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INEQUITIES, SUPPORT, AND SUCCESS: INFLUENCES ON
NATIVE AMERICAN STUDENTS’ SENSE OF BELONGING
IN PUBLIC, POSTSECONDARY EDUCATION
A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of
California State University, Stanislaus
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree
of Doctor of Education in Educational Leadership
By Mark Villar Alabanza
May 2020
CERTIFICATION OF APPROVAL
INEQUITIES, SUPPORT, AND SUCCESS: INFLUENCES ON
NATIVE AMERICAN STUDENTS’ SENSE OF BELONGING
IN PUBLIC, POSTSECONDARY EDUCATION
by Mark Villar Alabanza
Dr. Debra Bukko Associate Professor of Advanced Studies in Education
Dr. Virginia Montero Hernandez Associate Professor of Advanced Studies in Education
Dr. Kathleen Wong (Lau) Chief Diversity Officer
Dr. J P Leary Associate Professor of First Nation Studies, History, and Humanities
Date
Date
Date
Date
Signed Certification of Approval page is on file with the University Library
© 2020
Mark Villar Alabanza ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
iv
DEDICATION
To my husband, Browning, who has always demonstrated that learning is a
lifelong endeavor, one that should always be enjoyed and shared. Through days and
nights of frustration and the moments of self-doubt where I thought I might quit, this
“long essay” represents the culmination of my work and your support. Having
labored on this for the past two years, there have been many scheduling challenges in
our lives. However, your love and support helped bring me to the end of this journey
and have made me a better man, husband, and (dare I say?) educator along the way.
v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the faculty at Stan State for challenging me to look
beyond what I know and not be afraid to learn. I would like to express my heartfelt
gratitude to my dissertation committee members, Drs. Montero-Hernandez, Wong
(Lau), and Leary for their constructive feedback and the challenges to dig deeper. I
could not have done this without your help and perspectives. To my dissertation
chair, Dr. Bukko, who always made sure that I stayed on task, stayed healthy, and
took time to breathe, I cannot thank you enough for your continued encouragement
and positive energy. A special thanks to Dr. Stephanie Waterman for taking time to
speak with me and provide guidance and feedback about how to approach my
research.
To Sabrina and the participants of my study, thank you for your trust and the
honor of sharing your experiences with me. I am humbled and grateful to have had
the opportunity to listen to and learn from your stories. Please know that this will be
an experience I will remember forever.
To my family and friends, thank you for putting up with me for the past three
years. With your support, I passed through the craziness and moments of wanting to
quit. Even though I knew this would be a monumental task, I did not realize the
amount of support I would need along the way. Thank you for always being there.
To cohort 10, I could not have asked for a better group of people with whom
to work. This was not an experience I had planned to enter, but I am so glad it
vi
happened. I will always cherish the memories of weekend classes full of insight and
laughter, complete with food ranging from a full-out breakfast buffet to a bag of chips
and a cup of water. We came through it damaged, but it reminds me of a quote from
Cars 2, “I come by each one ‘em with my best friend Lightning McQueen. I don’t fix
these. I wanna remember these dents forever.” And so it is with cohort 10, I do not
plan on fixing my damage; I want to remember it forever.
