / income from the project, types of cropsproduce by the beneficiaries, utilisation of infrastructure, items possessby the beneficiaries which promotes socio-economic development of thefamily, etc. supported by the photos. Chapter eight “Building GrassrootInstitutions for Sustainability” which built by BAIF at different stagesand each one of them has its role and function for healthy participation ofthe people. Chapter nine “ Studies on the Project Impact” narrates orcharddevelopment programme in relationship to socio-economic transformationof tribal areas in Maharashtra. This chapter incorporates classifications ofland used by the beneficiaries, types of plants grown, incomes generatedby the families, and on other relevant dimensions which measure socio-economic development of the tribal families living in Thane and Nasikdistricts of Maharashtra. Chapter ten “Awards and Reorganisation receivedby BAIF” which have been taken into consideration since 1978 and since1996. In addition to the above chapters, this volume provides healthy datathrough 22 annexures which comprise utilisation of land for fruits, typesof fruits grown by the farmers, major fruit producing countries, majorapple producing countries, major orange producing counties, area andproduction estimates for horticulture, fruit production in India (region wise/state-wise) etc.

This book is useful for the students of agriculture sciences and thedevelopment agents who worked on the human dimensions in terms ofsocio-economic development of the rural or disadvantaged sections of thesociety especially in the context of Bharatiya Agro Industry Foundation.It produces consolidated information (since Independence) on variousaspects of tribal development which could be useful for the scholars andprofessionals. The BAIF model of development could replete elsewherefor success of the project.

— P.C. SIKLIGAR

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Punjab: A History from Aurangzeb to MountbattenRAJMOHAN GANDHI, New Delhi, p.432, Aleph, 2013, Rs 695.00, ISBN 978-93-82277-58-3

Rajmohan Gandhi has written an interesting and engaging narrativeon the history of Punjab focussing on the period from the death of Aurangzebto the brutal partition in 1947. The book begins with a preface leading toan introduction, followed by 11 chapters, and ends with Notes, Bibliographyand an Index.

Punjab as a region has been identified by the common language, Punjabispoken by the inhabitants of North West India. A succession of conquerorsfrom Mahmud of Ghazni to Nadir Shah and Ahmed Shah Abdali traversedthrough Punjab causing devastation and hardship. However, the dislocationand horrific killings which took place during partition in 1947 was by farthe worst experience the people of Punjab had to bear.

After the death of Aurangzeb in 1707, the next Mughal emperor,Muhammad Shah gifted Sikh chieftains the jagir of a few villages close toAmritsar. The grant of new jagirs across the empire resulted in reducedincome from crown lands and new power centres emerging. Local Sikhsgained in strength and a full fledged kingdom rose under the reign ofMaharaja Ranjit Singh. Ranjit Singh along with Fateh Singh Ahluwalia ofKapurthala entered into an agreement with the British to severe ties withthe Marathas and in exchange the British undertook the two chiefs’possessions. After the death of Ranjit Singh, the British took over thekingdom’s properties including the Kohinoor diamond. The British rule inPunjab would last for 98 years after the annexation which was twice aslong as the preceding Sikh kingdom.

In 1857 during the Great Rebellion, news of the killing of Britons inDelhi and mutiny in Meerut reached the British in Punjab through thetelegraph system. The Chief Commissioner in Punjab enlisted the supportof the Sikh princes, called for reinforcements from across India and fromBritain before sending forces to Delhi. With superior guns and cavalry theBritish exiled the Mughal Emperor and took over Delhi which wassubsequently ceded to Punjab.

British administration in Punjab began benignly by reducing taxes andlater went on to build railways and canals alongwith canal colonies leadingto agricultural prosperity in the region. On the negative side many farmerssoon became indebted to urban moneylenders. The Punjab Land AlienationAct was passed in 1901 to counter the transfer of land to moneylenders.Newly educated Punjabis were inclined to identify themselves not as aclass of educated Punjabis but with their religious community. The Sikh


Sabhas, Muslim Anjumans and Hindu Arya Samaj branches became active.From the 1920s the Muslim-Hindu mistrust grew and schemes for a

separate state for Muslims was articulated by the Muslim League. TheUnionist Party which was the ruling party in Punjab representedagriculturist interests and did not stand for divisive politics. During theMuslim League’s Annual Session at Lucknow in 1937 its leader,Muhammad Ali Jinnah was able to obtain the Jinnah Sikander Pact fromSikander Hayat Khan, Premier of Punjab (1937-42) which provided forUnionist autonomy in Punjab in exchange for the affiliation of MuslimUnionists with the All India Muslim League. When Jinnah became restiveKhizr Hayat Tiwana, Premier of Punjab (1942-1947) reminded Jinnah thecommitments of the Jinnah Sikander Pact, Jinnah retorted that the Leaguewas fighting for the establishment of Pakistan not in Bombay but in Punjab.The Muslim League soon gained support both in rural and urban areas andalso of religious peer in Punjab.

