INDIAN JOURNAL OF DALIT AND TRIBAL STUDIES (IJDTS)

INDIAN JOURNAL OF DALIT ANDTRIBAL STUDIES (IJDTS)

ADVISORY BOARDProf. Sukhdeo Thorat - Former Chairman UGC, & Chairman, Indian Council of Social Science Research,

New Delhi.Prof. Nandu Ram - (Retd.) Dr. Ambedkar Chair Professor of Sociology and Presently National

Fellow (ICSSR) at JNU, New Delhi.Prof. P.G. Jogdand - Former Dean, Faculty of Arts, Professor, Dept. of Sociology, University of

Mumbai.Prof. Vimal Kirti - Former Head, Dept. of Pali and Prakrit, Nagpur University, Maharashtra.Prof. Chauthi Ram Yadav - Former Professor & Head Department of Hindi,

Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi.Prof. Bibhuti Bhushan Malik - Professor, Dept. of Sociology & Director, Ambedkar Study Center, B.B.A.

Uni versity, Lucknow,U.P.Prof. Rama Shankar Arya - Former Vice Chancellor, B.K.S. University, Ara, Bihar, Presently Head

Department of Philosophy, Patna University, Patna

EDITORIAL BOARDProf. S. Zainuddin - Dept. of Sociology, AMU, Aligarh, U.P.Dr. Rajesh Paswan - CIS/SLL & CS, JNU, New Delhi.Dr. Raj Kumar - Dept. of Political Science, Dyal Singh College, University of Delhi.Dr. G.V. Ratnakar - Dept. of Hindi, Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hydarabad, A.P.Dr. Rusiram Mahananda - Dept. of Political Science, Deen Dayal Upadhyay Gorakpur University, Gorakpur, U.P.Dr. Ajay Sameer Kujur - Department of Education, Gurughashi Das University, Bilaspur, C.G.Dr. Pitambar Das - Department of Philosophy, M.G.K.V.P, Varanasi.Dr. Urvashi Gahlout - Dept. of Hindi, MMV, BHU, Varanasi, U.P.Dr. Vinita Chandra - Centre for Study of Social Exclusion & Inclusive Policy, BHU, Varanasi, U.P.

Office : IInd Floor, Sriram Complex, Hyderabad Gate, BHU, Varanasi-05, UPPublisher• All views and opinions expressed in IJDTS are the sole responsibility of

the author concerned. Neither the Editors nor Publisher can in anyway, beheld responsible for them.

• All Post of Journal are without pay.• All disputs are subject to Varanasi Jurisdiction only.

ISSN No. 2348-1757

Global Impact and Quality Factor : 0.565 (2015)

Editor's Note

The Story of Dalit and Tribal emancipation from the shackles ofthe odds of humanity and life is still a big question as India hasmarched on into the seventh decade of its independence. Uproarfrom the various quarters of India's communities and their devel-opment has been shivering the tender lattices of infrastructuremeant for the development of the numerous downtrodden. Hori-zontal and vertical attacks on them have been traumatizing andchecking their paces of efforts of compel to walk down the lanes ofpoverty and affliction. Schemes and programmes are very oftensaid to be diluted as to put the dalit and Tribal emancipation intothe ditch of failure. In such a midst of mist, a vigilant awareness ismomentous for putting them on alert. To cater to the needs of suchan awareness and vibrant consciousness for the Dalit, the IndianJournal of Dalit Tribal Studies (IJDTS) is an academic effort in thisdirection for assessing and evaluating the all-around truths andmyths claimed for the Dalits and Tribal on all counts.

The first volume of IJDTS is enriched with a good number ofcontributions of prudent discussions of various burning issues likecasteism, social justice, reservation, women emancipation, Dalitsand Indian classics, as well as the views of Baba Saheb B.R. Ambedkar.We hope the toil as such an ideation will bring forth a fruitful vibra-tion amongst the Dalits as well as their counterpart for framing anew horizon of humanity and a good fortune. The IJDTS is a bilingual(Hindi and English) and bi-annual research journal, and its scope isspread over to all sorts of discussions on the downtrodden people.

I thank each and every member who associated with IJDTS fortheir roles in bringing it to come to light. Criticism and further dis-cussion are solicited. Suggestions on its improvement and excel-lence are always welcome.

With a humble hope of ray in its story of success….

Varanasi

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1. Globalisation and Tribal Alineation in India: Can Exclusionist Practices Lead to Inclusive Development?

1-22

Dr. Sanjay Gupta

2. Appraising Status of Dalit Human Rights, State and Governance: With Reference To Right To Religion

23-38

Jayashree Ambewadikar

3. Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTG) of Karnataka: A Situational Appraisal of Koraga’s

39-50

Prakash Marpady, Dr. Mohan S. Singhe

4. Caste System and Egalitarian Society in India 51-61

Dr. Navjot

5. Empowerment of Women Through Self Help Groups in Telangana – A Study in Tribal Areas

62-81

Dr. Devoji Gugulothu

6. Intergenerational Occupational Mobility of Scheduled Caste Population : A Micro Level Study

82-97

Dr. Falak Butool

7. Scholarly debates: whether caste can be treated as class?

98-105

Naghma Afreen, Tabrez Alam

ContentsSection-A

2 Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

8. State Forest Policy and Issues of Tribal Livelihood in Maharashtra

106-122

Rita Malache

9. Reservation in India: Is there is a Case for Reservation in Private Sector?

123-142

Zubair Nazeer & Waqas Farooq Kuttay

10. Status and Role of Women of Halakki Vakkaliga Tribe: A Study of Ankola and KumtaTalukas of Uttara Kannada District, Karnataka

143-158

Dr. Sangeeta Gaonkarand , Dr. Seema P. Rath

11. Changing Livelihood Pattern of Irula Tribal Youth of Krishnagiri District, Tamil Nadu

159-180

Mr. S. Sudharsan, Dr. A.Enoch

Section-B

12. [e@0 yeer. Deej. Decyes[keâj keâe vÙeeÙe heefjØes#Ùe 181-189

[e@. efkeveeso kegâceej ÛeewOejer

13. DevegmetefÛele peeefle kesâ ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW Éeje meesMeue ceeref[Ùee GheÙeesie kesâ Øeke=efòe keâe DeOÙeÙeve

190-201

meefjlee jeke

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Globalisation and Tribal Alineation in India: Can Exclusionist Practices Lead to

Inclusive Development?

*Dr. Sanjay Gupta

AbstractThe present paper comes in the backdrop of

the growing Naxal violence in the country spanning over several states and posing a serious threat to the unity and integrity of India. Scholars like Amartya Sen, Jean Dreze and Andre Betaille have highlighted the failure of the State in ensuring the identity, security and livelihood of the tribals. The economic reforms initiated in the post-1990 period in the form of LPG policies and its gaining momentum in the 21st century, notwithstanding the gains accrued, has led to massive uprootment and displacement of the tribal community from their natural habitat.

The author feels that unless genuine inclusive policies exhibited by way of tribal participation, recognition of tribal needs and aspirations, development of tribal social capital, tribal-friendly development policies and adequate state response to violation of tribal rights is ensured, integration of tribals in the national mainstream would remain a distant dream and the goal of building an inclusive democracy would fizzle out no sooner than later. Their exclusion would additionally ensure that violent naxalite elements would continue to wage war

*Professor, Dept. of Political Science, Lucknow University, Lucknow.

ISSN : 2348-1757Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)

Volume-5, Issue-2, July-Dec 2017, pages 1-22


against the state in the name of tribal justice. The paper recognizes that socio-economic inequality is at the roots of political inequality and violence. Keywords: Scheduled Tribes, Alienation, Exclusion,

Economic Reforms, Globalisation, Multinational Corporations.Introduction

India is a large and diverse country having varied race, religions, castes, languages, customs and dialects. Ample diversity exists even in terms of climatic conditions, topography and geographical features. One such diversity is found in the form of vast tribal community spread all over the country that constitutes around 8.6% or 104 million of the total population as per the 2011 census. About a quarter of the world’s indigenous population – around 80 million people – are spread across India with the major concentration being in the Middle and North-Eastern parts of India. Of the 86 million tribals, about 80 percent live in the Middle India belt of Andhra Pradesh, Odisha,

Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Northern Maharashtra and Southern Gujarat. Around 12 percent or about 10 million live in the Northeast. The rest are spread over the remaining States (Fernandez, NESRC, 2007).Going by this Census, Chhattisgarh (31.8%) has the highest percentage of scheduled tribes’ people in its population followed by Jharkhand (26.3%) and Orissa (22.1%). At present, there are 698 Scheduled Tribes inhabiting various parts of India with Orissa at 68 having the largest number of Scheduled Tribes (Tribal: Victims of Development Projects, 2012).

Tribals are a peace and solitude-loving people with simplicity, honesty and primitivism as their natural way of life. Living in forests and preferring isolation is their natural way of life. Being shy, reserved and avoiding intermixing with people of mainland, they live in close proximity to the nature, follow a distinct language and culture, and lead a simple pattern of life. Women enjoy equal status with men. Unfortunately, they have been subjected to injustice, exploitation and suppression over

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the years. Notwithstanding numerous government policies and programmes for their welfare, tribals have been the worst victims of the so-called development. The development agenda of the modern globalized State of India has forced the tribals out of their habitat and reduced them to penury. They have been dispossessed and displaced from their habitat and livelihood. Also constitutionally termed as ‘Scheduled Tribes’, the tribal community today stands as the most marginalized, vulnerable and exploited section of India (Verma, 1997).The advent of globalization and the beginning of the tribals’ exclusion

The liberal economic reforms adopted by India in 1990 in the form of liberalization, globalization and privatization have all but achieved social justice and inclusive growth. The reforms placed industry, trade and commerce and export promotion activities at the centre of the economic revival of the country. Rich gains accrued through direct and indirect investments in different sectors leading to enhanced employment and income of the people. By the beginning of the 21st century, various sectors of economy started showing positive results as a result of the economic reforms with the service sector emerging “as the fastest growing sector with annual growth rate of above 9% since 2001 and contributing to 57% of GDP in 2012-13”. According to the Economic Survey of India 2013-14, the service sector emerged as the second fastest growing services sector (Bhargava, 2014). Going by the positive trends of the economy, India’s economy has been projected to become the “third biggest economy of the world by 2030” (Economic Times, “India may be third biggest economy by 2030: Report”, Apr 13, 2015. The strength of India’s economy can be gauged by the fact that even after the recent demonetization, in the wake of which there were some downward trends, the economy is projected to grow at 7.2% annually (IMF, 2017).

Globalisation and Tribal Alineation in India: Can Exclusionist.....


Though globalisation-propelled development appeared to be flashy to the urban, educated, techno-savvy middle-class and may have brought in rich gains for the industrial and corporate sectors, it had a disastrous impact in so far as the vulnerable sections in India are concerned. Grim statistical figures reveal the growing divide between the urban and rural areas, and the widening disparity among people notwithstanding the rapid economic growth during the last two decades. The unorganized, unskilled and untrained workers involved in unorganised and informal sectors have been at the receiving end. Women, children, dalits, tribals and minorities who collectively constitute a major chunk of the vulnerable population have largely remained outside the domain of economic gains. If the increased GDP brought about a ‘Shining India’, then it also created a ‘Suffering India’ where the weak and the marginalized people had no place in India’s impressive growth story. Large swathes of population remained outside and untouched of the fruits of economic reforms in India. Though economic growth propelled under globalization policies, social justice and inclusive growth became a chimera for the weak and vulnerable.

In the name of economic development, farmers, workers and tribals have been pushed out of their habitat and livelihood. A consistent pattern of violation of the basic entitlements of vulnerable groups in rural and tribal India has been witnessed ever since the introduction of economic reforms in India, particularly after the year 2000. Development-induced displacements (DIDs) and Project-induced Migration (PIM) have become the order of the day due to the increased mining, irrigation, housing and industrial projects in the rural and tribal areas. This has resulted in massive uprootment, displacement and migration, especially of poor tribals. The scenario is particularly troublesome in the mineral-rich states of Orissa, Jharkhand, Chattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh where

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the condition of tribals has gone from bad to worse. They have been rendered beggars and are leading pathetic and wretched lives in slums all across the country (Mohapatra, 2012).

Of the affected areas, the worst has been the Bastar region of South Chattishgarh where maximum Naxal violence and Maoist activities are concentrated. At the time of the creation of Chattishgarh, it was said by the then Chief Minister as “Rich land, Poor People” as this state is full of minerals – 19% of India’s iron ore, 11% of the coal, bauxite, limestone, all kinds of priceless minerals. The creation of the new state was expected to end the long regime of poverty, backwardness and exploitation and give a new voice to the suppressed and the downtrodden people, of which tribals constituted a great majority. But most unfortunately, during the last 13 years of its creation, the people have become poorer and exploitation increased. Several cases can be cited where governments in connivance with industrial houses and private contractors have brought the tribal community to the present state of misery.

The real impact of globalization, however, started unfolding in the 21st century when Multi-National Corporations began eyeing India’s vast mineral wealth embedded in the central Indian States of Orissa, Jharkhand, Chattisgarh, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh. These states are heavily forested and tribal dominated where “approximately 24 types of minerals, including iron, bauxite, copper, chromite, gold, lead, manganese, zinc and coal.” (Acharya, 2008). Mineral wealth thus became the most lucrative mining sectors where foreign corporations started investing in large numbers. During the last one decade, the focus of economic development has virtually shifted to the mining sector. Of the affected areas, the worst has been the Bastar region of South Chattishgarh where maximum Naxal violence and Maoist activities are concentrated. At the time of the creation of the State of Chattishgarh in the year 2000, it was expected that the new state would productively use its vast mineral wealth to end the long spell of poverty,



backwardness and exploitation and give a new voice to the suppressed and the downtrodden people, of which tribals constituted a great majority. But most unfortunately, during the last 13 years of its creation, the people have become poorer and exploitation increased. Infact, the government, corporate groups and private contractors have all worked in tandem to rob the state of its wealth and impoverish its people.

Though the Constitution of India provides for a balanced and inclusive development of all sections of India, including tribals, efforts at their integration has largely been just the opposite of it. A look at the factors responsible for tribal alienation reflects the following state of affairs:Inclusive laws, exclusionist practices! Circumvention of Tribal Laws- The PESA Act, 1996

One of the landmark enactments for the tribal welfare was the Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act, 1996 that aimed at protecting the tribes from being deprived of their lands without their consent. The Act provides a mechanism for tribal self-governance, protection and conservation of the customs, traditions, practices and identity of the tribals, as well as, for grievance redressal, all through the institution of Gram Sabha, which is an all-powerful and a democratic body under the Act. Clause 4.e.(1) of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, provides that ―every Gram Sabha shall approve the plans, programmes and projects for social and economic development before such plans, programmes and projects are taken up for implementation‖. Again, clause 4. (i) says that ―the “Gram Sabha or the Panchayat at the appropriate level shall be consulted before making the acquisition of land in the Scheduled Areas for development projects. And before resettling or rehabilitating persons affected by such projects in the Scheduled Areas, the actual planning and implementation of the projects in the Scheduled Areas shall be coordinated at the State level.” PESA mandates that within a year of its

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promulgation, the rules for the panchayats in the Fifth Schedule areas have to be legislated keeping in mind the regional contexts. But except for Madhya Pradesh, no other State has done this.

While PESA empowers the State governments to frame rules, the bulk of violations of the Act have come from the state itself. Critics point out three important gaps which have been exploited by governments to bypass the Act: first, PESA is a loosely drafted Act; second, there is no overarching clause that protects it from being bypassed by the State governments; and third, the word ‘consultation’ with the tribal people, as mentioned in the Act, is not clearly defined” (Ramakrishnan & Mahaprashasta, 2013).

Of the three, the worst distortion has been done with the word ‘consultation’ used in clause 4 (i) which implies both consultation and consent of the tribal communities before acquisition of any forest land. While the framers of the Act never wished to confine the domains of the Act to mere consultation or discussion, unfortunately the word has been downgraded to simply informing the tribals about the proposed acquisition of land, far to talk of consultation or consent. This has happened in almost all tribal-dominated states, be it Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Orissa. Gram Sabhas in these states have been sidelined to seize land for setting up mining and extraction projects by MNCs, with tacit approval of the state governments.

A leading case in point is an iron-ore project of the Jindal Power and Steel Plant(JSW) project which was given on a lease for 20 years in May 2013 in the Gadchiroli tribal district of Maharashtra. When the tribals came to know about the setting-up of this project in their forest, they vehemently protested against it demanding its roll back on grounds that the project would destroy the environment and their livelihood. It would also lead to widespread displacement, with no relief



or rehabilitation notwithstanding the assurances of the state. The tribals also claimed that they were not consulted or even informed about the lease of the land to the JSW and thus, it was the violation of the Act. Disregarding the objections of the tribals, the district administration went ahead and held a meeting in Allapalli town, several kilometers away from Gadricholi for “security reasons”, and that too in the absence of the tribals of the 17 villages affected by the project. The administration deployed police to ward off any protest from the tribals. The administration claimed that the tribals were informed about the shift in the venue of the public meeting well in advance through local newspapers. The JSW spokesman when confronted with the charges of concocted public hearing, he threw the ball in the government’s court saying holding a public hearing under the PESA Act is the task of the government, not that of the company. Instead, he claimed that “his company is very strict about its Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and they will do everything that can be done to help all these villages” (Dahat, 2013).

Contrarily, the villagers claimed that they were neither informed about the public hearing of the project and nor was the information published in any local newspaper that comes in their area. Whatever information was published, that appeared only in far off districts and that too in an English and Marathi newspapers only, which they are ignorant of, any way. Thus, the so-called public meeting and consultation, they claimed, were all rigged and malafide. The project further does not inform about the rehabilitation, compensation or the absorption of the displaced tribals in the project, when it is commissioned. Thus, the entire project, according to tribals is clandestinely shrouded in mystery and deliberate suppression of the details of the project from the tribals (ibid).

Activists have consistently pointed out how PESA’s

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provisions have been willfully violated to serve the interests of the MNCs flocking to their areas. For instance, Gram Sabhas, whose consent is mandatory for the upgradation of rural panchayats into urban panchayts have been consistently sidelined by the state, and some 600 rural panchayats have been converted into urban panchayats, with an intention to encroach on the forest lands by the state and private corporations. The result has been disastrous for the forest land, tribals and the environment. Thus, the state’s power of upgradation has mostly been used as an instrument to bypass PESA. Currently, in most of the upgraded villages, there is a rampant industrial drive. Except Madhya Pradesh, most of the states, in violation of Section 4(n) of PESA, have enacted laws that provide overwhelming powers to the gram panchayat instead of the gram sabha. Panchayats, being an elected body, have members of political parties, directly or otherwise, who widely use money and muscle power to get the decisions done they want suiting their nefarious designs (ibid). Dilution of the Forest Rights Act, 2006

Like the PESA, the Forest Rights Act, 2006 too has systematically been violated. FRA was enacted with the objective of protecting the rights of the tribals in live in forests who have been inhabiting the area for decades and to grant them control over forest resources for their livelihood as well to promote conservation of forests through the tribals. The Act specifically laid down that no diversion of forest land can be done without the consent of the tribals of the area concerned. Approval from the inhabiting tribes was thus made compulsory before acquisition of any forest land for non-forestry purposes. It says: ”no member of a forest dwelling Scheduled Tribe or other traditional forest dweller shall be evicted or removed from forest land under his occupation till the recognition and verification procedure is completed.”

However, these rights-enabling provisions were undone when in 2012 the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) took away, through a ruling, the right of the tribal groups the



power to reject major infrastructure projects that endanger their land and livelihoods. The ruling stated that “linear” projects – meaning those involving the construction of roads and canals, and the laying of pipelines, optical fibres and transmission lines — will all be exempt from the need to acquire consent of village communities affected by the clearance, diversion and pollution of their forest land.” (Mckenna, 2013).

The ruling has also undone the guidelines contained within the FRA which says that “no member of a forest dwelling Scheduled Tribe or other traditional forest dweller shall be evicted or removed from forest land under his occupation till the recognition and verification procedure is completed.” Activists have vehemently protested against the scrapping of this clause calling it a ‘land grab’ and violation of the rights of traditional forest dwellers in the name of development, economy and national good”.

Workers like Ashish Kothari from Kalpavriksh, one of India’s oldest development and conservation NGOs assert that the ruling, in a way, has given a license to the government and its private partners to divert forest lands and displace tribal communities at will. They opine that the linear projects which have now been exempted from the consultation process of the tribal groups in the name of economic development, would destroy the forest environment and lead to a host of negative consequences. They assert that “roads, railway lines and transmission lines through forests cause fragmentation and risk killing animals (dozens of elephants have been killed attempting to cross railways),.they also divide villages or clusters of villages, with serious impacts on social and economic relations. Linear projects through waterways can impact breeding of species by blocking their movements.”

The decision has sent discontentment and anger among tribal rights workers, advocates, and NGOs who have protested against this government directive. A coalition of international rights organisations including Oxfam and Rights and Resources have petitioned the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) seeking to revert the decision (ibid). In response, the Minister of Tribal

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Affairs Kishore Chandra Deo informed that the government would not allow the transgression of the PESA and would ensure that Gram Sabhas are consulted before any acquisition of forest land is done. However, with regard to the exemption given to linear projects, it was said that exemption will be given only in public interest and that too under compelling circumstances. However, the tribal communities have lost an important safeguard given to them under the FRA with no signs of any relief till now (ibid). Clandestine activities of MNCs and the displacement of tribals

In the wake of economic reforms that were heralded at the dawn of the 1990s, several MNCs, such as POSCO, Vedanta, Jindal’s JSW etc. flocked to the mineral-rich states of Chattishgarh, Jharkhand and Orissa for mining and extraction of precious minerals. They set-up their plants in the forest areas of these states which were rich in bio-diversity and were dominated by tribal communities living there for centuries. The successive governments at the Centre during the ‘90s and thereafter strived to maintain balance between the interests of the tribals and the commercial needs of the State. The Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA); The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 were the two principal legislation enacted by the government to protect the tribal communities

Disregarding these provisions and acting in connivance with political and bureaucratic patronage, the private corporate groups have resorted to widespread illegal and deceitful activities in occupying the forest lands and getting the forest dwellers evacuated from their homeland through force and fraud. No compensation and resettlement policies of the government were followed by the MNCs in displacing the tribal communities.

This has been a common practice with all MNCs who are operating in Chattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa nad Maharashtra.



For instance, in Orissa, the London-based Vedanta group was granted a permit by the State and Central governments for mining bauxite in the Niyamgiri hills in 2003. The hills, with rich forest cover, bio-diversity and wildlife, are inhabited by the Dongria-Kondh tribe who revere the forest as their deity. Huge protests followed with Vedanta’s mining operations as it started polluting the land, water and environment. The matter reached the Supreme Court in 2005 which constituted a committee of experts, which in turn recommended the scrapping of the project as it did not fulfill the environmental norms and tribal consent. The Supreme Court overlooked the recommendations and allowed the project to continue. Protest grew louder over the years and ultimately the Ministry of Environment and Forest (MoEF), acting on the report of its expert committee, stopped the project in 2010. Its permit was finally cancelled in 2011(The Guardian).Dubious Role of the State

The deterioration in the condition of tribal communities owes no less to the unhealthy nexus between state and the private corporations. Both these agencies have connived to rob the tribals of the protections provided in the PESA and FRA which clearly lay down the mandatory requirement of obtaining consent of the tribal people before acquisition of any land by the state for the mining purpose. Thus, when, the mining company applies for the lease, the application asks whether company has surface rights’? If not, has the consent of the owner/occupier been obtained?” If the reply is ‘no’, then as per law, the application should be sent back to the mining company. The company writes back saying, ‘Consent is being arranged. Lease may be given subject to submission of consent before entry’. The lower-rung revenue official of the state- the Tehsildar- adopts a soft approach mixed with vested interests, and posts notice for the villagers asking them to come and take their compensation on a particular date. The innocent villagers,

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unaware of the abuse of laws, and knowing little about the consequences of coming and taking compensation, end up losing their title on the land. Once taken, the deal goes in favour of the mining company with state officials duly too getting handsomely compensated by the company. Once their land is taken away, the tribals get uprooted and become a wanderer. This is the modus operandi, besides several other tactics, adopted by the state and company acting in tandem with each other to corner the forest lands for the so-called development of tribal area (Bhaduri 2009, 78). Ignoring the constitutional demands of holding consultation with the Gram Sabhas or the Panchayats, local officials are co-opted or circumvented via provisions for special powers in case of emergency (Roy 2010). Defective land acquisition, compensation and rehabilitation policies

Land acquisition, compensation and rehabilitation of the displaced tribals have been a major source of dissatisfaction, resentment and exclusion of tribals. Prior to the enactment of the Land Acquisition Act 2013, there was no provision of compensation or rehabilitation of the displaced people on account of the developmental projects undertaken by the State. The Land Acquisition Act, 1894 framed by the British Government was kept into force even after the independence. From 1947 until 1991, the people whose lands were taken away, or people who worked on the land by the state in the name of development were never compensated, resettled or rehabilitated by the government. Almost all mega projects- dams, power houses, railways, ports, housing societies etc. were built on the acquired lands of the farmers without any compensation. This was a huge cause of resentment among the displaced people, particularly in the rural and forest areas.

Taking lessons from past legislative defects, the The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013 (popularly called



as the Land Acquisition Act, 2013) was passed addressing critical issues, among others, of compensation, rehabilitation and resettlement to the affected persons. (Gazette of India Extraordinary, 2013). Thus, while repealing the British-era Land Acquisition Act, 1894, the present enactment been hailed for paving way for the development and industrialization of India. The Act was amended in March 2015 to address certain procedural difficulties that were encountered in the way of its implementation. Among its other features, provision for compensation, relief and rehabilitation has been extended to thirteen Acts mentioned in the Fourth Schedule of the Land Acquisition Act 2013. The condition concerning ‘Social Impact Assessment’ and “Special Provisions for Safeguarding Food Security” has also been done away with for projects in five specific areas (Rao). However, dissatisfaction still prevails against the Act. In nutshell, the vexed problems of land acquisition, compensation and rehabilitation still remains unresolved despite its apparent settlement now. Unrestrained State violence and repression of the tribals

Tribals have largely been given raw and rough treatment by the State and its security forces. Forceful eviction of tribals by security forces and henchmen of powerful private corporations have led to massive protests by tribals. The protesting tribals have willfully been picked, tortured and even killed in dozens (Manchanda 2009,Jaffrelot 2002). Activists have pointed out that in the name of fighting naxals, unarmed tribals are routinely picked up, interrogated and tortured to ‘elicit ’ information about the naxals’ location. Fake charges are framed against them and are thrown behind bars without any hope of getting justice from the state. Their non-violent protest and agitations have, however, been termed as a law and order problem and thus force and violence has been used against them by the state (Hindustan Times, 2016). Besides, the role of the Salwa Judum- the state counter-insurgency vigilante group- which became notorious for extra-judicial killings and kidnappings on a large scale in Chattisgarh- has also given rise to increase

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armed resistance from tribal communities. Numerous reports documenting the clandestine operations and activities of Salwa Juddum alongwith paramilitary forces in the name of Naxal operations have been published in leading newspapers and journals. Kidnappings, torture, custodial killings of tribal youths and rapes of tribal women became common practices of Salwa Juddum (Times of India, 2010).

Unarmed and peaceful movements of tribal people in Chattisgarh were sought to be crushed through this organization in connivance with security forces. Their excesses and illegal organizations thus forced the Supreme Court to declare it as an “illegal and unconstitutional” organization and ordered the State of Chattisgarh to disband this organization and seize its weapons and ammunitions (Venkatesan, 2011). In addition, the local goons, employed by private corporations, who have also close connections with local politicians, indulge in extortion, threatening and evicting the helpless tribals from their habitations with no redressal from the state. Thus, the State, the politicians and private corporations have all indulged in using violence and repression against the peaceful agitating tribals (Padel and Das 2008, 2011). The illiteracy, poverty and backwardness of the tribals have additionally put them in an unending vicious circle of violence and repression. Undoing Exclusion: Measures for Inclusive Development of Tribals

The problem of exclusion and marginalization of the tribal community is a complicated and gigantic one. As pointed out above, a number of factors have contributed to the worsening of status of this community. Overtime, several measures have been suggested both by government agencies and scholars. Some of the measures recommended for their upliftment and welfare are as follows:Strengthening Ministry of Tribal Affairs

Both the Ministry of Tribal Affairs and the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes are extremely weak and



unable to protect the tribal rights. Infact, the former apparently only serves to collect incomplete statistics of tribal eviction and preparing reports for bureaucratic consumption rather than protecting their interests. The later has reduced itself to the status of another useless department of the former (as will be discussed later), despite being a constitutional powerful body that could undertake investigation against atrocities on the tribals, if set-up properly. The toothless-ness of these bodies is exemplified in the following comments:

The Parliamentary Standing Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in a report submitted to the Lok Sabha on 23 October 2008 observed, “Notwithstanding Act and regulations to control alienation of tribal land, tribal people are being alienated from their land in the name of development and due to insufficient amount given to them for their land, they migrate to other places in search of livelihood.”

It further stated that “tribals should not suffer in the name of development” and recommended that “the Ministry of Tribal Affairs should take immediate su-moto action whenever it is reported that tribal people are agitating against displacement and endangerment to their lives.” (Tribal: Victims of Development Projects, 2012).Futuristic Planning for tribal development

It is now well known that globalization policies adopted in India have harmed the tribals’ interest in a big way. Development projects, such as dams, housing schemes, special economic zones, mining projects and the like have resulted in massive displacement and uprootment of the tribal population since the inauguration of neo-liberal economic policies in India. In the era of globalization-propelled economic reforms which is largely to the benefit of the urban, educated elites, the disadvantaged people are at the receiving end as experience has shown that development projects have come up at the cost

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of their land, livelihood and resources. While development is the buzz word of current economic reforms, the lack of tribals’ concerns in the State’s decision making apparatus coupled with blatant violation of their rights by the corporates have made economic reforms a nightmare experience for them. Hence, it is imperative to safeguard their vital interests that comprise their language, culture, habitat and livelihood. For this, a futuristic and perspective planning, that gives voice to the vulnerable sections in policy making, that hears their grievances and incorporates their sensitivities, be brought into place. A humane approach to deal with tribal issues

Several experts from academia and government have consistently held that the Maoist problem needs to be handled with more sensitivity and better understanding. A tit-for-tit response or an iron-fisted policy against the tribal leaders who are often branded as Naxals cannot be successful in the long run. Even former police chiefs such as K. Vijay Kumar, who is credited with having eliminated the dreaded sandalwood smuggler of Veerappan of Tamilnadu; and has also led massive combing operations against the Maoists in Chattisgarh, have called for displaying a better understanding towards the problems being faced by the tribals. Without lowering their guard, the State, in his opinion, needs to understand that the years of deprivation and injustice meted to tribal and poor people of rural India, have made them restless and diverted them to take up arms against the State. He called for initiating dialogues and communication with them with the aim of making them understand the vitals of development and rule of law. (Millennium Post). Attitudinal change in the State and its agencies

Attitudinal change in the outlook and conduct of State and its agencies is the need of the hour. Tribals should not be treated as a burden on the State, nor be looked upon as criminals, just because they are unimpressive, appearance wise. Their claim to the forest as their natural habitat and forest resources as their means of livelihood has to be recognized by



the State in right earnest for they are the original inhabitants of the forests. Land acquisition should be resorted to only when it becomes mandatory, and not as a matter of choice. Proper compensation and rehabilitation should be a natural corollary in all cases of acquisition. The displaced tribals should mandatorily be rehabilitated by private or state corporations, whosoever is acquiring the land for its venture. Leaders of tribal communities, representing genuine tribal issues, have to be given a patient hearing; and their leaders be called to negotiating tables by the government. The Security forces and courts of law have to treat them humanely and patiently, just they wish to be given a patient and a responsive hearing when their issues are hanging fire. The menace of Naxalism has first to be dealt with socially, economically and politically, failing before coercive action is resorted against them. Addressing educational and economic concerns of tribals

To overcome the multifarious challenges confronting the vast tribal population today, a humane approach is required which takes into account both the development and the humanitarian needs of the tribal community. The central concern of the tribal community dealing with their language, culture and identity has to be addressed while devising strategies for their inclusion in the economic growth of the country. It is to be noted that the Land Acqisition Act of 2013 and the amendments incorporated in 2015 go a long way in addressing the concerns of the tribal populace. However, the lackluster implementation of these legislative measures and constitutional safeguards have created an wanted room for the vested interests for backdoor maneuverings and circumvention of developmental policies. This has to be taken care of urgently if inclusive and equitable growth has to become a reality for the weak and vulnerable sections of India, including the tribals. There is a need to make tribal communities stakeholders in the development and reducing the gulf between the rich and poor.

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Alongwith plugging the loopholes and gaps in the existing legislative and executive machinery dealing with the tribal community, renewed emphasis needs to be given to innovation and employment generation suiting the tribal community. Activities such as fish farming, poultry farming, sericulture etc. through Medium and Small Scale Enterprises (MSMEs) needs to be actively promoted by the State as well as through private initiatives. The Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship should impart skill training to the tribal youth on a massive scale. Avoiding unwanton and unnecessary violence against Naxals

Tribal activists have complained that the government has created a frightening myth of ‘Red Corridor’ in India, implying the existence of parallel government of Maoists and Naxals which is pitted against the Indian State. Thus, in the name of fighting Maoists, tribals have been targeted and killed in large numbers by security forces. However, social activists and certain political parties have challenged the government’s action stating that killing Naxals by using armed forces would not end Naxalism till poverty and violation of fundamental rights of tribals continue. Instead, Naxalism would continue getting support from the poor peasantry who look upon them as their savior. Besides, it has been emphasized that autonomy in administration to Naxal affected area can only ensure development and this will help curb Naxalism (Usendi, 2013). Conclusion

Going by the above, it is clear that tribals have remained outside the growth process in India’s post-reform period. Infact, their rights have been violated, ignored, circumvented or diluted by governments both at the Centre and States as a result of unbridled globalization during the last two decades. In the process, the worst sufferers have been the tribal communities, environment, forests and forest resources. All this has rendered



tribals marginalized and vulnerable. The result has been the unfortunate growth and spread of Naxalism and internal security problem on a massive scale.

Thus, urgently required is the inclusion and mainstreaming of tribals in the growth process. Apart from the measures suggested above, it is to be noted that no developmental work could be productive for the vulnerable sections, including tribals, so long as the culture of impunity and exclusion reflected in the lack of tribal voices in State policies, the gap between the felt needs and real needs of the tribes, the willful circumvention of tribal laws to meet the interests of the global corporations, the absence of culture-specific and need-based policies, the growing nexus between the state and corporate world prevails. Economic growth coupled with equity and justice alone can usher in inclusive democracy and a humane society. References:

• Acharya, Keya, “INDIA: Mining Boom Affecting Tribals, Environment”, August 24, 2008. http://www.ipsnews.net/2008/08/ india-min ing-boom-af fect ing-tr iba ls -environment/).

• Bhaduri, Amit : “The Face You Were Afraid to See: Essays on the Indian Economy”. Penguin India: New Delhi, 2009.

• Bhargava, Yuthika, “India has second fastest growing services sector”, The Hindu, July 9, 2014.

• Dahat, Pawan, “Protest brewing in Red zone as another project proposed in the tribal land”, The Hindu, 18 May 2013. Also see: “70 villages in Maharashtra unite to oppose mining, save the Adivasi way of life.” https://scroll.in/article/825372/70-villages-in-maharashtra-unite-to-oppose-mining-save-the-adivasi-way-of-life.

• Fernandez, Walter “The Indian Indigenous Peoples for Sixty Years- Part I: Tribals and National Development”, North Eastern Social Research Centre, August 15, 2007. http://onlineministries.creighton.edu/CollaborativeMinistry/NESRC/Walter.html.

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• Gazette of India Extraordinary, 2013. http://indiacode.nic.in/acts-in-pdf/302013.pdf.

• Hindustan Times, “Chhattisgarh: Under-trial tribal killed in ‘fake encounter’ in Bastar ”, August 18, 2016. Also see: “70 villages in Maharashtra unite to oppose mining, save the Adivasi way of life.” http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/chhattisgarh-under-trial-tribal-killed-in-fake-encounter-in-bastar/story-Bjz2kYt5dOLEy5Qv4yAL0N.html

• IMF: “India’s growth to rebound to 7.2% after demonetisation disruptions”, May 09, 2017. http://www.zeebiz.com/india/news-indias-growth-to-rebound-to-72-after-demonetisation-disruptions-imf-15913.

• Jaffrelot, Christophe, “India’s Silent Revolution”, New Delhi: Permanent Black, 2002.

• Manchanda, Rita, “Living on the margins: Minorities in South Asia”, Kathmandu: South Asian Forum for Human Rights, 2009.

• Mckenna, Ed, “India Undercuts Tribal Rights.” February 22, 2013. http://www.ipsnews.net/2013/02/india-undercuts-tribal-rights/.

• Millennium Post, “Maoist issue needs to be handled with more sensitivity.” http://www.millenniumpost.in/maoist-issue-needs-to-be-handled-with-more-sensitivity-14173.

• Mohapatra Gadadhara, “Globalization And Changing India”, Countercurrents.org, August 3, 2012. http://www.countercurrents.org/mohapatra030812.htm

• Padel, Felix and Samarendra Das, “‘Cultural Genocide: the real impact of Development-Induced Displacement’, in H.M. Mathur (ed.) India: Social Development Report 2008. Development and Displacement, pp.103-115. Delhi:Oxford University Press, 2008.

• Ramakrishnan, Venkatesh and Mahaprashasta, Ajoy Ashirvad, “Illusory rights”, Frontline, Volume 30 - Issue 08, Apr. 20-May. 03, 2013.

• Rao, Karra Kameswara, “Land Acquisition Act 2013 and Land Ordinances- 2014: A Mockery of Democracy”, Bharati Law Review, April-June 2016). Also see: “The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement (Amendment) Ordinance,



2015.” May 30, 2015. http://www.pmindia.gov.in/en/news_updates/the-right-to-fair-compensation-and-transparency-in-land-acquisition-rehabilitation-and-resettlement-amendment-ordinance-2015/ .

• Roy, Arundhati: “Listening to Grasshoppers: Field Notes on Democracy”, New Delhi: Penguin, 2010.

• The Guardian: “India blocks Vedanta mine on Dongria-Kondh tribe’s sacred hill”, August 24, 2010. https://www.theguardian.com/business/2010/aug/24/vedanta-mining-industry-india. Also see: Shalu Singh, “This Tribe In Odisha Stands To Lose Everything, Thanks To The State Govt. And Vedanta”, April 26, 2016. https://www.youthkiawaaz.com/2016/04/vedanta-bauxite-mining-niyamgiri-odisha/

• Times of India, “Salwa Judum- menace or messiah?”, March 20, 2010.

• Tribal: Victims of Development Projects – India’s Forced Displacement Policy and Practice, 2012. https://socialissuesindia.files.wordpress.com/2012/09/tribal-displacement-in-india.pdf.

• Usendi, Namdev: ““Tribal autonomy answer to Naxalism’’, The Telegraph, May 29, 2013.

• Venkatesan J., “Salwa Judum is illegal, says Supreme Court”, July 5, 2011.

• Verma, M.M., “Tribal Development In India Programmes And Perspectives”, Oscar Publications: Delhi, 1997.

*****

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Appraising Status of Dalit Human Rights, State and Governance: With Reference To Right To

Religion

*Jayashree Ambewadikar

Abstract Human rights simply means right of human

being, being in generic term (male and female), centre primarily around equality, liberty, fraternity and self respect. This simply means that basic rights of human being is about their self respect, treating them equal and providing liberty of thought and expression and also of fraternal relationship irrespective of their faith and belief in any religious community, region, culture etc. Incidentally the human rights have been narrowed down by state action providing the human being the right of their livelihood, shelter and works. The fact of the matter is that one has to go beyond the spheres of the traditional setting because the action was taken over decades together by the state. There is need to explicate the human rights of the most discriminated, marginalised and excluded communities of India, i.e., dalits. It is dalit rights as human being which needs more attention by not only state but by social scientists also. So that more societal attention is paid towards protecting their

* Assistant Professor, Central university of Gujarat




human rights, i.e., Dalit Human Rights. This paper discusses Dalit human rights with help of a case study of temple entry agitation within the theoretical framework stressing the need of state machinery apart from other social institutions for the protection and promotion of Dalit Human Rights. Here a deliberation is made at length on the governance for the dalit human right protection against violations and for the maintenance of their human rights. KEYWORDS: Human Rights, Dalit, Religion , State,

Governance Introduction

In India, the Hindu social system is rigidly stratified and divided into numerous castes and sub-castes, placed in a ritual or religious hierarchy with graded inequality. Hence, the hierarchised social stratification produces innumerable forms and degrees of inequality and discrimination of certain castes and sub castes in the caste system or the Hindu social system. The uniqueness of discrimination practiced in the caste system can also be seen as based on the pursuits of occupations, which are clearly categorised as ‘clean’ or ‘pure’ occupation enjoying higher or even highest status and prestige, and are treated as superior, whereas ‘unclean and polluting’ or ‘impure’ occupation are assigned very low prestige and indignified status (Ambewadikar, 2016). The association of a sizable section of population with the latter type of occupations alongwith their different types of belief systems, customs, rituals, etc., since the earlier time, has resulted into keeping physical and social distance with and practice of untouchability against them by others. Thus, such sections of population, that is Scheduled Castes or Dalits are regarded low castes in the caste hierarchy constituting around 18% of India’s population.