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE
Dedication ............................................................................................................... iv
Acknowledgements ................................................................................................. v
List of Tables .......................................................................................................... ix
List of Figures ......................................................................................................... x Abstract ................................................................................................................... xi
Introduction ............................................................................................................. 1 Statement of the Problem ............................................................................ 4 Purpose of the Study ................................................................................... 10 Significance of the Study ............................................................................ 11 Research Question ...................................................................................... 13 Summary ..................................................................................................... 14 Literature Review.................................................................................................... 16 Social and Historical Conditions of Native Americans .............................. 18 Institutional Barriers ................................................................................... 23 The Complexity in the Construction of the Native American Identity ....... 32 Students’ Definitions of Success ................................................................ 39 Support Structures ....................................................................................... 42 Existing Research Strengths and Gaps ....................................................... 48 Tribal Critical Race Theory ........................................................................ 49 Tying It Together ........................................................................................ 54 Methodology ........................................................................................................... 58 Positionality ................................................................................................ 58 Epistemological Perspective ....................................................................... 62 Methodology: Phenomenological Approach .............................................. 64 Research Question ...................................................................................... 66 Context of the Study (Research Setting) ..................................................... 66 Finding Storytellers ..................................................................................... 69 Data Collection ........................................................................................... 73 Data Analysis .............................................................................................. 75
viii
Trustworthiness ........................................................................................... 77 Reflexivity................................................................................................... 79 Results ..................................................................................................................... 81 Learning from Stories ................................................................................. 81 Unique Context of the Stories ..................................................................... 85 Moving into the Mainstream ....................................................................... 89 Storytellers Introduced ................................................................................ 92 The Native Center ....................................................................................... 101 Theme 1: Upbringing Influences Native American Students’ Exploration of Cultural Heritage ................................................................ 103 Theme 2: Sense of Belonging on Campus: People, Space, and a Psychological Resource .............................................................................. 124 Theme 3: Service as Nourishment for Self-Affirmation and Growth ......... 162 Continuing Their Journeys .......................................................................... 181 Reflecting on the Storytellers’ Voices ........................................................ 184 Discussion ............................................................................................................... 187 Summary of Findings .................................................................................. 189 Theoretical Discussion ................................................................................ 193 Implications for Practice ............................................................................. 208 Suggestions for Further Research ............................................................... 213 Final Thoughts ............................................................................................ 216 References ............................................................................................................... 218 Appendices
A. Student Invitation ........................................................................................ 233 B. Informed Consent to Participate in Research.............................................. 234 C. Interview Protocol ....................................................................................... 237 D. Demographic Questionnaire ....................................................................... 240
ix
LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE 1. The Nine Tenets of TribalCrit........................................................................... 51
2. 2018-2019 California K-12 School Enrollment ................................................ 67
3. Participant Demographics ................................................................................. 91
4. Summary of Emergent Themes and Subthemes ............................................... 192
x
LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE PAGE 1. Visual Representation of Theme 1 .................................................................... 104
2. Relationship Between Theme 1 and Theme 2 .................................................. 126
3. Connections Between Themes 1, 2, and 3 ........................................................ 163
xi
ABSTRACT
Endemic issues of racism and colonialism create barriers to Native American
students’ access to higher education. Using tribal critical race theory (TribalCrit) as a
theoretical underpinning, this study explored how Native American students develop
and experience a sense of belonging at a public, postsecondary institution. Using a
phenomenological approach, I interviewed and analyzed Native American students’
stories regarding their sense of belonging in higher education. Themes emerged that
revealed connections between students’ educational experiences and connections to
their cultural heritage prior to entering college and development of sense of belonging
through campus spaces and relationships with faculty, staff, and fellow Native
American students that contributed to bicultural efficacy and enculturation. Findings
suggest that culturally affirming practices contribute to development of sense of
belonging which serves to nourish Native American students’ self-affirmation and
perceptions for their future selves.
1
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Underrepresented students encounter significant challenges when pursuing
higher education in the United States (Brayboy, 2005; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
These challenges include poor academic preparation, racism, and lack of academic
support (Ballard & Cintrón, 2010; Brayboy, 2005; Carter, 2008; Comeaux, 2013;
Flynn et al., 2012; Gaxiola Serrano, 2017; Harper et al., 2016; Ladson-Billings &
Tate, 1995; Sólorzano et al., 2005). Native Americans have a complex relationship
and history with the United States government which has resulted in institutional
barriers that limit educational access and opportunity (Brayboy, 2005; Brown, 2016;
Campbell, 2007; Lundberg, 2014). Across multiple generations, Native Americans
experienced cultural genocide as European colonizers sought to them from their own
lands, assimilate them into a Eurocentric culture, and force the redistribution of
valuable natural resources from Native Americans to the European colonizers
(Brayboy, 2005; Brown, 2016; Dawson, 2012; Rudy, 2013; Vantrease, 2013).