After World War II, the British Government on 20 February 1947declared in London that the British would leave India before June 1948,which would allow time of about 16 months. Lord Mountbatten as Viceroyof India advanced the date of partition to August 15, 1947 and a Commissionwith Sir C Cyril Radcliffe as Chairman was set up to demarcate theboundary. In Eastern Punjab because the Muslim percentage was as highas 63 per cent in Ludhiana and 59 per cent in Jullunder, most Muslims ineastern Punjab assumed that Pakistan would extend to cover them.

Radcliffe’s demarcation of the boundary into India and Pakistan wasannounced on 17 August 1947 two days after partition had taken place.After the announcement of the border, about 10 to 12 million people wereforced to leave their homes and cross the new border. The Punjab BoundaryForce with a force of 9,000 was too small in number to control mobs.Between half a million and eight hundred thousand persons were killed.Trains filled with dead bodies arrived on both sides of the new border.

According to Rajmohan Gandhi the trigger for the carnage of August-September 1947 was the February 1947 announcement by the British thatthey would leave India within 16 months. Rajmohan Gandhi faults thenational leaders for not discussing the exchange of population when theyagreed to partition. In the heat of competitive politics, the Punjab Congressremained very Hindu and urban. For the failure of the Punjab Congress togrow into a party of all Punjabis, Mahatma Gandhi and the centralleadership must be assigned some responsibility. Wanting India’s divisionand Punjab’s unity was a stark inconsistency in Jinnah’s and the League’sgoals. To demand self-determination for Muslim areas and deny it in areaswhere Hindus and Sikhs were a majority was illogical and proved

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unfeasible. He also faults imperial pique for contributing to the 1947carnage which destroyed a Punjab the British had done much to build. TheBritish policy of divide and rule undoubtedly prolonged British rule but itdid not help Punjab in 1947. No nucleus emerged that spoke for Punjabisas a whole and those that spoke for their communities refused to discusspossible compromises.

The author has given a compelling account with understanding andfeeling in a non-partisan and balanced manner of events leading to thepartition and its aftermath. The book could have been better edited. A fewexamples of indifferent editing are given for illustration, ‘Ranjit was hitby small pox….left permanent pits on his face’ (p130),’

‘indebtedness required the mending’ (p 301),’managing the estate andthe stud’ (p323) Ajmal Kasab attacked several sites in Mumbai (p384), inthis case the author neither mentions the names (Chhatrapati ShivajiTerminus. Taj Hotel) or their significance. He has also used terms such as‘Great Rebellion ’and names and spellings of rulers, invaders and otherswhich are used by British sources in preference to the spellings used inmodern India. In spite of these shortcomings, the book is a scholarly workundertaken after much research including hearing survivor accounts. Theinsights provided in the book are also useful in understanding andinterpreting problems faced in contemporary India because of certainsimilarities with situations in the past.

In contemporary India there are various situations and problems wherethe experience of history could guide in understanding the present andsome of them have been elaborated upon by the reviewer. First, the declineof the Mughal Empire was precipitated by the handing over jagirs therebyreducing the financial strength and creating new power centres whichultimately weakened the empire from within. From this it may be inferredthat the handing over by the state of income yielding assets and resourceswould reduce its revenues besides also creating new vested interests whichultimately would weaken the authority of the state. Secondly, Great Britaincould emerge victorious from the Great Rebellion in 1857 because ofadvantages in swift communication, better use of intelligence sources,foresight of officers posted in Punjab in arranging for requisitions fromBritish, bases across India and abroad, enlisting support of various princesand themselves participating in the attack. Military preparedness alongwith superior war tactics and communication are prerequisites in winningwars. Thirdly, the agreements made through pacts are not dependable inthe long run, especially when one party is over ambitious as seen with theexperience of Ranjit Singh’s pact with the British and the Jinnah-Sikander