It is evident that, the dalit people’s polluting and

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untouchable presence was allowed to enter the shared social and religious life of the wider community only at the margins and /or with humiliating constraints causing segregation, discrimination, violence, atrocities, and exclusion which prevent them from enjoying the basic human rights and dignity promised to all citizens of India, though several legislations in the constitution have been enacted for the protection of the Dalits. This made dalits evaluate themselves as worthless sub-human which affected their relationship within the society. In this situation, the liberation of dalits means, liberation from all kind of religiously imposed and sanctioned degradation. We shall look into the Human Rights in the present context and find what are the steps taken up by the state which incidentally has taken the responsibility of safeguarding the rights of the human beings. We shall also explicate the Human Rights of the most discriminated, marginalised and excluded communities like dalits. It is their rights as human being which needs more attention by not only state but by social scientists also. So that more societal attention is paid towards protecting their human rights, i.e., Dalit Human Rights. This paper discusses Dalit human rights with help of a case study of temple entry agitation within the theoretical framework stressing the need of state machinery apart from other social institutions for the protection and promotion of Dalit Human Rights. The paper also deliberates at length on the governance for the dalit human right protection against violations and for the maintenance of their human rights. Dalits Human Rights And State

Generally speaking, Human rights are regarded as those fundamental and inalienable rights that are essential for life as human beings. The definition put forth by R.J. Vincent expressed that, Human Rights are something that everyone equally has by virtue of “their very humanity” and also by virtue of their being grounded in our appeal to our “human nature”(Vincent

Appraising Status of Dalit Human Rights, State and.....


1986, Ray 2003). Similarly, David Shelby asserts that Human Rights pertain to all persons and are possessed by everyone in the world because they are simply human beings, they are not earned, bought or inherited, nor are they created by any contractual undertaking (Shelby, 1987). Scott Davidson provides an inclusive definition saying that, “the concept of human rights is closely related with the protection of individuals from the exercise of state, government or authority in certain areas of their lives; it is also directed towards the creation of societal conditions by the state in which individuals are to develop their fullest potential”(Scott, 1993).

But there has been a deliberate negligence of social, cultural, civil, economic rights which are practiced through religious sanctions or Dharmashstras and sanction of the law books or Manusmriti for dalits (Thapar, 1985). This negligence is seen in the contemporary times where social and physical segregation and exclusion is practice to continue untouchability of dalits. In this regard, there are earlier numerous studies exposing depicting the range of untouchability related to physical touch, access to water, food, housing, employment, health, polity etc. The segregation, insult and humiliation of Bauris (dalits) by high caste Hindus in Orissa village is seen in the study of Freeman (1965). The violation of civil rights of dalits in public places especially in the case of temple entry is seen in various parts of the country (Shah, 2006).

Human rights simply means right of human being, being in generic term (male and female), centre primarily around equality, liberty, fraternity and self respect. This simply means that basic rights of human being is about their self respect, treating them equal and providing liberty of thought and expression and also of fraternal relationship irrespective of their faith and belief in any religious community, region, culture etc. Incidentally the human rights have been narrowed down by state action providing the human being the right of their

27

livelihood, shelter and works. The fact of the matter is that one has to go beyond the spheres of the traditional setting because the action was taken over decades together by the state. There is a need of a new vision and mission to protect and promote Dalit Human Rights.

In theory untouchability might have been abolished but in practice, Dalits continue to be subjected to discrimination, poverty and exclusion. They are denied the basic human rights of self respect, equality, liberty, fraternity and freedom despite constitutional guarantee. If these people attempt to challenge the traditional oppressive practices, they are subjected to further different levels and degrees of discrimination, poverty and exclusion. Thus millions of Dalits faces helpless situation in which they are not allowed even to enjoy the rights guaranteed under law (Khodian, 1990). The constitution legally abolished the practice of untouchability and the discrimination of dalits arising out of untouchability under article 17. Article 21 of the Indian Constitution guarantees the Right to Life. The right to life means the right to live with dignity, right to livelihood, right to education and right to health. But apart from these, under the right to equality, Article 15 confers fundamental right to religion and guarantee against discrimination related to it and Article 26 confers right to establish and manage religious affairs.

The other anti-discriminatory measures include the enactment of the untouchability offence act, 1955 now renamed as the protection of Civil Rights Act (PCR) 1976, and the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities Act) 1989. Under the former act the practice of untouchability and discrimination in public places and services is treated as offence, the later act provides legal protection to the SCs against violence and atrocities by the higher castes. In India, the National Human Rights Commission and State Human Rights Commissions was set up to make a number of specific recommendations on how human rights violations can be



minimised or ended (Bansal,2000). Thus we say Constitution of India is one of the most

rights-based constitution in the world. Indian Constitution captures the essence of human rights in its Preamble and in the sections on Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles of State Policy. The Constitution of India is based on the principle of social, cultural, civil, political and economic rights of the people of India. Here Human rights means the rights relating to life, liberty, equality and dignity of the individual guaranteed by the Constitution or embodied in the International Covenants and enforceable by courts in India.

But due to experience of dalits, they do not have faith in the intention and action of the government machinery inspite of these measures to protect the interest of the dalits. the dominant relationship of Caste Hindu for the scheduled castes in private and public spheres of life gives a setback to the efforts of the state. Like, some of the top police officers do not allow their subordinates to defend the violations because of caste-oriented approach.Theoretio- Analytical Framework

The caste system of India is regulated by the Hindu religious institution based on purity and pollution (Ambedkar, 1917; Dumont, 1980). The regulation in caste practices is through rituals, ceremonies, norms etc. This religious regulations directs social action and interaction towards each individual in society (Weber, 1958, 1961) which culminates into unequal hierarchical relation in the society. Consequently dalit who are in the lowest strata of social hierarchy are forced to do unclean and polluting work. Thus we see that the social institution of religion is anti-capacity building of individual, this religion is not capable of social development so formal arrangement should replace informal arrangement with the help of State machinery. For this the State intervention must not be allowed to wither away

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but in fact its role must be intensified. State should be elevated and given more and more power. It is in a powerful State that the decisions are taken quickly and implemented effectively (Gutmann, 1988; Kothari, 1989). So, for perfect and just society there is a need of not only social institutions like family, religion, economy, polity, education but also that of State.

But John Rawls also cautions that conflicts arises from unequal distributive share due to the interference of social institutions (Roy, 2000). Conflict theorist also holds same views that inequality arises out of the monopolistic control over the goods and services, produced by institution like religion. According to Tumin, those having power, exploit the rest in the competition for resources to be shared, eventually getting monopolized resources and power (Tumin, 1967). This monopolistic control on resources creates incapability in people (Sen, 1992). They encourage the less capable dalits to the become hostile, suspicious and distrustful causing social unrest and chaos amongst them. This results into violation of Dalit human rights in social, cultural, civil, economic, political and especially in religious spheres (Report of National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled tribes, 1996-97 and 1997-98, 1999-2000 and 2000-2001). It proved impossible for dalits to avoid internalizing society’s valuation of themselves as worthless sub-human being which affected their relationship as well as their religious life. Thus there is a need of Dalit liberation from religiously imposed and sanctioned degradation. The liberation means conversion of religion with an explicit rejection of Hindu religion (Ambedkar, 1950) and its psychological conditioning (Webster,1999) and embracing Buddhism.

It is seen that change of religion has liberated them from the stigma of untouchability, thus enhancing their confidence to a great measure. Many neo-Buddhist explained that the economic benefit after conversion was mainly due to their giving up of the rituals and ceremonies for which a considerable



amount was spent. After conversion they are no more the burdened with all these conventional expenses. They could now use the money thus saved for betterment of their economic conditions, educating children, health etc . Dalits have used conversion as a resistance as well as a self-redefination strategy which released their creative energy, increased self-confidence (integrated self) and a new sense of human dignity (ibid)

Robert W. Helfner says, Conversion includes a ‘reformulation of social relations, cultural meangings and personal experiences’ in terms of the ideals of the adopted religion. It involves a commitment to a new moral authority and leads to a new locus of self-definitions, a new reference point for one’s identity (Welfner, 1993). Lewis Rambo, in focusing on the experience of individual converts, defined conversion as ‘what a faith group says it is’ a process as going through a series of stages: context, crisis, quest, encounter with an advocate, interaction, commitment and consequences (Rambo, 1993). The case study of right to freedom of religion states the serious of stage mentioned above. Right To Freedom Of Religion And State

As there are cases of practice of untouchabilty and violation of Dalits human rights all over India, the case of entry in the temple of Jagannath in Keradagada village of Kendrapada district of Orissa is one of them. The demography of Keradagada village shows a total population of 1400 comprising of 400 Dalits community population. Traditionally Dalits were not allowed to enter the Jagannath temple due to purity and pollution practice. They were allowed to see the god through nine holes of the temple. Many times Dalits tried to break the tradition of exclusion in temple entry but they were barred by the upper castes of the village. But on 14th November, 2005, four Dalit women exercise their right to enter temple and worship the god, but were consequently beaten up by guardian of

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pollution and purity; upper caste villagers. So on 6th December, 2006, around 5000 Dalits took a rally to district collectorate for seeking protection for temple entry for them. But instead of providing protection to dalits the police questioned, why you want to entry this temple only ? and discouraged them. On the very next day, 7th December, 2006 , dalits again tried to exercise their constitutional right to enter the temple.

Following this incident, the Caste Hindu made a court case against dalits. A division bench of the Orissa high court ruled that all Hindus had the right to enter any temple irrespective of caste. The court order the district administration to direct the caste Hindus for not preventing dalits from worshipping in the temple. In the wake of a court ruling in their favour, 200 Dalits barged into the temple to perform religious rituals. Two platoons of policemen were deployed for the security of dalits to entry in temple.

But the upper caste people and temple priests furiously opposed the move of the court and dalit by saying that “the entry of Dalits people is against the custom of the temple, where no person of Dalit origin has stepped in so far”. Temple priest Narayan Das expressed anguishly that he and other priests “will not perform rituals if dalits are allowed into the temple. The temple’s chief priest Madan Mohan Panda, declared that: “We stopped all the rituals that have been regularly performed from decades, after they (Dalits) entered the temple premises. The Dalits have besmirched the religious traditions and have polluted the temple. We need to perform Maha Snana, a bath ritual of the deity for purification, till then temple will be closed down. The temple was opened late only after “purification” rituals was resumed when the king of the erstwhile Kanika kingdom and interim trustee of the temple, Mr. Rabindra Narayan Bhanjdeo, visited the site and held discussions with the caste Hindus. Mr. Bhanjdeo appealed dalits to get in written from Puri Jagannath



temple that dalits are Hindus, then only they will be allowed to entry the temple, as narrated by the respondent..

Despite of court ruling that oppositions for temple entry is illegal, three upper caste leaders namely Managobinda Jena, Suren Swain, and Seshadev Nanda opposed it . So on 8th December, 2006, they were charged under Section 3 of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocity) Act for allegedly instigating people to oppose the entry of Dalits into the temple and Police had to issue arrest warrants against them. But nobody were arrested then.

At the community level also all the upper castes people protested the entry of Dalits into the Jagannath temple in defiance of an age-old caste system and religious practices.So talks were held to bring about a rapprochement between the two sides i.e., Caste Hindus and Dalits. It was decided that a wall inside the main boundary temple with nine holes through which Dalits were traditionally allowed to view the deity would be demolished and an open corridor will be provided for both Dalits and upper castes to worship. It was also announced that only priests would be allowed to perform rituals and enter the sanctum of the Jagannath temple. But latter on fraudulently a side iron grill gate with sixty-four holes was exclusively meant for dalits to view the deity. They repeated the same exclusionary policy to prevent entry of dalits in temple. Dalits were restricted to worship and proper offering to god. They were allowed to offer only coconut instead of banana, cooked food etc. like that of Caste Hindus.

It was observed that majority of the Dalits are landless cultivators or dailywagers. Since the day dalits entered the temple, they were spending sleepless nights due to fear. The upper caste villagers were venting their anger against dalits and many of them turned revengeful. Consequently many landowners had stopped giving work to them. This case reveals

33

that how right to religion, right to livelihood and right to life is violated of dalits in rural setting. So the Dalits were unhappy over the local administration’s move of not protecting them. They outburst their anger saying, it is an insult to the entire Dalits community and violation of the court’s order. In response to atrocious caste system of Hinduism, dalits took the drastic step to leave Hinduism and convert themselves to Buddhism. They expressed that, we do not want to give a feeling that we are challenging them, i.e., the caste Hindus. We would like to establish brotherhood in true sense. One of the Dalit leaders confess that we are not superseding upper caste people rather we are only trying to be equals.

It is said that, Dr. Ambedkar led dalits to acceptance of Buddhism as it is both beneficial and moral. Buddhism fits the needs of the new society and provides a solution to its dilemmas; it projects the sorrow of exploitation. Buddhism has clear ideas about the ideal society, which they visualized as an open, egalitarian and mobile one. Buddhism denies the ritual, birth-based ascription for setting it against all notions of purity-pollution and magic-centered life fostered by ideologies such as Brahmanism of Hinduism (Webster, 1999).

So as per the Orissa Freedom of Religion Act, 1967, an affidavit was filed before the district collector by atleast 1,000 Dalits to embrace Buddhism on 3 January, 2007. In the process of religious conversion, they were interrupted by saying that one month prior permission before the conversion is not taken, when it was taken three months before. They were also not allowed to erect tent and use loudspeaker for the ceremony on the ground that there was no prior court permission for it, when it was formally taken. Seventeen vehicles of the dalits coming for the conversion ceremony were allured in the name of offering village feast by the local politicians so as to stop them from reaching the conversion ceremony. The place of erecting Dr.



Ambedkar statue was encroached overnight by the upper caste people for building village goddess temple. But still on 14 April , 2007, the day of Dr Ambedkar’s birth anniversary, a Buddhist monk, Bhikku Vishwabandhu from New Delhi converted dalits to Buddhism and laid the foundation stone for a Pagoda and Dr Ambedkar’s statue at Aul village. Consequently, there were discriminatory practice in the form of denying drinking water, work, education facilities, public amenities, and also commensal relation for dalits.

The neo-Buddhist in the villages were scared of their lives for the unexpected consequences of conversion. This incident certainly relates to both caste prejudice and untouchability in socio-cultural, political and economic issues regarding land, wages, indebtness, bondage, poverty, etc. practiced by the Caste Hindu land owning classes. In this case, the High court had also summoned the district collector to report the situation of the temple, villagers and Dalits. But it was found that the police is not doing field visit for reporting the situation to the higher authority about the safeguard of the Neo-Buddhist. It is observed that the police abstained from this matter to be decided by the upper caste oppressors and the oppressed dalits. The agitated dalits decided to file a case against the district collector who was very unco-operative inspite of the high court’s summon. The collector was more concern about the Puri constitution than the Indian constitution. This means he was openly discriminating dalits and favouring upper castes people. In this case study it is seen that state machinery like police did not fulfill their duties to protect and promote the right to religion and dalit human rights. The case study shows contest and crisis in religious conversion and dalit’s quest and counters in the neo-religion.Governance For Dalit Human Rights

The constitution provision of social legislations like

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protection of civil rights Act, and scheduled caste and scheduled tribe (prevention of atrocities) act are revolutionary for the rescue, security and promotion of the down-trodden (Khan, 1995). But the relevance and utility benefit of these legislations have been a myth due to unawareness and poor knowledge of it by both the authorities and the public. This unawareness is obvious in this case when one look at the structure of the languages in the complaint. So it is desirable to link these two acts and make one comprehensive law. Further the misuse of law should be prevented by removing the defect in it. The persons involved in making allegations and the defender of it in the case just to create terror, fear, revenge, and humiliation should have been severely punished to teach a lesson for all.

Lengthy process and painful delay in the disposal of cases under PCR act for providing dalit human rights had very little impact due to less convictions of the culprits of untouchability as well as their traditional foes. This is because of the problem of local pressure, sustenance of witness, fear of social boycott, loss of earning, frequent visits of the courts etc. There is a need to give priority to this type of cases so special or mobile courts at district level to make justice more fairly convenient and time saving by avoiding traditional skills of interruption. So that the victim do not feel demoralize and have faith in judiciary.

There should have been clear linkage between the directorate of civil rights enforcement and the police officers at different Talukas and villages by preparing proper fact finding details for functional relevance. The active and participatory formulation of SC/ST welfare committees alongwith proper implementation of reservations for the SC/ST in panchayat bodies can bring change in the management of village political institutions to enthuse confidence among the scheduled castes and at the same time to dilute the traditional controls of the caste-Hindus when such types of cases occurs.



Conclusion It is the fact that almost for a century or so the

marginalised persons of the communities have left their parental religion and embrace other region in hope of being treated equal therein and also to get self respect. However, in a society which remain culture and tradition based society, not much self respect and equality has been acquired by such converts. In fact what can be noticed that the people of the marginalised sections who has embraced other religious believes has been suffering from discrimination of one type or the other therein and when they look back their earlier status then they find in new setting not much change has taken place. The State has an obligation to respect, protect and fulfill these rights. The human rights which are legitimized claims because rights become real only when people begin to realise their full potential as human beings and assert their rights in the private and public sphere.

Further it is critical to ensure that all personnel involved in the dalit human rights policy are educated about practice and philosophy behind the policy through training colleges, workshops, refresher course, policy dialogue etc for making meaningful differences in implementation. The non-government organizations and knowledgeable interested individuals should be allowed to go through the human rights annual reports and to verify the social impact assessment for public accountability. So that collective fine can be imposed practically and reasonably to counter repetition of humiliation and harassment of them. Mass media should taken up cases of untouchability very seriously through television, radio and newspapers. Cultural programmes, street plays, films and other traditional mechanisms definitely create tremendous awareness among people should be encouraged. Legal literacy programmes should be made an integral part of the overall adult education policy.

37

Reference:• Ambedkar, .B.R.(1917), Caste in India their Mechanism and

development in Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Writing and Speeches vol. 1, Government of Maharashtra, Bombay.

• Ambedkar, B.R. (1950), ‘Buddha and the future of his Religion’, The Maha Bodhi, 58 (April-May 1950)

• Ambewadikar, Jayashree (2016), Exposing Forms and Extent of Discrimination of Scheduled Castes in Rural India: A Sociological Analysis, The Eastern Anthropologist 69: 2 (2016).

• Bansal, B.L. (2000), The Law Relating to Human Rights: The Protection of Human Rights Act 1993, Capital Law House.

• Davidson, Scott (1993), Human Rights, Philadelphia Open University Press, USA.

• Dumont, Louis (1980), Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and its Implications, publications University of Chicago Press.

• Freeman, J.M. (1965), Untouchables: An Indian Life History, George Allen and Unwin, London.

• Gutmann, Amy (1988), Democracy and the Welfare State (ed.), Princeton University Press, New Jersey.

• Hefner, Robert W. (1993), ‘Introduction: World Building and the Rationality of Conversion’, in Conversion to Christianity: historical and anthropological perspectives on a great transformation, Berkley: University of California Press.

• Hindustan Times, 9th Dec 2006. https://www.highbeam.com/publications/hindustan-times-new-delhi-india-p408843/dec-9-2006

• Indo-Asian News Service (IANS) 15th April 2007. https://www.ians.in/

• Khan, Mumtaj Ali (1995), Human rights and the Dalits, Centre for Research and Development of Dalits, Banglore, Uppal Publishing House, New Delhi.

• Kodian P.K. (1990), Atrocities on Harijan and Weaker Sections in Desai A.R (Ed), Repression and Resistance in India, Popular Prakashan, Bombay.

• Kothari, Rajni (1989), State Against Democracy, In Search of Humane Governance, Ajanta Publications, Delhi.

• Rambo, Lewis R. (1993) Understanding Religious Conversion,



New Haven: Yale University Press.• Ray, Arun (2003), National Human Rights Commission of India:

Formation, Function and future Prospects, Vol. 1, Khanna Publishers, New Delhi.

• Report of National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled tribes of 1996-97 and 1997-98, 1999-2000 and 2000-2001, Government of India.

• Roy, B.N. (2000), John Rawls and Agenda of Social Justice, Anamika Publishers and Distributors, (Pvt ltd), New Delhi.

• Sen, Amartya (1992), “Justice and Capability”, in Inequality Reexamined, Oxford University Press, Delhi.

• Shah, Ghanshyam (2006), (ed) Untouchability in Rural India, Sage Publications, New Delhi.

• Shelby, David (1987), Human Rights, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

• Thapar, Romila (1985), The problems of Human Rights in Hindu and Buddhist Traditions, Human Rights Teaching, Vol IV, UNESCO, 34-38.

• The Hindu, 15th April 2007. http://www.thehindu.com/archive/print/2007/04/15/

• Tumin, Melvin (1967), Social Stratification: The Forms and Functions of Inequality. Prentice-Hall.

• Vincent, R..J. (1986), Human Rights and International Relations, Cambridge University Press, New York .

• Weber, Max (1958), The Religion of India, Free Press, Glencoe. • Weber, Max (1961) (ed.) Social Action and its Types in Theories

of Society, Talcott Parson, Free Press, New York. • Webster, John C.B. (1999), Religion and Dalit Liberation : An

examination of perspectives, Monohar publishers.

*****

39

Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTG) of Karnataka: A Situational Appraisal of Koraga’s

*Prakash Marpady**Dr. Mohan S. Singhe

AbstractTribes are most social excluded group

in India. They have been subjected to the Socio-economic and political exploitation in contemporary political economy. Most divesting situation is, after sex decades of independence still their literacy rate, health status, autonomy have not been upgraded as intended level. Each tribe is different from one another. The most vulnerable tribes among the tribes are deprived in double fold. The data on their socio-economic characteristics will helps to understand the intensity of their problem. Karnataka is situated in southern part of India, is the 8th largest state in terms of area and 9th largest in terms of population. Karnataka is one the tribal centric state in southern part of India. There were 8, 75,742 tribal households in the state. The total tribal population was 42, 48,987, among them 21, 34,754 are male and 21,

* Research Scholar, Department of Social Work, Mangalore Univer-sity, Mangalagangothri, Karnataka, India. ** Asst. Professor, Department of Social Work, Mangalore University, Mangalagangothri, Karnataka, India




14,233 are females. There are 49 scheduled tribes are inhabited in Karnataka state, out of which Koraga’s from costal region and Jenukuruba’s from Mysore region were notified as Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group(PVTG) by the Government of India. In this study researcher made an effort to examine the demographic profile of Koraga tribe to understand the current situation of them in Karnataka. Key words: Social exclusion, Deprivation, Autonomy,

Economy, VulnerabilityIntroduction

The Scheduled Tribes are most vulnerable social group in our country. Tribes are the people with special attachments to land, kinship ties, unique culture, and religious beliefs, material possessions that differentiate and separate them from the mainstream. They have been subjected to socio-economic, cultural and political exclusion from the mainstream society from the long back. This social disability made them to be isolated from the mainstream development process. Along with the social factor, a several state and development policies are pushed them to the acute poverty and vulnerability condition. In spite of, state initiated various tribal development programmes their status remained as same. The prime reason for partially failure is that state is unable to perceive the core development aspects of tribal population. Specifically, forest occupies central position in the tribal economy and society, without an adequate understanding of the role of forests the problems of tribal development cannot be mitigated. Unless we refurnish our forest policies and views, tribes as a subject of curiosity, we cannot solve the impediments to their development (Bose, 1980).Material and Method

The primary objective of the study is to explore the socio-

41

demographic characteristics of the primitive tribe of Karnataka state, specifically the Koraga Tribe of coastal region. Study has made an effort to analyse the major domains of human socio-economic life. For this study data were drawn from various sources. Predominantly, census reports of India, unpublished study of District administration and other project based study reports have been used for the same.Results

Indian population has drastically increased from 439.24 million in 1961 to 1210.05 in 2011. As like, the Scheduled tribe population also been increased from 29.88 million in 1961 to 104.28 million in 2011, with the sex distribution of 52.40 millions males and 51.87 millions of females(Census, 2011) which reveals that the sex composition among tribes is almost equal than non tribal’s. The proportion of tribal population to general population is also very interesting and it was 6.8% in 1961 and increased 8.6 % in 2011, majority of them reside in the rural areas. This reflects that the tribal population over the period has increased at a higher rate as compared to total population. The decadal growth rate of the tribal population during 2001-2011 is 23.7% which is higher than India’s total decadal growth rate is 17.6% (Table 1). The state wise distribution of tribal population indicates that the large proportion of tribal population is pocketed in eastern states namely; Mizoram (94.4%), Nagaland (86.5%), Meghalaya (86.1%), Arunachal Pradesh (68.8%), Manipur (35.1%), Sikkim (33.8%) and Tripura (31.8%). Apart from eastern states highest tribal population in Lakshadweep islands comprises of 94.8%. Tribes in Karnataka

Karnataka is situated in southern part of India, is the 8th largest state in terms of area and 9th largest in terms of population. It comprises of 30 districts. Bangalore, a well know place for information technology and higher education is

Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTG) of Karnataka: A.....


capital city of the state. It was formed on 1st November 1956, with the passage of the State Reorganisation Act, named as State of Mysore originally, and renamed as Karnataka in 1973. The area of the state is 1, 91,791 km which constitutes 5.8% of country’s total geographical area. The state lies between the latitude of 11°30’N and 18°25’N and longitude of 74°10’E and 78 °35’E. The population density of the state is 319 persons per Km and forest area is 36,194km which constitutes 18.9% of state’s geographical area. The state is encircled by Maharashtra at north, Andhra Pradesh at East, Goa at West, Kerala and Tamilnadu states at south. It is one among the Dravidian states, where most of the people speaks Kannada and has considered as a language of state affair. Agriculture sector is a major contributor to the state economy; alongside fisheries, Ports and industries are contributing substantially to the state income. The share of primary, secondary and tertiary sectors in the state’s economy stood at 17.20 percent, 26.50 percent and 56.30 percent respectively in 2011-12.The state is also a land of natural resources and encompassed with potential tourism locations which attract the people from all over the globe. The literacy rate of 75.6 % and standard infrastructure, renowned educational institution and research centres indicate the prosperity of state.

Karnataka has been divided into four revenue administrative regions, Bangalore, Belgaum, Mysore and Gulbarga. As per the Census 2011, out of 6.11 million state population 2.26 36.9%) and 1.26 million were recorded in Bangalore and Mysore regions which have 36.9 percent of each to the share of state population. The Belgaum and Gulbarga Region was recorded 1.27 and 1.13 million of total population. The overall sex ratio was found high in Bangalore Region (1052) which is greater than the state sex ratio of 973. Meager less sex ratio was recorded in Mysore region is 992. Majority of

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the people have been residing in rural areas. Bangalore region is more urbanized and Gulbarga is relatively less urbanized regions in the State. Karnataka is one the tribal centric state in southern part of India. There were 8, 75,742 tribal households in the state. The total tribal population was 42, 48,987, among them 21, 34,754 are male and 21, 14,233 are females. There are 49 scheduled tribes are inhabited in Karnataka state, out of which Koraga’s from costal region and Jenukuruba’s from Mysore region were notified as Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group(PVTG) by the Government of India. The district wise tribal population also differ from one to other, but they have common characteristics. Among the tribes in Karnataka, the populous tribe are Naikadas (3,296,354), Gond (158,243), Koli Dhor (112,190), Maratis (82,447) and Meda (44,160). Discussion

The Table 1.01 shows that the percentagewise population is highest in the Bellary (10.62) followed by Raichur (8.64), Chitradurga (7.12) and Mysore district (7.87). Raichur (19.03) contributes larger percent even to the district total population and the Mandya district has the less tribal population (0.53). Highest number of tribes were in Bellary district with 4, 51,406 peoples, out of which 2, 25,451 male and 2, 25,955 female. Raichur ranked second with 3, 67,071 and Mandya ranked least with 22,402 tribal peoples.

According to the census of 2011, the population of Koraga tribe of costal and western region is 14794 and the Jenukuraba of Mysore region was 36,076. The Bhil tribe constituted 6,204.The Hasalaru, Hakkipikki, Malaikudi, Pardhi, and Kadukuruba raged each between 10000 to 12000 populations, while the Yerava and Soliga’s are together numbered 64178. There are more than ten tribes whose population is less than thousand and some are less than hundred (Census, 2001).The tribal’s were largely concentrated in Yadgir, Raichur, Koppal, Bellary,



Davanagere, Chitradurga, Chikkabailapur, Kodagu, Mysore, Chamarajanagar districts, it is about 10-25 percent of districts total population. These districts having 80% percent of the tribal population in Karnataka state. The main tribal communities are in the taluks of Mysore, Kodagu, Mangalore and rural parts of Bellary district.

Koraga’s were categorized under the Particular Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG) in 2006, before that they were known as Primitive Tribe (UNDP,2015). They are distributed in across all the taluks of Dakshina Kannada and Udupi districts and in some taluks of Shimoga and Uttara Kannada districts of Karnataka. Koraga’s finds also in Kasargodu district of Kerala. According to the 2011 census, their population was 14,794. Koraga’s are having their own settlements at the outskirt of city which are known as ‘Koppa’. The Madras Census Report 1901 was recognized them as ‘Wild Tribe’ of basket makers and who ranked below at the social hierarchy. In some towns they were employed as sanitary workers and scavengers (Thurston, 1975).

In Karnataka, Koraga’s are the most vulnerable and socially excluded tribe. Being a tribe, still the treated as untouchables. This is due to the oppression, exploitation and inhuman treat by the non-tribal community. The first record on Koraga tribe can be seen in the works of Francis Buchanan in 1801. But it doesn’t give detailed note on their history. In some texts, it was recorded that, Koraga’s are ‘Chandala Origin’ (Thurston, 1975) but they were inhabitant and rulers of the ‘Tulunadu’. Hubasika, a leader and ruler of the Koraga tribe and defeated a King called Lokadiraya and was ruling his case people. Evidently to drive away, Hubasika, King Chendashena a Kinsman of lokadiraya proposed his sister in marriage to Hubasika. Accepting this proposal, Hubasika with his people went to the place of marriage, where they were killed, evidently according to plot already hatched. Some escaped and the others were captured

45

were handed over to Brahmin landlords who employed them. It was also decided that they should be allotted food only a day to day basis without allowing them to store anything for the next day, that they should not have any authority and they should remain as slaves of others permanently. This is the historical reason for their social exclusion and vulnerability (Vasudevan, 1998).

Physically, Koraga’s are medium height or short statures with dark skin and curly hair. Most of them are with low forehead, less developed cheekbone and narrow face. Medium to flat noses and thick lips are seen among the Koraga’s. They are substantially depends to the forest to lead the livelihood by collecting the raw materials for basket making. Usually men and women, sometimes children’s too going together to the forest and making the baskets in forest itself collectively. Older generations have been wearing cap called ‘Muttale’, made out of areca nut palm. In ancient times they were used to cover the body by leaves of the plant. The Koraga’s are non-vegetarian and are having habit of consuming Beef and Pork. Consumption of alcohol, chewing tobacco, smoking etc. is very common among the Koraga’s.

Koraga’s have three subdivisions among them are, Ande Koraga, VAstra Koraga and Soppu Koraga. These names may be derived from the kind of dress they wear (Sherring, 1974). Apart from these subdivisions, there are 17 clans. Koraga follows matrilineal family structure and child marriage is strictly prohibited in the community. Marriage will be performed once the boy and girl cross the puberty stage. As per the community custom, marriage between same clans prohibited and cross cousin marriage is preferred. The monogamy form of marriage, and remarriage also prevalent among them. Including the marriage and other ceremonial events of the Koraga family and individual is performed under the guidance of ‘Gurikara’,



a headman of the community. He will be the ultimate decision maker in community affairs as well as in conflict.

According to census 2001, the total population of the Koraga tribe was 15,703 and it was declined to 14,794 in 2011. In Kerala, the population of same tribe has been declined to 1579 in 2001 against to 1651 in 1991. Their proportion to the ST population of the state was 0.35% and 34.5 percent of them are living at urban areas which predominantly greater to the state rate of 2.82. The sex ratio at birth is 1052 against to the state ratio of 1011 and among the 0-6 years are 95 against the state ratio of 104. This is notable that, the 0-6 population of Koraga tribe comprise just 0.26 which comparatively very less among the other tribes in Karnataka and which leads to the depopulation among them. As medical records say, malnutrition, tuberculosis and cancer are the vital reason for de-population of the Koraga tribe in both states. Though, most excluded tribe recorded a high literacy rate of 70.09 which is greater than the tribal literacy rate at national level is 58.06 and crude literacy rate of 74.04(Census, 2011).The economy of the Koraga is mainly based on the basket making, agriculture labourers and scavenging workers. Work participation rate is high among the male in Bothe the PVTGs in Karnataka as well as in tribal dominated states. In 2011 census, Koraga tribe reported the 52.7 percent of work participation, out of which 88.3 percent in main work and rest of is in Marginal work participation. The study shows that 70 percent of them are still depend on Basketry making and rest of them are engaged as agriculture labour, laterate stone cutting, beedi rolling and wage labour(Kakkoth,2005).Plights of Koraga’s

Dr. Mohammed Peer committee report on Socio-economic and educational condition of Koraga’s was a foremost official documents on the plights of primitive tribe

47

in Dakshina Kannada district. This report says that Koraga’s have been social excluded and being victimized by the name of cultural practices. Based on the approaches suggested by this committee government had enacted several schemes for the integrated development of the Koraga tribe. Alcoholism is the sever problem among the koraga tribe and large proportion of their income is spent for that cause. Most of the children’s have been suffering with the malnutrition caused by poor diet (Prakash & Others, 2009). Few studies shows that poverty is the root cause for most of their problems and suggested to scaling up the efforts to improve their housing, sanitation, literacy and employment conditions which ultimately contribute to improvement of quality of life. The comparative study on chronic alcoholism had shown the larger extent of liver damage among the Koraga tribe than the non-tribal community. The study confirms that anemia is widely prevalent among tribal women of reproductive age group (15-49 years). Anemia among women in the reproductive age group is one of the causes for maternal morbidity and mortality (Kamath & Others, 2013). Because of constant efforts of Government and NGOs, Koraga tribe has been exposed to the modernity and accessed to the basic facilities to lead the normal life. The recent study conducted shows that the utilization of RCH and other services has been remarkably increased among the tribe in Dakshina Kannada district (Guttigar, 2013)Conclusion

The Koragas are most vulnerable and socially excluded primitive tribe of Karnataka. In spite of intensive intervention of Government and NGOs, their condition has not been changed remarkably. The human development indicators as well as state sponsored studies are shown that Koraga tribe has been living at the peripheral of developmental circle. The state led programmers were not succeeded to bring them to



the mainstream society. Hence, effort should be taken to design the impact-centric programme exclusively for the primitive tribal groups of Karnataka state. As researcher felt, there is no well-formatted data base of primitive tribal groups and their condition. Therefore government and local bodies should develop such data base for execution of tribal development schemes. References:

• Bose JK. Glimpses of Tribal Life in North-East India. Bose JK, Editor.Calcutta: Institute of Social Research and Applied Anthropology; 1980.

• Chaudhari SK, Chaudhari SS. Primitive Tribes in Contemporary India: Concept, Ethnography and Administration. Mittal Publication: New Delhi; 2005.

• Govt. of India. Census Report of 2001- Provisional Population Totals. New Delhi: 2005

• Govt. of India. Census Report of 2011- Provisional Population Totals. New Delhi:2006

• Guttigar M. Availability and accessibility of the basic facilities including health care by a Primitive Tribal Group of South India - An exploratory study. RJSSM.2013; 3(1):42-47.

• Kakkoth S. The Primitive Tribal Group of Kerala: A Situational Appraisal. Studies of Tribe and Tribals. 2005; 3(1): 47-55.

• Kamath R,Majeed JA, Chandrashekarana V, Pattanshetty SM. Prevalence of Anemia among Tribal Women of Reproductive Age in Udupi Taluk. Family Med Prim Care. 2013; 2(4):345-48.

• Peer M. Study on Social, Economic and Educational conditions of Koragas in Dakshina Kannada. DC Office of Dakshina Kannada:1994.

• Prakash M, Anwar N, Tilak P, Shetty MS, Prabhu LS, Kedage. ). A comparative study between alcoholics of Koraga community. Journal of Health and Allied Sciences .2009;8(8):235-243.

• Roy S, Hegde HV, Bhattacharya D, Upadhyaya V, Kholkutte SD. Tribes in Karnataka: Status of health research. Indian Journal of Medical Research. 2015; 141(5): 673-687.

• Sherring MA. Hindu Tribes and Castes. Vol III. Cosmo

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Publications: Delhi; 1974.• Thurston E. Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Vol VI.

Government Press: Madras; 1975.• UNDP. Identifying Livelihood Promotion Strategies for

Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups under NRLM. New York: 2012.

• Vasudevan C. Koragas: The Forgotten lot-The Primitive tribe of Tulu Nadu. Ethos: Trichur; 1998.

Table-1Decadal growth of Tribal Population, from 1961 to 2011

Years Population (in Millions)

Tribal Population(in millions)

Tribal Population

(in per cent)

Decadal Growth rate in percent

Total Population

Tribal Population

1961 439.24 29.8 6.8 21.64 -

1971 548.16 38.02 6.9 24.80 -

1981 665.29 51.63 7.7 24.66 -

1991 846.30 67.76 8.0 20.01 24.39

2001 1027.02 84.33 8.2 17.86 23.25

2011 1210.05 104.28 8.6 17.64 23.72

Sources: Census of India, 2011; Census of India, 2001

Table-2District wise distribution of Tribal Population

Districts ST

PopulationRural Urban

% to District

Population

% to State Population

Belgaum 2,97,198 2,53,876 43,322 6.22 6.99

Bagalkot 97,203 80,820 16,383 5.14 2.29

Bijapur 39,314 31,644 7,670 1.81 0.93

Bidar 2,35,822 2,14,759 21,063 13.85 5.55

Raichur 3,67,071 3,34,023 33,048 19.03 8.64



Koppal 1,64,271 1,52,563 11,708 11.82 3.87

Gadag 61,654 50,637 11,017 5.79 1.45

Dharwad 87,548 50,089 37,459 4.74 2.06

Uttara Kannada 34,239 27,949 6,290 2.38 0.81

Haveri 1,41,380 1,26,249 15,131 8.85 3.33

Bellary 4,51,406 3,34,131 1,17,275 18.41 10.62

Chithradurga 3,02,554 2,66,526 36,028 18.23 7.12

Davangere 2,33,112 1,91,754 41,358 11.98 5.49

Shimoga 65,412 49,963 15,449 3.73 1.54

Udupi 52,897 41,596 11,301 4.49 1.24

Chikmagalur 44,970 40,142 4,828 3.95 1.06

Tumkur 2,09,559 1,80,024 29,535 7.82 4.93

Bangalore 1,90,239 28,415 1,61,824 1.98 4.48

Mandya 22,402 17,361 5,041 1.24 0.53

Hassan 32,329 27,896 4,433 1.82 0.76

Dakshina Kannada 82,268 65,844 16,424 3.94 1.94

Kodagu 58,054 56,298 1,756 10.47 1.37

Mysore 3,34,547 2,57,081 77,466 11.15 7.87

Chamarajnagara 1,20,219 96,434 23,785 11.78 2.83

Gulbarga 65,259 50,074 15,185 2.54 1.54

Yadgiri 1,46,849 1,28,724 18,125 12.51 3.46

Kolar 78,875 72,143 6,732 5.13 1.86

Chikkaballapura 1,56,487 1,39,201 17,286 12.47 3.68

Bangalore Rural 52,903 44,412 8,491 5.34 1.25

Ramanagara 22,946 19,163 3,783 2.12 0.54

Karnataka 42,48,987 34,29,791 8,19,196 100.0 100.0

Source: Census of 2011

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51

Caste System and Egalitarian Society in India

*Dr. Navjot

AbstractHistorically, the caste system has formed

the social and economic framework for the life of the people of India having permanent segregation camps based on birth and treating a section of their own people as permanent and hereditary slaves and Untouchables. Infact, Untouchability was a unique phenomenon unknown to humanity except the Hindus. Against this background of Untouchability, in this paper an attempt is made to understand B.R. Ambedkar’s quest for quest for egalitarian society for a large section of his countrymen who were denied their legitimate rights by the oppressive social structure. . An attemot would be made to present an overview of conditions of Dalits during Ambedkar’s times and examine the various efforts made by Ambedkar during his lifetime especially as a Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Indian Constitution to establish an egalitarian society in India. It is equally important to examine whether Ambedkar tried to offer Dalits an alternative vision to bring social equality in society? Towards the end of his life, Ambedkar was drawn towards explore tried to the

* Associate Professor Department of Politi cal Science. Panjab Uni-Associate Professor Department of Political Science. Panjab Uni-versity, Chandigarh.




possibility of finding solutions to problems of caste system and also, of course, economic exploitation in Buddhism than any other system. In this context, it is interesting to explore that may be Ambedkar began to look towards Buddhism as the way to establish an egalitarian society, which was equally devoted to freedom and moral community life Key Words: Ambedkar, caste, religion, Buddhism, Dalits,

liberty, equality, justice. Ambedkar (1891-1957), a leader of the Mahar

Untouchable community, of Maharashtra, made several efforts to eradicate the practice of Caste System; may be that in the form of a social reformer, a member in Bombay Legislative Council, in the Constituent Assembly as the Chairman of the Drafting Committee, in the parliament as the first law minister of Independent India etc. Even on October 13, 1935 he announced his intention to renounce Hinduism. Just over twenty years later and shortly before his death, Ambedkar publicly converted to Buddhism. Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism in the summer of 1956 at Nagpur is undoubtedly a great event in the history of the movement of upliftment of untouchables in India.