Historically, the federal government viewed Native Americans as an
inherently inferior culture (Brown, 2016). Europeans sought to remove Native
Americans’ culture and assimilate them into European society through the use of
Indian boarding schools (Adams, 2011). Practices such as banning cultural and
religious traditions and enforcing strict dress codes served as tools used by boarding
school agents who saw the need to domesticize Indigenous people (Dawson, 2012).
2
Sanctioned by the United States government, these practices continued throughout
history to increase the government’s wealth while simultaneously invalidating Native
Americans’ claims to those resources. The fact that these procedures continued well
into the 20th century exemplifies the government’s systematic approach to the cultural
genocide of Native Americans (Hare & Pidgeon, 2011; N. Lopez, 2010).
The actions of colonization, White supremacy, and imperialism are apparent
in educational and federal policies toward Native Americans (Brayboy, 2005). The
mechanisms within these actions serve to marginalize Native American voices. This
marginalization occurs as the hegemonic cultural norms replace the cultural norms of
Native Americans so that Native American students feel they have no choice but to
become less Native to navigate higher education and, ultimately, mainstream society.
There remains an underlying bias which serves as a social and academic
barrier to Native American students in relation to their non-Native peers (Akee &
Yassie-Mintz, 2011). One possible result of this historical stratification is a
diminished sense of belonging for Native American students in educational
institutions (Tachine et al., 2017). For this study, sense of belonging is defined as a
student’s “perceived social support on campus, a feeling or sensation of
connectedness, the experience of mattering or feeling cared about, accepted,
respected, valued by, and important to the group (e.g., campus community) or other
on campus (e.g., faculty, peers)” (Strayhorn, 2012, p. 3).
Throughout the United States, the enrollment of Native American students in
higher education is less than 1% (Akee & Yassie-Mintz, 2011). This is not unique to
3
higher education. In California Native American students represent only 0.5% of K-
12 enrollment (California Department of Education, 2019). While only comprising a
small percentage of the population, every Native American’s education is important.
Pursuit of education for Native Americans is important as it helps to prepare
students for the current challenges of living in a society based in colonialism and
cultural erasure (Cajete, 2010). By gaining a formal education, Native American
students can break the cycle of systemic poverty through the ability to earn higher
salaries and create an environment to support future Native American leaders and
sustain their communities (J. Bowman, 2015). However, a barrier to this pursuit is
that education for Native Americans has been historically dictated by non-Natives
(Cajete, 2010). As a result, the educational system is rooted in inequity and practices
that reinforce assimilation (Brayboy, 2005).
To redress systemic inequities, there is a need to understand and support
unique needs of Native American students pursuing higher education. It is further
necessary to understand how to serve the students culturally, academically and
psychologically once they are enrolled. This study contributes to educational
practitioners’ understanding relative to the ways in which Native American students
experience education and develop a sense of belonging within educational
institutions. Understanding the development of a sense of belonging may help to
address Native American students’ barriers to academic success. Findings may guide
educational practitioners to appropriately serve this population and to address
possible institutional barriers for Native American students.
4
Statement of the Problem
Workforce and societal demands for heightened levels of job skills have
increased the need for students to attend and complete studies at postsecondary
institutions (Baum et al., 2013). Institutions of higher education are built on systemic
colonialism and assimilation which have created issues of bias and skewed
institutional policies in the educational system (Brayboy, 2005; Quijada Cerecer,
2013). The first, second, and sixth tenets of Brayboy’s (2005) tribal critical race
theory highlight the societal issue of colonization which filters into the governmental
and educational policies that impact Native Americans. Because of these issues,
Native American students have been historically underserved and have difficulty
completing their studies resulting in historically low graduation rates (Brayboy, 2005;
California Department of Education, 2019).