pact. Fourth, Governments in power seem to prefer to negotiate with radicaland extreme elements and in the process may ignore and forsake eventheir loyal moderate supporters. The British ignored the claims of the loyalUnionist Party in Punjab and preferred to favour the extreme MuslimLeague which was seen as the adversary of the Indian National Congress.Fifth, partition was pushed forward due to the ambition of leaders fromoutside Punjab. In the contemporary context, the ruling Party has attemptedto bifurcate Andhra Pradesh despite the Chief Minister of the state notfavouring the proposal. Finally, there is need to consider any plan rightfrom its inception stage to avoid chaos and hardship.

The book and the insights it provided makes it a valuable addition tothe collection of work on the history of Punjab and the partition of 1947.The author has stated the purpose of the book as an attempt to serve thecause of truth telling, understanding and reconciliation. The author believesin Punjabiyat and yearns that healing and renewal may come from ordinarymen and women. He ends with the hope, ‘For tomorrow’s sake can welearn from yesterday’ While the intentions of the author are noble, thehopes may take a long time for fulfilment as the fissures of partition aretoo deep with the divide of religion being too divisive for any earlyreconciliation.

—SUDHA P. RAO

Indian AdministrationMOHIT BHATTACHARYA AND ASIT BASU, Kolkata, World Press, p. 360,Rs. 250.00.

There is no denying that any administration involves a dynamic process.This is true of Indian Administration which is a dynamic, ever-growingsubject. Hence, a book on this subject needs to be constantly updated.

In the above backdrop, the book under review is indeed a welcomeaddition to the literature on public administration.

Divided into 22 chapters, the book under review had dealt in detailsthe evolution of the Indian Administration right from the time of Kautilyato the present period, dealing with the impact of major national flagshipschemes such as MGNREG, National Rural Health Mission, JNNURM,National Food Security, etc.

Unlike other standard books on this subject, the book under reviewhas certain features such as covering the latest developments in IndianAdministration, and critically reviewing its events and development.

Authored by two eminent scholars, the book under review would beuseful not only for the college and university students, but also for those

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who are aspiring after government jobs through competitive examinations.Miserly margins apart, there are several printing mistakes in the book.

Hope, the publishers will rectify these in the next edition.On the whole, the book under review is an useful addition in the

discipline of Public Administration.

—JAYTILAK GUHA ROY

Gandhi and the Ali Brothers: Biography of a FriendshipRAKHAHARI CHATTERJI, Delhi, Sage, p. 229, Rs. 695.00.

There is no denying that the imperialist British policy of ‘divide andrule led to the gradual destruction of Hindu-Muslim unity in British India.However, the British Raj alone should not be held accountable for it. Thethen feudalist socio-economic system and the mean mentality of the Indians,irrespective of class and religion, were equally responsible. When Gandhitook the leadership of the Congress, he had realised this shortcoming andtried to bring these two communities closer to each other.

In the above backdrop, the book under review is a welcome additionto India’s political history. It is based on a well researched study of therelationship between Gandhi and the Ali Brothers—Mohamed andShaukat—mainly in the context of the Non-cooperation and KhilafatMovements, focusing on the period of 1919-31. Gandhi’s involvement inthe Khilafat agitation was his first direct intervention in an exclusivelyMuslim issue, translating it into a national issue. In this way he intended tobring the Muslims out of their community cocoons into the mainstream ofIndia’s national politics. Unfortunately, as his relationship with the Alibrothers broke down, this turned out to be his last such intervention.Consequently, the issue of Muslim participation remained unsettled tillpartition.

Divided into eight chapters, the book under review is a modestendeavour to document a lucid micro- history of the momentousdevelopments in the personal relations of these eminent political figures,with the dynamics of Hindu-Muslim interface as the backdrop. It consistsof four substantive parts. Part I comprising the first two chapters providesa theoretical perspective of communitarianism, multiculturalism and Gandhias well as the history of the Khilaft Movement and its significance in shapingHindu-Muslim relations for the next quarter century. Part -II consisting ofchapter 3 deals with the characters of the AM brothers and their evolutionas the architects of the Hindu-Muslim brotherhood. Part III comprisingchapter 4 to 7 focuses on the relations between Gandhi and the Ali brothersright from love at first sight to the end of the road. Part IV consisting of the


last chapter contains the conclusion of the study.The production part of the book is in consonance with the reputation

of the publishers.