Against this background, this paper is divided into two parts. In the first part there is an overview of Caste System during Ambedkar’s times and the second part explore the efforts made by Ambedkar to provide social equality to the people of India. Furtherin this paper an attempt is made to understand Ambedkar’s philosophy of religion and his leanings towards Buddhism. It is equally important to examine whether Ambedkar tried to offer Untouchables an alternative vision to bring social equality in society?

In its essential form, this caste system involves the division of people into a hierarchy of unequal social groups where basic rights and duties are assigned based on birth and

53

are not subject to change. Dalits are ‘outcastes’ falling outside the traditional four classes of Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya, & Shudra. Dalits1 are typically considered low, impure & polluting based on their birth and traditional occupation, and face multiple forms of discrimination, violence, and exclusion from the rest of society.

Ambedkar found nowhere except in India there existed permanent segregation camps and there had never been a case of a people, treating a section of their own people as permanent and hereditary slaves and Untouchables. Infact, Untouchability was a unique phenomenon unknown to humanity except the Hindus. Thanks to the rigid Varna Vyavastha (class system) prevalent in the country ordaining a human being to lead a predetermined life on the basis of his birth. “India was at that time probably the most rigidly stratified society in the world with almost negligible chances of upward social mobility.”2 Ambedkar gives a graphic picture of the plight of the Untouchables in his famous book ‘ Untouchables or The Children of India’s Ghetto’3. According to Ambedkar the Indian village is not a single social unit. The population in the village is divided into two sections-I) Touchables and 2) Untouchables. The Touchables live inside the village and the Untouchables live outside the village in the separate quarters.In every village the Touchables have a code, which the Untouchables are required to follow. This code lays down the acts of omissions and commissions, which the Touchables treat as offences. Ambedkar concluded, “The Untouchables have no rights against the Touchables. For them there is no equal right, no justice by which that which is due to the Untouchables is allowed to them. Nothing is due to them except what the Touchables are prepared to grant. The Untouchables must not insist on rights. They should pray for mercy and favour and rest content with what is offered.”4

Being Dalit, they were denied even the basic human



rights of their real lives, freedom, survival and equality. Dalits were prohibited to use public wells, and were left to use unhygienic water from the pond if they could not afford to have their own well. They were compelled to eat a particular type of food, to wear a particular dress and forced to live in dirty, dingy and unhygienic houses built on the outskirts of the village. Their children were not admitted to schools. The Hindu temples were closed to them. The caste Hindus did not show any sympathy for them. For ages, they were denied admission to all public services including police and military services. They took birth as untouchables, they lived as untouchables, and they died as untouchables. Ambedkar gives a graphic picture of the plight of the Untouchables in his famous book ‘ Untouchables or The Children of India’s Ghetto’’5

Ambedkar himself came from an untouchable family whose touch and shadow were considered polluting by the caste Hindus. He had personally to go through many an ordeal during his school as well as college days. He was made to experience segregation and resultant isolation. Education was primarily the privilege of the upper castes. The teachers would not care to check his homework. Some of them did not even ask him to recite poems or put any questions to him for fear of being polluted. It was during his school days that Ambedkar began to feel what it meant to be an untouchable.

Facing such indignation did not deter Ambedkar from pursuing his studies. In spite of such humiliation, he was able to pass matriculation examination in 1907 and successfully completed his graduation in 1912 with financial aid of Rs. 25 per month awarded by Maharaja Sayaji Rao of Baroda. After passing his B.A., Ambedkar joined the Baroda State’s service. His graduation and stated service could not come to his rescue to free him from the curse of untouchability. The peons in his office used to throw office files at him lest they should get

55

polluted through personal contact. Against the background of such bitter experiences of

humiliation due to untouchability, Ambedkar believed that there is a need for introducing the Democratic Social order than merely Democracy in India which should be based on the principles of liberty, equality and fraternity, by rising above vested interests of personalities, castes, creeds and communities in the larger interest of national unity and solidarity. A pragmatist to the core, Ambedkar know very well that the establishment of a democratic society in India would be possible only when the Untouchables and other weaker sections of society would be given the opportunity to enjoy basic human rights. To Ambedkar, democracy was not simply a form of government, but essentially a form of society based on two things- the first is an attitude of mind, an attitude of respect and equality towards their fellows. The second is a social organization free from rigid social barriers.6

Further, Ambedkar, as Chairman of the Drafting Committee minutely scrutinized the draft clause by clause and piloted the Draft Constitution in the House, securing to all Citizens justice, liberty, equality and fraternity. As manifest in the Preamble, the objective is to secure to all its citizens Justice - Social, Economic and Political, Liberty of speech and expression, belief, faith, and worship; Equality of status and opportunity; and to promote among them all Fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual. He impressed the Sovereign House, having the ablest and talented personalities of the century, with his parliamentary skill, oratory, sense of judgment, fearlessness, far sightedness, vast knowledge and, above all, his genius in the field of constitutionalism.7

In the Constituent Assembly, as Ambedkar recalled, one and all welcomed the Bill of Rights. The Constitution has provided for two sets of rights – Fundamental Rights and



Directive Principles of State Policy, that is (1) those rights that are enforceable by appropriate legal process; and (ii) those Directive Principles of State Policy that, “though not enforceable in courts, are nevertheless to be regarded as fundamental in the governance of the country.8 These two parts adorn the Constitution of India as Parts III, and IV in the course of Articles 12 to 35 and 36 to 51, respectively, which were virtually reformulated versions of the seminal ideas contained in the memoranda submitted by Ambedkar to various committees on different occasions.

He stated that ‘Fundamental Rights form the basis of any democratic society.’ The Fundamental Rights in the Indian Constitution are more elaborate and comprehensive than in the Bill of Rights in any other constitution. According to Rajasekhariah:

“This was necessitated by the special problems of diverse religious, cultural and social conditions of a heterogeneous society. They are also intended to provide not only security for and quality of citizenship but also certain standards of conduct, citizenship, justice and fair play”.9

These rights were so drafted that the rights of all sections of the society, so diverse in its composition, are protected. The Constitutional Law in India establishes a comprehensive list of human rights, including Article 17, which particularly mentions: “Untouchability is abolished and its practice in any form is forbidden. The enforcement of any disability arising out of “untouchability” shall be an offence punishable in accordance with law. Actually Ambedkar evolved and incorporated a philosophy of rights based on the need for balancing individual liberty and the need for social control, which alone can provide social justice.

Actually Ambedkar was very much sure that political and constitutional reform couldn’t succeed unless it is preceded by

57

social reform aimed at the eradication of Untouchability, which is a defining feature of caste system. In reality caste cannot be reformed only annihilated and this implies the abolition of Hindu ideology formulated in the Shastras and Smritis. Ambedkar said, “True Religion is the foundation of society.” For Ambedkar, religion is a social force and is essential for man and society but he wished to replace the religion of rules with true religion, the religion of principles, which is the basis for civic government. These principles, liberty, equality and fraternity are true religion. “Let no one, however, say that I have borrowed my philosophy from the French Revolution. I have not. My philosophy has roots in religion and not in political science. I have derived them from the teachings of my master, the Buddha”10 cannot be ignored.

This kind of understanding of religion makes possible a ‘secular’ society in which religion becomes a matter of personal commitment and choice. In his book ‘The Buddha and the Future of His Religion’ he made a comparative analysis of the rationality and ethical principles of Buddhism, Christianity, Islam and Hinduism and conclude in favour of Buddhism as most rational and scientific in its principles. As mentioned earlier that on October 13, 1935 Ambedkar announced his intention to renounce Hinduism and finally publicly converted to Buddhism in the summer of 1956 at Nagpur. Although he felt that the foundations are similar and that there is exploitation in the world and the resultant suffering, sorrow or ‘Dukkha’, and poverty. In the Buddhist literature at many places… the Buddha has used the word ‘Dukkha’ in the sense of poverty.11

Regarding the question of property, Ambedkar found it a common issue to Buddhism and Marxism, as both treat private property as a source of exploitation. However, there lies a fundamental difference of means in order to obtain the cherished objective. Marxism does not forbid violence if it is necessary whereas Buddhism maintains that real reforms come



through the reformation of the mind of the man. The Buddhist means of making people adopt the

principles are persuasion, moral teaching and love. These are effective to conquer the opponent, by inculcating in him the doctrine that love and not power can conquer anything. “One of the greatest things in Buddhism is that its system is a democratic system … The Buddha, of course, was a great democrat.”12 Ambedkar points out that the Russians are proud of their communism. But they forget that “wonder of all wonders is that communism which the Buddha established, in so for as the Sangha was concerned, without dictatorship. May be that it was a communism on a very small scale, but it was communism without dictatorship, a miracle which Lenin failed to do.”13

In his speech at the International Buddhist Conference at Kathmandu, Ambedkar stated:

“After comparing the two, I came to the conclusion that Buddha’s advice with regard to the great problem of the world, namely that there is Dukkha and that Dukkha must be removed, and the Buddha’s method was the safest and the soundest.”14

Violence and dictatorship of proletariat are the only two means outlined by commintern to establish communism and both violate the principles of liberty and fraternity. Man cannot live by bread alone, he must grow spiritually. Ambedkar rejects state socialism, nationalism and the dictatorship of proletariat as solutions to the problem of exploitation and turns to Buddhism for an alternative.” (Gail in Michael p.281)

And here he came up with what Gail Omvedt called a ‘moral economy’, a solution to the problems of exploitation. This was not simply a matter of stress on non-violence as opposed to violence. “Ambedkar had never rejected Marxism simply because of the role of force in its philosophy. Unlike Gandhi, he did not see non-violence as an absolute or religiously based

59

principle.”15

In his essay on “ Buddha or Karl Marx”, Ambedkar also tried to find out Buddha’s practical attitude towards violence. ‘[Buddha] certainly would not have expected property owned from force if force was the only means for that end’. (BAW III p.451) But this kind of force was not necessary, he argues, first because equality and abolition of private property was achieved in the Bhikku Sangha through voluntary means, and second because morality and a welfare state could ensure that private accumulation of wealth did not lead to impoverishment.

Thus, a long Buddhist parable in the essay describes how the rule of ‘righteousness’ rather than the ‘rule of law (force)’ is necessary to maintain the prosperity of the kingdom. The role of the state (as symbolized by the righteous king) seems to be two-fold: one is the guarantee of property and protection to all in the kingdom, and the second is direct action to remove poverty by ‘providing wealth to the destitute’. The second is crucial; in fact, it is the failure to remove poverty, which leads (in the parable) to the downfall of the society.Conclusion

Ambedkar as the Chairman of the Constitution Drafting Committee succeeded in his fight for securing human right, for the Dalits and laying provisions under the Constitution in respect of the welfare of them. He held that the Indian Constitutional format in respect of human rights is remarkably significant and unique attempt at conflict resolution, for the delicate balance it sought to achieve between political and civil rights on the one hand and social and economic rights on the other, or between the individual rights and demands of social justice

Towards the end of his life, Ambedkar was drawn towards exploring the possibility of finding solutions to problems of caste system and also, of course, economic exploitation in Buddhism than any other system. In this context, it is interesting



to mention that Ambedkar began to look towards Buddhism as the way to establish an egalitarian society, which was equally devoted to freedom and moral community life. In his speech at the International Buddhist Conference at Kathmandu, Ambedkar stated:

“…Buddha’s advice with regard to the great problem of the world, namely that there is Dukkha and that Dukkha must be removed, and the Buddha’s method was the safest and the soundest.16“Any religion that cannot provide an answer to communism will not survive. The only religion, in my view, that can serve as an antidote to communism is Buddhism.”References

• Dalits are known by different names.In ancient period they were known by the names like Chandala that was used by Manu, Panchama (the fifth class),Avarna,(i.e. outside the four varnas),Mlechha, Nihada, Antayja, Atishudra. In later years Gandhi called them Harijan, children of God, Ambedkar called them ‘depressed classes’. In legal and Constitutional terms they are referred to as Scheduled Caste that appeared first time in 1935 when the British government issued the Government of India order, 1936 specifying certain castes, races and tribes as Scheduled Castes. However since 1970 the term ‘Dalit’ has been widely used. The term Dalit is derived from the Marathi language, which refers to those who have been broken ground down, downtrodden or oppressed and was coined by the ex-untouchable communities and their leaders.

• Jatava, D.R., 2001, Dynamics of Ambedkar Ideology, Sublime Pub., Jaipur, p. 13.

• For details see Ambedkar, B.R., 1989, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, Vol.V (compiled by Vasant Moon), Education Department, Government of Maharashtra, Bombay.

• Ibid, p.25.• For details see Ambedkar, B.R., 1989, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar:

Writings and Speeches, Vol.V (compiled by Vasant Moon), Education Department, Government of Maharashtra, Bombay.

• Ambedkar, B.R., op.cit., Vol.1, 1979, p.222.• Chanchree, K.L. (ed.), 1991, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar (1891-1991),

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Patriot, Philosopher and Statesman, Role in the Framing of India’s Constitution, Vol II , H.K. Pub, Delhi, p.12.

• Constituent Assembly Debates Vol-III, p. 437.• Rajasekhriah, A.M., 1989, B.R. Ambedkar: The quest for social

Justice, Uppal Pub., New Delhi., p. 202.• Quoted by Keer, Dhananjay, 1991, Dr Ambedkar : Life and

Mission, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, reprint, p. 456.• Ibid, p. 129.• Ibid, p. 153. • Dass, Bhagwan, Thus Spoke Ambedkar. Vol. 3, Bheem Patrika

Prakashan, Jullundur, p. 461.• Bhagwan Dass, op.cit., Vol. 2, p. 135.• Michael, S.M., 1999, Dalits in Modern India, Vistaar

Publications, New Delhi, p.12.• Quoted by Jatava, D.R., 2001, Dynamics of Ambedkar Ideology,

Sublime Pub., Jaipur, p. 41

*****



Empowerment of Women Through Self Help Groups in Telangana – A Study in Tribal Areas

*Dr. Devoji Gugulothu

Abstract

The present paper deals with the empowerment of women through self help groups with special reference to tribal areas. The paper has been divided into three sections. Section-I deals with the importance of the empowerment of women through self help groups. Section-II deals with the methodology, review and data base. Summary and findings of the study had been presented in Section-III. The study is primarily based on the data gathered from primary and secondary sources. Therefore, the study suggested that skill development training, the loan amount should be increased, free loans for without interest , provide self employment scheme, and many other steps must be taken to change negative attitude of the needy towards banks. By and large, it can be said that the study suggested many efficient steps to be taken for a better performance the programme of self help groups.Poverty deprives the opportunities of women to have

equal access to participation in development programs, mobility and decision making. In the subsistence sector women spend the

* Faculty Member, Department of Economics, UPGC, Subedari, KU, Warangal



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greatest amount of their time in collecting fuel, fodder, water, looking after livestock and kitchen gardening. Deforestation deprives the poor of their livelihood opportunities, thereby causing migration to urban areas. Poverty pushes them down to the lowest strata. When we think about tribal women, they are more backward and their social and economic empowerment issues are even more complicated. Social empowerment creates a favorable environment for women to take part in the development programs. Their mobility, confidence and opportunities increase with social mobility. Economic empowerment enables them to smoothen their cash flow throughout the year. Most of the poor are left out of the formal financial institutions as they do not have anything to keep as a security. To a large extent money-lenders and local input dealers supply loans to meet the needs of the poor, charging exorbitant rates of interest (Natrajan, 2009).

The concept of empowerment traces its history in the mid-17th century with the legalistic meaning; to invest with authority. Thereafter it began to be used with an infinitive in a more general way meaning “to enable or permit”. Its modern use originated in the civil rights movement, which sought political empowerment for its followers. This idea of empowerment is an offshoot of the discourse on human development and it came into prominence after 1980. Its linkage with feminist discourse went a long way in shaping the idea of women‘s empowerment. However, these concepts are still not clearly defined and demarcated from closely related concepts. Empowerment has been defined as to infuse people with power (Narayana, 2002).

Tribals, widely known as Adivasis, are confined to economic and social backwardness and it is one of the important problems in the country. Adivasis in this country can be described as the poorest among the poor. They might have had a wonderful past but their present status is miserable.

Empowerment of Women Through Self Help Groups in.....


People living in forests and depending on forests for livelihood, are being uprooted along with jungles. On the one side, they are losing the basic support of life and on the other side they are not being brought into the mainstream of modern Indian development process. Poverty, lack of knowledge, sickness and exploitation are a few of the complex problems that occupy the lives of tribals. They have little access to education, health and nutrition, opportunity to acquire skill and training, employment opportunities, easy credit, market technology and information (Natarajan, 2009).

Empowerment implies a move from being without power to having power, most definitions also imply that it is a process that involves change over a period. Finally, empowerment is also understood as an outcome, such as improvement in education, health, economic and political participation. Very often, however, women’s empowerment and gender equality are used interchangeable. Though they are related, they are not the same. Gender equality is about women’s status relatively to men, while women’s empowerment is about women’s ability in an absolute sense - to exercise control, power, and choice over practical and strategic decisions (Grown, 2008).

Empowerment is an active and multidimensional process, which enables women to realize their identity and power in all aspects of life. The need for empowerment of tribals women hardly needs justification. Their primitive way of life, economic and social backwardness, low level of literacy, out dated system of production, absence of value systems, sparse physical infrastructure in backward tribal areas and demographic quality of tribal areas make the development of tribal’s and tribal areas essential. The status of women in a society is a significant reflection of the level of social justice in that society. In tribal communities, the role of women is substantial and crucial. Empowerment of tribal women, were

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social constraints, political constraints, economic constraints, technological constraints and psychological constraints (Sanjay, 2012). Though the status of Adivasis varies significantly according to their social ethnic backgrounds, but within this social group also, women face discrimination in many areas of life. Adivasi women are doubly excluded from the mainstream development process as Adivasis and also as women.

The word ‘Tribe’, as generally understood in the literature on Anthropology is a social group speaking a distinctive language and possessing a distinctive culture that makes it off from other tribes. In common parlance, it suggests that they live in the lap of nature, in wild thickets and hills, and it signifies colourful folk famous for the dance and song, to an administrator it means a group of citizens who are the special responsibility of the President of India (Debher, 1960-61). So, a sort of bewildering variety of definitions and understanding of the simple term itself represents a miniature tribal world of food gathers, pastorals and agriculturalists.

The history of tribals of Telangana dates back to the great epic Mahabharata. Besides, earlier references to them are profusely found in the various religious texts and puranas. So, it had many ups and downs (Ramaiah, 1988). In addition to the greatest epics, archaeological evidences also show the ancestory of the tribes. Since the ages, Telangana has been highly concomitant with the varied and different cultures, religious and ethnic groups. Telangana has the largest tribal concentration pockets among Southern States of India.

Therefore, there is a need to empower tribal women and some efforts from outside are needed for that. Unless and until empowerment or assertive changes take place among tribal women, balanced development is not possible. We cannot achieve higher levels of development by excluding women, particularly tribal women, from the developmental policies and



processes. In the present study, the focus has been given on tribal women empowerment through SHGs in Adilabad district of Telangana State and their role in making them empowered. Concepts related to the present study i.e. definition of Tribe, concept of Empowerment, Self Help Groups, Microfinance, Micro Credit, Livelihood finance etc. are discussed in detailed.

Micro credit alone cannot alleviate poverty. It needs a holistic approach to improve their employability status. This includes improved skill levels, attention to entrepreneurial aspect, market availability, its problems, new technology. In this regard, the Self Help Groups (SHGs) play a vital role. The empowerment of women has been recognized as a central issue in determining the situational reality of their status. The Government of India declared the year 2001 as Women’s Empowerment Year and a lot has been and is being done at national and international levels since then. Yet the question whether women in India have been empowered or not, remains unanswered. In spite of all the efforts, why do women, particularly the tribal women, continue to remain much more backward in comparison with their sisters in other classes.

The concept of SHG services the principle, ‘by the women, of the women and for the women’. Self help groups are voluntary associations of people with common interests formed to achieve collective social and economic goals. Such groups are organized for mutual help and benefit. It is formed democratically without any political affiliations. They may comprise of 15–20 women or men, although they generally consist exclusively of women members. In India among women more than 90 per cent Self Help Groups are formed between the age group of 18 to 55 years. It is done at micro or group level. The initial operations of SHGs start with collecting savings from members. These groups inculcate the habit of thrift among the members. By collecting small saving huge amount can be

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raised. These groups advance loans to the needy members. The total funds owned by the group are thus circulated in the form of loan among the members.

The identification, formation and nurturing of groups is carried out by NGOs, other development agencies or banks with the promoters inculcating habit of thrift among members. Once the groups are trained and strengthened, they are linked to nearby banks, usually within six months of formation. Banks provide collateral-free credit in increasing proportion to the group’s accumulated savings. All the initiatives such as selection of borrowers for availing credit, identification of activity, unit cost volume of loan, management of finance and procedures for repayment are undertaken by the poor at the group level. Briefly, SHGs can be stated as a plan by the people, of the people for the people. It reflects the real people’s participation in the process of development at micro level.

Over the decades of planned development, the shift of emphasis of women’s programmes from purely welfare oriented approach to a more pragmatic and development oriented one has recognized woman as a productive worker and contributor to the economy. The formal financial institutions have failed to perform their role of supplying institutional credit to the women folk in our country for undertaking the income generating activities. As a result, a large segment of poverty stricken people and particularly the women who constitute a significant number still remain outside need for the emergence of a new institution to tackle the situation. The origin of SHG is from the brain child of Gramina Bank of Bangladesh, which was found by the economist, Prof. Mohammed Yunus of Chittagong University in the Year 1975, to provide micro-finance to rural women. In Bangladesh, micro-finance has been established as a most powerful instrument to tackle poverty.

Objectives of Self Help Groups (SHGs) to form with certain



objectives such as to inculcate the habit of saving and banking bait among the rural women; to build up trust and confidence between the rural women and the bankers; to develop group activity so that various welfare and developmental programmes can be implemented in a better way with the participation of these women groups; and to achieve women and child welfare programme goals by actively involving these women groups in Universal Immunization Programme, small family norm, Universal Elementary Education.

Self Help Groups is as an instrument to change the conditions of women socially and economically. Once socio-economic experiment is achieved it would have implication on the overall development of women. SHGs enable economic, social, political and psychological empowerment of women. SHGs enhance the equality of women as participants, decision-makers and beneficiaries in the democratic, economic, social and cultural spheres of life. The SHGs inculcate a great confidence in the minds of rural women to success in their day-to-day life. Different Models of Self-help Group Credit Linkage: Two models of microfinance involving credit linkage with banks are SHG-Bank Linkage Model and MFI – Bank Linkage Model. There is a difference in microfinance and micro credit. Microfinance is much more holistic than micro credit. Micro credit means more emphasis on loans while micro finance also includes support services where channels for thrift, market assistance, technical assistance, capacity building, insurance, social and cultural programmes are included.

Tribal women are far away from advancement and development. Poverty, exploitation, low paid jobs, problem of livelihood, problem of illiteracy are major problems of tribal women in general, in India, and hence, efforts from outside are essential for their empowerment. Self Help Groups can play a dominant role in empowering tribal women. This can be the

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answer to their problems.SHGs intermediated by Micro Finance Institutions have

shown to have positive effects on women. Micro finance refers to small savings, credit and insurance services extended to socially and economically disadvantaged segments of society. At present, one of the successful ways through which micro finance services are being provided to poor people is through SHGs. Two approaches are commonly used by the development agencies to examine the empowerment of women. Empowerment in economic status through (i) Economic intervention such as employment, income generation and access to credit and (ii) Integrated rural development programmes in which, strengthening women’s economic status is the only component along with education, literacy, the provision of basic needs and services and fertility control. The present study is focused to examine the performance of women development programme in terms of Self Help Groups and to analyze the extent of empowerment of women through Self Help Groups in tribal areas of Telangana.The objectives of the study are as follows:

i. to examine the status of tribal women’s SHGs before and after group formation; and

ii. to identify the tribal women empowerment through SHGs.

For the present study, the Research Design adopted for the study is an explorative one, which is adopted to examine the empowerment of women through Self Help Groups in general and the functioning of tribal women’s SHGs in Mahabubabad district in particular. Mahabubabad mandal in Mahabubabad district is chosen for the study. Amangal, Parvathagiri villages of the Mahabubabad mandal in Mahabubabad district is chosen for the present study. Among these two villages in a relative sense, there are highest SHGs in Amangal village and lowest



SHGs in Parvathagiri village. 60 respondents from each village are taken to obtain relevant information.

In view of the research design adopted for the study, a sample design had been worked out for the present study. The stratified random sampling frame had been adopted while selecting the sample households in the study area. Altogether, 120 sample households from Lambada tribal community selected for the study.

The data for the study had been collected from the primary as well as secondary sources. The researcher had also gathered necessary information on the basis of field observations. In addition to the primary and secondary data the relevant information also been collected to corroborate with the empirical findings from the reports and also the research studies conducted by the academicians. The articles published in various journals and the various books published in this area of specialization had been referred.

The present section had been devoted to examine tribal women empowerment through SHGs with empirical evidence. In this section, as per requirement of the present study, the field study was conducted in two villages of one mandal in Mahabubabad district by covering 60 samples from each village and altogether the data had been collected from the 120 sample beneficiaries of tribal women with a view to analyse the process of performance of SHGs in the study area.

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Table-1Distribution of the Sample Households as per the Knows

about the Rules and Bye-Laws of the SHGs

Opinion Amangal Parvathagiri Total

Known45

(37.5)49

(40.9)94

(78.4)

Not Known15

(12.5)11

(9.2)26

(21.7)

Total60

(50.0)60

(50.0)120

(100.0)

Source: Field study Distribution of the sample households by whether the

sample households know the rules and bye-laws of the SHGs has shown in Table–1. From the Table, it can be said that a majority of the sample households stated that the rules and bye-laws of the SHGs are known to members of the group (78.4 per cent). The reasons for such unawareness were found to be their illiteracy and lack of communication skills. And remaining 21.7 per cent of the sample households opined that they do not know the rules and bye-laws of the SHGs. It can be observed that majority of the sample households of the villages stated that rules are known to members.

Table-2Details of the Training After Joining in SHGs


Received 43(35.8)

49(40.9)

92(76.7)

Not Received 17(14.2)

11(9.2)

28(23.4)

Total 60(50.0)

60(50.0)

120(100.0)

Source: Field study



Table-2 deals with the details of the training after joining in SHGs. The data reported in the Table reveals the fact that a majority of them i.e. 76.7 per cent of the households said that they have received training. And the remaining 23.4 per cent of the sample households stated that they have not received the training after joining in SHGs. The households those who have received the training are higher in Amangal when compared with the Parvathagiri and their respective percentages are being 40.9 and 35.8. In the case of households those who have not received the training is higher in Parvathagiri when compared with Amangal village their percentages are being 14.2 and 9.2 respectively.

Table-3Details of the Learned New Skills After Joining in SHGs


Learned 52 55 107

(43.3) (45.8) (89.2)

Not Learned 8 5 13

(6.7) (4.2) (10.8)Total 60 60 120

(50.0) (50.0) (100.0)

Source: Field studyTable-3 elicits the opinion about the learned new skills

after joining in SHGs. Among the households those who have received the training, 107 households opined that the training programme helped them to learned new skills after joining in SHGs. Of the 107 households, the percentage of households in Parvathagiri outweighs the percentage of households in Amangal and their respective percentages are being 45.8 and 43.3. Only 10.8 per cent of the sample households those who have not received the training said that the training is not helped to learned new skills. In this case, 6.7 per cent and 4.2 per cent can be found in Amangal and Parvathagiri villages respectively.

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Thus, from the above analysis, it can be said that the training programme helped them to learned new skills after joining in SHGs.

Table-4Details of the Total Number of Times Taken Loans from SHGNumber of Times Amangal Parvathagiri Total

One 3(2.5)

4(3.3)

7(5.8)

Two 23(19.2)

11(9.2)

34(28.3)

Three 34(28.3)

45(37.5)

79(65.8)

Total 60(50.0)

60(50.0)

120(100.0)

Source: Field studyTable-4 deals with the details of the total number of

times taken loans from SHG. The Table reveals the fact that a majority of them i.e. 65.8 per cent of the households said that they have received the loans from SHGs three times. And the remaining 28.3 per cent of the sample households stated that they have received the loans from SHGs two times only. The households those who have received the loans from SHGs are higher in Parvathagiri when compared with the Amangal and their respective percentages are being 37.5 and 28.3. From the analysis, it can be said that a majority of the sample households have received the loans from SHGs three times.



Table-5Distribution of the Sample Households as per the Delay in

Sanctioning of Loan By BanksOpinion Amangal Parvathagiri Total

Delaying loans 45(37.5)

34(28.3)

79(65.8)

Not Delaying loans 15 26 41(12.5) (21.7) (34.1)

Total 60(50.0)

60(50.0)

120(100.0)

Source: Field studyDistribution of the sample households by whether

there is any delay in sanctioning of loans by the banks had been presented in Table -5. The Table reveals that a majority of the sample households i.e. 65.8 per cent stated that whether there is a delay in sanctioning of loans by the banks and remaining 34.1 per cent of sample households stated that banks are not delaying the sanctioning of loans. In this regard, 37.5 per cent in Amangal, 28.3 per cent in Parvathagiri said that the banks are delaying the sanctioning of loans. 21.7 per cent in Parvathagiri, 12.5 per cent in Amangal stated that banks are not delaying the sanctioning of loans. Therefore, it had also been suggested that banks should be advised not to delay the sanctioning of loans to the SHGs. Banks also play a prominent role in the capacity building of the SHGs.

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Table-6Distribution of the Respondents’ Difficulties Faced at

the Time of Getting LoansOpinion Amangal Parvathagiri TotalDifficult in getting 49 45 94

(40.9) (37.5) (78.4)No difficult in getting loan 11 15 26

(9.2) (12.5) (21.7)Total 60 60 120

(50.0) (50.0) (100.0)

Source: Field studyDistribution of the sample households as per the

difficulties at the time of getting loan has been shown in Table-6. The Table reveals the fact that a majority of the sample households i.e. 78.4 per cent stated that they are facing difficulties at the time of getting the loans. But, 21.7 per cent of the sample households said that they are not facing any problem at the time of getting the loan amounts. In this regard, 40.9 per cent in Amangal, 37.5 per cent in Parvathagiri village said that they are facing difficulties at the time of getting the loans. And 12.5 per cent in Parvathagiri, 9.2 per cent in Amangal stated that they are not facing any problem at the time of getting the loan amounts. Further, the researcher had also observed that they are facing problems such as long waiting hours at the bank, irresponsive of bank officials, vast procedures. It had also been observed that problems aroused among the group members also became difficult in getting the loan amount, non-cooperation of group leader is also the difficulty that they have faced while getting the loan amount.



Table-7Distribution of the Sample Households Attend Grama Sabha

Meetings After Joining SHGsOpinion Amangal Parvathagiri Total Yes 34 48 82

(28.3) (41.0) (69.3)No 26 12 38

(21.7) (9.0) (30.7)Total 60 60 120

(50.0) (50.0) (100.0)

Source: Field studyDistribution of the respondents by whether they are

attending Grama Sabha meetings has shown in Table – 7. It can be observed that 69.3 per cent of the sample households were attending the Grama Sabha meetings after joining SHGs. The study finds that they are raising various questions in the Grama Sabha meeting about the development of the village and are pleading the officials to attend to the problems of the Village immediately and remaining 30.7 per cent of the sample households stated that they are not attending the Grama Sabha meetings. The researcher had also observed that the largest proportion of the sample households is attending the Grama Sabha meetings, while little percentage of the respondents is not attending the meeting due to their personal problems.

Therefore, it can be said that participation of women in the Gram Sabha meetings has been increased after joining SHGs indicating their involvement in the decision making bodies at the local self government and thus they were politically empowered.

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Table-8Distribution of the Sample Households as per the Involve in

Any Political Party after Joining SHGsOpinion Amangal Parvathagiri Total Involved 8

(6.7)5

(4.2)13

(10.8)Not Involved 52

(43.3)55

(45.8)107

(89.2)Total 60

(50.0)60

(50.0)120

(100.0)

Source: Field studyDistribution of the sample households by whether they

involve in any political party after joining SHGs have shown in Table–8. From the Table, it can be said that only 10.8 per cent of the sample households said that they had involved in the activities of the political parties after joining SHGs, while the rest 89.2 per cent of the sample households said that they didn’t involve in any of the activities of the political parties. In the case of Parvathagiri village, 45.8 per cent of the sample households expressed that they have not involved in political parties after joining SHGs and 4.2 per cent of the sample households stated that they have involved in political party activities. In the case of Amangal village, 43.3 per cent of the sample households stated that they have not involved in political parties after joining SHGs and 6.7 per cent of the sample households stated that they have involved in political party activities. By and large, from analysis it can be said that majority of the sample households stated that they have not involved in political party activities in the study area.

Distribution of the sample households by problems faced by the SHGs has shown in Table -9. From the Table, it can be said that most of the sample households stated that the lack of knowledge of financial dealings either to all or most of the members i.e. 71.7 per cent. Majority of the women who



join SHGs are from poor background and are either illiterates or semi-illiterates. It can be found that in lack of knowledge and training in financial matters and in turn, they are unable to maintain accounts properly and keep records securely. Some of the members in the group may take this as advantage and fulfill their own interests. And remaining sample households expressed that the domestic problems i.e. 21.7 per cent respectively. It can be observed that the sample households are unable to pay full attention to the needs of husband, children and other dependents at home properly after joining SHGs when compared to situation before joining SHGs. The sample households felt guilty of giving less care and attention to their children. Further, it can also be observed that it is their unaccompanied problem since the attitude of family members of the most of the sample households is encouraging. While a negligible percentage of the respondents reported problems such as health problem and social problems.

Table-9Distribution of the Sample Households as per the Problems

Faced By SHGsProblems Amangal Parvathagiri Total Health problems 5

(4.2)1

(0.8)6

(5.0)Lack of knowledge of financial dealings to the members

44(36.7)

42(35.0)

86(71.7)

Domestic problems 11(9.2)

15(12.5)

26(21.7)

Social problems - 2(1.7)

2(1.7)

Total 60(50.0)

60(50.0)

60(50.0)

Source: Field study

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Table-10Distribution of the Sample Households as per the Suggestions

to Improve the Functioning of the SHGsSuggestions Amangal ParvathagiriLoan amount should be increased 22 24 46

(18.3) (20.0) (38.3)Self employment scheme 10 17 27

(8.3) (14.2) (22.5)Provide Skill Development Training

15 14 29(12.5) (11.7) (24.2)

Steps must be taken toChange negative attitudeof banks draw

13 5 18

(10.8) (4.2) (15.0)

Total60 60 120

(50.0) (50.0) (100.0)

Source: Field studySuggestions offered by the sample households for

better functioning of the system had been presented in Table-10. The data reported in the Table reveals the fact that the sample households offered many suggestions for the better functioning of the system. The suggestions that they offered are loan amount should be increased, skill development training, provide self employment scheme and steps must be taken to change negative attitude of banks draw. From the Table, it can be said that 38.3 per cent of sample households suggested that the loan amount should be increased, 22.5 per cent of sample households suggested that the provide skill development training, 22.5 per cent of sample households suggested that provide self employment scheme and 15 per cent of sample households suggested that steps must be taken to change negative attitude of banks draw. In this regard, 20 per cent in Parvathagiri, 18.3 per cent in Amangal villages sample households suggested that the loan amount should be increased.



Conclusion:Finally, it can be said that the training programme helped

them to learned new skills after joining in SHGs. From the analysis, it can be said that a majority of the sample households have received the loans from SHGs three times. The study, it had also been suggested that banks should be advised not to delay the sanctioning of loans to the SHGs. Banks also play a prominent role in the capacity building of the SHGs. The study had also observed that they are facing problems such as long waiting hours at the bank, irresponsive of bank officials, vast procedures. It had also been observed that problems aroused among the group members also became difficult in getting the loan amount, non-cooperation of group leader is also the difficulty that they have faced while getting the loan amount. Thus, the study offered many suggestions for the better functioning of the system. The suggestions that offered are loan amount should be increased, skill development training, provide self employment scheme and steps must be taken to change negative attitude of banks draw. By and large, it can be said that the study suggested many efficient steps to be taken for a better performance the programme of Self Help Groups.References:

• Amitava Dutta and Avik Dey (2012): Empowerment of Tribal Women Through Self Help Group, LAP Lambert Academic Publishing, Germany.

• Debher, V.N. (1960): Report of the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribe Commission, Vol.1, p.1.

• Grown (2008): Indicators and Indexes of Gender Equality: What Do They, Uttar Pradesh, Asian Publishers, New Delhi, p.12.

• Natarajan, Jayseelan. (2009): Micro Credit to Micro enterprises, Opportunities and Challenges for Self Help Groups, Dominant Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi,

• Rajani, M (2013): Self Help Groups: Changing Status of Rural Women in Andhra Pradesh, Ph.D Unpublished Thesis, Guntur,

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Acharya Nagarjuna University.• Ramaiah, P (1988): Issues in Tribal Development, Chugh

Publications, Allahabad. p.1.• Reddy, C.S. and Manak, Sandeep. (2005) Self-Help-Groups: A

Key Stone of Microfinance in India-Women Empowerment and Social Security. Retrieved from https://wiki.wooster.edu.

• Sanjay Kantidas (2012): An Analysis of Constraints in Women Empowerment in Tribal Area: Evidence from Assam, Asian Journal of Research in Social Science and Humanities, Vol. 2(4), pp. 61-74.

• Sen Amartya Kumar (2001) Many Faces of Gender Inequalities, Public Lecture Delivered at Radcliff Institute, Harvard University, Frontline, Vol.18 (22).

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Intergenerational Occupational Mobility of Scheduled Caste Population : A Micro Level

Study

*Dr. Falak Butool

AbstractOccupational mobility actually modifies the

real labour income and in-turn changes the socio-economic profile of an individual or a family. The occupational mobility may act as a catalyst in case of scheduled caste upliftment because they are subjugated since time immemorial. They are still engaged in low ranked fixed occupations. If they will be able to show intergenerational upward occupational mobility then their social and economic status will surely be improved. But such studies on occupational mobility of scheduled caste population are meager. Thus in the present work an attempt is made to study occupational mobility and immobility of scheduled caste population. Regional analysis of occupational mobility is necessary for rational planning and legitimate minimization of regional disparities to foster a healthy and balanced development. The data regarding the corrent problem is collected through the direct questionnaire method to the respondents of Askaranpur Maghrohani Village and later it is

* Post Doctoral Fellow, Department of Geography, National P.G. College, Lucknow, U.P., INDIA



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arranged in tabular form after necessary calculations and processing. From the results of the study it is clear that scheduled caste people of Askaranpur Maghrohani village are showing a positive sign of intergenerational occupational mobility but at a very slow rate.Key Words : Occupational Mobility, Scheduled Caste

Workers, Micro Level Study Introduction

A fundamental issue that can be studied about any society is its transformation from one generation to another. Do children live in a world that is very different from the one in which their parents lived? Are they better educated? Are they involved in better occupation? Is this process of transformation provides equal chances to everyone? However, little rigorous work has focused on the above questions.