In higher education, enrollment trends for American Indians/Alaska Natives
(AI/AN) from 1990 to 2013 indicate the number of enrolled undergraduates has
increased, but AI/AN still represent approximately 1% of the total number of enrolled
undergraduates (Musu-Gillette et al., 2017). Similarly, during the same time period,
while the overall number of AI/NA graduate enrollments increased, they comprised
approximately 1% of the total graduate school enrollments (Musu-Gillette et al.,
2017). In the academic year 2012-2013, 900 out of 175,038 doctorate degrees were
conferred to American Indians/Alaska Natives which is approximately .05% of the
total number of degrees (Musu-Gillette et al., 2017). According to the National
Center for Education Statistics (McFarland et al., 2018), in 2016 there were 16.9
5
million students enrolled in undergraduate degree-granting institutions. Of those
students, the lowest enrollment for 18-24 year-olds were American Indian/Alaska
Native with 129,000 students (McFarland et al., 2018). Compared to other groups, the
low enrollment numbers of undergraduate and graduate degrees underscore the
importance of the success of every Native American who enters higher education
institutions.
For many years, data on Native American students have been excluded in
reports of educational attainment (Garland, 2010). It is important to understand the
impact this practice creates for this population. Because Native American student
populations are small and viewed as statistically insignificant, they are often not
included in reports derived from larger national surveys (Akee & Yassie-Mintz,
2011), and data on this population are viewed as comparatively untrustworthy to
other data (Garland, 2010). The numbers of Native American students (less than 1%)
“are often too small to be included in national surveys in the United States and are
often deemed ‘statistically insignificant’” (Akee & Yassie-Mintz, 2011, p.119). This
approach results in the removal of the Native American populations from analysis due
to inadequate sample sizes (Garland, 2010), but these sample sizes are statistical
reminders of the cultural genocide Native Americans have faced both within and
outside of the academic environment.
In 2014, Native Americans comprised less than 1% of the total undergraduate
enrollment in degree-granting institutions. However, of the Native American/Alaska
Natives who began college in 2008, less than 50% graduated within a six-year period
6
(Musu-Gillette et al., 2017). These statistics demonstrate an increased need for
engaging Native American students in their education. This results in a general lack
of data for analysis and serves to reinforce institutional inequity which is
demonstrated when Native Americans are removed from educational policy and
practice decisions (Shotton et al., 2013).
Challenges stemming from inequity may limit opportunities for Native
Americans and other underrepresented students. As an example, they may lose focus,
and their academic performance may suffer when there are fewer underrepresented
students of the same cultural group on campus (Evans, 2008). Native American
students in particular are in conditions of extreme tokenism given the exceedingly
low numbers of students at most institutions (Akee & Yassie-Mintz, 2011;
Covarrubias & Fryberg, 2015). Introducing culturally appropriate and meaningful
support for these students in ways that reflect Native American cultural heritage may
help them fully engage in college and increase their academic success (Brayboy,
2005; Fish et al., 2017; Lundberg, 2014; Patton et al., 2007).
Furthermore, another aspect of academic performance stemming from
inequitable practices is the high dropout rate of Native American students. For Native
American students there is a mismatch of highly interconnected family ties and
obligations and the individualistic structure and culture of higher education (J.
Bowman, 2015; Evans, 2008; Flynn et al., 2012; N. Lopez, 2010; Shotton et al.,
2007). This is coupled with the remote location of most institutions from the students’
tribal lands and communities.
7
One proposed approach to reducing dropout rates for American Indian/Alaska
Native students is increased access through online and distance learning, providing
options for students to maintain family connections and relationships. Guillory and
Wolverton (2008) suggest distance learning to bring education to Native American
students who are not able to travel to or live on a college campus. This may be an
acceptable solution provided the home environment is conducive for the students’
studies. Although distance learning may address the challenge of Native American
students remaining close to their families and being able to maintain their obligations,
it still does not address the low numbers of Native American students at the physical
campus. Although Campbell (2007) highlights the issue of high dropout rates for
Native American students, the dropout rate does not accurately reflect situations
where students may complete their higher education through a non-linear path (J.
Bowman, 2015).
While tribal colleges have helped increase the graduation rate for some Native
American students (DeLong et al., 2016), the duality of distance learning and the
importance of maintaining family relationships serves to reinforce the complex
relationship and the need to understand how to best offer support to students through
campus-based relationships. These campus-based relationships could become a
positive resource for students, providing a form of surrogate families for the students.