—JAYTILAK GUHA ROY

Fragments of a Discontinuous Past (Review of Administration, Politicsand Society in Medieval India 12-06-1705 A. DRANJAN KUMAR RAY (Department of Political Science and Islamic Historyand Culture, Moulana Azad College, Kolkata, pp. 1-216, price notmentioned)

Students of modern European history, politics and society quitelegitimately refer to their medieval past, the Renaissance, theEnlightenment, Reformation and so on because without that, understandingEurope’s route to modernity remains incomplete. Therefore, there is reasonto argue that Europe’s ‘medieval past’ is an indispensable part of readingits present. Historical continuities in Europe have provided for relativelyeasier understanding of its present and past. However, the same will bedifficult to argue in the case of India whose route to colonial and ‘post-colonial modernity’ has been ensconced in discontinuities of highmagnitude. Students of state formation in India are acutely aware of theproblem: grappling with many pasts of many hues, most often clashingwith each other. The most fascinating part of India’s existence as acivilisational existence is its survival in the midst of discontinuities overthe millennia. The question then remains: where have traits of its differentpasts been stored, if at all? This question is raised because each politicalchallenge following an invasion has been so overwhelming that a newconcept of politics and administration acquired the centre-stage. The specialgenius of Indian society and culture has been that it has learnt to synthesizevarious social and cultural traits in its societal body; the state’s marginalityto society in India has meant that a societal autonomy found differentialspaces for storing the new artefacts of life. Sometimes an appreciativeremark is made of Akbar’s (the great) construction of Din-ilhai at a timewhen Europe was engaged in the ferocious Inquisition. But then post-1950’sIndian terms of debate on secularism has remained delinked from medievalIndia’s thought on the subject because of the epistemic differences. Butthen if the state discourses have remained delinked, the cultural and politicalresources of the pre-colonial past have percolated down to society whereAkbar remains ‘great’.

The book under review is the result of an inter-departmentalcollaborative UGC funded national seminar of the Moulana Azad College,

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Calcutta University and devoted to the study of medieval India’administration, politics and society of some 500 years. This edited volumecontains 22 chapters in three Parts. Part l has dealt with the political andadministrative aspect of medieval India; Part ll deals with social and culturaldynamics vis-à-vis the notion of kingship; and Part lll offers some materialson the personal profiles of some Muslim rulers of the period. In Part l(containing nine chapters), the authors have discussed both the conceptualaspects, though not very systematic in nature, and the structures traits ofadministrations, and the issues dealt with are: nature of the state, inparticular the ‘Sultani’ state; the varying notions of kingship; agriculturaladministration; the judicial administration; and the special place of Moghuladministration, in particular that of Akbar and Aurangzeb. There is alsostudy of regional level Moghul administration in Bihar (1707) In the veryfirst chapter, Asok Kumar Mukhopadhyay has examined the implicationsof the Khilji dynasty in early medieval India and pointed many remarkablefeatures of the statecraft that developed: a semi-secular sovereign in theform of ‘Sultan’ (in contrast to the ‘Caliph’); the centralization of stateauthority, and its ability to legislate in matters of the religious customs ofthe Hindus as well as Muslims. (p. 3) Ranjan Kumar Ray in chapter 2 dealtin greater detail with the notion of kingship in the whole period on theavailable published materials, and highlighted the theoretic dimensionthough he is mindful of the specificities of the particular rulers, such asAkbar. The third Chapter by Chittotosh Mookerjee (the inaugural address)reflects upon the judicial administration of the period, and concluded thatsince the rulers ruled by the divine right of kings, the Turko-Afghan andMughul rulers were also the ultimate source of judicial authority. (p 20)The other chapters have discussed issues and themes such as the breakdownof the Mughul Empire, its growing agrarian crisis leading to its breakdown.The features of Akbar’s rule and administration have been summarized bySiuli Sarkar, which is very useful to students. The last chapter in Part lhighlights the moderately poor status of Bihar at the fag end of the Mughulperiod due mostly to the humble financial resources of the state.