In recent years issues like discrimination specifically caste discrimination and social exclusion have been discussed extensively in India. However, while the linkages between caste and society have been studied widely but the interface between caste and economy requires little more attention. The economic interpretation of the caste system is fixed economic and social right to each individual. According to Ambedkar, 1936 unlike many other societies, the Hindu social order governed by the caste system does not recognize an individual and his distinctiveness as the centre of social purpose. The empirical studies on market discrimination will give more visibility to research on discrimination. The standard economic theory of discrimination implies that market discrimination will generate consequences that adversely affect overall economic efficiency and lower economic growth. Market discrimination in terms of immobility will leads to failure of the market mechanism, which in turn induces inefficiency due to less-than-optimal allocation

Intergenerational Occupational Mobility of Scheduled Caste.....


of labour and other factors among firms. Thus factor immobility brings gross inefficiency in resource allocation and economic outcome (Ambedkar, 1936, 1978b).

When we talk about the economic outcomes occupation occupies the central role as occupation determines the income and income determines the purchasing capacity and expenditure pattern of an individual or a family. Occupation which affect our belief, values and preferences, and thereby our choice is a vital factor for the economic progress of any community (Henreich et al, 2004). Thus occupation is one of the best indicators of class, because people tend to agree on the relative prestige they attach to similar jobs (Karade, 2009: 3). Those at or near the top rung of the prestige ladder usually have the highest income, the best education, and the most of the power. According to Gidden, 2009: 443 a famous sociologist occupation is the most critical factor in an individual’s social standing, life chances and level of material comfort. Individuals in the same occupation tend to experience similar degrees of social advantage or disadvantage, maintain comparable lifestyles, and share similar opportunities in life. The people try to shift from one to another job depending upon their circumstances and this shifting of jobs is called occupational mobility. Occupational mobility is defined as the percentage of currently employed individuals who report a current occupation different from their most recent previous report of an occupation, as explained by Kambourov and Manovskii, 2004 in their study. The sociologist conceived that, as the movement from one occupational category to another, the person’s category consists with the social and cultural prestige.

A micro level study on occupational mobility of scheduled caste is done by Wilson in 2004. In this study, he has analysed the effect of the change of agricultural techniques, poverty, outmigration and many other factors on the occupational

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mobility of scheduled caste population of two selected villages. He found that pastoralist, leather work and basket making are the main occupations of scheduled caste in selected villages of Madhya Pradesh. Some of the caste occupations are directly related to animals but the caste occupation related to dead animals is no longer officially practiced. This is a sign of upward economic mobility, indicating that community members are not forced to do ritually impure acts. Some of the affluent scheduled caste households have secured their livelihood through the land ceiling act and investment in agriculture as a result of outmigration.

Caste wise occupational mobility in India has been studied by Majumder, 2010. In this work he has found that only few castes (Ahirwar, Chadhar) among the scheduled caste people are showing upward occupational mobility while few castes of scheduled caste like Bunkar and Basod are showing marginal downward mobility. Jhilam and Majumder , 2010 in their work they have observed that general caste are showing vertical occupational mobility, whereas, excluded castes (other backward caste, scheduled caste and scheduled caste tribe) are showing much of their occupational mobility in lateral direction. However Motiram and Singh, 2012 in their work used both transitional matrix and mobility measures and found that scheduled caste and scheduled tribe show higher persistence over the generations in the lower order occupations than non Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes and they are showing sometimes downward occupational mobility. Hnatkovska,. Lahiri, and Paul, 2011 have used NSSO data in their study and concluded that historically disadvantaged scheduled caste and scheduled Tribe are showing low social and economic mobility.

The continued association of scheduled caste people with their traditional unclean occupation is responsible for their sluggish occupational mobility and in turn for their slow socio-



economic growth. If they will be able to show intergenerational upward occupational mobility then their social and economic status will surely be improved. But such studies on occupational mobility of scheduled caste population are meager. So in the present study the occupational mobility o f s c h e d u l e d c a s t e p o p u l a t i o n is dealt at a village level. The first and for most important reason for the selection of this village is that the selected village (Askaranpur Maghrohani) is scheduled caste dominated village which is located in one of the socio-economically backward district i.e., Kaushambi district in Uttar Pradesh. In this study researcher will make a comparison of the occupations of the different generations of scheduled caste population of Askaranpur Maghrohani village and will try to identify the factor which are responsible for occupational up gradation and down gradation. This study will grove the geographical literature about the meager availability of studies on occupational mobility of scheduled caste population as their occupational mobility which can aid policy makers and planners to give insights into the constraints that limit the scheduled caste to move from low skilled/menial occupation to better one. Thus it can be safely said that this study will surely be helpful in improving the socio-economic status of this downtrodden segment section of the Indian society who accounts around 16 percent of the total population of India 21 percent population of Uttar Pradesh and only 1 percent population of the selected village Askaranpur Maghrohani Objectives

To meet out the current problem following objectives are formulated.

1. To study the intergenerational occupational mobility among the scheduled caste population of Askaranpur Magrohani village.

2. To find out various determinants of intergenerational

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occupational mobility of scheduled caste population in Askaranpur Magrohani Village.

Database and Methodology The present study is based on primary data generated

by comprehensive survey of scheduled caste population in the Askaranpur Magrohani Village

of Kaushambi district carried out during April 2017. The data is collected through the direct questionnaire method in which head of the household is interviewed to tell the information of other family members along with his own information. This rural survey consisted of the 25 percent of households of scheduled caste population in the village. The data regarding the occupational characteristic of four generations of scheduled caste population is obtained to find out the intergenerational occupational mobility. In the intergenerational occupational mobility the occupational structure of total workers of a generation is compared with the occupational structure of the workers of its previous generation and finally its percentage is calculated. Apart from it data regarding the demographic and socio-economic characteristics are also obtained through this household survey. Study Area

Askaranpur Maghrohani is a scheduled caste dominated village located in the southern part of Sirathu block of Kaushambi district. The village is economically and politically isolated from the nearest major commercial centre i.e., Allahabad and it is satellite village of a small town (Manjhanpur). The household of the village are mostly engaged in subsistence farming and local wage labour as their primary source of income. The household population of scheduled caste accounts for 70 per cent of its total population. However other 28 percent population is contributed by Hindu general (8 per cent) and Hindu OBC (20 Per cent) and rest of the 2 percent population is contributed by



Muslims.

Fig. 1 Location Map of Study AreaDiscussion

Intergenerational Occupational Mobility of Scheduled Caste Population in Askaranpur Magrohani Village

In the inter-generational occupational mobility, the worker changes their occupation compared to the occupation of their parents (Miller, 1960). In the inter-generational occupational mobility, it should be examined whether father influences occupational position of the son / daughter.

From the calculation of surveyed data it is clear that no occupational mobility is found in second generation of scheduled caste population of Askaranpur Magrohani village. From the table 1 it is clear that in the first generation of scheduled caste population only 5percent males were cultivators whereas no female of this generation was lying in this category. Most of the scheduled caste people weather it is male or female are working as agricultural labourer. Their share is 25 for male and 20 for female of this first generation. Apart from it 2 percent among the males and 1 percent among the females are working as labourers in the construction work. However, only 4 percent among the males and 2 percent females of this generation are involved in low ranked service sector like sweeper, gardener,

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dyers etc. In the low ranked government sector only 1 percent among the males is absorbed but no female lies at this rung.

Table 1: Inter Generational Occupational Mobility of Scheduled Caste Population in Askaranpur Magrohani Village of Kaushambi District, Uttar Pradesh, 2017

Source: Based on calculation of the data generated by field survey conducted by researcher

Generation I Grand Father and Grand Mother, Generation II Father and Mother Generation III Son and Daughter

Generation IV (not included here as they are not in the age of working population) Grand Son and Grand Daughter

In the second generation, the job profile of the scheduled caste shows only a little up-gradation. A significant percent of people have shifted from agriculture sector to construction sector (3.5 per cent) and service sector (0.5 per cent). The in-depth analysis of this table shows that 1 percent loss and 0.5 gain of cultivators is observed among the scheduled caste males and females of the second generation from its previous generation. From the data it is clear that 5 percent male workers have slipped from the category of agricultural labourer whereas, the percentage of female workers in this sector remains the same. However, 3 percent addition is observed in the category of construction labourers for both males and females. One percent male workers have occupied a new category i.e., contractor with no female in this category. In the low ranked government sector 1 percent males are added with no females in this group.

From the results it is clear that in the third generation the proportion of cultivators remains the same for male and female population however, 2 percent of female workers have slipped from the category of agricultural labourer with no change in the



proportion of male population in this group. In the construction sector 2 per cent and 1 percent gain is observed in the category of male and female construction labourers and 1 percent gain in the category of male contractor. It is also visible from the table that no change is observed in the category of service providers or low ranked government sector in the third generation from its previous generation.

Fig 2

Fig 3The shift of a small proportion of scheduled caste workers

from agricultural sector to construction sector and service sector in the second and third generation (fig2&3) reflects the upward intergenerational occupational mobility among the scheduled caste population of Askaranpur Magrohani village of

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Sirathu block of Kaushambi District.Determinant of Occupational Mobility A. Demographic Determinantsi. Gender

It is clear from the household survey of scheduled caste of Askaranpur Magrohani village that 80 percent of the total young scheduled caste males have migrated either to other part of the same city (Manjhanpur Kaushmbi city) or other neighboring cities like (Allahabad) as they are working as labourers or they got the service of sweeper in government institution or private institutions. It is also clear from the household survey of scheduled caste of Askaranpur Magrohani village that 40 percent of the scheduled caste females have migrated among which 35 percent accompanied their husbands as non workers and 5 percent migrated alone as they are aged females and they don’t have any other member in the family to look after them in the village.B. Economic Determinantsi. Change in the Economy and Polity

Traditionally, village economies have been shielded from fluctuations in external markets and therefore instability is an inevitable result of agrarian life in an unfavourable climate, with sporadic rainfall and steady increases in population size relative to arable land. The land reform has allocated only a very small patch of agricultural land to the scheduled caste population of the Askaranpur Magrohani village on which they are living. Diversification is an important analytical tool to monitor livelihood and socio-economic mobility and in turn occupational dynamism. That is why majority of them are raring cattle few of them are also having the horse cart to carry freight. Households rarely drop an activity completely, but will gradually take up new activities or slowly reduce involvement in



other activities in response to short-term shocks or longer-term trends. Livelihood changes evolve slowly over time. Increased rate of cattle rearing is often a response to a short-term shock. However, such responses often influence future behaviour over the longer term, as households become accustomed to earn from the additional source. Wilson, 2011: 35.

Plate 1: Showing the raring of Horse for Carrying the Freight

Plate: 2 Showing the Scheduled Caste Labourer Collecting Mahua fruit For Sale as an Additional Source of Income

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ii. Level of IncomeIt is the level of income that largely determines the

occupational mobility. The main target of occupational shift of most of the people is better salary. The migrated adult males are working as labourers, sweeper or dyers in cities and they are earning more there.iii. Landownership

Land ownership positively influences the upward mobility, though at a decreasing rate. This seems to indicate the importance of household asset position to exhibit mobility gains over time, with the implication that at the higher end of the land ownership spectrum, individuals are likely to stay in agriculture and exhibit immobility over time or downgrade to agriculture from higher occupational category (Carletto and Kilic, 2009:18). In case of scheduled caste people of Askaranpur Magrohani village they do not possess sufficient agricultural land. They only got small patches of agricultural land (less than 1 Bigah) through the land ceiling act of government. Social Determinantsi. Level of Literacy and Education

It is found that level of education and nature of employment are closely associated (Chandna, 1989: 90). Education is a vital factor in the social transformation of a society and its economic amelioration (Sachchidananda, 1977: 114). It is clear from the researches that education helps to increase the probability of occupational upgrading. Those who have more education may find better occupational opportunities at the destination simply because they meet skill and educational requirements of variety of jobs. Low education of scheduled caste people augmented with poverty and traditional social system, force them to continue their traditional employment from the childhood (Tripathi and Tiwari, 1991: 61). As far



as the education of the adult scheduled caste population of Askaranpur Magrohani is concern it is negligible only 10 per cent of the total adult population is literate and all of them are only primary literates.General Health Conditions and Longevity

General standard of health of the people, being an index of their vitality, not only influences the participation rate of population in economic activities but also affects the possibility of occupational change up to limited extent. It is expected that social groups with good general health conditions show a higher participation rate than a social group with poor health conditions (Liang and Lu, 2014: 15). From the household survey it was observed that one of the scheduled caste boy is physically challenged in the village one is having some neurological disorder 2 males are suffering from chronic respiratory disorder, one female is having some liver problem. These poor scheduled caste people generally borrow money on interest from the rich upper class people. Which further entangle them in the poverty web.Social Networking

A strengthening of caste based networks of scheduled could have been at play. The caste based networks can often form quickly amongst the more disadvantaged groups in order to help them escape low-skill occupation traps. It is visible from the allotment of tenders to the three contractors within the same Pasi family of the selected village as reported by other scheduled caste villagers during survey.Conclusions

Socio-economic discrimination has received little attention in social science in India. The empirical evidences presented in this paper contends that occupational distribution depending upon the caste is not the problem of past or the

95

incidental force creating inequality, but an active agent in growing the gap between those at the top and those at the bottom of Indian Society.

The results confirm that considerable intergenerational occupational persistence—across all occupational categories, the father’s category is the most likely one that a son could find himself for the scheduled castes population of Askaranpur Maghrohani village. The results also points that scheduled caste are occupying the satisfactory position in economic and social life. The shift of a small proportion of scheduled caste workers from agricultural sector to construction sector and service sector in the second and third generation (fig2&3) reflects the upward intergenerational occupational mobility among the scheduled caste population of Askaranpur Magrohani village of Sirathu block of Kaushambi District.Acknowledgement

The researcher expresses her sincere gratitude to University Grant Commission, New Delhi for giving the financial assistance to conduct this research work.References

• Ambedkar, ?B.R.(1987), The Hindu Social Order: Its Essential Features, in Vasant Moon(ed.), Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writing and Speeches, Vol. 3, Education Department, Govt of Maharashtra, pp. 96-115

• Ambedkar, B.R. (1936), Annihilation of Caste, Jallundher: Bhim Patrika

• Ambedkar, B.R. (1978b), The Hindu Social Order: Its Essential Features’ in VasantMoon (ed.), Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writing and Speeches, Vol. 3, Education Department, Government of Maharastra, pp.96-115.

• Carletto, C. and Kilic,T. (2009), Moving Up the Ladder? The impact of Migration Experience on Occupational Mobility in Albania, The World Bank, Development Research Group, Poverty Team, Policy Research Working Paper 4908



• Chandna, R.C. (1989), Spatial Dimensions of Scheduled Castes in India, Intellectual Publishing House, New Delhi, p. 90.

• Corak, M, and Heisz, A. (1999), The Intergenerational earning and Income Mobility of Canadian men: Evidence From Longitudinal Income Tax Data, Journal of Human Resources, Vol. 34, No. 3, pp. 504-533.

• Giddens, A. (2009), Sociology (6th edition) Cambridge: Polity Press, p.443

• Henrich, J. R. Boyd, S. Bowles, C. Camerer, E, Ferh and Gintis, H . (2002), Foundation of Human Sociality: Economic Experiments and Ethnographic Evidences from Fifteen Small Scale Societies, New York: Oxford University Press

• Hnatkovska, V. Lahiri, A. and Sourabh, B.P. (2011), Breaking the Caste Barrier: Intergenerational Mobility in India Veiwed on May 2011, (http://faculty.arts.ubc.ca/alahiri/intergenerational_4.pdf).

• Jhilam and Majumder, Rajarshi.(2010). Educational and occupational mobility across generations in India: social and regional dimensions, Ray, Department of Economics, University of Burdwan, http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/28539, MPRA Paper No.28539

• Kambourov, G and Manovskii, I(2004), Rising Occupational and Industry Mobility in the United States: 1968-1993.. Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA), Discussion Paper No. 1110.

• Karade, J.(2009), Occupational Mobility Among Scheduled Castes, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, U.K p.3.

• Liang Y., and Lu, P. (2014): Effect of Occupational Mobility and Health Status on Life Satisfaction of Chinese Residents of Different Occupations: Logistic Diagonal Mobility Models Analysis of Cross-Sectional Data on Eight Chinese Provinces, Vol.1:15

• Majumder, R. (2010), Intergenerational Mobility in Education al and Occupational Attainment: A Comparative Study of Social Classes in India, Margin: The Journal of Applied Economic Research, Sage Publications, Vol.4, No. 4, pp.463-494 http:// mar.sagepub.com/content/4/4/463

• Mayhew, S. (2005), Oxford Dictionary of Geography, Indian Edition, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, p. 358

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• McAllister I. (1995), “Occupational Mobility among Immigrants: The Impact of Migration on Economic Success in Australia”, International Migration Review, Vol. 29(2), 441-468

• Miller S.M.,(1960), Comparative social mobility, Current Sociology, Vol. 9, No.1, P. 5

• Motiram, S and Singh, A. (2012), How Close Does the Apple Fall to the Tree/ Some Evidence on Intergenerational Occupational Mobility from India, United Nations University, World Institute for Development Economic Research, Working Paper No. 2012/101

• Sachchidananda. (1977), The Harijan Elite, Thomson Press (India) Limited, Haryana, pp. 114-115

• Thorat, S. and Lee, J (2010), Food Security Schemes and Discrimination, in Blocked by Caste: Economic Discrimination in modern India, etds, Thorat, S and Newman, K.S, Oxford University Press: New Delhi, p.287

• Tripathi R.S & Tiwari P.D. (Eds) (1991). Dimensions of Scheduled Caste Development in India: Problems and Prospects,New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House

• Wilson, C. (2004), Op. cit., p. 35• Wilson, C.(2004), Understanding the Dynamics of Socio-

Economic Mobility: Tales from Two Indian Villages, Working Paper 236, Overseas Development Institute, London, pp. 1-80

• Glossary of Terms• Local Names Common Names• Bigah Land Measuring Unit• Pasi Sub caste of scheduled caste in Uttar Pradesh• Ahirwar, Chadhar, Bunkar and Basod Sub castes of scheduled

caste in Madhya Pradesh.

*****



Scholarly Debates: Whether Caste Can Be Treated As Class?

*Naghma Afreen **Tabrez Alam

Discriminatory and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment of a vast global population has been justified on the basis of caste. In much of Asia and parts of Africa, caste is the basis for the definition and exclusion of distinct population groups by reason of their descent. Over 250 million people worldwide continue to suffer under what is often a hidden apartheid of segregation, modern-day slavery, and other extreme forms of discrimination, exploitation, and violence. Caste imposes enormous obstacles to their full attainment of civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights.

Caste is descent-based and hereditary in nature. It is a characteristic determined by one’s birth into a particular caste, irrespective of the faith practiced by the individual. Caste denotes a system of rigid social stratification into ranked groups defined by descent and occupation. Under various caste systems throughout the world, caste divisions also dominate in housing, marriage, and general social interaction-divisions that are reinforced through the practice and threat of social ostracism, economic boycotts, and even physical violence.

* Former Student of Jamia Millia Islamia and Research Fellow at Samar Foundation**Doctoral Research Scholar, Indian Institute of Dalit Studies (IIDS), New Delhi

ISSN : 2348-1757Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies (IJDTS)Volume-5, Issue-2, July-Dec 2017, pages 98-105

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In many cases, caste systems coexist with otherwise democratic structures. In country such as India, governments have also enacted progressive legislation to combat abuses against lower-caste communities. Despite formal protections in law, however, discriminatory treatment remains endemic and discriminatory societal norms continue to be reinforced by government and private structures and practices, in some cases through violent means.

After sixty years of Independence, the Indian polity is still without firm foundations, and high elite expenditures on nuclear weapons, space research, and high-end technologies which can only benefit the rich, add to the fragility of the total system. The added tensions only make worse caste and class tensions, and many times result in terrible superstitious acts such as honor killings of women and the burning of witches. Very recently a Brahmin woman journalist was murdered by her own family for wanting to marry a professional colleague of a lower caste! [International Business Times 2010]

We have to introspect the causes of such brutal atrocities in India on what ground these are justified or tolerated? When we study the text, we come to conclusion that the caste system evolves in a very clever manner to exclude others, based on religious text like Manusmirti by dominant caste or class. These exclusionary approaches are the birth of caste segregation. In India or subcontinent civilizations are itself evident for its exclusionary approach. When we trace back our golden period it Civilizationly Neel in terms of modern concept of just society. During Mughal’s or British period there was no any attempt to reform such old practices. This legacy carry forward even after independent. The old caste system assimilated with new kind of social order where dominant castes join hand with upper echelon. The old patron relation prohibited or restricted the emergence of new kind of social order which is based on



economic determinant of class system. Consequently upper caste remains as upper and lower castes as a lower class. So, it’s very difficult to differentiate between caste and class in India, both is intermingled.

Now this study tries to understand some theoretical grounding for better understanding of caste and class. Sociologists have shown that all societies are stratified or divided into layers, based on caste, class, gender, or race. As a result, some people in a society have greater advantages than others, leading to social inequality. Defining Caste scholarly

C. H. Cooley… When a class is somewhat strictly hereditary, we may call it a caste.

The caste system is an ancient hierarchy, where fixed social roles are inherited, practiced by followers of the Hindu religion in India. While caste positions often guarantee employment, it also means that its members are unable to improve their social status. In most other societies, people are born into a social position or class, depending on the property, employment, or wealth of their family. However, education and economic success can help people improve their social position.Distinction between Caste and Class

In the first place, while stratification in a caste society is based on birth. It is based on wealth in a class society. The caste of an individual is determined by his birth in particular caste. The class of an individual, on the other hand, is fixed by the amount of wealth he possesses. As the individual has no control over his birth, his caste position is essentially an ascribed one, where as his class position is largely an achieved one, since acquisition of wealth depends mainly on his abilities and hard work.

Caste and class is that while the structure of caste system is ‘closed’, it is open in case of class system. Since caste of an

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individual is based on birth, change from one caste to another is impossible, but mobility from class to class is quite possible because the class of an individual is based on his occupation, power and wealth.

Caste system acts as an obstacle in the smooth functioning of democracy because it is based on the undemocratic principle of inherited inequality. Class system, on the other hand, poses no such problem, since it does not believe in the principle of inherited inequality.

Caste structure has developed in India in the process of evolving division of labour in the society. Caste and class existed in an undifferentiated form when production and distribution in the society were organised basing on caste structure. Caste and class were of inseparable single category at that stage. The caste structure became much more rigid over a period of time.

Kancha Ilaiah has emerged as the foremost ideologue of Dalitbahujan politics and its theory of class collaborationism and its practices of mortgaging the interests of Dalitbahujans under the pretext of securing political power to Dalits. Is class is Varna system and caste is Jati?

Caste generally defined by descent marriage and occupation.

Max Weber, a German sociologist, emphasised the connections of caste with Hindu religion as part of his larger effort to reveal why the west had progressed more rapidly than Asia, Sceptical (sacred) toward Hindu religious explanations.

In 1952 M.N Srinivas, an anthropologist working in southern India attempted to derive both the unity and the ranks of Indian caste system from the imitation by diverse groups of the customs of the highest Hindu castes a process that he called sanskritization. Caste and class- In 1962, Srinivas has rediscovered the distinction between Varna and Jati.



And in 1995, Beteille discourage this “Path-breaking Essay” of Srinivas at the all India sociological conference in Bhopal. That Jatis denotes the caste system of India was universally acclaimed namely the smallest endogamous groups of people within each Varna. The Jati proliferated along with specialisation and division of labour in society, but movement against the Jati system gathered momentum along with the advent of capitalism in Indian society on its own merit.

The caste system received a new lease of life by invaginating itself into the colonial class system. The Jati division of society was viewed in the realm of cultural relation viz inter-dinning, inter-marriage, purity-pollution, and such other customary behaviour and perception. The fact that is British India who was having wealth, lands….etc was high caste and who were the workers, landless was the low caste.

Max Weber- caste system denoted the relations of production and property in ancient and medieval India by proclaiming that it was the product of Brahmanical theodicy, in his own words.

Marx’s formulation of caste for class under specific feudal conditions was firmly (strong) rejected by Weber who however has misconceived caste by his formulation of Brahmanical theodicy to denote merely the Varna stratification of society. Later he extended the formulation of caste in itself to Jati stratification of society. Louis Dumont raised the misconception (wrong understanding) by declaring the uniqueness of caste-ridden Indian people as “Homo Hierarchicus”.

M.N Srinivas supported and propagated the perception that caste sans class represented in modern India Sanskritisation and westernization were proclaimed to be the vehicles for ushering in social change in modern India. False consciousness was thus generated in India, and spread in Indian society. No wonder that a political scientist wrote in Reader’s Digest in

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1950 that caste is in Indian blood. Now in conformity with their enhanced economic status, they aspired for a better social status. A new alignment between caste and class was in the offing in place of the caste structure. Class structure over the caste hierarchy could not be altogether ignored by the avatar makers of caste.

In the mean time, reality went on asserting itself at the grass roots level. The correlation between caste and class in colonial India is being transformed into caste and class. The schedule castes and the scheduled tribes-not to speak of the other backward classes-are ranged within the spectrum of the high, middle, and low echelons of the class system in society.

After the abolition of Zamindari in 1956, a class of rich peasants emerged from among the bigger tenants belonging to the backward castes, mainly Yadav, Kurmis and Koeries. They prospered in agriculture because of their sweat and labour. Unlike most upper caste landowners who would not and still do not, touch the plough, the backward caste peasants and even their wives and children worked in the fields. Prosperity gave them economic power, but socially they remained below the upper castes. Since this class of rich peasants from the backward castes is a rising class, it is very aggressive. It has to fight two battles. Socially and politically, it is struggling against the upper castes and economically it is facing the Harijan agricultural labourers and sharecroppers are now organising themselves.

It is a cruel joke to speak of “development” of the backward castes by reservation of government jobs. The majority of backward castes cannot improve its conditions unless some semblance of agrarian reforms in the form of high wages, occupancy, rights and assistance in cultivation is carried through.

Anand chakarvarti, in his essay argues that caste continues to be the fundamental basis of social inequality in



contemporary Bihar. Due to a range of factors, which have been examined briefly, both the traditional and new dominant castes have privileged access to material and political resources, and constitute the dominant class. Chakarvarti’s argument conforms broadly to that of Nathan who benefited from Nandy, who has incorporated some of Godelier’s ideas for interpreting the material significant of caste. The same ideas have been used in his essay.

This is Beteille’s expression to denote Dumont’s examination of Hindu society in terms of the hierarchical principle. Srinivas used this word for Dumont’s phrase to the effect that power ‘makes itself the equal of status at the interstitial levels.

The relationship between caste and class may be viewed in two distinct.Class-Jati-Caste Relationship

While discussing the Jati-caste system in India often it is said this Jati-caste relationship has nothing to do with class relationship. This at best is a simplistic way of looking at objects, at worst; it is peddling the ruling class ideology of utilizing Jati-caste division to continue the class exploitation. According to Lenin

“classes are groups of people differing from each other by the place they occupy in historically determined system of social production, by their relation (in most cases fixed and formulated in law) to the means of production, by the dimensions of the share of social wealth of which they dispose and the mode of acquiring it.”In Sum

A principle difference between class and caste is that class in open for all and social mobility is possible. In the caste system the vertical mobility is not possible. Caste and Class

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jointly determine the position of an individual in social strain. Particularly in rural communities where caste system has maintained its rigidity, Even in the urban society a constant tendency to make caste distinction is observed in the upper and middle classes. Thus the castes have maintained their importance in class system of social stratification.It is very difficult to classify caste as a class because both have different meaning and connotation one is very rigid and other is very flexible in terms of their nature. In India society is very complex both are intermingled.

Professor M.N. Srinivas, has famously held to the opinion that caste hierarchy has been breaking down under “the impact of new ideas of democracy, equality and individual self-respect. While caste as a system is dead or dying, individual castes are thriving” [Srinivas 2003]. But this seems to be more a hope of what should happen rather than an analysis of what is actually happening. Chandra Bhan Prasad, a leading Dalit intellectual, has highlighted that few of the government’s programmes to transform a caste-ridden society have succeeded. He concludes that “the enduring salience of caste itself’ is the greatest paradox of Indian society. Bibliography

• Beteille Andre ., The mismatch between class and status• Berreman Gerald D., The Study of Caste Ranking in India• Mukherjee Ramkrishna., Caste in Itself, Caste and Class, or

Caste in Class• Chakarvarti Anand., Caste and Agrarian Class a View from

Bihar• Mukherjee Alok., Caste-Class Relationship in Indian state• Hasnain Nadeem., Tribe and Caste• Gupta Dipankar., Caste and Politics: Identity Over System • Rajan vithal., Dalit and Caste System in India

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State Forest Policy and Issues of Tribal Livelihood in Maharashtra

*Rita Malache

The tribal communities represent an important social category of Indian social structure. The tribal population in India according to the 2011 census is 8.2 percent.The relationship between forest dwellers, particularly tribal and forests, whether in India or elsewhere in the world, is symbiotic by nature. Their co-existence has been considered to be an integral part of their survival and sustainability. This is basically because of geographical, ecological, social, economic, religious and cultural linkages between the people and the forest. They enjoy customary rights over natural resources with respect to its use, preservation and its overall management. With the advent of alien rule in India, over time, natural resources began to be exploited to fulfil the demands of alien rulers who did not look at the customary rights of forest dwellers and tribal people. These rights were not recognised and recorded by the government while associating state forests during the colonial period as well as in independent India (GoI, 2005). The villagers’ customary practices were used as ‘privilege’ and not as ‘right’, while the absolute control and ownership rights were with the state (Guha, 1984). Introduction of state sponsored systems of management and ownership over forest resources ignored these customary practices and imposed state made colonial

*Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Mumbai, Mumbai


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management systems which immensely influenced not only the management and use of forest resources but also conservation and governance of these resources.

Gadgil and Guha (2007) said; “in these processes the traditional rights of the village communities on forest and forest resources were progressively eroded….” In recent times the traditional territories of the tribal people have been subjected to incursions. Their lands are taken away in the name of economic advancement of the country. But in return they receive landlessness, impoverishment and long term degradation of the environment on which they totally depend. Aloof from the evils of the colonial laws and policies continuing in the independence India, There arise new kinds of threats to the people from India’s new economic policy staring from 1990s.The SEZ, byproduct of liberalization, privatization and globalization, is one of them.Evolution Of Forest Policies In Pre-And Post Independence PeriodForest Policies In Pre-Independence Period

Keeping in view the importance of natural resources and commercial significance of forest resources, certain regulations were formulated and implemented during the colonial administration to appropriate revenue benefits from the forest-based resources. The beginning of a forest policy in pre-independent India started in 1855 when the then Governor General, Lord Dalhousie, issued a memorandum on forest conservation restricting the customary rights of the forest dwellers on the use of forest resources through a ban on their movement in the forest. Further, the Indian Forest Act (IFA) 1865 empowered the government to declare authority on such resources for national interests. It was noticed that for all purposes the state seems to have played a dominant role over the rights of the individuals and communities.

State Forest Policy and Issues of Tribal Livelihood.....


Later, during 1878, the Indian Forest Act classified all forests of India into three categories, i.e., reserve forest, protected forest, and village forest keeping in view the national forest policy. The first ever forest policy came into existence in 1894. As a primary objective for the maintenance of adequate forest cover to assume preservation of climate, physical conditions of the forest were emphasised. Therefore, the policy regulated the rights and placed restrictions on the privileges previously enjoyed by the local inhabitants. Since then, shifting cultivation has been banned and hill slopes were protected, resulting in a conflicting situation between the forest dwellers and the Forest Department. The Indian Forest Act 1927 and the Government of India Act 1935 consolidated the power of the Government on forest, emphasised on the revenue yield aspects and resource requirement of British industry, commerce, and military sectors. As a result, forest as an area of revenue yielding was included in the state list. Forest Policies in Post-Independence Period

The forestry policies during post-independent India included: National Forest Policy- 1952; the National Commission on Agriculture (NCA)-1976; Forest Conservation Act- 1980; and the National Forest Policy-1988.

The National Forest Policy, formulated during 1952, mainly focused on forest as the source of timber but neglected the village commons. The state restricted the common people from involving in agricultural operations within forest land as well as in the periphery areas of the reserved forest. The free grazing of forest and free enjoyment of private forests were controlled and the tribal people were also denied from practicing shifting cultivation. Due to the abolition of the Zamindari system in 1952, the government took over the management of forests and formulated a number of legislations reducing the freedom of tribals over the use of forest and its resources. Apart from

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this, cultivation, hunting and fishing were also prohibited inside the reserved and protected forests. These measures further deprived the tribals of forest resources while granting greater use of forest produce to the neighbouring communities. More emphasis was laid on national interest, often interpreted as commercial interest.

Later, during 1976 the Government of India formulated the National Commission on Agriculture (NCA) and Social Forestry was recommended for creation of Forest Corporation to improve the commercial feasibility. According to the recommendations, many conservation-oriented production forestry programmes were implemented and suggested with detailed modalities to produce successful results. Apart from the special interest for the benefit of tribals, special provisions (various wage earning opportunities) and restrictions were made for their entry into forest. In addition to this, the culture, tradition, and ethos of the forest dwellers were also not given proper attention by the commission. Again, no special programmes were implemented for enhancing the economy of the tribals. Instead, programmes were essentially drawn for developing forest resources benefiting tribals indirectly through wage earnings.

Deprivation of tribals along with degradation of forests influenced the policy makers to look forward to a new forest law that appeared later on as Forest Conservation Act 1980 by the Government of India (GOI), restricting the rights of the state governments (Sarangi 2003). However, the law expanded the definition of “non-forest purposes”, which included the cultivation of cash crops including tea, coffee, spices, rubber plants, oil-bearing plants, horticultural crops, and medicinal plants. This new bill initiated a debate with respect to policies, legislations as well as on the role of different stakeholders such as activists, scientists, forest department contractors, and



industrialists (Sarangi 2008). Consequently, it resulted in creating a Forest Department by separating it from the Agriculture Department, and named it as the Ministry of Environment and Forest (MoEF). This new department deals with forest issues with a kind of pragmatic approach, so that the forest-related issues, both for the benefit of the government and the people, could be dealt with properly. Accordingly, various forest issues and related matters concerning people participation, forest revenue, deforestation, ecology, etc., could be taken care of by this ministry as and when necessary.

National Forest Policy, 1988: A Paradigm Shift Even after the adoption of the new policy, the Indian Forest Act 1927, with several amendments, continued till the National Forest Policy (1988) was introduced, with the primary objective of maintenance of environmental stability, meeting the requirement of fuel wood, fodder, etc., of the rural and tribal population and creation of massive support to ensure minimal pressure on existing forests. A wide discussion at national and international level forums suggested various methods and means to formulate a package of programmes to ensure sustainable forest development and ensuring livelihood However, the commission hardly focused on conservation - it claimed that the only purpose of forests was to generate revenue and setup forest development corporations to cut down natural forests to replace them with commercial, fast-growing plantations. They had less to do with the tribals and were more about commercial exploitation of forests, including replacing mixed natural forests with fast growing mono-cultural plantations - three million dense forests were felled for the purpose of forest-dependent population.

Similarly, there was a lot of criticism of many provisions of the Forest Conservation Act 1980. These provided inputs to the Government of India’s National Forest Policy, 1988 which modified a number of provisions of earlier policies

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for the benefit of the poor. For the first time, recognition of non-market and ecological benefits was emphasised in the Seventh Plan Document (1985-90). It was made clear that raw materials for forest-based industries would be provided only after meeting the needs of the local people. The Central Board of Forestry recommended a ban on commercial exploitation of degraded forests and regeneration of national forest, in order to reduce the growing pressure on forest resources. Thus, the new forest policy seems to have planned for protection, conservation and management of the forest and its resources, while it also privileged the customary rights of the people; replaced the contractors with tribal co-operatives, co-operative government undertakings and corporations; and suggested suitable alternatives for shifting cultivators such as engagement of these people in forest-based industries. With the adoption of the National Forest Policy 1988, the colonial forest policy establishing control of the Forest.Phases of Forest Governance during Post-Independent Period

Phases Major Policies Highlights Points as below:Phase- I National Forest Policy (1952) Commercial

exploitation of 1947-1970 forest for industrial development. Phase- II 1971- 1988 National Commission on

Conservation through powerful Agriculture (1976); legislation such as Wildlife Forest Conservation Act (1980) Conservation Act & Forest Conservation Act. No place for forest dwellers and tribals in protection and management of local forest resources.

Phase- III 1988 Onwards National Forest Policy (1988) based on three major components: Highlighting on participation of forest dwellers. Increasing access to forest products. Improving livelihoods.

However, the primary objective remained to be the preservation of environmental stability. Department over forest was destabilised (Sarangi 2007). However, rules to



implement the policy were not in place until much later, and state governments in the meantime progressively reduced the traditional rights of the tribal people. The question of forest rights is related to the modern concept of ownership, but notions of the forest people in this regard are quite different. The forest is the pivot around which the tribal life revolves, but for the state, the forest is simply a source of raw materials for industry and revenue for itself. In majority of the states in India, the Forest Department is a major source of revenue for the government. Hence, it is no wonder that successive plans, policies, and legislations have resulted in restricting the rights and practice of forests by millions of tribal people for whom forests are the only shelter and source of sustenance.

In the late 20th century, particularly after the United Nations drew up the international environmental principles in the 1972 Stockholm Declaration and the 1992 Rio Declaration, the Government of India progressively introduced different policies and laws that concreted the way to recognise that tribal people, especially forest dwellers, had rights over their ancestral land, including the right to earn their livelihood from forests and maintain a cultural identity that is linked to them. After nearly 25 years of debate and grass-root level protests, this process culminated in the enactment of the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act 2006 (Government of India 2007). This legislation, known as the FRA, is a landmark in the evolution of the government’s attitudes on tribal people and their rights. It attempts not only to correct a “historic injustice” committed by the colonial and post-colonial rulers, but also to devolve in forest communities a primary role in sustaining forest ecosystems by re-establishing their rights as well as their environmental authority. It became active on 31st December 2007, and its implementing rules were notified on 1st January 2008. The law basically grants legal recognition to the rights of the traditional

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forest-dwelling communities, partially correcting the injustice caused by successive forest laws in the 19th and 20th centuries. It marks the beginning of granting those communities and the public a voice in forest and wildlife conservation. However, the preamble to the FRA states that it is “an Act to recognise and devolve the forest rights and occupation in forest land in forest dwelling Scheduled Tribes and other forest dwellers who have been residing in such forests for generations but whose rights could not be recorded; and to provide for a framework for recording the forest rights so conferred and the nature of evidence required for such respect and conferring in respect of forest land”.1

However, a model shift is observed since 1990s, when the nation adopted progressive legislations like Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act, Right to Information (RTI), Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) and Forest Rights Act (FRA). The Forest Rights Act 2006 recognises and secures Community Rights/Community Forest Resources of the communities, in addition to their Individual Rights. The Act came into force from 2008, after FRA rule was framed. The process of formation of different committees from Forest Rights Committee (FRC) to State Level Monitoring Committee (SLMC) has been followed in different states to recognise the rights of forest dwelling communities over their land. But there has been a lot of discrepancy and negligence in implementing this Act in its true spirit by the government. Individual rights are recognised to some extent in many parts but community forest rights recognition is relatively negligible. Under this backdrop, the present study attempted to understand the situation of FRA implementation in State of Maharashtra.



To be conclude, there are numbers of forest polices impleaded during pre and post colonization, but customary rights of tribal communities had not been recognised. Forest policies in India have always alienated forest dependents from their homeland rather than giving them legal rights to own and regulate their resources. People are branded as encroachers in their own land through pre and post-independence forest policies in India. Reson For Tribal Land Alination And Its Impact On Tribal Livelihood In Maharashtra

The incidents and process of land alienation is increasing among the tribal communities now a days. The distribution of land and adverse land-man ratio increased the inequality in respect of income and wealth. The fast increase of land alienation leads to a sea change in the occupational distributional and creates tenants, agricultural laborers. The root causes of land alienation of the tribal communities are said to be illiteracy, and socio-economic backwardness.

Among many other reasons of land alienation is the government’s policies and regulations which in the name of development disrobe small landholding peasants including tribes. After India became an independence country, its economy took two shapes or forms: early mixed economy in which private and public sectors played crucial roles in the development of nation, and new economy which has adopted LPG in the early 1990s.

After independence, India embraced a mixed economy in which the public and private sectors were supposed to use the resource base of the country to produce and distribute products and fulfill the basic need of the people of India. But in reality, this mixed economy planning progressed without the involvement and consideration of tribal and other marginalized groups; and the bureaucrats, politicians and investors enjoyed

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the privileges of planning. As a result, tribal communities are seen incessantly being marginalized, deinstitutionalize and being deprived of the national and their own natural resources. On the top of it, people’s resources are taken over forcibly to generate public sector outputs leaving them landlessness and are alienated from their indigenous inhabited. This process of forcible migration threw the landless people into displacement and destitute, another cousins of migration. The definition offered by Cohen would give clearer picture of the term ‘displacement, a situation in which “people [are] forced from their homes because of economic injustice and marginalization tantamount to systemic violation of their economic rights would come under the definition” (Cohen, 1998, p.4; italics mine).2 .The typical example of this is the displacement of indigenous people, farmers, and fishermen in the Narmada River Valley in Gujrat.

There are some criticism made against the regulations which enacted during the colonial India almost two-three hundred years ago, are neither amended nor repealed. For instance, British Colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 is used as legal justification to take over the people land and property, be it a house, a well, or any natural resources and even minerals underneath the ground. (Medha Patkar 2013).The act permits the Indian government to acquire land for “public purpose”. It was originally enacted to secure land for public development project such as the creation of a system of irrigation canals and roads, but in recent decades it has been used by the Indian government as the means to buy land from reluctant peasant farmers for private profit. The farmer or the small landowner has no choice but to sell, even though the price paid is often well below the market rate. The injustice of such transactions goes well beyond the unfair price paid for the land, as Patkar insists, because the loss of the land represents a complete loss



of livelihood; those who are displaced due to land acquisition are unable to find an equivalent livelihood or other means of survival in the end, either community take decision of migration or communities are destroyed, families are split and most are reduce to (penury) poverty (Stephen and Maria 2013).3

Aloof from the evils of the colonial laws and policies continuing in the independence India, There emanate new kind of threats to the people from India’s new economic policy staring from 1990s.The SEZ, byproduct of liberalization, privatization and globalization, is one of them. The SEZ is generally viewed as the geographical region where no general economic laws of the nation work and where the laws are more liberal so that the private investors from the country and abroad are lured to directly invest in the impoverished and economically backward region. Medha Patkar points out that Indian government plans and approves seven hundred corporate proposals daily by the Union of India in its Board of Approval and Minimal Preconditions. To her, the SEZ classification of regions causes the process of displacement in India. The idea of SEZ is being criticized for these zones are taking over huge tracts of land ranging from fifteen thousand to thirty-five thousand acres which would, as per the law, be deemed a foreign territory. It is alleged that it is, in a way, a new kind of imperialism and not a democratic planning. The local people would be thrown out without government’s prior consent and without option of rehabilitation. These circumstances forced the local tribal and other group of people to migrate to the urban places. There is another charge against this leveled by Patkar regarding the rehabilitation after displacement of the people. To put in her own words, “none of these dams demonstrated appropriate and requisite rehabilitation of the people that take into account alternative economic sources of livelihood, social community, planning house plots, or amenities. People are given hollow promises; advertisements are published in the newspapers, but

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rehabilitation does not make its way to the adivasis, farmers, and Dalits. Thus, people are questioning the displacement from dam areas to SEZs.” (MedhaPatkar 2013)4

State Of Maharshtra Forest Act And Its Implication For Tribal:The process of land alienation started several decades

back in state of Maharashtra but in the year 1961-1971 the number of tribal cultivators had diminished from 7.25 lack to 5.16 lack. This resulted in the rise of organization which launched movement demanding prevention of transfer of land from tribals to the non-tribals. In 1971 the government of constituted a committee under the chairmanship of the Revenue Minister to look this matter the committee examined the issue and on its recommendation the state government adopted two legislative measure in 1974-1975.

The Maharashtra Land Revenue Code and Tenancy Laws (amendment)Act, 1974.This act deals with restoration of tribal land involved in illegal transfer to non-tribals. By this act, Section 36 (3) of the Maharashtra Land Revenue Code 1966 has been amended to provide for restoration to a tribal his land involved in illegal alienation to a non-tribals. Another Section 36-Ainserted in the Code by this amendment Act imposes instructions on future alienation of tribal land to non- tribals. According to this law no tribal cannot acquire tribal land by way of sale. The tribal cannot transfer his land by way of gift, exchange, mortgage, lease, or otherwise, without prior permission of the collector, which in turn requires the approval of the State Government. Such permission are to be granted by the collector on satisfying the condition given by government in the Rules. Like other tribal from the same villages or within a radius of 5 Kms. He should accept the tribal land for the same consideration as offered by the non-tribal. In the some of the contravention cases collector were authority to declare transformation as invalid. Also this law further provides that the tribal land should not be auctioned for



recovery of government dues. Instead it should be taken under management and lease to a tribal.

The Maharashtra Restoration of Lands to the Schedule Tribes Act, 1975. This act provide for the restoration of tribal land, which was involved in legal on valid transfer, including exchanges effected between 1st April 1957 and 7th July, 1974. Land purchase or deemed to have been purchase by a non- tribal during this period under the provision of the Tenancy act (including acquisition of land regularised on payment of penalty under Tenancy Law) are also covered by this act. It was implemented from 1st November 1975.

This both Act have been made applicable to all tribals in the State of Maharashtra whether within the schedules area or outside. The laws, however, exclude tribal land put to non- agricultural use by the non-tribal transferred before 6th July 1974.5

The Maharashtra Forest Policy 2008 aims at raising forest cover in the state to a minimum of 33% (101.54 lakh hectares) of total land, as per the recommendations of the Planning Commission and the National Forest Policy, 1988. At present, the forest area in the state is around 20 per cent. Of this 56 per cent is in Vidarbha, five per cent in Marathwada and 39 per cent in western Maharashtra. As part of the policy, Maharashtra is planning on becoming the first state in the country to levy a green tax to encourage forest development. (h:/c.r. 190-98- Forest policy.88.doc-09/22/08.) Mining Policy in Tribal Areas, 30/11/2015

The Constitution of India provides safeguards to the Scheduled Tribes. In recent years The Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act 2013, The

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Coal Mines (Special Provisions) Act, 2015 and The Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Amendment Act, 2015 have been enacted towards this.

The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013 (LARR Act, 2013) very clearly stipulates that as far as possible, no acquisition of land shall be made in the Scheduled Areas; where such acquisition does take place it shall be done only as a last resort. Further, in case of acquisition or alienation of any land in the Scheduled Areas, the prior informed consent of the concerned Gram Sabha or the Panchayats or the Autonomous District Councils will have to be obtained. The affected Scheduled Tribes families are also required to be properly resettled and adequately compensated for in accordance with the provisions of the LARR Act, 2013.

The Coal Mines (Special Provisions) Act, 2015 also stipulate for acquisition of land for coal mining purpose in accordance with the provisions of the LARR Act, 2013, thus implying that the safeguards for the Scheduled Tribes as laid down in the LARR Act, 2013 will have to be followed while acquiring land for coal mining.

The Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Amendment Act, 2015 also stipulates that the State Governments while making rules for the District Mineral Foundation shall keep the provisions contained in Article 244 read with Fifth and Sixth Schedules to the Constitution, PESA Act, 1996 and the Forest Rights Act, 2006 in view.6

ConclusionThere are a large number of processes through which

tribals have lost their access to land and forests essential for their survival and livelihoods in India. These not only include alienation of land, which is legally owned by the tribals through debt mortgaging and sale, but also loss of access to



land through reservation of forests, loss of traditional shifting cultivation land through survey and settlement, displacement, unsuitable and unimplemented land reform law, etc. Over a period of time, all these processes have led to loss of control and access to livelihood support systems dynamic to existence, and marginalising and destitution of tribal communities.

Influx of non-tribals during the last two centuries, many of whom are more capable of negotiating state enforced legal and tenure systems, have pushed tribal communities further bottom in the local power hierarchies.Lack of ownership and claim over land and other factors of production is one of the fundamental reasons behind the deprivation of rights of the tribals in the state of Maharashtra.References

• Aphale, M.B., (1988), “observation on the paper entitled Status of the land ownership of the tribal people and how far the legal actual position merge; various steps taken to protect their interest and the present policy about alienation and allotment of land” in (Eds,) Gare Govind (1988), “A Review of Tribal Research Studies” published by Tribal Research and Training Institute Maharashtra, Pune, pp. 13-17.

• Cohen, R. (1998), “Recent trends in protection and assistance for internally displaced people. In internally displaced people: a global survey. London: Earthscan Publications., p.4

• Government of India (ministry of tribal affairs) Lok-Sabha untarred question no. 65 to be answered on 30.11.2015)

• Guha Ramachandra (1983), “Forestry in British and Post-British India: A Historical Analysis” Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 18, No. 44 (ct. 29, 1983), pp. 1882-1896, URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/432653 Accessed: 25-10-2015 1:19.

• Guha Ramachandra, (2001), “The Prehistory of Community Forestry in India”, Source: Environmental History, Vol. 6, No. 2, Special Issue: Forest History in Asia (Apr., 2001), pp. 213-238, Published by: on behalf of and Oxford University Press Forest History Society American Society for Environmental History,URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3985085 Accessed:

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26-10-2015 05:00.• Haeuber Richard (1993), “Indian Forestry Policy in Two Eras:

Continuity or Change?” Source: Environmental History Review, Vol. 17, No. 1 (Spring, 1993), pp. 49-76. Published by: on behalf of and Oxford University Press Forest History Society American Society for Environmental History, URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3984890 Accessed: 26-10-2015 05:36 .G

• Kulkarni Sharad , (1989), “Forests: Law versus Policy”, Source Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 24, No. 16 (Apr. 22, 1989), pp. 859-862, URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4394698 Accessed: 25-10-2015 14:31.

• Kulkarni. Sharad, (1987), “Forest Legislation and Tribals: Comments on Forest Policy Resolution”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 22, No. 50 (Dec. 12, 198), pp. 2143-2148 e URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4384 Accessed: 25-10-2015 14:28.

• PatkarMedha, (2013), “National Alliance of People’s Movements: multiculturalism, Migration, and Globalization” P.153-154, Chapter 12. (ed.,) by Shweta Sing (2013), “Social Work and Social Development: Perspectives from India and the United States”, publishes by LYCEUM BOOKS, INC. Chicago, Illinois. ISBN 978-1-933478-66-1.

• Prasad Archana (2006), “Conservation and Tribal development in the Forest Right Bill: Looking beyond the Joint Parliamentary Committee Report” Source: Social Scientist, Vol. 34, No. /8 (Jul. - Aug., 2006), pp. 4-19, URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2644150 Accessed: 25-10-2015 14:42.

• Rao R. K and Sankaran S. R. (2003), “Forest Myths, Jungle Laws and Social Justice” Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 38, No. 46 (Nov. 15-21, 2003), pp. 4819-4821, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4414266 Accessed: 25-10-2015 16:49.

• Saena. Naresh C. (1992), “Farm Forestry and Land-Use in India: Some Policy Issues” Ambio, Vol. 21, No. 6 (Sep., 1992), pp. 420-425 Published by: Springer on behalf of Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/431394 Accessed: 26-10-2015 06:12

• Sharma Chandan Kumar (2002), “Tribal Land Alienation: Governments Role”, Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 3, No. 52 (Dec. 29, 2001 - an. 4, 2002), pp. 4791 4795, URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4411528 Accessed: 20-10-2015 10:21.

• Stephen, N. Haymes and Maria Vidal de Haymes, (2013),



“Multiculturalism, Migration, and Globalization: reflection on Deterritorialization in India”. P.161, chapter 13.(ed.,) by Shweta Sing (2013), “Social Work and Social Development: Perspectives from India and the United States”, publishes by lyceum books, inc. Chicago, Illinois. ISBN 978-1-933478-66-1.

Footnotes1. Kulkarni. Sharad, (1987), “Forest Legislation and Tribals:

Comments on Forest Policy Resolution”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 22, No. 50 (Dec. 12, 198), pp. 2143-2148 e URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4384 Accessed: 25-10-2015 14:28.

2. 2.Cohen, R. (1998), “Recent trends in protection and assistance for internally displaced people. In internally displaced people: a global survey. London: Earthscan Publications., p.4

3. Stephen, N. Haymes and Maria Vidal de Haymes, (2013), “Multiculturalism, Migration, and Globalization: reflection on Deterritorialization in India”. P.161, chapter 13.(ed.,) by Shweta Sing (2013), “Social Work and Social Development: Perspectives from India and the United States”, publishes by lyceum books, inc. Chicago, Illinois. ISBN 978-1-933478-66-1.

4. PatkarMedha, (2013), “National Alliance of People’s Movements: multiculturalism, Migration, and Globalization” P.153-154, Chapter 12. (ed.,) by Shweta Sing (2013), “Social Work and Social Development: Perspectives from India and the United States”, publishes by LYCEUM BOOKS, INC. Chicago, Illinois. ISBN 978-1-933478-66-1.

5. Aphale, M.B., (1988), “observation on the paper entitled Status of the land ownership of the tribal people and how far the legal actual position merge; various steps taken to protect their interest and the present policy about alienation and allotment of land” in (Eds,) GareGovind (1988), “A Review of Tribal Research Studies” published by Tribal Research and Training Institute Maharashtra, Pune, pp. 13-17.

6. Government of India (ministry of tribal affairs) Lok- Sabhauntarred question no. 65 to be answered on 30.11.2015)

*****

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Reservation in India: Is there is a Case for Reservation in Private Sector?

*Zubair Nazeer & Waqas Farooq Kuttay

Abstract At the time of independence,reservation for

certain groups was enshrined in the Constitution of India. The measure was taken to ensure the political, social and economic inclusion of hitherto excluded and oppressed groups. The reservation providedjobs in the public sector because much of the economy was controlled by the government and it was thought that the benefits to the marginalized can be ensured by offering them jobs in this sector. But after 1991, when India liberalized its economy and private sectorslowly started to take control of the economy,reservation seem to have lost their significance to some extent. After 1991, much of the economy is controlled bythe private sector and there is not any legal provision in India, which binds the private sector to provide reservations to the marginalized. Whenever the issue of reservation in the private sector is raised in public domain, there is a strong reaction from the vested interests. This paper would analyze whether reservations should be extended to the private sector in India.It would study this in the larger framework of

*UGC- Junior Research Fellows Department of Political Science Jamia MilliaIslamia New Delhi



the history of reservationin India.Keywords: Reservation, Marginalization, Private Sector,

Public Sector, StateIntroduction

The Indian society is divided into the four Varnas since the Vedic times and they areBrahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras.1 A person belonging to any one of these Varnas has specific social and economic function and his position in the Varna system determines his position in the social hierarchy. There are further sub-castes within all these Varna groups which are known as Jatisand many Jatis can fall under one varna.2‘Jati, or caste, is a second factor specifying rank in the Hindu social hierarchy. Jatis are roughly determined by occupation. Often region-specific, they are more precise than the sweeping Varna system, which is common across India and can be divided further into sub-castes and sub-sub-castes.

The lower castes have suffered discrimination, exploitation, and oppression for more than 2500 years now. In late 19th century and early 20th century, the entire notion of the caste system was challenged by some of the prominent leaders who emerged amongst these oppressed castes. Periyar, Phule and Ambedkar are some prominent figures. They strongly demanded the reordering of social relationships and challenged all hitherto established social norms.3 These men were staunch opponents of the caste system and wanted to abolish it. These men set the platform for future reservation debate in India.The concept of reservation was not something new or the invention of the framers of the Indian Constitution. The British also provided reservation to the lower castes. Scholars may differ on the issue of intention of the British behind reservation but it is a reality that these provisions helped to create a class of intellectuals among the Scheduled Castes, whochallengedthe discriminatory social system.

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Even though there have been strong arguments in favour of reservation in India but in the recent times, many people and groups have challenged the concept and demandedthe scrapping of the reservations. Another formidable challenge to the concept positive discrimination emerges from the private sector because job reservations in India are only provided in the public sector. After 1991, the economy of India has slipped into the hands of the private sector and this has provided a new dynamic to the concept of reservation in India.A Brief History Of Reservation In India

The British were the first to provide reservations to the Scheduled Castes in India. Political commitments made by the British government likeMontagu-Chelmsford reforms, Simon Commission, Communal Awards, Round Table Conference, and Govt. of IndiaAct, 1935 were all endeavors by British government to elevate the status of backward castes. It wasthe British government which used the term Scheduled Castes for the first time in Government of India Act, 1935.4

The Communal Award has the special significance in relation to reservation in India. The Communal Awards were announced in 1932 by then British Premier Ramsay Macdonald5 and according to these awards, upper castes and lower castes were provided separate electorates. Gandhi came strongly against these awards and started his fast unto death but B R Ambedkar supported the Communal Award. The conundrum was finally solved by the Poona Pact.6 It was agreed that lower and upper castes would constitute single Hindu electorate but the untouchables would have seats reserved for them.7

At the time of Independence of India, it became clear that independent India can’t ignore the demands of the SCs/STs and by the time the Constituent Assembly was formed, its members constituted of 6.5 percent Scheduled Castes. Minority and Scheduled Castes had some influence in the Constituent

Reservation in India: Is there is a Case for Reservation in.....


Assembly with Dr. H.C Mookherjee, an Indian Christian, as Vice-President of the Constituent Assembly, and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, a Dalit, was the chairperson of the Drafting Committee.8 There were regular debates in the Constituent Assembly regarding the marginalized in India. The Objective Resolution, which later became the Preamble of Indian Constitutionprovided for the liberty, equality, fraternity, and safeguards and protection for minorities, backward and tribal areas, and depressed and other backward classes.9

The Constitution of India provides that State shall not deny to any person equality before law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India.10And it further reiterates that State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, and place of birth or any of them,11 and there shall be equality of opportunity for all citizens in matters relating to employment to any office under the State12but it also provides that State can make an exception by providing reservations toSCs and STs.13The Constitution also provides for the reservation of the SC’s and ST’s in House of People, Legislative Assemblies, in services and posts in connection with the affairs of the Union or of a state.14What made the Constituent Assembly legislate for affirmative action? Marc Galanter, in his detailed and extensive study on the legal intricacies, states that the decision to give constitutional support for affirmative action proceeded from an awareness of the entrenched and cumulative nature of group inequalities. Galanter concludes this from the debates in the Constituent Assembly, where affirmative action like many other constitutional articles was discussed in relation to the goal of greater social equality’15.Arguments ‘In Favor Of’ And ‘Against’ Reservations

For centuries, the upper castes have been able to exploit the lower castes, and due to this oppression, the upper

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castes were able to garner both economic and social benefits. Historical injustices perpetuated against SCs/STs demanded that they should be given fair share now, so that they do not feel discriminated. M N Srinivas observes:

“If the historically suppressed sections of the society were to obtain their share of new opportunities they would have to be granted some concessions and privileges, at least for a period. This would necessitate discriminating against the Brahmins, but it would be infinitesimal compared to what the non-Brahmins had suffered for centuries”16.

The SCs and STs have facedisolation for a long time and this isolation has led to their backwardness. Yogendra Yadav says:

“The backwardness of the Scheduled Castes rested on the idea of untouchability, which, despite wide variations in its practice (especially across south and north), was too stark and compelling to permit quibbling. So too with the Scheduled Tribes - their usually sharp spatial (if not always social) separation from mainstream Hindu society and/or their undisputed poverty ensured definitional stability.”17

Not only in economic and social spheres, the privileged position of upper caste benefitted them in education too, as Francine R Frankel says that “In pre-modern times, rigorous criteria of pollution and purity had qualified only the upper twenty percent or so of the population for even the rudiments of education, those belonging to elite sub-castes or jatis grouped under the highest Varna categories. All schools had been restricted to children of these ‘twice born’ castes and virtually all instruction was confined to the teachings of the sacred texts”18. The lack of education is one of the major handicaps which SCs and STs face, and “major justification for upholding reservations for SCs and STs came from the acknowledgement that these communities lacked viable marketable assets that



would allow them to pursue a life of dignity in a democratic society. The Scheduled Castes were denied education, and could only perform menial and polluting jobs, besides suffering from a variety of other deprivations. In the case of the Scheduled Tribes, their physical isolation put them at a disadvantage with respect to others in society. Reservations for these communities were, therefore, meant to raise their marketable skills and educational standards in order to compensate for their historic dis-privileges and facilitate their participation as equal citizens.”19It becomes clear that the lack of education was a major reason for backwardness of the lower castes. Therefore, reservation in education became necessaryin order to include these groups in future democratic setup.

The whole system of caste hierarchy was based on a structure which derived its legitimacy from the ancient Hindu classical texts.20 The basic challenge before the leaders at the time of independence was to address this caste structure. ‘Realizing the structural problem of hierarchic society, the Indian leadership devised the mechanism of positive discrimination to retrieve the disadvantaged sections, specifically the Scheduled castes (SCs) and Scheduled tribes (STs) (for different reasons) from the cul-de-sac.’21 Both Gandhi and Nehru agreed on removing the caste inequalities within Indian society. But they held different views on caste eradication.22

One of the main concerns in the independent India was the question of the future of caste in India.Was it feasible to continue with such kind of inequalities that manifested historical injustices against the marginalized? And what should be done to erase all types of inequalities which had prevailed for the thousands of years? In his most-often referred speech of 26 November 1949, Dr. Ambedkar said that India is found wanting in its

“…recognition of the principle of fraternity. What

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does fraternity mean? Fraternity means a sense of common brotherhood of all Indians - of India being one people.’ The virtues of liberty by themselves do not create fraternity. This is why several liberal theorists are unsure about whether or not state interventions should be allowed for when the issue of overcoming dis-privileges are concerned. The central concern then is how to inculcate a sense of ‘common brotherhood’ among people with divergent histories and who occupy vastly different positions in the economic and social structure of a society.

It should be recognized that fraternity can only come about through a basic set of resemblances between citizens. This conception of resemblances is about citizens being equally able to avail of institutional facilities that ensure their acquisition of those skills that are considered to be socially valuable. In other words, social opportunities exist for individual self-expansion, and it is only individuals now who can exclude themselves. If grinding poverty comes in the way of acquiring such socially valuable skills, then those blocks should be met by developmental interventions such as the anti-poverty programs. But on no account should the removal of poverty be made synonymous with reservations. Reservations are only meant to create a measure of confidence and dignity among those who didn’t dare dream of an alternative life. But that alone cannot create structural conditions that address the root causes of poverty.

Affirmative action is instrumental in enlarging the scope of difference and diversity, but it succeeds in doing so by first ensuring that citizens resemble one another at a very critical level, namely in their ability to acquire socially valuable skills.”23

Therefore,the affirmative action is not only reparation for the past injustice, it also is a future course for SCs/STs which will enable them to embark on the path of upward mobility and



progress by acquiring necessary skills and education.The traditional occupation is one of the major reasons

for the caste oppression. The caste systemwill only disappear when the link between caste and occupation is cut.And the only feasible way of breaking the connection is for government to allocate jobs to the lower castes especially those jobs which has been traditionallythe preserve of the upper castes. Reservation is necessary because thelower castes cannot compete on their own due to historical injustices and different starting positions. “In mattersof trade, government services of superior grade, [and] political and militaryleadership, the Dwijas [the” twice born” or upper castes] have acquired hereditary abilities.”24

Some scholars stress on the economic reasons for the provision of affirmative actions for the lower castes in India. Ashwini Deshpande25 argues that there are the following four broad factors that justify caste-based Affirmative Action in India

1. Material disparities.2. Labor market discrimination: wage and job

discrimination, especially in urban formal sector labour markets.

3. Stigmatized ethnic identity.4. Historical origins of untouchability, but perpetuated

by the contemporary socio-economic system.But there are a significant number of people who

are against reservations and have given an alternative set of justifications against any kind of reservations.First, there is a debate that ‘caste’ is not an appropriate tool for providing reservation in India. The members of the Constituent Assembly were themselves wary of the implementation of any kind of reservations. The members of the Constituent Assembly had problems with not only caste-based reservations but reservation of all kinds. As Frank de Zwartt puts it:

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“Article 340 of the Constitution, which allows the President of India to appoint a commission to develop criteria and select the backward classes. The first of these commissions would be appointed in 1953. For the time being the identity of the backward classes was left unclear, but that does not mean that participants in the debate had no idea: Law Minister B. R. Ambedkar – himself one of the principle drafters of the Constitution - bluntly replied that ‘what are called the backward classes are . . . nothing else but a collection of certain castes’*. According to Nehru, the backward classes were ‘groups, classes, individuals, communities, if you like, who are backward’*. Other speakers in the constituent debates used similarly vague descriptions. Some objected to affirmative action for the backward classes because they feared that from within the backward classes, better-off groups would take all the advantages.’’26

Zwatt further argues that after independence serious doubts about reservations were expressed in parliament too.

“This may be so, but caste-based affirmative action was not what the Constituent Assembly wanted, and the same is true for successive parliaments after independence. The Kalelkar report, with its caste-based selection, was never implemented, and in the early 1960s the Minister of Home Affairs in Delhi issued a letter to all the State governments suggesting that they use economic instead of caste criteria to distribute the benefits of affirmative action: ‘[T]he remedies suggested on the basis of caste,’ the Minister writes, ‘would be worse than the evil of backwardness itself.”27

Second, there have been many cases where the benefits of the reservations have not reached to deservingpeople. Once a person gets reservation and moves up in the social ladder then his kin should cease to receive any kind of benefit of reservation. Dipankar Gupta argues that,“there are two considerations



that escape many uncritical applications of affirmative action. First, affirmative action must resist any tendency whereby its beneficiaries become vested interests. And secondly, it must eventually seek its own dissolution. While the second may be far away, it is by paying attention to the first issue that it is possible for affirmative action to eventually annihilate itself. Paradoxical as it may appear, but when this happens it is then that positive discrimination has finally triumphed.”28

Reservations In Private Sector India liberalized its economy in 1991, and private sector

was given greater space. Till 1991, much of the economy was controlled by the government and reservation for SCs and STs was provided in sectors controlled by the government. But after 1991, government started to privatize economy and due to this privatization SCs and STs lost jobs and job opportunities. The problem therefore is whether government should make it mandatory for all private sector institutions of any type to make reservations forSCs and STs. And if someday such a law is passed then what will be the reaction of the private sector?

Let us first start with the provisions of Constitution whether it provides for reservation in private sector or not. “The Constitution makes provision under Article 16(4) for reservation in employment for socially and educationally backward people. It does not mention either the private or public sector. It only requires the government to make reservation.”29 So, it becomes clear that there are no legal restrictions on government to formulate a comprehensive policy for reservations in the private sector. But the real issue is what will be the reaction of the private sector if such a policy is formulated. “The former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee made public pronouncements in favour of reservation in the private sector when he addressed the SC and ST members of parliament on December 19, 2003. The election manifestos of both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party

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promised to initiate the process of providing affirmativeactionin the private sector.”30There were strong reactions from the private sector against any kind of such policy. Some of the prominent personalities from corporate sector challenged it. Sunil Kumar Munjal, the president of CII, argued out the case by stating, “We cannot be forced to take individuals who don’t have the required skills. We cannot afford to compromise on efficiency. That would affect our competitiveness. We cannot compromise on merit. Corporate sector does not go by color of skin, caste or the last name.”31 Similarly, Rahul Bajaj, the Chairman of Bajaj Auto, wrote an article in The Times of India (September 21, 2004), opposing any imposition of reservation policy on the private sector. He argued that it will harm merit and that the private sector has already given one-third of jobs to the SC/STs and OBCs on merit, without any discrimination.”32

Now the question is, whether the reservation is justified against the charges leveled by these industrialists. The reservation for the marginalized in the private sector is both feasible and justified. First, we must understand why reservation is demanded in private sector and then deal with the efficiency questions.The question of reservation in the private sector was the result of liberalization of the economy after 1991. “The demand for affirmative action in private sector emanates from this fact that this would enable participation of weaker sections in employment and market since they suffer multiple discriminations. The liberalization, privatization and globalization processes are ushering in the power of market. Privatization has further marginalized the weaker sections by reducing the scope available in public sector, since the public sector itself is being disinvested. The significant fact is that according to 1948 Industrial Act, 18 sectors were reserved as the public-sector enterprises.Over the years, these have been also converted into private sector and now only half a dozen of these remain as public sector. This has directly and definitively



given a death blow to the tribals and the Dalits in terms of job opportunities.”33 The lower castes and tribals have lost their jobs since 1991 and the rate of job loss and unemployment amongst these groups is more than other non-SC/ST groups. “According to the report of the Working Group on the Empoweringof Scheduled Castes, over 1,13,450 job opportunitieswere lost by the scheduledcastes in the Central government from 1992-97. There was a declineof 10.07 per cent job opportunities. The lower castes are at loss because of the privatization of economy because not only they had to face tough competition, for which they are not ready due to social circumstances, they also have lost many jobs because of the disinvestment of the many public-sector enterprises.

Now, let us look at the efficiency argument which is forwarded by private sector on the question of reservation. If efficiency, productivity and competition, supposed pillars of the private sector, are compromised by reservations then what is the way out? SukhdeoThorat says that, “If the societal discrimination in private domain is the justification for reservation in public sectors, why cannot such a policy be extended to the private sector?”34 Therefore, the question we are concerned here is not of efficiency, productivity and competitiveness but it is social justice which becomes important.

MeiraKumar has argued that, “since the government provides free land, tax exemption, credit from government-owned banks andmany other infrastructure facilities to private industries, it is morally entitled to ask in return reservations for socially backward people. In some states, the state governments have forced private educational institutions which receive government grants to provide reservations in admissions as well as in jobs.”35 Only efficiency, productivity and competitiveness doesn’t become criteria for the reservation of SC’s and ST’s, we have already discussed above the handicaps which these groups face in matters of education and skill development due

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to historical circumstances. Thimmiah argues that, “For the last 50 years it has not been possible for the SC/STs to enter IITs in significant numbers because of the very high standard of tests prescribed. The past governments did not bother to help the SC/ST aspirants with special coaching and counseling. The same is true of IIMs. The private sector makes large recruitments from IITs and IIMs. If qualified SC/ST candidates are not there, how will the SC/ STs benefit from reservation? The government cannot force the private sector to lower the standards, as it will adversely affect its productivity. The range of marks required for selection is 80 per cent to 95 per cent in engineering and management courses. How many SC/ST candidates qualify in that range of marks? In other words, reservations in the private sector may not benefit a significant number of SC/ST candidates because they are not equipped to tap employment opportunities in the private sector. Consequently, they will have to be satisfied with unskilledand semi-skilled jobs”.36

Since efficiency becomes deciding factor in private sector recruitments then why can’t government take measures to make SCs/STs more efficient? Sudha Pai argues that, “A new, post-independence, educated, upwardly mobile and politically aware Dalit middle-class, itself a product of reservations, believes that this traditional policy is no longer useful following liberalization and emergence of a competitive market. Attracted by an expanding private sector this growing middle-class is keen to introduce preferential policies of affirmative action to obtain a share in the expanding industrial/business sectors of the economy.”37 These new Dalit middle class intellectuals are not against any kind of reservations but they argue that Dalit’s and lower classes should become entrepreneurs because this will increase their prospect of being in market and will teach them to face the competition. However, the State must provide them sufficient opportunities, as Sudha Pai further argues that, “in this the state must play a role, as the structures of



entrepreneurship in a polity are a result of the manner in which governments disburse monopoly powers.”38Therefore, state must back up Dalit entrepreneurs like it has always backed up the private sector. Pai further says that, “the private sector, it is alleged, has historically practiced caste-based discrimination, and human capital differentials such as education, skills, and training alone cannot explain the lack of advancement of disadvantaged groups. Neither greaterinvestment in education nor the emergence of a more open, competitive market, and a strong private sector with more jobs, can correct this “inefficiency in labour allocation” based on serious discrimination.”39 It means that only education and skills are not enough for Dalits to overcome discrimination, which they are facing. Therefore,Dalits must be entrepreneurs themselves to challenge discriminations faced in private sector.

Not only government but private sector also, can voluntarily help entrepreneurs from lower castes to enter and compete in larger market.Pai says that, “Drawing on the American model particularly on voluntariness, it demands that both the State and the private sector practice diversepolicies such as giving dealershipsand contracts to dalits/tribals. This will create an entrepreneurial middle class from these communities that can enter the economic mainstream, participate in decision making and obtain a share in the fruits of development.”40

Dipankar Gupta says that, “In America, the State encourages private sector units to employ people of diverse backgrounds without specifying quotas for different races. If these enterprises can show a fair racial mix then they can get preferential contracts from the government. The State cannot force any private sector unit to implement affirmative action. It is a combination of goodwill and rewards that takes affirmative action forward in the private sector of America. For example, Bob Jones University does not receive any public money and,

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therefore, it refuses to accept affirmative action, even of the most muted kind. It is only when organizations depend on state funding, or when they want to be rewarded by the State, that policy of affirmative action comes to life.”41 Therefore, State must encourage established non-SC/ST business to help the entrepreneursSCs/STs to get into the mainstream economic life. The government should devise a policy of rewards for those private businesses, which employ SCs/STs and provide any other technical assistance to their businesses. The government at the same time should make it sure that SCs/STs are the real beneficiaries of the policies and gestures of the private sector.Conclusion

The SCs/STs have faced the worst kind of discrimination and exploitation in India for many centuries. They were deprived a life of dignity by the upper castes and this deprivation drew sanctity from religious texts of Hindu religion. The SCs/STs were always complacent with their position in the society. It was only during the British reign this social system of exploitation faced its first opponents. These opponents, of traditional Varna system and social order, were themselves products of education and special privileges granted to them by the Britishers. It was tireless effort of leaders of lower castes that reservations were included in the Constitution of India. Majority of the members of Constituent Assembly unanimously supported reservations for SCs/STs. The justification for reservations is based on argument that past social, economic and educational injustices which SCs/STs have faced, need reparation, therefore, such policies should be devised, which help these groups to come out of the handicaps caused by these injustices. Not only reparation for past injustices, reservation was justified on ideal of a future egalitarian democracy, which India was going to be.After Independence, India opted for socialistic pattern of society and majority of the economy was under government control.



Therefore, reservation for SCs/STs was to be provided in the public sector. After 1991, when economy was liberalized, many public-sector undertakings were privatized. There has been loss of large number of jobs for SCs/STs because of privatization. And there is no law in India which mandates the private sector to give reservations to SCs/STs. The privatization of public sector didn’t follow with corresponding set of legislation for reservation of the marginalized in the private sector. Therefore, effective measures need to be taken to address the issue. After 2000, many political parties in India came in support of the reservation in the private sector. There were strong reactions from prominent corporate personalities against any kind of such policy, which, they argued, will compromise efficiency, productivity and competitiveness of private sector. Some scholars argue that reservations have failed to achieve the goals they were meant for. They don’t reject reservations altogether but argue that State should help to create entrepreneurs among SCs/STs. They further state that most of the SCs/STs face discrimination in the private sector job market and that needs to be corrected too. Some scholars argue that private sector should voluntarily employ SCs/STs and State should reward such private enterprises. There is currently no law in India which obliges private sector to employ SCs/STs. There is also not any kind of voluntary gesture by the private sector. The fact remains that SCs/STs have lost a large number of jobs due to liberalization, privatization and globalization and this needs to be compensated with adequate number of jobs in the private sector. Social justice rather than efficiency should be the guiding principle for the State. Refrences

• Amaranth Mohanty, “Affirmative Action in India: An Alternative Perspective”, Economic and Political Weekly[2007], http://www.jstor.org/stable/4419845.

• Ashwini Deshpande, “Quest for Equality: Affirmative Action in India”, Indian Journal of Industrial Relations[2008],http://

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www.jstor.org/stable/27768186.• Basu, D.D, Introduction to the Constitution of India[New Delhi,

Butterworths Wadhwa , 2009].• Chandra, Bipin et al, India’s Struggle for Independence [New

Delhi, Penguin Books, 1989].• Dharma Kumar, “The Affirmative Action Debate in India”, Asian

Survey[1992], accessed on February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/2644940.

• Dipankar Gupta, “Towards Affirmative Action”, India International Centre Quarterly[2006], http://www.jstor.org/stable/23006077.

• Frank de Zwart, “The Logic of Affirmative Action: Caste, Class and Quotas in India”, Acta Sociologica[2000],http://www.jstor.org/stable/4201209.

• Frankel, Francine, India’s Political Economy, 1947-2004: The Gradual Revolution,[New Delhi: Oxford India Press, 2005].

• G. Thimmaiah, “Implications of Reservations in Private Sector”, Economic and Political Weekly[2005], http://www.jstor.org/stable/4416239.

• Galanter, Marc. Competing Equalities: Law and the Backward Classes in India,[New Delhi, Oxford Univeristy Press, 1984].

• Jayal, Nirija Gopal et al (ed.), The Oxford Companionto Politics in India, [New Delhi: Oxford University Press,2010].

• Prakash Louis, “Affirmative Action in Private Sector”, Economic and Political Weekly[2004], http://www.jstor.org/stable/4415409.

• Srinivas, M N, Social Change in Modern India [New Delhi, Orient Longman, 1995].

• Sudha Pai, “Changing Dialectics of “Dalit” Aspirations: Demand for Affirmative Action”, Indian Journal of Industrial Relations[2008], http://www.jstor.org/stable/27768192.

• SukhdeoKhorat, “On Reservation Policy for Private Sector”, Economic and Political Weekly[2004], http://www.jstor.org/stable/4415165.

• Yogendra Yadav, “Redesigning Affirmative Action: Castes and Benefits in Higher Education”, Economic and Political Weekly[2006], http://www.jstor.org/stable/4418341.



• “Reservations in India”, http://www.ambedkar.org/News/reservationinindia.pdf.

Footnotes1. M N Srinivas, Social Change in Modern India [Orient Longman,

New Delhi, 1995], pp 7-8.2. Ashwini Deshpande, “Quest for Equality: Affirmative Action

in India”, Indian Journal of Industrial Relations[2008], accessedFebruary 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27768186.

3. Ibid , page 74. “Reservations in India”, http://www.ambedkar.org/News/

reservationinindia.pdf , page 9.5. Bipin Chandra et al, India’s Struggle for Independence [Penguin

Books, New Delhi, 1989], page 290.6. Ibid, page 2917. Ibid, page 2918. “Reservations in India”, http://www.ambedkar.org/News/

reservationinindia.pdfpage 26, Christophe Jaffrelot, India’s Silent Revolution (London: Hurst & Co., in publication), 208, citing research by G. Austin in The Indian Constitution, Appendix III.

9. D. D. Basu, Introduction to the Constitution of India(Butterworths Wadhwa, New Delhi,2009), page 20-21

10. Article 14, Indian Constitution in D. D. Basu, Introduction to the Constitution of India(Butterworths Wadhwa, New Delhi,2009), page 92.

11. Ibid, Article 15(1), page 93.12. Ibid, Article 16(1), page 95.13. Ibid, Article 16(4A), page 96.14. Ibid, Article 330, Article 332, and Article 335 respectively, page

406.15. ‘Galanter’ quoted in Frank de Zwart, “The Logic of

Affirmative Action: Caste, Class and Quotas in India”, Acta Sociologica[2000], accessed February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4201209.

16. M N Srinivas, Social Change in Modern India [Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1995], page110.

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17. Yogendra Yadav, “Redesigning Affirmative Action: Castes and Benefits in Higher Education”, Economic and Political Weekly[2006], accessed February 26,2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4418341.

18. Francine Frankel, India’s Political Economy, 1947-2004: The Gradual Revolution,[New Delhi: Oxford India Press, 2005],page 5.

19. Dipankar Gupta, “Towards Affirmative Action”, India International Centre Quarterly[2006], accessed February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23006077.

20. Surendra Jodka, “Caste and Politics”, inThe Oxford Companionto Politics in India, ed. Nirija Gopal Jayal et al. (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,2010), page 6.

21. Amaranth Mohanty, “Affirmative Action in India: An Alternative Perspective”, Economic and Political Weekly[2007], accessed on February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4419845.

22. For detailed views of both Gandhi and Nehru, see Francine Frankel, India’s Political Economy, 1947-2004: The Gradual Revolution,[New Delhi: Oxford India Press, 2005], page 11.

23. Dipankar Gupta, “Towards Affirmative Action”, India International Centre Quarterly[2006], accessed February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23006077.

24. Dharma Kumar, “The Affirmative Action Debate in India”, Asian Survey[1992], accessed on February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/2644940.

25. Ashwini Deshpande, “Quest for Equality: Affirmative Action in India”, Indian Journal of Industrial Relations[2008], accessed February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27768186.

26. Galanter quoted inFrank de Zwart, “The Logic of Affirmative Action: Caste, Class and Quotas in India”, Acta Sociologica[2000], accessed February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4201209.

27. Ibid.28. Dipankar Gupta, “Towards Affirmative Action”, India

International Centre Quarterly[2006], accessed February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23006077.

29. G. Thimmaiah, “Implications of Reservations in Private Sector”, Economic and Political Weekly[2005], accessed on February 26,



2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4416239.30. Prakash Louis, “Affirmative Action in Private Sector”, Economic

and Political Weekly[2004], accessed on February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4415409.