Part ll deals with socio-cultural dynamics vis-à-vis kingship andcontains some nine chapters out of which only four directly or indirectlyaddress the socio-cultural dynamics while the rest are devoted to moreadministrative and political-military aspects. The chapters that havediscussed the issue of kingship and administrative aspect are often repetitiveand overlapping with some chapters in Part l of the book, but together theycontain new materials and some thoughts on the central and most vexingissue of kingship in medieval India. Various authors have established thatkingship in medieval India was theocratic and autocratic although the


theocratic nature of the regimes was not as rigid as elsewhere in the world.The detailed discussion (chapters 10 & 16) on the various aspects of MadariSilsila and the Bhakti movements, and the royal patronage they receivedvariously were a testimony to the fact that medieval theocracy was in factmoderated. The above two institutions and movements were examples ofsyncretic religious traditions but then were not discouraged the rulers ofmedieval India. The discussion in chapter 12 by Subhendu Majumdar onthe comparative significance of kingship in Muslim and Hindu traditionson basis of a specific study of Koch (also spelt as ‘Cooch’) Behar Hindukingdom in Eastern India throws some useful and fresh light. He arguesthat while the transfer of power in the case of Muslim rulers of Delhi wasmostly a violent matter, it was a peaceful process in the case of the Hinduruler of Koch Behar. But the statement on the fate of Koch Behar afterIndia’s Independence smacks of careless thinking: ‘Koch Behar had to bemerged with the Indian Union’. (p. 130)

Part lll of the book (chapters 19-22) is novel in that it contains personalprofiles of some famous medieval rulers such as Razia Sultana, Bin-Tughluqand Jahangir—though all based on secondary sources. But nonethelessthe materials will be handy to students of history, and medieval Indianhistory in particular.

The kind of high debate with which this review began is missing in thecollection. The editor could have taken up the issues of both continuitiesand discontinuities between pre-Muslim India, Muslim Indian and post-Muslim India, and reflected thematically on state formation, kingship/legitimacy and subjecthood in the introductory chapter so as to make thematerials presented in the book more useful.

Nonetheless, the editor and the college authorities are to becongratulated on having undertaken such a difficult task. The quality ofpublication is good although many authors have been careless inmaintaining consistency in references. However, the editor has beensuccessful in bringing out good scholarship on an otherwise unknown fieldof historical interest for those not specialized in the area.

—HARIHAR BHATTACHARYYA

Oxford India Short Introductions Panchayati RajKULDIP MATHUR, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2013, Rs.195.00.

Under its seven chapters the book has attempted to review thefunctioning of the Panchayat institutions and an examination of its futureprospect. The book begins with the global context of good governance andnew public management with the specific need of Panchayats. Later it

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explains different concepts such as good governance, neo-liberalism, neo-liberalism and state, decentralization, devolution, neo-liberalism and changein Indian development strategies, etc. In order to ensure justice and distributethe fruits of development the Government of India has stated its own visionin the Constitution. Amid the ruined colonial economy, hegemonic socialstructure, neglected human resources and exclusionary approach for villageeconomy, India got its Independence. A representative government,modernization and industrialization were considered as the most importantmeans for development in post-independent India, unlike Gandhian visionwhich firmly believed in the idea of self-reliant village economy and localself-government. The author starts with brief constitutional debate thathow the idea of Gandhi’s notion of swaraj was not given due attention andPanchayat found its place in the Directive Principle of the State Policyinstead. This resulted into a creation of centrally dependent federal system.A system to promote national unity and facilitate just society under thecontrol of Central government rather under the control of people. However,the movement like “Bhoodan Aandolan” and movement under theleadership of Jayaprakash Narayan kept alive the demand for village self-governing, self-sufficient community.

But such ideas were fainted with the advent of centrally directedCommunity Development Programme (CDP). This resulted as a“developmental bureaucracy” and “developmental blocks” wherecentralized bureaucracy touched the villages level. In order to achievedevelopmental needs of the country the Government appointed a committeewith Balwant Rai Mehta as Chairman to review the entire programme. Itsrecommendations known as first generation Panchayat Raj Institutions withthe three tier villages institutions. Amid the drought, food crisis and Indo-Chinese war Panchayats suffered a setback. With the emergence of JanataParty government, greater demand of participation at state level becamecategorical. Then the government appointed Ashok Mehta Committee. Butdue to party politics its recommendation of two tier as Mandal Panchayatdid not take place. In view of growing need of people’s participation inanti-poverty programmes, the Government went for 64th ConstitutionalAmendment Bill which was not passed in Rajya Sabha. But in 1993 theGovernment was able to amend the Constitution for the provision ofPanchayati Raj under its Ninth Part. As an institution of devolution ofpower and local self-governance with the detail provisions of participatorydemocracy in form of Gram Sabha, Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad asvillage, mandal and Zila level respectively.