31. Ibid.32. G. Thimmaiah, “Implications of Reservations in Private Sector”,

Economic and Political Weekly[2005], accessed on February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4416239.

33. Prakash Louis, “Affirmative Action in Private Sector”, Economic and Political Weekly[2004], accessed on February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4415409.

34. SukhdeoKhorat, “On Reservation Policy for Private Sector”, Economic and Political Weekly[2004], accessed on February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4415165.

35. G. Thimmaiah, “Implications of Reservations in Private Sector”, Economic and Political Weekly[2005], accessed on February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4416239.

36. Ibid.37. Sudha Pai, “Changing Dialectics of “Dalit” Aspirations:

Demand for Affirmative Action”, Indian Journal of Industrial Relations[2008], accessed on February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27768192.

38. Ibid.39. Ibid.40. Ibid41. Dipankar Gupta, “Towards Affirmative Action”, India

International Centre Quarterly[2006], accessed February 26, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23006077.

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Status and Role of Women of Halakki Vakkaliga Tribe: A Study of Ankola and KumtaTalukas of

Uttara Kannada District, Karnataka

*Dr. Sangeeta Gaonkarand

**Dr. Seema P. Rath

Abstract

Uttara Kannada, one of the largest districts of Karnataka possesses diverse geographical features with a forest cover ofover 80 per cent and a long coastal line of around 140 km.Halakki Vokkaliga tribe, the indigenous people of costal Karnataka settled at the base of Western Ghats are known as the “Aboriginals of Uttara Kannada”.The tribe having a population of around two lakhs is grouped under Other Backward Classes, and including them under Schedule Tribe category with demands from them is under consideration by the State Government. Ankola and Kumatatalukas of Uttara Kannada district account for over 60 per cent of the total halakkipopulation of the district.The present paper attempts to study the socio-economic background of halakki tribe with special focus on the status and role of women inAnkola and Kumtatalukas ofUttara

*Associate Professor of Economics, SUBN Theosophical College, Hospet, Hampi Road, Hospet, Karnataka. **Associate Professor of Economics, Government College, Khandola-Marcela, Goa



Kannada. The study makes use of both primary and secondary sources of data. The study reveals that, the halakkis belong to poor socio-economic status. In halakkisociety women enjoy considerable freedom and play an important role in family and community life.They perform range of agricultural activities and bear great work burden as well with lethargic attitude of men.They need to be included in the Scheduled Tribe category as with their poor socio-economic condition,it is difficult for them to compete with other caste people included in the Other Backward Class. Creating awareness among men and the youth regarding healthy living and getting educated is also essential for their socio-economic progress. Keywords: Uttara Kannada, HalakkiVakkaliga Tribe,

Socio-economic status, Role of Women, A nkola, Kumta.Introduction

Uttara Kannada, the 5th largest district of Karnataka is endowed with abundant natural resources. It possesses diverse geographical features with thick forest, perennial rivers and plentiful flora and fauna and a long coastal line of around 140 km. The district, with a land area of 10.25 lakh hectares has a forest cover of over 80 per cent and the area under cultivation accounts only about 10 per cent of the total area (Government of Karnataka). The District consists of 11 Statutory Towns i.e., Talukas and seven (07) Census towns (Census of India 2011). The district with a population of around 1.44 million, accounts for 2.4 per cent of the State’spopulation. It is the third least dense district (density of population being 140) of Karnataka (Table 1). In terms of literacy, it occupied fourth place and had a lower male-female literacy gap (11.2 percentage points)compared to the state average (14.39 percentage points).

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Table-1Demographic Features of the Study Area, 2011

Feature Ankola Kumata Uttara Kannada District

Area (Sq. Km.) 904.77 562.45 10277

Population 92023 125014 1437169No. of Households 21897 28235 324530

Rural Population 75388

(81.92%)

1 1 7 5 6 1 (94.04%)

1018188

(70.85%)Literacy Rate 84.1 85.4 84.1Density of Population 110 251 140

Sex Ratio 976 975 979No. of Villages 80 118 1289

No. of Towns 3 1 18Source: Statistical Handbook of Uttara Kannada, 2005-06, Census of India 2011, Karnataka

Sidhi, Kunabi, Halakki Vokkaliga, Gonda and Gouli are the main tribes of the district.HalakkiVokkaligas, the indigenous people of costal Karnataka settled at the base of Western Ghats are known as the “Aboriginals of Uttara Kannada”. They have their own administrative system and their head is called “Gouda”. Their way of living is still ancient with men practically with minimum cloth and the women with distinct attire draped with beads and necklaces, heavy nose rings (Government of Karnataka). However, the HallakiVokkaliga community which is rapidly modernisingis losing its ethnicity. According to the Census of 2011, their population was around two lakhs. The tribe is grouped under Other Backward Classes (OBC), and including them under ST category with demands from the tribe is under consideration by the State Government (TNN, 2017).

Men and women are physically and biologically different but the degree and level of equality, role and status of men and

Status and Role of Women of Halakki Vakkaliga Tribe: A Study.....


women depends on the given social system. In tribal society, the status of women is generally measured in her ‘freedom of choice’, types of taboos, role in the family and clan, role in household work and customary status. This sense of equality is based on community participation as a basic right irrespective of sex, social, cultural and all religious matters. The halakkivakkaliga tribe is based on patriarchal system and only male numbers of the family can inherit ancestral property. However, there are some exceptional cases where landed property is presented to the daughter as a marriage gift. But, ancestral properties that have been passed down from the male line cannot be given to females. If there is no male in the household, the property goes to the nearest male member among the clan members. In spite of male bias in traditional customary laws, halakkisociety does not treat women as property or slaves. She enjoys considerable freedom as a daughter, wife, and mother and plays an important role in the family as well as in community life.

The present paper attempts to analyse the role of women in terms ofhousehold work,workforce participation, division of labor and women position in the halakkivakkaligatribe with special reference to the Ankola and Kumtataluks of Uttara Kannada district, Karnataka state.Sources of Data and Methodology

The present study is based on both primary and secondary sources of data. The required primary information was collected from 185 randomly selected women of halakkivakkaliga tribe spread over 10 sample villages of Ankola and Kumatatalukas of Uttara Kannada district. These two talukashad a relatively larger proportion of halakki tribe population (over 26% in each) to the total population (Table 2) and together housed over 60 per cent of the total halakkipopulation (Table 3) of the district.The secondary data was collected from the Population Census, Official Website of Uttara Kannada, Government of Karnataka,

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HalakkiVakkaliga Association, etc.Simple statistical tools such as averages and percentages

have been used to analyse the collected data.Table-2

Proportion of Halakki Tribes in Uttara Kannada District, 2001Taluka Total

PopulationHalakki Tribe Population

Percentage of Halakki

PopulationUttara Kannada District 1,353,644 102500 7.57

Ankola 101,549 26500 26.10

Kumata 145,826 38000 26.06Source: Halakki Vakkaliga Association, 2001Profile of Study Area

Ankola and Kumta are the costal talukas of Uttara Kannada district. In terms of area, Ankolais larger in size with an area of904.77 Sq. Km. compared to Kumta which has an area of 562.45 Sq. Km. (Table 1). However, as per the Census 2011, Kumta has more population leading to higher density of population (251), whileAnkola has lower density of population (110) compared to Kumta and the district average (140). The proportion of rural population to the total population is very high in Kumta (94.04%) and significant in Ankola (81.92%) compared to the district average (70.85%). The literacy rate and sex ratio in both talukas are comparable to that of the district average with a slightly higher literacy rate in Kumtaand a slightly better sex ratio in the district as a whole. The halakkivakkaligatribe population formed more than one-fourth of the totaltaluka population of both talukas, while it was only around eight per cent of the total population of the district as a whole (Table 2). This clearly shows the importance of halakkivakkaligas in the sample talukas.



Socio-economic Status of Halakki Vakkaliga TribeThe halakkivakkaligasare mainly found in total 221

villages (17.15% villages of the district) of five talukas of Uttara Kannada district, namely Karwar, Ankola, Kumta, Honnavar and Sirsi (Table 3). They formed 4.14 per cent of the total households and 7.13 per cent of the total population of the district. Their average household size was significantly higher (7.64) compared to the overall average household size of the district (4.43).

Table-3Taluka-wise distribution of Halakki VakkaligaTribes in Uttar

Kannada, 2001 (in percentages)Taluka No. of

VillagesNo. of

HouseholdsApproximate Population

Karwar 18.10 18.63 17.56Ankola 24.43 27.83 25.85Kumata 38.46 31.48 37.07Honnavar 18.10 19.00 17.56Sirsi 0.90 0.89 1.46Total 100.00 100.00 100.00(in Absolute Numbers) 221 13420 102500District Total (All Category) 1289 324530 1437169

Source: HalakkiVakkaliga’s Association, 2001Age-wise distribution of Women Respondents

The required information for the study was collected from the randomly selected women from 10 sample villages of Ankola and Kumtatalukas. The age-wise distribution of women respondents indicates that over 50 per cent of the total respondentsbelonged to the age group of 30-40 (Table 4). Majority of the women respondents were from 20 to 45 years in Ankola and from 20 to 40 years in Kumta, within that, maximum respondents were in the age group of 30-40 (56% in Kumta and 45.88% in Ankola). The number of respondents from above 40

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years was considerably low in Kumta. Table-4

Age-wise distribution of Women Respondents, 2010 (in Percentages)

Age group Ankola Kumata Average

20-30 16.47 32.00 25.00

30-40 45.88 56.00 51.09

40-45 28.24 6.00 16.30

45 & Above 9.41 6.00 7.61

Total 100.00 100.00 100.00Source: Primary Survey 2010.Educational Level

Educational background is one of the important determinants of socio-economic status of any society. The study shows that more than half of the halakki people (both male and female) belonged to primary education level, nearly 13 per cent of halakki women and over eight per cent of men were illiterate (Table 5). Maximum proportion of men (82.15%) and women (77.29%)halakkivakkaligas had upto secondary level of education, while only around 10 per cent (males- 9.72% and females- 10.26%) of the halakkis continued their education above secondary level. A comparison between Ankola and Kumtatalukahalakkis reveals that, Kumta had relatively more illiterates and secondary educated, while Ankola had relatively more with primary education and education above secondary level. One of the interesting facts seen from the survey in Ankola is that, even though females were slightly more illiterate and slightly less primary educated compared to males; their proportions with secondary education, D.Ed.(more than double) and B.Ed. were more thanthe males.However, in Kumta at all levels of education, the proportion of females was lower than the males, with more female illiteracy.



Table-5Educational Status of Halakkis (in Percentages)

Level of Education

Ankola Kumata All

Male Female Male Female Male FemaleIlliterate 3.51 5.88 12 19 8.10 12.97Primary 58.82 56.97 50 45 54.05 50.27Secondary 10.81 23.52 32 30 28.10 27.02D.Ed. 2.3 4.70 01 2 1.62 3.24Graduation (BA/B.Sc.)

7.05 5.8 04 2 5.4 3.78

B.Ed. 2.3 3.5 01 2 1.62 3.24MA/M.Sc. 2.3 0 00 0 1.08 0All Category 100 100 100 100 100

Source: Primary Survey,2010.Occupational Pattern

The occupational pattern of halakkis shows that agriculture was the main occupation of halakkis with around 95 per cent of the population depending on it (Table 6). This dependence is more in the case in Kumta (97%) compared to Ankola (94.11%). This may be due to lower level of education of halakkis. The proportion of them depending on Government / or private services can be associated with the proportion of halakki males and females with the level of education above secondary, i.e., D.Ed., Graduation, B.Ed. and MA/M.Sc.(Table 5).

Table-6Distribution of Halakki Population by type of Occupation

Occupation Ankola Kumata All Agriculture 94.11 97.00 95.61Government / Private Service 5.88 3.00 4.32

Source: PrimarySurvey, 2010.

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Income LevelThe distribution of halakkis as per the level of income

shows that on average, over 54 per cent of them belong to low income group of below Rs. 10,000/- while only around 6 per cent belong to the income level of above Rs. 20,000/-. The proportion of halakkis belonging to low income group of below Rs. 10,000/- was considerably higher in Kumtataluka (76%) compared to Ankola (46.76%).The percentage of halakkiswith income level of above Rs. 20,000/- in Ankola (8.2%) was double the proportion of Kumta (4%). This reveals that the halakkis in Ankola were better off in terms of income than the halakkis of Kumta.

Table-7Distribution of Halakki Households of the Study Area by Level

of MonthlyIncomeLevel of Income Ankola Kumata Average

Below Rs. 10,000 46.76 76 54.05

Rs. 10,000 – Rs. 20,000 39.99 30 34.59

Rs. 20,000 and above 8.2 4 5.94Source: PrimarySurvey, 2010.Family Structure

In halakki households, on average their children constituted nearly 54 per cent and the rest consisted of parents, grandparents and other extended family members (Table 8). The sex ratio among them was found to be considerably low (880 female per 1000 males) which is far below the overall sex ratio of Ankola (976), Kumta(975) and Uttar Kannada district (971) (Table 1). Between the two talukas, Kumta had a very low sex ratio (856) compared to Ankola(910).Lower sex ratio is a cause of concern and hence, needs to be addressed.



Table-8Family Structure of the Sample Households (in Percentages)Details Ankola Kumata Average

Children 52.63 54.44 53.69

Parents / Grandparents/ Other family members

47.37 45.56 47.31

Total (percentage) 100.00 100.00 100.00

Total (number) 361 439 799

Sex Ratio 910 856 880Overall Sex Ratio 976 975 971

Source: Primary Survey, 2010.The halakki households had a small family size as is

evident from the fact that their average family size was slightly above four in both the talukas due to effective family planning. The small size family mainly could be credited to halakki women as over 80 per cent and 76 per cent of them in Ankola and Kumta respectively underwent Tubectomy (Table 9) mostly with their own decision and action. Even though they are tribal, cent percent of deliveries in Kumtaand over 95 per cent in Ankola were in hospitals.The proportion of families having two children was maximum (47.57%), followed by three children (40%) while there was no family in Ankola with more than three and Kumta with more than four children (Table 10). This clearly indicates that, the halakkihouseholds, especially womenare moving towards modernization not only in their costumes but also in their life style and thinking.

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Table- 9Awareness about Family Planning of Halakki Households of

the Study Area Details Ankola Kumata Average

Family Size 4.2 4.3 4.3

Family Planning Surgery (Tubectomy) 88.24 76.00 81.62

Delivery in the Hospital 95.29 100.00 97.84

No. of Households 85 100 185Source: Primary Survey, 2010.

Table-10Distribution of Halakki Households by Number of Children (in

Percentages)No. of Children Ankola Kumata Average

No Child 4.71 0.00 2.16

One Child 5.88 10.00 8.11

Two Children 50.59 45.00 47.57

Three Children 38.82 41.00 40.00

Four Children 0.00 4.00 2.16

Five Children 0.00 0.00 0.00

Total 100.00 100.00 100.00Source: Primary Survey, 2010.Work Participation

The population Census definition of work is restricted to economically productive activities. Work is a defining force in livelihood of people. In the halakkisociety, household work plays a significant role in their livelihood system. Generally, the halakkiworking cycle starts just before the onset of rainy season. During this period thehalakki men become busy collecting housing materials for renovating their houses turn by



turn by relatives, neighbours or friends free of cost to face the rainy season. After this, they start with farming activities like preparing land for sowing, seed sowing, plantation, weeding and lastly harvesting.

Gender Division of Labour: Thebasic division of labouris mostly found on the basis of gender. From the simplest hunting and gathering bands to the most complex industrial societies there are certain criteria for men’s job and women’s job. Therefore it is argued that gender roles are culturally determined and that inequality between the sexes results from socially constructed power relationships (Shimray, 2004). Thus, the gender division of labour in the household prevails in all societies for which halakkitribe is not an exception. However, in the case of halakkis, the division of labour has an intrinsic relationship with their tradition, culture and economic system. Women who become head of the village take part only in religious work.The division also differentiates between children and parents. The existence of a patriarchal mindset makes menfolk dominant in taking decisions. There is a common saying among halakkis, ‘women don’t plough’ and ‘men don’t carry firewood’.

The halakkisocietyrelies on the principle of cooperation where in exchange of labour is one of the important features. Sometimes exchange of labour is compensated with paddy. The reciprocal arrangement and exchange of labour or the barter system makes the household’s economic pursuit less burdensome. Such exchange of economic activities, facilitate more space for cultural interaction and sustenance of its value system (Shimray, 2004).

Women Work Participation: Women have a wide range ofresponsibilities, starting from household maintenance to various agricultural activities, and they have greater work burden. Women performed predominantly household duties,

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which could be considered as ‘economically productive’ work but unpaid work and hence not included in the calculation of income. The halakkiwomen work can be divided into two type namely household and outside work. The household workconsists of fetching water, feeding domestic animals, pounding and husking, tending kitchen garden, taking care of children, sick and elderly people, drying grains and seeds, cleaning and washing, construction of fence and repairing. The outside work can again be divided into two types as regular work and occasional work. The regular work involves farming, collection of firewood, trade and other professional work, and studying. The occasional work involves collecting of housing material, collection of fruits, berries and wild plants, construction, social and cultural activities and community work.

The halakkimother,begins her day at around 4.30 am. After getting up, she makes fire in the hearth and then goes to fetch water either from the tap or well. She has to cook the day’s food quickly in the morning so that her husband can go to field and children to schoolson time. At the same time, she must feed the domestic animals. The mother along with children fetches the firewood that was cut down by male family members. When there is no firewood to fetch, she attends the kitchen garden in which vegetables are grown for household consumption and also to sell in the market. She helps her husband in various cultivation activities like clearing the slash forest and turning soil for farming, works the whole day and returns home in the evening. If there are no other female members around, she prepares dinner. After dinner she washes the dishes, cleans up the house and cooks the animal feed for the next day. Thus, halakkiwomen spend considerable time on work and nearly 97 per cent of them spend 12 to 14 hours a day while the rest spend 10 to 12 hours (Table 11). In Kumta, the proportion of women devoting 12 to 14 hours is found more (97%) than their counterparts in Ankola (94%).



Table-11Halakki Women’s Time Spent on Work (in percentages)

Time Spent Ankola Kumata Average10 to 12 hours 5.23 3.00 4.2312 to 14 hours 94.00 97.00 96.70

Source: Primary Survey, 2010.Role of Women

Mother is the first person to teach social etiquette and moral conduct to children. Through the proper maintenance of the family, halakkisociety is able to sustain its customs and values. The household functionally encompasses a wide range of relatives including grandparents, parents, children, brothers, sisters, cousins, aunts and uncles. Households are the fundamental building blocks ofhalakkisociety. In the family, even though husband is main decision maker in the family, wifeexercises a tremendous influence over her husband and family.

Men and women are physically and biologically different but the degree and level of equality, role and status of men and women depends upon the given social system. In tribal society, the status of women is generally measured in terms of her freedom of choice, types of taboos, role in the family and clan, role in household work and customary status (Shimray, 2004). In the halakkisociety, there is vadhudakshina tradition and vidhavavivahha tradition. Thus there is a sense of equality which is based on community participation as a basic right irrespective of sex in all social, cultural and religious matters.Halakki women are becoming more responsible with their hard work. They are also adaptable to modern thinking and life style with the influence of education and awareness programmes. They take appropriate decisions for themselves and for the family due to increasinglethargic attitude of the male folks. Drinking alcohol was forbidden by the tribe earlier. But, unhealthy intake of

157

alcohol and chewing tobacco is affecting the males of the tribe leading to increased responsibility of women. Halakki women ably take the responsibility and strive for the welfare of their family.

Halakki women have freedom to participate freely in singing and dancing during festivals, free to choose life partner, head of the family and also life partners to their daughters. Halakki mothers are hardworking and dutiful to their husbands and manage their family properly. Conclusion

The study reveals that halakkitribe in Uttar Kannada still has poor socio-economic status. Compared to Kumtataluka, the status of halakkisis better in Ankola. The halakki women have a better realisation regarding need to change with times. Education and awareness programmes play a vital role in bringing about change for better. They shouldera greater work burden with the lethargic attitude and lack of interest in shouldering household responsibility by men. Therefore, it is essential to create awareness among halakki tribe especially among youth and males for taking active interest in their own development which might reduce the burden of women.Considering the poor socio-economic status of the halakkis, we suggest that there is a need for them to be included in the Scheduled Tribe category as it is difficult for them to compete with other caste people having better socio-economic statusincluded in Other Backward Class group. This would facilitate their socio-economic progress and to merge with the main stream of the society.References

• Census of India 2011, Karnataka. Series-30, Part XII-B, District Census Handbook, Uttara Kannada, (PCA).

• Desai D.(1945) Vakkals: The Aboriginals of Kanara, Servantsof India society, Bombay, Pp. 1 to8.

• Gaonkar, S. (2010), Ph.D. Thesis titled “A Study of Socio-economic



Transformation of HalakkiWomen” (HalakkiMahileyarSamajik-ArthikParivartaneyaNelegalu: OnduAdhyayan), Kannada University, Hampi.

• Government of Karnataka, Official Website of Uttara Kannada, Deputy Commissioner, Uttara Kannada (Karwar). http://uttarakannada.nic.in/aboutus.html

• Times of India (TNN)|, HalakkiVokkaligas await inclusion in Scheduled Tribes’ list. Feb 21, 2017, 06.26 AM IST. http://timesofindia. indiatimes.com/city/bengaluru/halakki-vokkaligas-await-inclusion-in-scheduled-tribes-ist/articleshow/57260570.cms

• Shimray, U. A. (2004), Women’s work in Naga Society,Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 39, Issue No. 17, 24 Apr, 2004. Pp. 1698

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159

Changing Livelihood Pattern of Irula Tribal Youth of Krishnagiri District, Tamil Nadu

*Mr.S.Sudharsan**Dr. A.Enoch

Abstract

The forests of Krishnagiri provide the life support system for the major tribal Youth population of the district, the Irulars. Krishnagiri District has Irula tribes in the buffer zone of forest areas besides traces of other tribes in remote pockets like Thally and Jawalagiri areas. The youth were also re-located along with their family members during the special resettlement plan of Irula tribes from the reserved forest areas, in order to avoid the continuing threats to special category of trees like sandalwood, rose wood, red sanders, etc., The Irula tribes were provided with few cents of land in Irrudukottai Village to pursue agriculture and horticulture for their livelihood and were also supported to some extent of finance and techniques. It appears apparently that these supports are not adequate enough to qualify for the sustainability aspect of the resettlement. Thereby the tribes have started looking for other options

*Assistant Professor, Department of Social Work (Aided), Madras Christian College, Chennai** Assistant Professor, Department of Social Work (Aided), Madras School of Social Work, Chennai



and including migration to urban areas like Hosur Sipcot, Bangalore etc., and adopting urban livelihood options. Hence as a youth stock, there are almost none in the resettled areas, where the government provided IAY houses, plus other amenities like street light and water taps etc. This means a lot other mis-match.Key Words: Irulas, Migration, Livelihood, Tribal, Youth

IntroductionThe life style and tradition of each indigenous community

is unique and is related to the utilization of particular natural resource and particular type of work. They had been collecting resources from forest without causing any damage to it. The forest provides them with food and livelihood security. Since tribal communities live in close proximity with biodiversity rich landscapes, they have evolved local specific and novel livelihood strategies based on their indigenous knowledge. This knowledge was passed on through generations and it played an important role in the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity. By and large, they were depending on nature for their survival. Thus, there always existed an organic unity between humans and their surrounding environments in the traditional societies. As a result, there existed an intricate relationship between their culture and nature. Social and cultural diversity, coupled with the environmental complexity, have generated diverse approaches and technologies in the management and use of different natural resources (Mishra, 2007). The well-being of all human populations especially youth are significantly depends on the availability of a variety of renewable resources. Such resources be they ground water, soil nutrients, pastures or fish stocks may either be utilized sustain ably, at rates which permit harvests at a given level over long time intervals or exhaustively, at rates possible harvests there from. Since humans are believed

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to be sustainable patterns of resource use would be restricted to individually controlled territories and that any resource to which several individuals have common access is apt to be overused and exhausted (Hardin, 1968).

Irulas are a tribal community living in different parts of India. They are a recognized Scheduled Tribe (ST) by the Govt. of India. The origin of the word “Irula” is not clear. One surmise is that it could have been derived from Tamil word, Irul either implying the dark complexion of the Irulas or their being constantly spotted by villagers in the ancient past as distant silhouettes in the forests. Anthropological literature says that Irulas belong to the Negrito (or Negroid) race, which is one of the six main ethnic groups that add to the racial mosaic of India. Negroids from Africa were the oldest people to have come to India. These people are now found in patches among the hill tribes of south India (Irulas, Kodars, Paniyans and Kurumbas) on the mainland. Unlike the survivors in the Andaman Islands who have retained their language, Irulas in Thiruvallur have adopted the local regional languages, namely Tamil and Telugu. The Irulas lived in the forests and until about three to four decades ago maintained a system of mild interdependence with the neighboring villages. (Dutt, 2000)They used to sell honey, honey wax, firewood, etc. and in return get village products for their use. Their food was obtained mainly within the forests - the vegetation and wild animals. Following the Forest Protection Bill of 1976, the traditional homes, livelihood and lifestyle of the Irulas had become illegal. The Irulas started moving to the neighboring villages in hope of rebuilding their lives.

Livelihood Status of Young Irulas: Irulas as a tribe are traditional snake and rat catchers. This is no longer their means of living, and over these years of existence they have been unable to find a sustainable occupation for themselves. They are unskilled in doing any kind of job. They earn their living by

Changing Livelihood Pattern of Irula Tribal Youth of.....


doing `coolie’ work. This could be either by working as laborers in the fields of the landlords during the sowing and harvesting seasons or by working in the rice mills. They also do some work in the landlord’s house. Fishing is also an occupation in some of the Irulas villages. Some of them also collect firewood from the forest to sell. The problem of these people is that, only some get money while the remaining just get some rice or other things in kind as a payment for their labor. Their economic hardships are also due to the fact that the society at large has been neglecting them over the years. These circumstances have resulted in a situation where the Irulas are virtually cut off from the mainstream of the society. They are totally ignorant about the happenings in the external world to the extent that they don’t even know the benefits that they are eligible to receive as a Schedule Tribe. This state of affair is the result of their illiteracy. Taking advantage of this, the landlords cheat these people into signing the land granted to them by the government against paltry loans given to them by the landlords. As a result they have lost whatever assets they have possessed. The above stated fact is only a tip of the iceberg of the kind of life that the Irulas lead. It would suffice to say that this community needs a lot more attention from the government and the society at large.Review Of Literature

The growth of industrialization, urbanization and cash economy has greatly affected tribal livelihoods. The destruction bio-mass to meet the urban and industrial needs leading to deforestation is having a major impact on the lives of peoples who live within the non-monetized, biomass based subsistence economic (Mishra, 2005).

In spite of all these development initiatives the tribal in our country are still threatened by severe poverty (Mishra 2007). Today to use our traditional knowledge and skills for largely

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ineffective its is party on account of unbridled exploitation by development projects (Puspha, 2008).

The forest, which was the home of many tribes, was taken out their control and in most case the tribes were even evicted in the name of development. Along with this it was noticed that the depletion of forest recourse and illegal cutting of the tree in the forest by non-tribal is affecting the tribal livelihood. (Siva Prasad and Eswarappa, 2005)

A global survey revealed that India is the world’s second most entrepreneurially active country with 17.9% of the adult population involved in some type of entrepreneurship (Reynolds, 2002) Migration leads to the absence of people, mainly of young men, but occasionally women alone, core or extended families, or whole households. Whom is absent will have implications for agricultural and livelihood practices (Martin, 1991)Research Methdology

Field of Study: This research is conducted in Irrudukottai Village, is located in the, Kellamangalam Block, Krishnagiri District, Tamil Nadu. The forests of Krishnagiri provide the life support system for the major tribal population of the district, the Irular. Krishnagiri District has Irula tribes in the buffer zone of forest areas besides traces of other tribes in remote pockets like Thally and Jawalagiri areas. Tribal like ‘Irular’ live in the forest of Denkanikottai. As they are away from towns they do not lose their identity and individuality. There people are skilled in tree climbing, honey collection and protecting themselves from wild animals. The youth were also re-located along with their family members during the special resettlement plan of Irula tribes from the reserved forest areas, in order to avoid the continued threat to special category of trees like sandalwood, rose wood, red sanders, etc., The Irula tribes were provided with few cents of land to pursue agriculture and horticulture for their



livelihood and were also supported to some extent financially and technically. It appears apparently that these support are not adequate enough to qualify for the sustainability aspect of the resettlement. Thereby the tribes have started looking for other options and including migration to urban areas like Hosur Sipcot, Bangalore etc., and adopting urban livelihood options. Hence as a youth stock, there are almost none in the resettled areas, They left their Government provided IAY houses, plus other amenities like street light and water taps etc. and other Natural Tenure rights in their traditional land of Bettamugilalam village, Krishnagiri District. This means a lot other mis-match in their Sustainability. The total population of the village is approximately 4000 out of which 95% belong to ST (Irulla Community) category. There are approximately 600 households. Our Indian tribal tour now reaches the Southern part of India to the Irula Tribes. Importance of the Study

There are a number of studies made on migration of rural livelihoods by economists, agricultural scientists. These studies, by and large, highlighted economic and technical aspects and neglected the important socio-cultural dimensions of the young irulas. There is a need now to look at the problem more comprehensively, in a holistic way, from a sociological prospective. The outcome of the study will help in understanding the socio-economic aspects and environmental dynamic of livelihood sources in rural and tribal India. It will highlight the adaptive and coping mechanisms and survival tactics of the people. Understanding the livelihood strategies and people’s dependence on resources is crucial in building alternative sustainable livelihood strategies. social aspect of any study provide the real picture of village and to know what is the real problem in recourse allocation and problem of implementation of development policy and distribution of Government

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welfare scheme. In rural area, due to lack information about development scheme as well as their educational level, people are not in position to take benefit from development scheme as well as their educational level, people are not in position to take benefit from development scheme through Block but in economic data make uniformly whether benefit take or not. In village level some needy people are not get benefit from Indra Awas Yojana (IAY) scheme.

General Objective: A Study on Migration and Sustainable Livelihoods of Irula Tribal Youth in Irrudukottai Village, Krishnagiri District, Tamil Nadu.Specific Objectives

1. To study the socio-economic condition of the respondents. (i.e.: their occupational background, livelihood conditions, resource base of the respondents’ family, causes for discontinuing the old traditions and folkways).

2. To study the social capital status of the Tribal youth.3. To identify the Common Property Resources and the

extent of their getting affected due to Migration.4. To study Impoverishment of Risks due to the forced

migration.5. To assess the psychological impact on youth as a

result of loss of Tenure Rights6. To study the impact of migration and sustainability

livelihood conditions Research Design: This research is a Descriptive cum

Exploratory design. The study is aimed at describe and explore the social, economic and cultural conditions of the village community youth by using both quantitative and qualitative tools.



Sampling MethodSample size: Considering all these facts the sample size

is 50 in the age group of 15 to 35 (Irula Youth) will be selected for the study.

Sampling Frame: Youth from Irula tribal families who are working on rural/urban livelihood options, either within town or from their own houses for town based types of demand

Sampling universe: Kellamangalam Block of Krishnagiri District, Tamil Nadu

Sampling area: Irudukkotai Village of Kellamangalam Block, Krishnagiri District.

Tools of Data Collection: The researcher used Structured cum Unstructured Interview Schedules, Participative Observation Schedule and Focus Group Discussion guidelines as tools for primary data collection direct observation of Resources, infrastructure created, and other physical structures. Otherwise known as participant observation. The researcher used both quantitative and qualitative in this study

(a) Quantitative Data: Interview Schedule(b) Qualitative Data: Qualitative data were collected

with the help of an agenda of discussion based on the objectives of the study.

Focus Group Discussion with youth groups (12 members) : Youth are productive age groups they are the future power of the globe. Especially the youth group in Irrudukottai village to analyze the traditional practices of using the CPR and impacts on traditional livelihood patterns.

Sources of Data: The researcher went to the field and collected the primary data by means of face-to-face interview with the respondents. The researcher also gone through reference materials and documented data from published secondary sources like books journals, periodicals, reports

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websites etc. the researcher also spent sufficient time in interacting and discussing the topic of the study with different experts in the field.Definition Of Terms

Conceptual Definition of Youth: The United Nations define youth as persons between the ages of 15 and 35. UNESCO understands that young people are a heterogeneous group in constant evolution and that the experience of ‘being young’ varies enormously across regions and within Countries. (UNESCO, 2013)

Operational Definition of Youth: Irula Youth as persons between the ages of 15 and 25 residing in Irrudukottai Village after losing their tenure rights, Common Property Resources and sustainability in Bettamugilalam village.

Limitations of the Study: During the study the researcher found all of the respondents belonged to the same community. These people to some extent answered similarly.Analysis And Discussion

Table 1Livelihood Conditions of Irula Tribal Youth

Sl. No Livelihood Conditions

Response Frequency Percentage

1. Occupation Agriculture 20 40

Non - Agriculture 30 60Total 50 100

2. Agricultural Activities

Own Cultivation 2 4

Agricultural Labour 18 36

Other Casual Labour (i.e: Gardening Work)

30 60

Total 50 100



3. Non- Agricultural Activities

Industrial Work 7 14MGNREGS 20 40Construction Work 3 6Bricklim Work 20 40Total 50 100

4. Satisfaction Level of Present Occupation

Satisfied 16 32

Dissatisfied 34 68

Total 50 100

1. Occupation: If we analyze the engagement of sample of tribal house hold in various actives it will be founded that 60 percent Irula tribal youth are involved in non-agriculture activities. The emergence of new livelihood in locality has attracted the youth from other neighboring areas. With passage of time (7 years) these migrated in Irrudukottai Village (or) resettled area youth become the part of urbanization. In this way the demographic structure has changed. Earlier day the Bettamugillam village was solely a tribal village. In the contemporary days the emergency of industries in Krishnagiri District has given a scope for moving out of village.

2. Agriculture activities: Around 4% households are own cultivation, 36% as a agriculture laborer 60% involved in casual labors In the villages

3. NON-Agricultural activities: Those who engaged in non-agricultural activities are working in construction sites, daily wages labors under MGNREGS, Brick works, gardening work in Bangalore. The table mentioned above reflects that now nobody in the study village fully depends on forest recourses for their livelihood.

4. Satisfaction Level of Forest Occupation: A serf shift has seen from the field of agricultural activities. Diversification into non-form activities is of a temporary and permanent nature

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depending upon the severity of the situation. it is inferred from the group that Non-Agricultural sector work are not available in the whole year so, the tribal youth are much varied about the livelihood sustainability

Table : 2 Comparative Analysis on Gainful Employment of Irula Tribal

Youth (Through Allied Occupational Activities)S.

No

Gainful Employment

*Before Settlement **After Settlement

Yes (%) No (%) Total (%)

Yes (%) No (%) Total (%)

1 Horticulture 43 (86) 7 (14) 50 (100)

5 (10) 45(90) 50 (100)

2 Sericulture (i.e; Collecting Honey, Pazzi)

50 (100) 0 (0) 50 (100)

12 (24) 38(76) 50 (100)

3 Cattle Rearing 48 (96) 2 (4) 50 (100)

9 (18) 41(82) 50 (100)

5 Catching Snakes & Rats

40 (80) 10 (20) 50 (100)

0 (0) 50(100) 50 (100)

6 Collecting Medicinal Herbs

45 (90) 5 (10) 50 (100)

15 (30) 35(70) 50 (100)

*Bettamugilalam ** IrrudukkotaiBefore Settlement : Respondents with both agriculture

and Gainful employment as their earlier livelihood practice have chosen horticulture (86%), Followed by sericulture (100%) and it also shows predominance in cattle rearing (96%).

After Settlement: The data projected in Table. 9 indicated that respondents have less concentration in gainful employment (Allied Occupational Activities). It reflects the livelihood insecurity.



Figure.1

Impoverishment Risks: In the Resettlement Area of Irrudukottai village, 95 percent of the respondents said that local flora and fauna would decrease, 94 percent of the respondents said that the agricultural farm size would decrease, 90 percent of the respondents said that the employment opportunity would decrease, 96 percent of the respondents felt that the surrounding environment would become polluted because of the intoxicants that will be generated by the project, 86 percent of the respondents stated that their income would decrease if the agricultural land and Common Property Resources is taken and the agricultural cultivation would be affected. Development of tribes is a grand term. One might have grandiose visions of oneself filling up the expectant, empty, tribal minds with lots of wisdom of this world, to wean them to modern ways! It may not occur to many that in so doing, they may be just over-writing a lot of junk on wisdom collected and handed down to a tribe down the ages. That they have managed to survive the hostile civilization and lack of access to modern health-care facilities - is in facilities - is in itself proof of the practicability of their ancient wisdom - whatever it is! (Indian Express, June 26, 1999).

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Table : 3 Hindrances Faced By Irula Youth Due To Migration

S.No Hindrances No. of Respondents

Percent

1 Crucial Poverty 3 62 Unemployment 5 103 Both 1 & 2 42 84 Total 50 100

Table No : 3 Explains the hindrances faced by Irula tribal youth due to migration, preponderance of the respondents said they face crucial poverty and unemployment. But the National Rehabilitation & Resettlement policy, 2007 gives preference by the requiring body to project affected families in providing livelihood support in project jobs. Employment to at least one person from project affected family subject to availability to vacancies and suitability. Preference to the affected families in various economic opportunities, including outsourcing of contracts, engagement of labourers, etc.

Table: 4 Rehabilitation Measures of the State/Central Government

during the settlement of the CommunityS.No Rehabilitation

MeasuresProvided (%) Not Provided (%) Total (%)

1 Employment 0 (0) 50 (100) 50 (100)2 Skill Training 5 (10) 45 (90) 50 (100)3 Compensation 0 (0) 50 (100) 50 (100)4 Housing 0 (0) 50 (100) 50 (100)

Table : 4 reveals the measures taken by State/Central Government towards the Rehabilitation and Resettlement of Irula Tribal youth in Irudukottai. Resettlement schemes not contributed towards the sustainability of the Irula youth is proved in the study. But the Indian Constitution, which promises



right to life and livelihoods to citizens under Article 21. In the Light of the foregoing the Union Government Policy on the National Rehabilitation & Resettlement Policy, 2007 (Ministry of Rural Development, Government of India). The life of Irula tribal youth is became dark because the policy in paper not in action.Findings Of Focus Group Discussion

Following are some of the main findings summarized from FGDs conducted in Irrudukottai Village, Krishnagiri District. In the focus group discussion some of the perceptions are:Discussion – I:

Problems Associated with Forced Migration and Sustainability of Irula Tribal Youth for urban livelihood options:

• Majority of them said due to the impact of Forest Policy the tribal’s are forced to change their livelihood options overnight.

• The group replied that “we lost the (Kulathaivam – in Tamil) our lord , flora and fauna, natural vegetation, herbless, and traditional food practices”

• One of the youth raised his voice that “ Due to migration I lost my traditional land and culture”

• The mainstream said that forest resources (i.e: Honey, Fruits wood, Agriculture, Cattle rearing and Colleting forest produce etc.) is our source of livelihood.

• Migration is a statement that removing Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) this is the cry of the young ones.

• The group replied Common Property Resources is our source for livelihood.

• One Young tribe shouted “Don’t kill my generation”.

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• Most of them said now we are bonded laborers in Industries but in the past we were enjoying the ownership of our duties.

• Some of them said that Deprivation of land and livelihood is a kind of Terrorism.

• Majority of them said after migration youths are working in local industries and some of them are working in bricklim factories.

CASE STUDY - ITopic: Perceived Loss on Tenure Rights of Irula Youth

Mr. M.Basuvashwaran is age is about 25 years living in Irrudukottai village, Krishnagiri District, his source of livelihood is Farming (coolie) & Industry Based Work living in Hindu religious family belonging to Scheduled Tribe (ST), studied only 3rd Std in government school.

Family Details: His family consists of ten members living with his father named as Mr.Marappan and having eight children (5 Sons and 3Daughter). This family is engaged in agricultural activities for their livelihood i.e.; Colleting honey, medicinal herbal, Transplantation, Harvest etc... They were residing in a small hut with mud wall. She is a landless Agricultural Laborers’.

Sustainability of Tribal: Ms. M.Basuvashwaran was migrated to Irrudukottai for their livelihood. Because of forest prevention Act, their mother land was Bettamugilalam, in that place they engaged in agricultural based occupation to sustain both in economically and socially (livelihood). And also they generate their income through the traditional work like trapping poisonous snakes, scorpions and other insects etc… And also prepare and provide herbal medicines to the injured people. But due to the excommunication from the genetics residence in the forest by the forest governing body the totality of their lifestyle has been changed. And even their skill of



trapping and preparation of herbal medicines got vanished. The entire strength has been loosed by the people. With this being there is absence of basic amenities to hurdle the hindrances for the life. Due to the fear of fate and facts, some people engage themselves in the brick works as a bonded labours, deprived unskilled worker in the (SEZ) Special Economic Zones for low wage. Now with the new dilemma and chaos state of circumstance this people feel tuff to run their normal life. Main Findings

• Most respondents who had participated in this survey were young males.

• Predominantly of the respondents is following Hinduism as the major religion of the country.

• Educational profile of the household population heights low level of education attainment; more than half (52%) of the respondents had no formal education. Notably 40 percent of the respondents completed primary education. Findings also indicate that 8 percent of the sample size received higher education, respectively

• Majority of the respondents are in the extended family. Very few of respondents are in joint family system.

• Majority of them said after migration youths are working in local industries and some of them are working in bricklin factory

• Before migration: Predominantly tribal occupation were agriculture

• After migration: Majority of the respondent were working in industries based work. If we analyze the engagement of sample of tribal house hold in various actives it will be founded that 60 percent Irula tribal

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youth are involved in non-agriculture activities. The emergence of new livelihood in locality has attracted the youth from other neighboring areas. With passage of time (7 years) these migrated in Irrudukottai Village (or) resettled area youth become the part of urbanization. In this way the demographic structure has changed. Earlier day the Bettamugilalam village was solely a tribal village. In the contemporary days the emergency of industries in Krishnagiri District has given a scope for moving out of village.

• Monthly family income: The majority of the respondents are earning below Rs.3500 as Monthly Income.

• Type of house structure and size of the family: The study reveals that more than half of the respondent’s family joint and extended family. Living in hut house is 16-67 percent.

• Social Capital: Before resettlement 100 percent of the respondents are satisfied with relationship in the community, at present in Irrudukottai Village the thick social capital is diluting due to resettlement. For the most part of the youth are not residing in resettled areas.

• Consequences of Resettlement: One fourth of the respondents are really disturbed psychologically due to resettlement. Further it is evident that no one is happy about the migration. It is mainly because it has greater impact on their livelihood.

• Tendency of Isolation: The migration a tendency for isolation, among various incomes generating activities highest average differential annual income was generated in case of cow, goat and buffalo



rearing with additional employment. In particular the dominant view of migration isolated the young tribal’s from traditional resources.

Suggestions 1. A High power Apex body Chaired by the Agriculture

Minister should be set up to examine in detailed reliable data on the production (and productivity for example per person per animal per unit land or per rupee spent as appropriate as well as consumption per person of food pulses fruits vegetables milk poultry and meat in the village to emphasize the virtual synonymy of agriculture security.

2. Social Impact assessment (SIA) of projects under which a multi-disciplinary expert group would be formed and given responsibility for examining both SIA and EIA (Environmental Impact Assessment) reports and accord clearance as per the procedure. Interestingly this group would Consist of Social Scientist or Social Worker and Rehabilitation experts and Secretaries of the department concerned with welfare of SC/ST.

3. The Government of Tamil Nadu has to introduce Tribal market for direct selling of tribal product and services.

4. Special skill based Technical training is to be facilitated for the unskilled Irula tribal youth. All legislation must be grounded in human rights and must recognize people’s individual and community rights over natural resources including land and must be grounded in the fundamental rights guaranteed by Indian constitution as well as India’s international human rights commitments.

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5. Rehabilitation implies a social economic and cultural alternative way of life and hence can’t be attained without an alternative livelihood which needs to be land based allotted as Common Property Resource agricultural populations forest dwellers and nomadic pastoral communities affected.

6. As per the R&R Bill 2007, Preference by the requiring body to affected youth in providing livelihood support in the Government sustainable development projects.

• Employment to at least one youth from the resettled family subject to availability to vacancies and suitability.

• Provision for skill up gradation training for youth. • Preference to the affected families in various

economic opportunities, including outsourcing of contracts, engagement of labourers, etc.

7. Effort will be made to set up industries training institutes (ITTs) in the TSP areas. Other training centers will includes community polytechnics undertaking rural/community development activities in their proximity, through application of science and technology.

8. Efforts will be made to promote horticulture, animal’s husbandry, dairy, sericulture, cottage and small industry by extending necessary technology and credit, marketing and entrepreneurial information and training.

9. To enable tribal primary producers, collectors and consumers to enter into truncation with primary cooperatives, monopoly of corporation in certain items produced by them through contractors and



middlemen will be alternative market mechanisms like minimum price support with institutional backing.

Conclusion: Young People participation is crucial in promoting sustainable community development. The true nature of eminent domain method of resettlement act and its associated dangers can be understood only when we look beyond the issue of forcible migration, the study highlights all the issues and emends the repeal of this in just legislation whose purported benefits are irrelevant to the needs of poor Irula tribal youth community and marginalized people. The grab in Bethamugilalam village is not limited only to land but extents to electricity, water, soil, agriculture, irrigation, forests, common property resources, medicine herbs. Homestead livestock’s and all natural resources. The young victims and losers are the impoverished citizens whose rights over their own natural resources right to livelihood and right to life are being snatched away.References

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*[e@. efkeveeso kegâceej ÛeewOejer

[e@0 yeer. Deej. Decyes[keâj keâe vÙeeÙe heefjØes#Ùe keâe #es$e efkemle=le: meeceeefpekeâ, Oeeefce&keâ, jepeveereflekeâ, DeeefLe&keâ mece«e-›eâeefvle kesâ Øeefle meceefhe&le Deewj YeejleerÙe mebefkeOeeve, efnvot keâes[ efyeue, ßeefcekeâeW kesâ efueS Deveskeâ keâevetve Ùee keâevetve efvecee&lee kesâ ™he ceW [e@0 Yeercejeke Decyes[keâj YeejlekeeefmeÙeeW kesâb ùoÙe ceW efkeoerCe& nes Ûegkesâb nQ~

[e@0 Yeercejeke Decyes[keâj ves osMe kesâ meeceeefpekeâ Deewj meebmke=âeflekeâ Fefleneme keâe ienve DeOÙeÙeve efkeâÙee Deewj kes Fme efve<keâ<e& hej hengBÛes efkeâ efnvotOece& kesâ ÛelegkeCe& mes Ghepeer Demhe=MÙelee ner oefuele keie& kesâ efheÚÌ[sheve keâe cetue keâejCe nw~ GvneWves oefueleeW keâes ØesjCee oer efkeâ kes Deheves yeÛÛeeW keâes mkeâtue YespeW~ Gvekeâe efkeÛeej Lee efkeâ meeceeefpekeâ efÛebleve DeekeMÙekeâ nw~ GvneWves ÚgDeeÚtle keâes efceševes kesâ efueS cewoeve ceW Deekeâj ueÌ[ves keâe heâwmeuee efkeâÙee Deewj 1927 ceW ceneÌ[ ceW Skeâ meeke&peefvekeâ meYee keâe DeeÙeespeve efkeâÙee~ Fmekesâ yeeo Ûeejoej leeueeye mes meecetefnkeâ ™he mes heeveer efheÙee ieÙee Lee peneB DeÚtleeW keâes heeveer heerves keâer Fpeepele veneR Leer~ Fmekesâ yeeo GvneWves iegpejele ceW keâeueejece ceefvoj ceW ØekesMe melÙee«en (1930), OeceeËlejCe keâer Iees<eCee (1935) Deeefo keâe vesle=lke efkeâÙee~ DeefOekeâebMe Feflenemekeâej Ùen ceeveles Les efkeâ Ûelegke&Ce& keâer kÙekemLee-ßece-efkeYeepeve kesâ DeeOeej hej ngF& Leer, hej [e@0 Yeercejeke Decyes[keâj Fmemes mencele ve Les~ Gvekeâe keânvee Lee efkeâ Deiej Ssmee ner Lee, lees Deewj osMeeW ceW Fme lejn keâer kÙekemLee keäÙeeW veneR ngF& ?

efkeosMeer Meemeve mes cegefòeâ kesâ mebIe<e& ceW [e@0 Decyes[keâj DevÙe je<šêrÙe vesleeDeeW mes heerÚs ve Les~ kes Ùen ceeveles Les efkeâ mkejepÙe efceueves hej ner meeceeefpekeâ meceevelee ueeves keâer efoMee ceW mecegefÛele Øeieefle nes mekeâleer nw~ 1930 ceW ØeLece ieesuecespe meccesueve ceW Yee<eCe osles ngS GvneWves keâne efkeâ Deb«espe Yeejle ceW DeÚtleeW keâer efmLeefle ceW keâesF& Yeer megOeej keâjves ceW DemeceLe& jns nQ~ oefueleeW keâes meeke&peefvekeâ kegâDeeW Ùee leeueeyeeW mes heeveer uesves hej ceveener nw~ hegefueme meskee kesâ Éej Yeer Gmekesâ efueS yevo nQ~ DeleSkeb Ùes ueesie mkeleb$elee Deevoesueve keâe meceLe&ve keäÙeeW ve keâjW ?

[e@0 Decyes[keâj keâes DeÚtleesÉej keâer ØesjCe Gve Deheceevepevekeâ Skeb DeØeefleef…le

* DeefmemšWš Øeesheâsmej Fefneme efkeYeeie [er.S.keer.heer.peer.keâe@uespe keejeCemeer



IešveeDeeW mes efceueer efpevekeâe meecevee GvneWves mkeÙeb Deheves Úe$e peerkeve mes keâjvee ØeejcYe efkeâÙee Lee~ Decesefjkeâe, efyeÇšsve Skeb pece&veer kesâ efkeÕeefkeÅeeueÙe ces GÛÛe efMe#ee «enCe keâj uesves kesâ yeeo Yeer kes DeÚtle nesves kesâ keâuebkeâ keâes Deheves efmej mes nše ve mekesâ~ yeÌ[ewoe jepÙe ceW kes Deheveer veewkeâjer keâes FmeefueÙes peejer ve jKe heeÙes efkeâ Demhe=MÙelee Gvekesâ efvekeeme ceW yeeOee yeve ieF&~

[e@0 Yeercejeke Decyes[keâj ves keCee&ßece kÙekemLee (meceepe kesâ Ûeej keCeeX-yeÇeÿeCe, #eef$eÙe, kewMÙe Deewj Megæ) keâes pevce osves keeueer cevegmce=efle keâe Demhe=MÙe meceepe kesâ kegâÚ meeOegDeeW Éeje oen mebmkeâej keâjkeeÙee~ GvneWves Ùeskeuee meccesueve ceW Øeefle%ee ueer Leer efkeâ ‘‘ceQ efnvot Oece& ceW hewoe ngDee, keäÙeeWefkeâ Ùen cesjs neLe keâer yeele veneR Leer, hejvleg ceQ efnvot Oecee&keuecyeer jnkeâj veneR ce®Biee~’’

Decyes[keâj ves leerve ceneheg®<eeW keâes Dehevee ØesjCe œeesle yeleeÙee nw~ GveceW henues keâyeerj, otmejs cenelcee pÙeesefleyee heâtues Deewj leermejs Les Yeiekeeve yegÉ~ kes Skeâ efYeVe Øekeâej mes jeceeÙeCe Skeb ceneYeejle mes Yeer ØeYeeefkele ngS~ keâyeerj ves GvnW Yeefòeâ Yeekevee Øeoeve keâer, pÙeesefleyee heâtues ves GvnW yeÇeÿeCe efkejesOe DeÚtleeW keâes mebieef"le keâjves, DelÙeeÛeej mes ueesne uesves kesâ efueS Øesefjle efkeâÙee, meecetefnkeâ heMÛeelehe keâe efkeÛeej efoÙee Deewj efMe#ee leLee DeeefLe&keâ GlLeeve keâe mebosMe efoÙee~ ieewlece yegÉ mes GvnWves keâ®Cee, DeeOÙeeeflcekeâlee Skeb Demehe=MÙelee keâe efkejesOe efueÙee~ kes heeMÛeelÙe mebmke=âefle efkeMes<eleŠ pee@ve [Ÿeterke, ketkeâj šer0 keeefMeiešve Deeefo mes yengle ØeYeeefkele ngS~ Gvekeâer kesMeYet<ee, kÙeefòeâlke Skeb ke=âeflelke hej efkekekesâ, veweflekeâlee Skeb Goejkeeo keâer ienjer Úehe Leer~ Fme Øekeâej ves GvnW ceeveefmekeâ Deewj oeMe&efvekeâ efheheemee yegPeeves keeuee Dece=le efceuee Deewj DeÚtleeW kesâ GÉej keâe ceeie&oMe&ve Øeehle ngDee, efpemekeâe ceeOÙece Lee meecetefnkeâ Oece& heefjkele&ve~

Fmeer lejn, keâeue& ceekeäme& ves Demhe=MÙelee keâe DeeefLe&keâ he#e efveoXefMele efkeâÙee~ ÙeÅeefhe kes ieeBOeer kesâ efkejesOeer jns efkeâvleg GvneWves Gvemes Yeer melÙee«en keâer Deevoesueveelcekeâ heæefle, Goej je<š^keeo Skeb Devleje&<šêrÙelee kesâ ceewefuekeâ leòke «enCe efkeâÙes~ [e@0 Decyes[keâj, Fme lejn efkeefkeOe œeesle Skeb ØeYeekeeW mes Meefòeâ «enCe keâjles ngS ‘DeÚtleesæej leLee veÙes Yeejle kesâ hegveefvecee&Ce’ kesâ cenevelece Ùeesæ yeve ieÙes~

oefueleesæej kesâ #es$e ceW GvnW ceneve Decesefjkeâer veer«ees velee hee@ue jeyemeve kesâ meceeve ceevee peelee nw~

‘cesjs ogŠKe-oo& Deewj cesnvele keâes legce veneR peeveles, peye lekeâ megveesies, lees jes heÌ[esies~’ Fme keâLeve ceW [e@0 Decyes[keâj kesâ DeÚtleeW kesâ Skeâcee$e cemeerne yeveves keâer keâneveer efÚheer ngF& nw~ GvneWves yeÇeÿeCekeeo, mekeCeeX Skeb GÛÛe peeefleÙeeW kesâ ocYe Deewj heeKeC[ kesâ efke®æ Deepeerkeve mebIe<e& efkeâÙee~ efkeâvleg Fme mebIe<e& keâes GvneWves ØeÛeej, Deevoesueve, Meem$eeLe&, keâevetveer ueÌ[eF&, jepeveereflekeâ oeBkehesÛe Deewj Deefnbmee keâer meerceeDeeW kesâ oeÙejs lekeâ meerefcele jKee~ efheâj Yeer Gvekeâe oefueleesæej-DeefYeÙeeve, yeewæ Oece&, efmeKe-hebLe, keâyeerj, yeÇÿemeceepe,

183

DeeÙe&meceepe, efkekeskeâevebo Deewj ieeBOeer mes DeefOekeâ ØeYeekeer Skeb jÛeveelcekeâ Lee~

[e@0 Decyes[keâj Skeâ Ssmes kÙeefòeâ Les pees pevcepeele efkeõesner Leer~ GvneWves Deheveer mechetCe& efpevoieer oefueleeW keâer efmLeefle keâes megOeejves ceW Deewj Gvekeâes mecceevehetCe& efpevoieer kÙeleerle keâjeves kesâ ØeÙeemeeW ceW ueiee oer~ Oece& kesâ yeejs ceW Deewj meceepe ceW Gmekeâer Yetefcekeâe kesâ yeejs ceW GvneWves iecYeerjlee mes efÛevleve-ceveve efkeâÙee~ Gvekeâer ceevÙelee Leer efkeâ, ‘‘efpememes meejer Øepee keâe OeejCe neslee nw, Gmes Oece& keânles Ùen cesjer kÙeeKÙee veneR nw~ Ùen kÙeeKÙee nw meveeleve Oece& kesâ De«eCer ueeskeâceevÙe efleuekeâ keâer~ hej ceQ Fmes ceevelee ntB~ efpeve meeceeefpekeâ cetuÙeeW Deewj jerefle-efjkeepeeW hej kÙekenej Ûeuelee nw, kener Oece& nw~ Ùes cetuÙe Deewj jerefle-efjkeepe ner kes yevOeve nw pees kÙeefòeâ keâes meceepe mes yeebOes jKeles nw~ FmeefueS Oece& keâer kÙeeKÙee mes DeefOekeâ cenlkehetCe& Gve yevOeveeW keâes peevevee nw, pees meceepe keâe ÙeesiÙe mebÛeeueve keâjles nw~’’ Fmeer Øekeâej Oece& keâes Decyes[keâj ves pevelee kesâ GlLeeve kesâ meeLe peesÌ[e Deewj Ùen cele kÙeòeâ efkeâÙee efkeâ Oece& ceveg<Ùe kesâ efueS nw ve efkeâ ceveg<Ùe Oece& kesâ efueS~ meÛÛee Oece& ken nw pees DeeOÙeeeflcekeâ efmeæevleeW hej DeeOeeefjle nes~’’ GvneWves meÛÛes Oece& keâer Ûeej efkeMes<eleeSB yeleeF&Š

1. Oece& keâes veweflekeâlee kesâ ™he ceW ceeveke meceepe keâe DeeOeej nesvee ÛeeefnS

2. Oece& keâes efke%eeve DeLekee yeewefækeâ lelke hej DeeOeeefjle nesvee ÛeeefnS,

3. Oece& keâes ÛeeefnS efkeâ ken ve kesâkeue veweflekeâ mebefnlee keâes mkeerkeâej keâjs yeefukeâ mkeleb$elee,meceevelee leLee YeÇele=-Yeeke keâes meeceeefpekeâ peerkeve keâes DevegMeeefmele keâjves kesâ efueS ceewefuekeâ efmeæevle ceeveW, Deewj

4. Oece& keâes efveOe&velee keâer efmLeefle keâe heefke$eerkeâjCe veneR keâjvee ÛeeefnS, Yeues ner keâesF& kÙeefòeâ mkesÛÚe mes Deheveer Oeve-mecheefòe keâes meceepe-keâuÙeeCe ceW Deefhe&le keâj os~

FmeØekeâej Ghejesòeâ ÛeejeW efkeMees<eleeSB [e@0 Decyes[keâj kesâ Oece& kesâ Øeefle efkeÛeej-oMe&ve keâes mhe<š keâjleer nQ~ kes cegKÙeleŠ Oece& keâes ceveg<Ùe kesâ ceve keâes Megæ yeveeves keâe Skeâ ceeOÙece ceeveles nw Deewj Gmes kewÙeefòeâkeâ ceeveles ngS cee$e kÙeefòeâ lekeâ meerefcele ceeveles nQ~

[e@0 Decyes[keâj ves Deheves he$eeW, uesKeeW Skeb «evLeeW ceW peneB Demhe=MÙeeW (MegõeW, DeefleMegõeW, oefueleeW) kesâ Gûce keâe efkekesÛeve efkeâÙee nw efkeâ keneB GvneWves efnvot Oeeefce&keâ «ebLeeW keso, ieerlee, ßegefle, mce=efle, hegjCe hej DeeOeeefjle efmeæevleeW Skeb ØeLeeDeeW efkeMes<ekeâj peeefle-ØeLee Deewj keCe&-kÙekemLee (Ûeelegke&CÙe& kÙekemLee) keâes efnvot Oece& Deewj osMe kesâ DeOeŠheleve kesâ efueS GòejoeÙeer “njeÙee nw~ GoenjCe- [e@0 Decyes[keâj ves Deheves iebÇLe ‘o DevešÛesyeume’ ceW MetõeW kesâ Gûce keâe efkekesÛeve keâjles ngS keâne efkeâ ‘‘Demhe=MÙelee keâe Gûce ueieYeie F&0 meved 400 mes ngDee nw~ Fme «evLe ceW Ùen efmeæevle Øemlegle efkeâÙee ieÙee nw efkeâ yeewÉ Oece& mes Dehevee ßes…leke efmeÉ keâjves kesâ efueS yeÇeÿeCeeW ves ieewceebme Keevee keefpe&le efkeâÙee, hejvleg efpeve ueesieeW ves yeewÉ Oece& keâes mkeerkeâej efkeâÙee nw Deewj ieewceebme Keevee veneR ÚesÌ[e GvnW Demhe=MÙe ceevee ieÙee~’’



[e@0 Decyes[keâj ves Deheves «evLe ‘nt kej oer Metõepe’ ceW keâne nw efkeâ ‘‘Metõ henues metÙe&kebMe kesâ #eef$eÙe Les~ henues kesâkeue leerve ner keCe& Deefmlelke ceW Les~ Metõ meceepe #eef$eÙeeW ceW meceekesMe Lee, hejvleg yeÇeÿeCe Deewj #eef$eÙeeW ceW ueieeleej mebIe<e& Ûeuelee jne~ Fme keâejCe #eef$eÙeeW keâe Ùen meceepe Deueie nes ieÙee Deewj Gmes kewMÙeeW mes efveke=â<š mecePee peeves ueiee~ Fme lejn ÛeewLee keCe& Deefmlelke ceW DeeÙee~’’

[e@0 Decyes[keâj peeefle-kÙekemLee keâe hetCe& Gvcetueve Ûeenles Les~ GvneWves 1920 ceW keâne Lee efkeâ ‘‘Fme keâbuekeâ keâes IeesS efyevee mkejepÙe efvejLe&keâ nw~’’ Gvekeâe mevleeW, meceepe-megOeejkeâeW Deewj cenelcee ieeBOeer mes efkejesOe ner Fme yeele keâes ueskeâj ngDee Lee efkeâ kes meye TBÛe-veerÛe keâer Yeekevee keâe lees efkejesOe keâjles Les, hejvleg peeefle-ØeLee Deewj keCe&-kÙekemLee keâes meceehle veneR keâjvee Ûeenles Les~ [e@0 Decyes[keâj ves cevegmce=efle keâe oen mebmkeâej kegâÚ Demhe=MÙe meeOegDeeW mes FmeefueS keâjkeeÙee Lee efkeâ ogefveÙee mecePe ues efkeâ Deye ‘‘efke<ecelee keâe keâevetve Yeejle ceW veneR Ûeuesiee~’’ Deewj hegjesefnle keâe keâece meye peeefleÙeeW kesâ efueS Keguee nw~ [e@0 Decyes[keâj ves ceneÌ[ leeueeye melÙee«en kesâ yeejs ceW keâne Lee ef keâken oefueleeW keâer ›eâeefvle keâe MegYeejcYe Lee~ Fmeves Yeejle kesâ je<šêrÙe Skeb meeceeefpekeâ peerkeve ceW Skeâ veÙes DeOÙeeÙe keâe ØeejcYe efkeâÙee Lee~

[e@0 Decyes[keâj kesâ peeefle-Gvcetueve mecyevOeer cegKÙe megPeeke efvecveebefkeâle nQ-

(De) Skeâ keCeer&Ùe kÙekemLee-DeLee&led efnvot meceepe keâer Ûeej keCeeX keeueer kÙekemLee keâes meceehle keâj Skeâ keCeer&Ùe kÙekemLee mLeeefhele keâer peeÙes~ Fmekeâe DeLe& nw efkeâ peeefle pevce mes efveOee&efjle ve nes~ [e@0 Decyes[keâj keâe keânvee Lee efkeâ ‘‘pevce mebmLee keâe veeMe ner meceevelee keâe efvecee&Ce nw~’’

(ye) Devlepee&leerÙe efkekeen- [e@0 Decyes[keâj keâes hetCe& efkeÕeeme nw efkeâ Ketve kesâ efceueves mes Dehevesheve keâer Yeekevee hewoe nesleer nw~

(me) hegjesefnleeF& kesâ kÙekemLee keâe Øepeelev$eerkeâjCe-DeLe&led ceefvojeW Ùee DevÙe mLeeveeW hej hegjesefnleeF& kesâ keâeÙe& hej efkeâmeer Skeâ peeefle DeLee&led yeÇeÿeCe peeefle keâe SkeâeefOekeâej veneR nesvee ÛeeefnS~ Fme heo keâe Øepeelev$eerkeâjCe nesvee ÛeeefnS~ Ùen heo meYeer ÙeesiÙe kÙeefòeâÙeeW kesâ efueS Keguee nesvee ÛeeefnS~ [e@0 Decyes[keâj ves peeefle-Gvcetueve kesâ efueS ‘DeefveefnuesMeve Dee@heâ keâe@mš’ veece mes Skeâ «evLe keâer jÛevee keâer~

[e@0 Decyes[keâj ves Demhe=MÙeeW ceW Deelcemecceeve Deewj mkeekeuecyeve keâer YeekeveeSB pee«ele keâjves kesâ efueS GvnW ‘‘efMeef#ele yevees, Deevoesueve ÛeueeDeeW Deewj mebieef"le jnes’ keâe Skeâ leerve-meg$eerÙe cev$e efoÙee~ Ùen leerve-meg$eerÙe cev$e Demhe=MÙeeW ceW efMe#ee kesâ efkemleej, efYeVe-efYeVe Demhe=MÙe peeefleÙeeW ceW Deevleefjkeâ menÙeesie Deewj Skeâlee keâe DeeOeej leLee Gvekesâ DeevoesueveeW Skeb mebIe<eeX keâer ØesjCee œeesle yeve ieÙee~ [e@0 Decyes[keâj Demhe=MÙeeW keâe Dee£eve keâjles Les efkeâ ‘‘efyevee mebIe<e& efkeâÙes ve meòee Øeehle nes mekeâleer nw ve Øeefle…e ner~’’ [e@0 Decyes[keâj GvnW

185

ueuekeâejleW nw efkeâ ‘‘Yeiekeeve Yejesmes peervee cele meerKees~ Deheves yeepegDeeW kesâ yeue Dehevee keâece keâjvee meerKeeW~’’ pees mebIe<e& keâjles nQ ÙeMe Gvekeâe ner kejCe keâjlee nw~ hetpee-DeÛe&vee, pehe-lehe keâer Deesj mes OÙeeve nšeFS Deewj jepeveerefle kesâ ogOee® LeveeW keâes keâes oesefnS~’’

[e@0 Decyes[keâj keâe keânvee Lee efkeâ Ùeefo Demhe=MÙe Deewj DeyeÇeÿeCe oesveeW meceepe efceuekeâj Deheveer Øeieefle kesâ efueS Deevoesueve ÛeueeÙes blees kes GÛÛe keie& keâer iegueeceer mes peuoer ner Úgškeâeje hee mekeâleW nQ~

[e@0 Decyes[keâj keâer OeejCee Leer efkeâ Demhe=MÙe mkeÙeb ner Deheveer nerve YeekeveeDeeW Deewj DeeoleeW kesâ efMekeâej nQ GvnW Gvemes cegefòeâ heeveer ÛeeefnS~ GvneWves ceneÌ[ Deevoesueve kesâ meceÙe Demhe=MÙeeW mes Fve yeeleeW keâe Dekeuecyeve keâjves kesâ efueS keâne Lee-(1)Deehe cejs ngS peevekejeW keâe ceeBme veneR KeeÙeWies Deewj GvnW {esves Ùee nševes keâe keâece Yeer veneR keâjWies; (2) Deehe pet"s Yeespeve keâes mkeerkeâej veneR keâjWies ; (3) Deehe TBÛeer peeefle Deewj Deesnos keeueeW mes ÙeeÛevee veneR keâjWies Deewj Deheves keâevetveer DeefOekeâejeW kesâ efueS ueÌ[sies Deewj GvnW Øeehle keâjWies; (4) Deehe TBÛe-veerÛe keâer keâuhevee efvekeâeue oWies Deewj GÛÛe keie& kesâ jnve-menve keâes DeheveeÙeWies; (5) Deehe oeme keâer lejn peervee Deewj kÙekenej keâjvee yevo keâj oesies Deewj ceeefuekeâ keâer lejn peerDeesies~ ceefnueeDeeW keâemes mecyeesefOele keâjles ngS [e@0 Decyes[keâj ves keâne Lee, ‘‘ogie&gCeeW mes otj jefnS, yesefšÙeeW keâes heÌ{eFÙes-efueKeeFÙes, Gvekesâ ceve ceW cenlkeekeâeB#eeSB hewoe nesves oerefpeS, Gvekeâer Meeoer peuoer keâjves keâer keâesefMeMe cele keâerefpeS~’’

[e@0 Decyes[keâj ves Demehe=MÙeeW ceW pevepeeie=efle ueeves kesâ meeLe efnvot meceepe ceW ›eâeefvle ueeves Deewj Gmekesâ ùoÙe ceW heefjkele&ve keâjves kesâ efueS Yeer Deveskeâ melÙee«en DeevoesueveeW keâes mebieef"le efkeâÙee Deewj cenej DeevegkebefMekeâ keâeÙe&Yeej keâevetve (kesleve ØeCeeueer, yebOegDee cepeotjer Deewj oemelee ØeCeeueer) keâes meceehle keâjves keâe Yeer ØeÙeeme efkeâÙee~ [e@0 Decyes[keâj Éeje mebieef"le melÙee«en Deevoesueve keâevetveeW hej Deceue keâjeves kesâ efueS DeeÙeesefpele efkeâS ieS Les~

GoenjCele: 1927 F&0 ceW ceneÌ[ leeueeye melÙee«en keâe cegKÙe GösMÙe Demhe=MÙeeW kesâ meeke&peeefvekeâ leeueeyeeW mes heeveer heerves kesâ ceevekeerÙe DeefOekeâej keâes ueeiet keâjkeevee Lee~ 1930 ceW veeefmekeâ kesâ keâeueejece ceefvoj ceW ØekesMe keâe GösMÙe Demhe=MÙeeW keâes meeke&peefvekeâ mLeeveeW ceW ØekesMe efoueevee Lee~ ceeÛe&, 1928 ceW yecyeF& efkeOeeve meYee ceW cenej DeevegkebefMekeâ keâeÙe&Yeej efkeOesÙekeâ keâe GösMÙe cenejeW keâes Keeveoeveer hesjes mes cegefòeâ efoueevee Lee~

[e@0 Decyes[keâj ves Deheves efkeÛeejeW keâes peveceeveme lekeâ hengBÛeeves kesâ efueS Demhe=MÙeeW ceW peie=efle hewoe keâjves kesâ efueS Deveskeâ he$eeW Deewj uesKeeW keâe ØekeâeMeve efkeâÙee, «evLeeW keâer jÛevee keâer Deewj mebmLeeDeeW keâer mLeehevee keâer~ GoenjCeleŠ GvneWves 1920 ceW ‘cetkeâveeÙekeâ’ veecekeâ heeef#ekeâ heef$ekeâe keâe ØekeâeMeve Meg™ efkeâÙee~ Fmekesâ Skeâ De«euesKe ceW GvneWves efueKee Lee efkeâ ‘‘Ùeefo YeejlekeeefmeÙeeW keâes efyeÇefšMe Meemeve mes cegefòeâ ÛeeefnS-Dehevee mkejepÙe ÛeeefnS-lees GvnW Demhe=MÙeeW keâes henues cegòeâ keâjvee ÛeeefnS~’’ Fmeer lejn [e@0 Decyes[keâj ves 1927 ceW



‘yeefn<ke=âle Yeejle’ veece kesâ Skeâ he$e Deewj 1928 ceW ‘mecelee’ veecekeâ Skeâ heeef#ekeâ heef$ekeâe keâes Meg® efkeâÙee~

[e@0 Decyes[keâj ves efpeve mebmLeeDeeW keâer mLeehevee keâer GveceW ØecegKe nQ-‘yeefn<ke=âle efnlekeâeefjCeer meYee’ Fmekeâer mLeehevee 20 pegueeF&, 1924 keâes keâer ieF& Leer~ Fme meYee kesâ ceeOÙece mes efveOe&ve mes efveOe&ve Deewj DeÚtle yeÛÛeeW keâer efMe#ee kesâ efueS mkeâtue-keâe@uespe Deewj Úe$eekeeme yeveeÙes Les~ yecyeF& ceW ‘efmeÉeLe& keâe@uespe’ keâer mLeehevee keâer ieF&~ meved 1925 ceW ‘heerhegume SpegkesâMeve meesmeeFšer’ keâer mLeehevee keâer ieÙeer~ meved 1928 ceW ‘yeefn<ke=âle efnlekeâeefjCeer meYee’ keâe veece yeouekeâj ‘YeejleerÙe yeefn<ke=âle meceepe efMe#ee Øemeejkeâ ceC[ue’ jKe efoÙee ieÙee~

[e@0 Decyes[keâj jepeveereflekeâ meòee kesâ cenlke Deewj Gmekeâer Me&efeòeâ keâes mecePeles Les~ Gvekeâer OeejCee Leer efkeâ Demhe=MÙelee efvekeejCe keâe ceeie& jepeveereflekeâ Meefòeâ kesâ nmeleiele keâjves ceW efveefnle nQ~ GvneWves 1929 ceW OeejkeeÌ[ ceW Skeâ Yee<eCe ceW keâne Lee efkeâ ‘‘meÛÛeer Øeieefle jepeveereflekeâ neLe ceW Deeves hej ner mecYeke nes heeleer nw~’’ FmeerefueS [e@0 Decyes[keâj ves Demhe=MÙeeW kesâ efueS keâYeer lees ‘‘Gvekeâer pevemebKÙee kesâ Deveg®he ØeefleefveefOelke osves’’ keâer ceeBie keâer, keâYeer ‘‘DeÚtleeW kesâ ØeefleefveefOe DeÚtleeW kesâ celeeW Éeje keâeGefvmeue ceW Ûegves peeves’’ keâer ceeBie keâer, keâYeer DeÚtleeW keâes ceefv$eceb[ue ceW Meeefceue keâjves keâer, keâYeer GvnW mesvee ceW Yeleer& keâjves keâer keâYeer Gvekeâer efMe#ee hej DeefOekeâ KeÛe& keâjves keâer ceeBies keâer~ GoenjCeleŠ efÉleerÙe ieesuecespe meccesueve ceW [e@0 Decyes[keâj ves Demhe=MÙeeW kesâ efueS he=Lekeâ celeeefOekeâej Øeehle keâjves keâe Yeejmekeâ ØeÙeeme efkeâÙee~ ØeOeeveceb$eer cewkeä[esveeu[ kesâ Deiemle 1932 kesâ ‘meecØeoeefÙekeâ efveCe&Ùe’ ves (Fme hebÛeeš ves he=Lekeâ efvekee&Ûeve heæefle keâes ve kesâkeue cegmeueceeveeW kesâ efueS keâeÙece jKee yeefukeâ Gmes oefuele keieeX kesâ Thej Yeer ueeiet keâj efoÙee~ cegmeueceeveeW, F&meeF&ÙeeW, efmekeäKeeW, Deebiue-YeejleerÙeeW leLee ceefnueeDeeW lekeâ kesâ efueS he=Lekeâd efvekee&Ûeve keâer kÙekemLee keâer ieF&~ ßece, keeefCepÙe, GIeesie, peceeRoejeW leLee efkeÕeefkeÅeeueÙeeW kesâ efueS Yeer he=Lekeâ Ûegveeke #es$e efveOee&efjle efkeâÙes ieÙes~ kegâue efceueekeâj efvekee&ÛekeâeW keâes 17 efkeefYeVe YeeieeW ceW yeeBš efoÙee ieÙee~ ) Demhe=MÙeeW keâes mkelev$e celeoeve keâjves Deewj megjef#ele mLeeve oesveeW DeefOekeâej Øeoeve keâj efoS~ meeLe ner kes efnvot ØeefleefveefOeÙeeW kesâ Ûegveeke ceW Yeer celeeefOekeâej keâe GheÙeesiekeâj mekeâles Les~ ieeBOeerpeer ves Fme Iees<eCee keâe Øeyeue efkejesOe efkeâÙee Deewj Deheveer ceeBie cevekeeves kesâ efueS 20 efmelecyej, 1932 F&. mes pesue ceW DeecejCe DeveMeve ™heer ceesefnveer keâe ™he OeejCe efkeâÙee~ DeveMeve kesâ keâejCe Gvekeâe mkeemLÙe keâeheâer lespeer mes efiejves ueiee~ ceove ceesnve ceeuekeerÙe kesâ ØeÙelveeW mes ieeBOeerpeer kesâ peerkeve keâer j#eeeLe& efkeÛeej nsleg vesleeDeeW keâe Skeâ meccesueve yecyeF& ceW yegueeÙee ieÙee~ yeeo ceW meccesueve kesâ DeefOekesMeve hetvee ceW ngS~ YeejleerÙe vesleeDeeW-heb. ceove ceesnve ceeuekeerÙe, mej lespe yeneogj meØet, [e@. peÙekeâj, jepee ieesheeueeÛeejer, [e@. jepesvõ Øemeeo, heg®<eesòece oeme, meer. keer. cesnlee, Sce. meer0 jpee Deueer, ßeeroskeOej, iekeF&, ßeerefvekeemeve, meer0 yeeuet, keâceesuekeâj, Sce. efheuueeF&, IeveMÙeeceoeme efyeÌ[uee, jepeYeespe, S0keer0 “keäkeâj Deewj

187

heer0 [er0 šC[ve kesâ ØeÙeemeeW mes ieeBOeerpeer Deewj [e@. Yeerce jeke Decyes[keâj kesâ ceOÙe efvejvlej 6 efove lekeâ keelee& Ûeueer~ heâuemke™he 26 efmelecyej, 1932 F&0 keâes jele kesâ oes yepes Skeâ mecePeewlee ngDee, efpemes hetvee mecePeewlee kesâ veece mes peevee peelee nw~ ØeOeeveceb$eer ves mkeÙeb ner Deheveer Iees<eCee keâe veece ‘hetvee hewkeäš’ jKee~ Fme hewkeäš hej ceeuekeerÙe ves mekeCeX keâer lejheâ mes yeer.Deej Decyes[keâj ves DekeCeX keâer lejheâ mes nmlee#ej efkeâÙee Lee~ Fmes mekeCe&-DekeCe& mecePeewlee Yeer keâne peelee nw~ Fmes yeeo ceW efyeÇefšMe Meemeve Skeb efnvot cenemeYee ves Yeer mkeerkeâej keâj efueÙee~ cenelcee ieeBOeer Fme mecePeewles mes mevleg<š Les~ GvneWves 26 efmelecyej, 1932 keâes DeveMeve meceehle keâj efoÙee~ Deble ceW 26 efmelecyej, 1932 keâes hegvee mecePeewlee ngDee~ meeceevÙe efvekee&Ûeve #eeW$eeW ceW mes efkeefYeVe ØeevleerÙe efkeOeeveceC[ueeW ceW oefuele keie& kesâ efueS 148 mLeeve megjef#ele keâj efoS, peyeefkeâ meecØeoeefÙekeâ efveCe&Ùe ceW GvnW kegâue 71 mLeeve efoS ieS Les~ Fme Øekeâej hetvee hewkeäš ceW efvecveefueefKele kÙekemLeeSB efkeâÙes ieÙes~

1. ÛesVeF& ceW 30, yecyeF& Skeb efmevOe ceW 15, hebpeeye ceW 8, efyenej Skeb GÌ[ermee ceW 18, ceOÙe Øeevle ceW 20, Deemeece ceW 7, yebieeue ceW 30 Skeb Gòej-ØeosMe ceW 20 mLeeve megjef#ele efkeâS ieS~

2. Fve mLeeveeW kesâ efueS Ûegveeke oes mlejeW hej nesiee~ Meg™ ceW ØelÙeskeâ megjef#ele mLeeve kesâ efueS 4 meomÙeeW keâer metÛeer kesâ Éeje nefjpeve ØelÙeeefMeÙeeW keâes ÛegveWies~ Devle ceW efnvot Deewj nefjpeve mebÙegòeâ ™he mes Fve Ûeej ØelÙeeefMeÙeeW ceW mes Skeâ ØelÙeeMeer keâes ÛegveWies~ Ùen efveÙece ome ke<eeX lekeâ ueeiet jnsiee~

3. nefjpeveeW keâes meeceevÙe efvekee&Ûeve #es$eeW ceW Yeer cele osves keâe DeefOekeâej nesiee~

4. kesâvõerÙe efkeOeeveceC[ueeW ceW oefuele keie& keâes ØeefleefveefOelke osves kesâ efueS mebÙegòeâ celeoeve keâer veerefle hekeb ØeevleerÙe efkeOeeve-ceC[ue ceW heefjieefCele peeefleÙeeW kesâ ØeefleefveefOeÙeeW keâes efvekee&efÛele keâjves keâe efveMÛeÙe efkeâÙee~ efkeefYeVe ØeevleeW ceW Gvekesâ efueS 18 ØeefleMele mLeeeve (18 ØeefleMele meefke&me meskeäšj ceW hejvleg Ùen Deej#eCe mewefvekeâ #es$e ceW veneR Lee) megjef#ele keâj efoS ieS~

5. heefjieefCele peeefleÙeeW keâes mLeeveerÙe mebmLeeDeeW Skeb meeke&peeefvekeâ meskeeDeeW ceW Mew#eefCekeâ ÙeesiÙelee kesâ DeeOeej hej GefÛele mLeeve osves keâer kÙekemLee keâer ieF&~

6. Fme Øekeâej nefjpeveeW ves he=Lekeâd efvekee&Ûeve keâer ceeBie ÚesÌ[ oer Deewj mebÙegòeâ efvekee&Ûeve keâes mkeerkeâej keâj efueÙee~

7. Fmekesâ Devegmeej Demhe=MÙeeW keâes 71 kesâ mLeeve hej 148 mLeeve efceues pees Gvekeâer pevemebKÙee kesâ Devegheele mes DeefOekeâ ØeefleefveefOelke Lee, hejvleg GvnW Deheves ØeefleefveefOe mkeÙeb Ûegveves kesâ DeefOekeâej mes kebefÛele nesvee heÌ[e~

[e@0 Decyes[keâj mebefkeOeeve kesâ ØecegKe efMeefuheÙeeW ceW mes Les~ DeleŠ GvneWves Yejmekeâ



ØeÙeeme efkeâÙee efkeâ YeejleerÙe meceepe ceW efkeYeso hewoe keâjves keeueer meYeer kÙekemLeeDeeW keâe mebefkeOeeve Éeje efvejeefjCe keâj efoÙee peeÙes~ Fme GösMÙe ceW [e@0 Decyes[keâj keâes hetCe& meheâuelee efceueer nQ~ GoenjCeleŠ YeejleerÙe mebefkeOeeve keâer GösefMekeâe Yeejle kesâ mecemle veeieefjkeâeW kesâ efueS meeceeefpekeâ, DeeefLe&keâ Deewj jepeveereflekeâ vÙeeÙe, efkeÛeej, DeefYekÙeefòeâ, efkeÕeeme, Oece& Deewj Gheemeve keâer mkelev$elee, Øeefle…e Deewj Dekemej keâer mecelee Deewj yevOetlke keâes megefveefMÛele keâjleer nw~ DevegÛÚso 14 Fme yeele keâer kÙekemLee keâjlee nw efkeâ jepÙe efkeâmeer kÙeefòeâ keâes efkeefOe kesâ mece#e mecelee mes Deesj efkeefOeÙeeW kesâ meceeve mebj#eCe mes kebefÛele veneR keâjsiee~ DevegÛÚso 15 kesâ Devegmeej jepÙe efkeâmeer veeieefjkeâ kesâ efke®æ kesâkeue Oece&, cetuekebMe, peeefle, efuebie, pevce mLeeve meYeer kesâ efueS efveyee&Oe ™he mes Kegues nQ~ DevegÛÚso 16 peneB veeieefjkeâeW keâes Dekemej keâer mecelee Øeoeve keâjlee nw, keneB ken efheÚÌ[s keieeX kesâ efueS heoeW ceW Deej#eCe keâer kÙekemLee Yeer keâjlee nw~ DevegÛÚso 17 Demhe=MÙelee keâe ve kesâkeue Devle keâjlee nw, yeefukeâ Gmekesâ efkeâmeer Yeer ™heceW DeeÛejCe keâes efveef<eod keâjlee nw~ Demhe=MÙelee me sGhepeer keâesF& Yeer efveÙee&siÙelee oC[veerÙe DehejeOe nw~ mebefkeOeeve ueeskeâ meYee, jepÙeeW keâer efkeOeeve meYeeDeeW ceW DevegmetefÛele peeefleÙeeW, DevegmetefÛele pevepeeefleÙeeW kesâ efueÙes mLeeveeW kesâ Deej#eCe keâer kÙekemLee keâjlee nw leLee efheÚÌ[s keieeX keâer oMeeDeeW keâes megOeejves kesâ efueS kÙekemLee keâjlee nw~

kele&ceeve meeceeefpekeâ kÙekemLee keâer efpeleves leer›e MeyoeW ceW [e@. Yeercejeke Decyes[keâj ves Yelme&vee keâer nw MeeÙeo ner efkeâmeer meceepekeeoer ves keâer nes~ Skeâ Dekemej hej yeesueles ngS GvneWves keâne Lee, ‘‘Ùen keâce Demevlees<e keâer yeele veneR nw efkeâ efkeâmeer Øekeâej efpevoe jnves kesâ efueS ceveg<Ùe keâes Ûeewon-Ûeewon Iebšs keâece keâjves kesâ efueS cepeyetj nesvee heÌ[s Deewj ken Øeke=âefle Øeole cesIee Deewj ceefmle<keâ keâes, kew%eeefvekeâ leLee lekeâveerefkeâ GheueefyOÙeeW kesâ yeekepeto, efkekeâefmele veneR keâj heeÙes~ ceeveke kesâ Fme Mees<eCe keâe cegKÙe keâejCe Ùen nw efkeâ Glheeove kesâ meeOeve-Yetefce Skeb keâejKeeves kÙeefòeâÙeeW kesâ neLe ceW nQ, meceepe kesâ heeme veneR~ efpeme efove Glheeove kesâ meeOeveeW keâe meceepeerkeâjCe nes peeÙesiee ceQ Gmes keemleefkekeâ meeceeefpekeâ ›eâeefvle ceevetbiee~’’

meeb#eshe ceW, [e@0 Decyes[keâj ves YeejleerÙe mebefkeOeeve Deewj keâevetve kesâ ceeOÙece mes 3000 ke<e& hegjeveer peeefle-ØeLee Deewj Demhe=MÙelee keâe Gvcetueve keâj Deheves mebkeâuheerle vÙeeÙe keâes hetje efkeâÙee nw~ Deepe Yeer YeejeleerÙe mebefkeOeeve Yeejle ceW Demhe=MÙelee efkenerve, peeefleefkenerve, keie& efkenerve Deewj efkeYeso efkenerve meceepe keâer kÙekemLee keâjlee nw

mevoYe& «evLe metÛeer1. YeejleerÙe veejer kesâ Gæejkeâ yeeyeemeensye [e@0 yeer0 Deej0 Deecyes[keâj, [e@0 kegâmegce

cesIekeeue, mecÙekeâ ØekeâeMeve, veF& efouueer, he=0 117.