The book attempts to address the challenges the Panchayats have toencounter the challenges which are wider and global as well as specific in


the socio-economic context of the country. The book provides differentsuccess stories through case studies in different states which illustrate theremarkable journey of local-self governance. While giving example of casestudies the book gives a diverse social, political and economic set-up whereit shows the quantum of self-rule within that. It also explores the nationalistcontour in terms of structure and functions.

The books illustrates that the PRIs in India have remarkable successso far in terms of democratic devolution, deepening of democratic practices,participation of women, dalits, tribals and execution of developmentprogrammes at village level, etc. The book equally emphasizes the challengeahead such as lack of political will, role of state government, delegation offinancial and functional authorities, autonomy, the report of State FinanceCommission, lack of District Planning Commission, lack of funds, roleand functions of Panchayat with the Members of Parliament Local AreaDevelopment Scheme (MPLADS) and establishment of parallel institutionsfor Centrally Sponsored Scheme (CSS), etc.

It also explores the issues of local administration and its relation withPanchayat, its hierarchical nature, lack of staff and interfering role ofbureaucracy as a hurdle for the self-governance. Notwithstanding, in viewof all these hurdles the growing tendency of assertiveness by localrepresentatives creating a good prospect of self-governance.

The book has outlined the complete journey of Panchayati Raj systemfrom need of governance in globalized world to establishing just and anequitable social order in India. Further, issues of corruption and its curativemechanisms seem more appropriate in this important work. The appendixattached with the book should have also been added some constitutionalprovisions for many readers who are not fully aware about that. Theprovisions of Fifth Schedule of the Constitution of India and Panchayat(Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA) have well taken butSixth Schedule and its related provisions would be more appropriate fromthe reader’s point of view.

—RAJNI KUMARI

Panchayati Raj In IndiaM. ASLAM, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 2007, reprint 2010, 2011,Rs.90.00.

Foundations of Democracy or Panchayati Raj (Nehru: 1959) meansbringing real democracy to make the villagers politically conscious andtake the responsibility of development. In view of present developmentalchallenges it becomes imperative that a bold step be taken whereby moreand more responsibility could be transferred to the people. This has been

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started with the Independence of India but especially the third Five YearPlan considered the importance of people that responsibility of planningand executing development schemes should be entrusted to the people.

It is a well known fact that Panchayats in one form or the other haveexisted in India since Vedic times to present post colonial India.

Initially the book deals with the historical evolution of local self-governance in India broadly divided into three time periods: Pre-BritishPeriod, British Period and Post independent India. The Pre-British Periodwas mainly based on Rig-Veda’s notion of Sabha and Samiti (Assembliesor Council) and Gramin (Villages Leaders) which later became Panchayats.These strengthen community spirit which helps them to manage their localaffairs and being united. Despite coming across many political ups anddowns over the time, community spirit and system of Panchayats functionedunimpaired. However some changes were made during Mughal period butoverall the functionaing remained the same.

During British period, two phases have been outlined—first as slowdisappearance of the self-contained villages local government system andemergence of local governance as a financial unit for direct projection ofBritish rule. During this phase, Lord Mayo’s resolution on local self-governance in villages of Bengal in its traditional form, Ripon’s 1882resolutions for local self governance to get popular public opinions,recommendation of 1907 Royal Commission, management of local taskthrough village Panchayats, etc. however these recommendations were notimplemented by British. During 1909 Congress Session of Lahore urgedfor an elected body for village administration.

During the Second Phase Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms of 1919, localself government was brought under the Ministry of Provinces. Under that,several Acts were passed for all provinces for the same. But these Actswere implemented in limited villages with limited functions. This Phasecontinued till India got its Independence.