2. yeer. Sce. Mecee&, jece ke=â<Ce oòe Mecee&, meefkelee Mecee&, YeejleerÙe jepeveereflekeâ efkeÛeej, jekele heefuekesâMevme, peÙehegj Skeb veF& efouueer, he=0 368.

3. kneR, he=0 368.

189

4. [er0 Deej0 peeške, [e@0 Decyes[keâj:kÙeefòeâlke Skeced ke=âeflelke, mecelee meeefnlÙe meove, peÙehegj, meved 1933, he=0 136. he=. 204-05.

5. [er0 Deej0 peeške, [e@0 Decyes[keâj:kÙeefòeâlke Skeced ke=âeflelke, mecelee meeefnlÙe meove, peÙehegj, meved 1933, he=0 136. he=. 204-05.

6. DeeOegefvekeâ YeejleerÙe meeceeefpekeâ Skeb jepeveereflekeâ efÛevleve, [@. S. DekemLeer Deewj [e@. Deej. kesâ. DekemLeer, efjmeÛe& heefyuekesâMevme, ef$eheesefueÙee Deewj peÙehegj, he=. 419.

7. DeeOegefvekeâ YeejleerÙe meeceeefpekeâ Skeb jepeveereflekeâ efÛevleve, [@. S. DekemLeer Deewj [e@. Deej. kesâ. DekemLeer, efjmeÛe& heefyuekesâMevme, ef$eheesefueÙee Deewj peÙehegj, he=. 420.

8. hetvee hewkeäš yeveece ieebOeer, Mebkeâjevebo Meem$eer, mecÙekeâ ØekeâeMeve, veF& efouueer, 2011. he=.51.

9. hetvee hewkeäš yeveece ieebOeer, Mebkeâjevebo Meem$eer, mecÙekeâ ØekeâeMeve, veF& efouueer, 2011. he=.52.

*****



DevegmetefÛele peeefle kesâ ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW Éeje meesMeue ceeref[Ùee GheÙeesie kesâ Øeke=efòe keâe DeOÙeÙeve

*meefjlee jeke

Deepe keâe kele&ceeve heefjkesMe yengle mes yeoueekeeW kesâ meeLe efvejblej yeouelee pee jne nw~ Fme vekeerve heefjkesMe ceW meceepe ceW Yeer DelÙevle cenlkehetCe& heefjkele&ve osKeves keâes efceue jne nw~ Fme heefjkele&ve keâe cegKÙe keâejCe ‘mebÛeej ›eâeefvle’ Yeer ceevee pee mekeâlee nw Ùee ÙetB keânW efkeâ MeeÙeo Ùes ner kees keemleefkekeâ nefLeÙeej nw efpemekesâ yeue hej nceeje meceepe hegjeveer yesefÌ[ÙeeW mes Deepeeo nes mekeâlee nw~ Fefleneme yeleeles nw efkeâ nceejs osMe ceW ceefnueeDeeW, DevegmetefÛele peeefle mecesle efvecve keie& kesâ ueesieeW keâes efMeef#ele keâjvee pe™jer veneR mecePee peelee Lee~ Gvekeâes DevÙe keieeX kesâ yejeyej efMe#ee keâe DeefOekeâej veneR efceuelee Lee~ ncesMee Gvekeâes YesoYeeke keâe meecevee keâjvee heÌ[lee Lee~ hetke& ceW DevegmetefÛele peeefleÙeeW kesâ ueesieeW keâes efMe#ee Skeb jespeieej kesâ keâce Dekemej Øeehle nesles Les efpemekesâ keâejCe kes meceepe keâer cegKÙeOeeje mes pegÌ[ veneR heeles Les~ uesefkeâve kele&ceeve ceW mebyewOeeefvekeâ DeefOekeâejeW kesâ Ûeueles DevegmetefÛele peeefle kesâ ueesieeW keâe Yeer Mew#eefCekeâ Skeb meeceeefpekeâ mlej Thej G"e nw~ efMe#ee keâe mlej Thej G"ves mes Deepe DevegmetefÛele peeefle kesâ ueesieeW ves mejkeâejer Skeb iewjmejkeâejer mebie"veeW ceW meskee oskeâj meceepe keâer cegKÙe Oeeje ceW Deheveer henÛeeve yeveeF& nQ~ Deepe meke& meceepe keâer lejn ØeMeemeefvekeâ meskeeDeeW ceW Yeeieeroejer os jns DevegmetefÛele peeefle kesâ ueesie Yeer Fbšjvesš kesâ efkeefYeVe cebÛeeW keâe GheÙeesie pevelee mes mebkeeo mLeeefhele keâjves ceW yeKegyeer keâj jns nQ~ efpemeceW meesMeue ceeref[Ùee efMeKej hej nw~

Deiej nce meesMeue ceeref[Ùee keâes Fmlesceeue keâjves keeues ueesieeW kesâ DeebkeâÌ[eW hej vepej [eueW lees Deemeeveer mes Fmekesâ yeÌ{les ØeYeeke keâes Deebkeâe pee mekeâlee nw~ Deepe Deiej osKes lees ueieYeie 72 heâermeoer ueesie Menjer #es$eeW ceW meesMeue vesškeefkeâËie keâe GheÙeesie keâjles nQ~ Deepe heâsmeyegkeâ, šdkeeršj, Dee@jkegâš, efuebkeâ[erve, yuee@ie kesâ meeLe-meeLe DeveskeâeW meesMeue ceeref[Ùee meeFšdme nQ efpevekeâe GheÙeesie yeÌ[s hewceeves hej efkeâÙee pee jne nw~ Deiej Deepe Yeejle ceW osKes lees ceesyeeFue hej Fbšjvesš keâe Fmlesceeue keâjves keeues ueesieeW keâer mebKÙee ueieYeie 39.7 ueeKe kesâ Deeme-heeme nw~ meeLe ner ceesyeeFue hej meesMeue ceeref[Ùee keâe Fmlesceeue keâjves keeues ueesieeW

*MeesOe Úe$ee- ce0ce0cees0cee0 efnvoer he$ekeâeefjlee mebmLeeve, cenelcee ieeBOeer keâeMeer efkeÅeeheer", keejeCemeer


191

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efheÚues kegâÚ meeueeW ceW meesMeue ceeref[Ùee ves yeÌ[s hewceeves hej nceejs osMe ceW Deheves hewj hemeejs nw~ Deheves oeÙejs keâes pees DeYeer lekeâ efkeosMeeW lekeâ ner meerefcele Lee, Gmekesâ kÙeehekeâ efkeâÙee nw~ ogmejs osMeeW keâer leguevee ceW nce Yeer Skeâ lekeâveerkeâer mes uewme osMe yevekeâj ogefveÙee kesâ meeceves GYejs nQ~ hejvleg meesMeue ceeref[Ùee kesâ DeÛÚs Deewj yesnlej ØeYeekeeW kesâ yeerÛe Fmekesâ kegâÚ ogMØeYeeke Yeer nQ pees nceejs osMe kesâ ÙegkeeDeeW keâes yeÌ[s hewceeves hej ØeYeeefkele keâj jns nQ~ peneB meesMeue ceeref[Ùee ves nceW YeefkeMÙe ceW yeoueeke keâer DeeMee nw, Deevoesueve Deewj pevelee kesâ yeerÛe GceÌ[ jns iegmmes keâes peeefnj keâjves keâe meMeòeâ ceeOÙece nw~ hej kes kÙeehekeâ mlej hej nceW ØeYeeefkele Yeer keâj jns nQ~

kele&ceeve meceÙe ceW DevegmetefÛele peeefle kesâ npeejeW-ueeKeeW ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâejer ØeosMe Skeb osMe ceW keâeÙe&jle nw Deewj kes Deheves yeeleeW, efveo&sMeeW Skeb metÛeveeDeeW keâes he$e-heef$ekeâeDeeW kesâ ceeOÙece mes keânves kesâ Deueekee meesMeue ceeref[Ùee kesâ ceeOÙece mes Yeer Deheves DeeosMeeW Skeb efveo&sMeeW keâes peejer keâjles nw meeLe ner FvneWves meesMeue ceeref[Ùee hej yekeâeÙeoe Dehevee Skeâ hespe yevee jKee nw efpemekesâ ceeOÙece mes kes lkeefjle ieefle mes metÛeveeDeeW keâes Deeoeve-Øeoeve Skeb megPeekeeW keâes Øeehle keâj mekeâles nw~ kele&ceeve meceÙe ceW efkeâmeer cegös hej Deheveer jeÙe jKeves Deewj meceepe ceW kÙeehle Deveskeâ Øekeâej keâer kegâjerefleÙeeW kesâ efkejesOe ceW Deekeepe G"eves Deewj meceLe&ve Øeehle keâjves ceW Yeer heâsmeyegkeâ, šdkeeršj, Ùet-šŸetye Deeefo keâe GheÙeesie kele&ceeve meceÙe ceW efkeMke kesâ keâjesÌ[eW ueesie keâj jns nQ~ neue ner ceW efkeMke kesâ efkeefYeVe osMeeW ceW keâF& ›eâeefvleÙeeB ngF& Deewj meòee heefjkele&ve Yeer ngDee Fmekesâ heerÚs cegKÙe keâejCe meeceeefpekeâ ceeref[Ùee ner Lee~

DevegmetefÛele peeefle kesâ ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW Éeje meesMeue ceeref[Ùee GheÙeesie.....


kele&ceeve MeesOe he$e ceW DevegmetefÛele peeefle kesâ ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW Éeje meesMeue ceeref[Ùee kesâ GheÙeesie keâer Øeke=efòe keâe DeOÙeÙeve keâjvee nw~ Fme MeesOe he$e ceW Gvekesâ GheÙeesie keâer Øeke=efòe keâes meejCeer kesâ ceeOÙece mes oMee&Ùee ieÙee nw~

GösMÙe-Øemlegle DeOÙeÙeve kesâ GösMÙe efvecveefueefKele nw-

1. DevegmetefÛele peeefle kesâ ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW ceW meesMeue ceeref[Ùee GheÙeesie keâer Øeke=efòe keâe DeOÙeÙeve keâjvee~

2. ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW kesâ ØeMeemeefvekeâ keâeÙe& ceW heâsmeyegkeâ keâe Ùeesieoeve keâe DeOÙeÙeve keâjvee~

3. ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW hej meesMeue ceeref[Ùee kesâ ØeYeeke keâe DeOÙeÙeve keâjvee~

Ghekeâuhevee-Øemlegle DeOÙeÙeve keâer GhekeâuheveeSb efvecveefueefKele nw-

4. DevegmetefÛele peeefle kesâ ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW Éeje meesMeue ceeref[Ùee keâe GheÙeesie efkeâÙee peelee nw~

5. ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâejer Deheves efoMee efveo&sMeeW Skeb he$eeW keâes heâsmeyegkeâ kesâ ceeOÙece mes Yeer peejer keâjles nw~

6. Deheves DeOeervemLe menÙeesefieÙeeW Skeb DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW mes mecheke&â ceW jnves Skeb Deecepeve mes Deheves keâeÙeeX kesâ yesnlej megPeeke kesâ keâejCe ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâejer meesMeue ceeref[Ùee keâe GheÙeesie keâjles nw~

vÙeeoMe& keâe ÛeÙevevÙeeoMe& kesâ ÛeÙeve kesâ ™he ceW Gòej ØeosMe ceW keâeÙe&jle DevegmetefÛele peeefle kesâ

ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW keâes efkeâÙee ieÙee nw~ Ûet@efkeâ Gòej ØeosMe ceW ØeMeeefvekeâ DeefOekeâefjÙeeW ceW DeeF&0S0Sme0, heer0meer0Sme0, [er0DeeF&0Dees0Sme0 meefnle keâF& Øekeâej kesâ ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâejer keâeÙe&jle nw FmeefueS vÙeeoMe& keâe ÛeÙeve GösMÙehetCe& efveoMe&ve ØeCeeueer kesâ ceeOÙece mes 30 ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW keâe ÛeÙeve efkeâÙee ieÙee nw~

leLÙe mebkeâueve keâer efkeefOeleLÙe mebkeâueve keâer efkeefOe kesâ ™he ceW ØeMveekeueer keâe ØeÙeesie Øemlegle DeOÙeÙeve ceW

efkeâÙee ieÙee nw~ meeLe ner leLÙeebs keâe mebkeâueve nsleg meke&s#eCe efkeefOe keâe GheÙeesie Øemlegle DeOÙeÙeve ceW efkeâÙee ieÙee nw~

193

meesMeue ceeref[Ùee: mebef#ehle heefjÛeÙemeesMeue ceeref[Ùee keâer Meg™Deele ngS DeYeer yengle pÙeeoe keòeâ veneR ngDee nw~ Fmekesâ

ØeYeeke keâe Devoepee Fme leLÙe mes Yeer ueieeÙee pee mekeâlee nw efkeâ Fmeves nceejs yeele keâjves Deewj meePee keâjves kesâ leewj-lejerkeâeW ceW keâeheâer heefjkele&ve keâj efoÙes nQ~ Ùen keânvee Yeer Skeâ pegceues keâer Mekeäue ues Ûegkeâe nw efkeâ Fme ceeOÙece ves mebÛeej keâer hetjer Øeef›eâÙee keâes ner yeouekeâj jKe efoÙee nQ Fmekeâer leekeâle yeÌ{ves kesâ meeLe ner, mebÛeej keâer ogefveÙee kesâ ceewpetoe leekeâlekejeW mes Fme ceeOÙece keâe škeâjeke Yeer yeÌ{e nQ uesefkeâve Deye Ùen škeâjeke cew$eerhetCe& ner jne nw~ meesMeue ceeref[Ùee ceewpetoe meceepe Deewj jepeveerefle ceW kewefMkekeâ mlej hej oKeue jnleer nQ~ veÙes ceeOÙece keâe Fleves keâce meceÙe ceW Flevee efveCee&Ùekeâ mLeeve hee uesvee cenpe Fòesheâekeâ veneR nw~ leekeâlekej osMeeW kesâ cegefKeÙeeDeeW mes ueskeâj Dejye osMeeW kesâ meeOeejCe veewpekeeveeW lekeâ meye Fmekeâer meerOeer peo ceW nQ~ cegKÙeOeeje keâe ceeref[Ùee Yeer vÙet ceeref[Ùee keâer leekeâle keâes cenmetme keâj jne nw~

1997 ceW henueer meesMeue vesškeefkeâËie meeFš yeveer Deewj 15 meeueeW ceW Fve meeFšdme keâe heâuekeâ yengle pÙeeoe efkemleeefjle nes Ûegkeâe nw~ Deiej ogefveÙee Yej ceW mejkeâejeW keâe Dehevee vepeefjÙeeb nw lees heâsmeyegkeâ keâer Yeer Deheveer iueesyeue efÛevleve Øeef›eâÙee nw pees meceÙe, oMee Deewj efoMee kesâ cegleeefyekeâ Skeâekeâej Yeer nes peeleer nw~ 04 heâjkejer, 2004 keâes heâsmeyegkeâ ueebÛe nesves kesâ meeLe keâF& meceerkeâjCe yeoueles Meg™ nes ieÙes~ Fme meeFš keâes Deefmlelke ceW ueeves keeues ceeke&â pegkeâjkeie& keâer GceÇ Gme meceÙe cenpe 19 meeue Leer~

heâsmeyegkeâheâsmeyegkeâ Skeâ efveŠMegukeâ meeceeefpekeâ vesškeefkeâËie meskee nw, efpemekesâ ceeOÙece mes Fmekesâ

meomÙe Deheves efce$eeW, heefjkeej Deewj heefjefÛeleeW kesâ meeLe mecheke&â jKe mekeâles nQ~ Ùen heâsmeyegkeâ Fbkeâes veecekeâ efvepeer keâcheveer Éeje mebÛeeefuele nw~ Fmekesâ ØeÙeesòeâe veiej, efkeÅeeueÙe, keâeÙe&mLeue Ùee #es$e kesâ Devegmeej ieef"le efkeâÙes ngS vesškekeâeX ceW Meeefceue nes mekeâles nQ Deewj Deehemes ceW efkeÛeejeW keâe Deeoeve-Øeoeve keâj mekeâles nQ~ Fmekeâe DeejcYe 2004 ceW neke&[& kesâ Skeâ Úe$e ceeie& pegkeâjyeie& ves keâer Leer~ Fmekeâe veece o heâsmeyegkeâ Lee~ keâeuespe vesškeefkeâËie peeuemLeue kesâ ™he ceW DeejcYe kesâ yeeo MeerIeÇ ner Ùen keâeuespe heefjmej ceW ueeskeâefØeÙe nesleer Ûeueer ieF&~ kegâÚ ner cenerveeW ceW Ùen vesškeke&â hetjs Ùetjeshe ceW henÛeevee peeves ueiee~ Deiemle 2005 ceW Fmekeâe veece heâsmeyegkeâ keâj efoÙee ieÙee~ heâsmeyegkeâ ceW DevÙe YeeMeeDeeW kesâ meeLe efnvoer ceW Yeer keâece keâjves keâer megefkeOee nw~

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kesâ Deueekee heâsmeyegkeâ keâer DevÙe meYeer mebosMe meskeeSb efceue jner nw~

efšdkešjefšdkešj hej 140 keâwjskeäšj kesâ ‘mšsšdme cewmespe Dehe[sš’ keâes Deveefievele meomÙeeW

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195

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efšdkešj, Deueskeämee Fbšjvesš kesâ kesye ÙeeleeÙeele efkeMuesMeCe kesâ Éeje mebmeej Yej keâer meyemes ueeskeâefØeÙe kesyemeeFš kesâ ™he ceW 26keeR ßesCeer hej DeeÙeer nw~ kewmes Devegceeefvele owefvekeâ GheÙeesòeâeDeeW keâer mebKÙee yeoueleer jnleer nw, keäÙeeWefkeâ keâcheveer meef›eâÙe KeeleeW keâer mebKÙee peejer veneR keâjleer~ neueebefkeâ heâjkejer, 2009 ykeGÛecepeceCyekeG yueeie kesâ Éeje efšdkešj keâes meyemes DeefOekeâ ØeÙeesie efkeâÙes peeves keeues meeceeefpekeâ vesškeke&â kesâ ™he ceW leermeje mLeeve efoÙee ieÙee~ Fmekesâ Devegmeej ceeefmekeâ veÙes DeeieblegkeâeW keâer mebKÙee ceesšs leewj hej 60 ueeKe Deewj ceeefmekeâ efvejer#eCe keâer mebKÙee 5 keâjesÌ[ 50 ueeKe nw~ neueebefkeâ kesâkeue 40ØeefleMele GheÙeesiekeâlee& ner yeves jnles nQ~ ceeÛe& 2009 kesâ efueS meyemes lespeer mes GYejleer ngF& meeFš kesâ ™he ceW ›eâefcele efkeâÙee nw~

DeejkegâšDeejkeâtš Fbšjvesš hej Skeâ Øeefmeæ meeceeefpekeâ vesškeke&â nw pees efkeâ ietieue mecetn

Éeje mebÛeeefuele efkeâÙee pee jne nw~ Fmekeâe veece ietieue mecetn kesâ Skeâ keâce&Ûeejer Deeke&âgš yegÙegkeäkeâe@keäšsve kesâ veece hej heÌ[e~ Fmekeâer meskee ceW keâne ieÙee nw efkeâ ken GheÙeesiekeâlee& keâes veÙes oesmle yeveeves Deewj kele&ceeve mecyevOeeW keâes yeveeS jKeves ceW ceoo keâjves kesâ efueS DevkesefMele efkeâÙee ieÙee nw~ henues FmeceW Keelee Keesueves kesâ efueS efkeâmeer hetke& meomÙe kesâ efveceb$eCe keâer DeekeMÙekeâlee nesleer Leer hej Dekeäštyej 2006 kesâ yeeo mes efyevee efveÙeb$eCe kesâ Keelee Keesueves keâer megefkeOee os oer ieF&~ Deeke&âgš keâe ØeÙeesie meyemes pÙeeoe yeÇepeerue ceW neslee nw efpemekesâ yeeo Yeejle otmejs mLeeve hej nw~ Deeke&âgš kesâ meyemes pÙeeoe GheÙeesiekeâlee& yeÇepeerue (51.18ØeefleMele), mebÙegòeâ jepÙe Decesefjkeâe (17.41ØeefleMele) Deewj Yeejle (17.41 ØeefleMele) ceW nQ~ meyemes pÙeeoe GheÙeesie keâjves keeues 18-25 keMe& kesâ ueesie nQ~ Deiemle 2007 ceW ietieue ves Ùen efveCe&Ùe efueÙee efkeâ keâwefueheâesefve&Ùee efmLele nesmšs[ Deeke&âgš keâe ØeyevOeve keâjsiee Deewj mebÛeeueve hetjer lejn mes Deye ietieue yeÇepeerue kesâ Éeje efkeâÙee peeSiee~

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neB 30 100.00

veneR - -

Ùeesie 30 100.00

Ghejesòeâ meejCeer mebKÙee-1 kesâ efkeMuesMeCe mes mhe<š nw efkeâ vÙeeoMe& ceW ÛeÙeefvele GòejoeleeDeeW ceW mes meYeer 30 GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ meesMeue ceeref[Ùee hej Gvekeâe Keelee nw~ Ssmes ØeMeemeefvekeâ GòejoeleeDeeW keâe ØeefleMele 100 jne nw~

Fme Øekeâej mhe<š nw efkeâ meYeer ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâejer meesMeue ceeref[Ùee hej Dehevee Keelee yevee jKee nw~

197

meejCeer mebKÙee-2ØeMeemeefvekeâ hespe Deewj «eghe keâes ueeFkeâ keâjves keâe efkekejCe

efkekeâuhe Deeke=efòe ØeefleMele

neB 25 83.33

veneR - -

keâYeer-keâYeer 05 17.67

Ùeesie 30 100

Ghejesòeâ meejCeer mebKÙee-2 kesâ efkeMuesMeCe mes mheMš nw efkeâ vÙeeoMe& ceW ÛeÙeefvele ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW ceW mes mekee&efOekeâ 83.33 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes ØeMeemeefvekeâ hespe Deewj «eghe keâes ueeFkeâ keâjles nw peyeefkeâ 17.67 ØeefleMele ØeMeemeefvekeâ GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes ØeMeemeefvekeâ hespe Deewj «eghe keâes keâYeer-keâYeer ueeFkeâ keâjles nw~

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meejCeer mebKÙee-3mkeÙeb keâe ØeMeemeefvekeâ hespe Ùee iegÇhe nesves keâe efkekejCe


neB 27 90

veneR 03 10

Ùeesie 30 100

Ghejesòeâ meejCeer mebKÙee-3 kesâ efkeMuesMeCe mes mheMš nw efkeâ vÙeeoMe& ceW ÛeÙeefvele GòejoeleeDeeW ceW mes mekee&efOekeâ 90 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe mkeÙeb keâe hespe Ùee «eghe nw peyeefkeâ 10 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ Gvekeâe mkeÙeb keâe hespe Ùee «eghe veneR nw~

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meejCeer mebKÙee-4Deheves iegÇhe kesâ ceeOÙece mes ØeMeemeefvekeâ efveo&sMe peejer keâjves keâe efkekejCe


neB 21 77.78

veneR 06 22.22

Ùeesie 27 100

Ghejesòeâ meejCeer mebKÙee-4 kesâ efkeMuesMeCe mes mheMš nw efkeâ efpeve ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW keâe hespe Ùee «eghe nw Gvekesâ mekee&efOekeâ 77.78 ØeefleMele Gòejoelee Deheves «eghe/hespe kesâ ceeOÙece mes ØeMeemeefvekeâ efveo&sMe peejer keâjles nw peyeefkeâ cee$e 22.22 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes Deheves ØeMeemeefvekeâ hespe Ùee iegÇhe mes ØeMeemeefvekeâ efoMee-efveo&sMe peejer veneR keâjles nw~

Fme Øekeâej efveMkeâMe&leŠ keâne pee mekeâlee nw efkeâ mekee&efOekeâ ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâejer Deheves hespe/ iegÇhe kesâ ceeOÙece mes ØeMeemeefvekeâ efoMee-efveo&sMe peejer keâjles nw~

meejCeer mebKÙee-5Deheves hespe Éeje Deecepeve mes meerOee mebkeeo keâjves keâe efkekejCe


neB 18 67.67

veneR 03 11.11


Ùeesie 27 100

Ghejesòeâ meejCeer mebKÙee-5 kesâ efkeMuesMeCe mes mheMš nw efkeâ efpeve DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW keâe Dehevee hespe nw GveceW mekee&efOekeâ 67.67 ØeefleMele Gòejoelee Deheves hespe kesâ ceeOÙece mes Deecepeve mes meerOee mebkeeo keâjles nw, 11.11 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes Deheves hespe kesâ ceeOÙece mes pevelee mes meerOee mebkeeo veneR keâjles nw peyeefkeâ 22.22 ØeefleMele Gòejoelee Deheves hespe kesâ ceeOÙece keâYeer-keâYeer Deecepeve mes meerOee mebkeeo keâjles nw~

Fme Øekeâej efveMkeâMe&leŠ keâne pee mekeâlee nw efkeâ mekee&efOekeâ ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâejer Deheves hespe kesâ ceeOÙece mes Deecepeve mes meerOee mebkeeo keâjles nw efpevekeâe ØeefleMele 67.67 jne nw~

199

meejCeer mebKÙee-6Deecepeve keâes peeie™keâ keâjves kesâ efueS meesMeue ceeref[Ùee Deheveeves keâe efkekejCe


neB 22 73.33

veneR - -


Ùeesie 30 100

Ghejesòeâ meejCeer mebKÙee-6 kesâ efkeMuesMeCe mes mheMš nw efkeâ vÙeeoMe& ceW ÛeÙeefvele ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW ceW mekee&efOekeâ 73.33 ØeefleMele DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes Deecepeve keâes peeie™keâ keâjves kesâ efueS meesMeue ceeref[Ùee keâe meneje uesles nw peyeefkeâ cee$e 26.67 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes Deecepeve keâes peeie™keâ keâjves kesâ efueS keâYeer-keâYeer meesMeue ceeref[Ùee keâe meneje uesles nw~

Fme Øekeâej efveMkeâMe&leŠ keâne pee mekeâlee nw efkeâ ueieYeie meYeer ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâejer Gòejoelee efkeâmeer Yeer cegös hej Deecepeve keâes peeie™keâ keâjves kesâ efueS meesMeue ceeref[Ùee keâe meneje uesles nw~

meejCeer mebKÙee-7Deheves keeue hej Deecepeve Éeje heesmš efkeâÙes ieÙes megPeekeeW hej efkeÛeej keâjves keâe

efkekejCe


neB 17 56.67

veneR 08 26.66


Ùeesie 30 100

Ghejesòeâ meejCeer mebKÙee-7 kesâ efkeMuesMeCe mes mheMš nw efkeâ vÙeeoMe& ceW ÛeÙeefvele Gòejoeef$eÙeeW ceW mes mekee&efOekeâ 56.67 ØeefleMele Gòejoelee Deheves keeue hej Deecepeve Éeje heesmš efkeâÙes ieÙes megPeekeeW hej efkeÛeej keâjles nw, 26.66 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes Deheves keeue hej Deecepeve Éeje heesmš efkeâÙes ieÙes megPeekeeW hej efkeÛeej veneR keâjles nw peyeefkeâ 16.67 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes Deheves keeue hej Deecepeve Éeje heesmš efkeâÙes ieÙes megPeekeeW hej keâYeer-keâYeer efkeÛeej keâjles nw~



Fme Øekeâej mheMš nw efkeâ mekee&efOekeâ ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW kesâ keeue hej Deecepeve Éeje heesmš efkeâÙes ieÙes megPeekeeW hej efkeÛeej keâjles nw leLee Gvekesâ Devegmeej DeekeMÙekeâ megOeej keâjles nw~

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efkekeâefmele nes Ûegkeâer nw~ meeLe ner meeLe Fme ceeref[Ùee keâer ueeskeâefØeÙelee Deewj ØeYeeke Yeer DevÙe ceeref[Ùee keâer Dehes#ee DelÙeefOekeâ osKeves keâes efceue jne nw~ meesMeue ceeref[Ùee kesâ ye{les ØeYeeke hej Deiej ieewj keâjW lees nce osKeles nQ, 2013 kesâ DeeFefjme vee@uespe heâeGb[sMeve Skeb YeejleerÙe Fbšjvesš Deewj ceesyeeFue SsmeesefmeSMeve Éeje DeeÙeesefpele Skeâ meke&s#eCe kesâ Devegmeej, Deepe meesMeue ceeref[Ùee GheÙeesiekeâlee&DeeW keâer mecYeeefkele mebKÙee efkeMke keâer pevemebKÙee keâe Skeâ ÛeewLeeF& nes ieÙee nw~ Deepe nceejs osMe ceW Fbšjvesš kesâkeue 10heâermeoer ueesieeW lekeâ ner hengbÛe heeÙee nw~ uesefkeâve Fbšjvesš GheÙeesiekeâlee&DeeW kesâ ceeceues ceW Yeejle, Decesefjkeâe Deewj Ûeerve kesâ yeeo leermejs mLeeve hej nw~ peesefkeâ Deheves Deehe ceW Skeâ yeÌ[er GheueefyOe nw~ Skeâ Devegceeve kesâ Devegmeej Yeejle ceW ueieYeie 140 efceefueÙeve Fbšjvesš GheÙeesiekeâlee& Deewj keâjerye 65 ueeKe ueesie meesMeue ceeref[Ùee keâe GheÙeesie keâjles nw~

Øemlegle DeOÙeÙeve kesâ DeeOeej hej keâne pee mekeâlee nw efkeâ Gòej ØeosMe kesâ ØeMeemeefvekeâ DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW ceW meYeer 30 GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ meesMeue ceeref[Ùee hej Gvekeâe Keelee nw~ Ssmes ØeMeemeefvekeâ GòejoeleeDeeW keâe ØeefleMele 100 jne nw~ mekee&efOekeâ 83.33 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes ØeMeemeefvekeâ hespe Deewj «eghe keâes ueeFkeâ keâjles nw peyeefkeâ 17.67 ØeefleMele ØeMeemeefvekeâ GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes ØeMeemeefvekeâ hespe Deewj «eghe keâes keâYeer-keâYeer ueeFkeâ keâjles nw~ mekee&efOekeâ 90 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe mkeÙeb keâe hespe Ùee «eghe nw peyeefkeâ 10 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ Gvekeâe mkeÙeb keâe hespe Ùee «eghe veneR nw~ mekee&efOekeâ 77.78 ØeefleMele Gòejoelee Deheves «eghe/hespe kesâ ceeOÙece mes ØeMeemeefvekeâ efveo&sMe peejer keâjles nw peyeefkeâ cee$e 22.22 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes Deheves ØeMeemeefvekeâ hespe Ùee iegÇhe mes ØeMeemeefvekeâ efoMee-efveo&sMe peejer veneR keâjles nw~ mekee&efOekeâ 67.67 ØeefleMele Gòejoelee Deheves hespe kesâ ceeOÙece mes Deecepeve mes meerOee mebkeeo keâjles nw, 11.11 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes Deheves hespe kesâ ceeOÙece mes pevelee mes meerOee mebkeeo veneR keâjles nw peyeefkeâ 22.22 ØeefleMele Gòejoelee Deheves hespe kesâ ceeOÙece keâYeer-keâYeer Deecepeve mes meerOee mebkeeo keâjles nw~ mekee&efOekeâ 73.33 ØeefleMele DeefOekeâeefjÙeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes Deecepeve keâes peeie™keâ keâjves kesâ efueS meesMeue ceeref[Ùee keâe meneje uesles nw peyeefkeâ cee$e 26.67 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes Deecepeve keâes peeie™keâ keâjves kesâ efueS keâYeer-keâYeer meesMeue ceeref[Ùee keâe meneje uesles nw~ mekee&efOekeâ 56.67 ØeefleMele Gòejoelee Deheves keeue hej Deecepeve Éeje heesmš efkeâÙes ieÙes megPeekeeW hej efkeÛeej keâjles nw,

201

26.66 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes Deheves keeue hej Deecepeve Éeje heesmš efkeâÙes ieÙes megPeekeeW hej efkeÛeej veneR keâjles nw peyeefkeâ 16.67 ØeefleMele GòejoeleeDeeW keâe keânvee nw efkeâ kes Deheves keeue hej Deecepeve Éeje heesmš efkeâÙes ieÙes megPeekeeW hej keâYeer-keâYeer efkeÛeej keâjles nw~ kes meesMeue ceeref[Ùee kesâ ceeOÙece mes peeie™keâlee, efoMee-efveo&sMe osves kesâ meeLe ner meeLe pevelee mes Deheves efkeÛeejeW keâe meerOee mebkeeo keâjles nw leLee Gvekesâ efkeÛeejeW Skeb megPeekeeW keâe GheÙeesie Yeer keâjles nw~

mevoYe& «evLe metÛeer • https://hi.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E0%A4%B8%E0%A4%BE%E0%

A4%AE%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%9C%E0%A4%BF%E0%A4%95_%E0%A4%AE%E0%A5%80%E0%A4%A1%E0%A4%BF%E0%A4%AF%E0%A4%BE mes efoveebkeâ-11.11.2017 keâes ØeeleŠ 11.30 yepes Øeehle~

• www.samvadsetupatrika.wordpress.com mes efoveebkeâ-11.11.2017 keâes ØeeleŠ 11.40 yepes Øeehle~

• vÙet ceeref[Ùee, Fbšjvesš keâer YeeMeeÙeer ÛegveewefleÙeeb Deewj mebYeekeveeSb- mebhee0 Deej0 DevegjeOee, jeOeeke=âMCe, veF& efou}er, 2012, he=0-58.

• http//hi.wikipedia.org/facebook/html. efoveebkeâ 17.11.2017 keâes 2.30 yepes Øeehle~

• http//hi.wikipedia.org/twitter/html. efoveebkeâ 20.11.2017 keâes 12.10 yepes Øeehle~

• http//hi.wikipedia.org/orkut/html. efoveebkeâ 18.11.2017 keâes 12.15 yepes Øeehle~

• http//hi.wikipedia.org/linked in/html. efoveebkeâ 22.11.2017 keâes 10.30 yepes Øeehle~

• kegâceej, Øeoerhe, ‘mees<e} ceeref[Ùee Ùetpej ceW y}e@ie }sKeve keâer Øeke=efòe’, DeeOÙeeefcekeâlee, ceeref[Ùee Deewj meeceeefpekeâ yeo}eke, meb0 (2015), Øekele&ve heefy}kesâ<eve, }eletj~

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ISSN 2348-1757

Indian Journal of Dalit and TribalStudies (IJDTS)

A bi-annual bi-lingual refereed journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies

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INDIAN JOURNAL OF DALIT AND TRIBAL STUDIES (IJDTS)