In Post-independence India, Gandhi’s notion of Gram Swaraj wasincorporated in Article 40 of the Constitution. However, socio-economicdevelopment started with Community Development Programmes (CDP) abureaucratic controlled State funded development rather throughstrengthening Panchayat System. Although there were a few States likeRajasthan and others which enacted the Panchayati Raj but still a need fora uniform and systematic Panchayati Raj System was felt. Lack of people’sparticipation and incoordination in CDP constrained its objective of self-realization. Thus in 1957 under the chairmanship of Balvant Rai G. Mehtawas formed which observed that “development cannot progress withoutresponsibility and Power”. In its report the Committee made a strong plea


for establishing elected local bodies as soon as possible and for devolutionof power to lower levels through Panchayati Raj. However, these institutionswere not being implemented in true sense therefore in 1977 Asoka MehtaCommittee was formed which made recommendation of two tier systemof local Panchyats. Later on G.V.K. Rao Committee to review the existingadministrative arrangement for rural development was formed. L.M.SingviCommittee for revitalization of Panchayati Raj, Sarkaria Commissionsrecommendations which talked about financial and power devolution, V.N.Gadgil Committee and many other such recommendations become the basisfor 73rd Constitutional Amendment. Before 73rd Amendment there was 64th

Amendment Bill which was not passed in Rajya Sabha then in 73rd and74th were passed for Panchayati Raj and urban local self governance. Thisprovides wide institutional arrangements for these institutions and revealsthat Panchayati Raj is to act as welfare government. And for that they haveto initiate development plan and activities to bring social justice by theirproper execution. However, as an aftermath of this there has been nosubstantial devolution of administrative and financial powers for theseinstitutions to act as self government. The basic prerequisite for democraticdecentralization includes adequate financial, administrative, technicalsupport, empowered elected representative, positive attitude of bureaucracyand effective monitoring and evaluation system.

The book goes on to give detailed accounts of governance and local-self governance, democratic decentralization, Panchayati Raj asdevelopmental institution, meaning of development, economic growth andPRIs. Moreover, role of PRIs in socio-political awareness, planning andanti-poverty programmes, much details about the SGSY, SGRY, IAY incontext of Gram Panchayat have been discussed.

The next chapter talks about empowerment of Panchayats which startswith meaning of empowerment, in context of Panchayat, as well functioningof Gram Sabha in terms of finance and power, Panchayati Raj’s personnel,their recruitment, co-ordinating role of MLAs, MPs and other institutionsworking at grassroots level. Further it explains the measures which havebeen taken by Ministry of Panchayati Raj, Planning Commission, creatingRural Business Hubs, etc. but expresses concerns about its implementation.Finally it discusses the role of PRIs as paradigm shift in development whereit explains the role of caste relations, land-based patron-client relations,and various cultural practices permeate the rural system, bureaucraticdiscretion, and role of political elite to share the power with localrepresentatives, etc. At last the book has an annexure of different documentswhich are very illustrative to have an idea about the process of institutionalreform and its objectification which have been taken so far. Despite its

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size it provides insight into a wide range of welfare policies and role ofPRIs.

However, actual working of PRIs should be taken as a case study.Because the Indian rural society represents the most diverse social structureaccordingly its need of governance and its functions cannot be put in thesymmetrical structure. The book has not made an attempt to deal with thespecial issues and concerns of tribal areas of Fifth and Sixth Schedule.However these areas cannot be ignored once any study tries to attempt toexplain the status and functioning of PRIs in India. Inclusion of issues ofcorruption and its corrective measures for PRIs would also have been moreappropriate.

—RAJNI KUMARI

STATEMENT OF OWNERSHIP AND OTHER PARTICULARS ABOUT

"THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION"

FORM-IV

(See Rule 8)

1. Place of Publication New Delhi

2. Periodicity of Publication Quarterly

3. Printer's Name Sunil Dutt

Nationality Indian

Address Indian Institute of PublicAdministration, New Delhi

4. Publisher's Name Sunil Dutt

Nationality Indian


5. Editor's Name S.L. Goel

Nationality Indian


6. Names and addresses of Indian Institute of Publicindividuals who own the Administrationnewspaper and partners or Indraprastha Estateshareholders holding more Ring Road,than one per cent of the total New Delhi-110 002capital

I, Sunil Dutt, hereby declare that the particulars given above aretrue to the best of my knowledge and belief.

Sd/-(Sunil Dutt)

Dated: February 28, 2014. Publisher

Documents

IJPA JAN -MARCH 014 BOOK REVIEWS Folder/14-BR.pdfpersonal gain out of official duties. The book defines corruption as “abuse of public power for private gain”. The Prevention of