Additionally, developing systems of support that provide culturally appropriate and
necessary support to the students in collaboration with their Native American family
and tribal support systems could increase retention, as evidenced through the use of
8
the Family Education Model, which is “based on family support, empowerment, and
American Indian values” (HeavyRunner & DeCelles, 2002, p. 33). Use of the Family
Education Model provides needed connections between the university campus
systems and the students’ ties to cultural identity and family support.
Due to cultural genocide and assimilation, Native American students may
have difficulty reconciling social and cultural identities in an academic setting
(Fischer & Stoddard, 2013; Flynn et al., 2012). For example, Fischer and Stoddard
(2013) discuss the “explicit opposition to native languages and cultures by schools”
(p. 145). This opposition creates an immediate barrier for Native American students
to connect with and enact their culture on a college campus. Additionally, Native
American students are more likely to have socioeconomic and familial challenges
than other students, which may result in inconsistent cultural self-identification
(Fischer & Stoddard, 2013).
One possible explanation for this inconsistent cultural self-identification is the
federal government’s provision of commodity foods to Native American families.
The government issued commodity foods as a way to change the culture of Native
Americans by changing their diets (i.e., move to farming) and assimilating them into
the hegemonic culture (Vantrease, 2013). While it resulted in removing Native
Americans’ capacity to support themselves, an unintended result was that Native
Americans used the commodities to create food “symbolic of Indian identity”
(Vantrease, 2013, p.59). The combination of inconsistent cultural self-identification
and the difficulty of reconciling social and cultural identities increases challenges
9
Native American students must face to succeed on college campuses when unable to
maintain their connections to their family and community (J. Bowman, 2015).
Another challenge to Native American identities on campus is the pervasive
nature of racism (Brayboy, 2005; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Racism must be
recognized “as a normal and common aspect that shapes society” (Patton et al., 2007,
p. 43). Racism also creates additional barriers as it reinforces the third tenet of tribal
critical race theory which highlights the challenge of Native Americans being
understood as a population with both racial and political identities (Brayboy, 2005).
While racism may be common, how Native American students respond to it may vary
due to the lack of cultural identity (Dawson, 2012). Some students, for example, may
disassociate themselves from their families and community based on the systemic
racism encountered, thereby reinforcing the desired Eurocentric intention of
assimilation (Eigenbrod, 2012). Conversely, when some Native American high school
students were targets of racism, their responses were intensified and increased in
violence because the public school was located on their native land, thereby creating a
feeling of invasion of the students’ cultural dignity (Hare & Pidgeon, 2011).
Brayboy’s (2005) third tenet of tribal critical race theory (TribalCrit)
specifically discusses how being framed in a racial context serves to overlook the
political status of Native Americans (Brayboy, 2005). This political status stems from
the sovereignty of Native Americans as a people. Sovereignty represents Native
American rights to govern themselves and exercise self-determination (Lomawaima,
2013). Many Americans are not aware of the sovereignty and political status of
10
Native Americans (Echohawk, 2013) because the racial context overshadows their
political standing (Brayboy, 2005). Some Native Americans do not view themselves
as racial so there remains a tension or resistance between their indigeneity and the
hegemonic societal lifestyle (Hare & Pidgeon, 2011; Lomawaima, 2013).
The ability to navigate this tension is possible. Okagaki et al. (2009) suggested
that Native American students’ persistence and effective performance in a higher
education institution could be tied to their bicultural efficacy; that is, Native
American students may experience more positive educational experiences when they
can embrace their Native American identities within the hegemonic culture.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to examine how Native American students
develop and experience a sense of belonging in their college experience. Concepts
central to sense of belonging such cultural representation, campus relationships, and
the psychological resources of the students were analyzed through the lens of tribal
critical race theory and its tenets. To ensure inclusivity, cultural representation
included any visible or non-visible presence to which the participant could relate. For
example, cultural representation could include physical representations such as art,
signage, dedicated or specific spaces for Native Americans, identification of Native
American staff, students, and faculty, the observation of ceremonies, or the wearing
of regalia for graduation. This study increases understanding of Native American
students’ perceptions of success in postsecondary education as there is little research
in this area (Fischer & Stoddard, 2013). Furthermore, the potential connections
11
between Native American students’ perceptions of success and their sense of
belonging help fill this knowledge gap to better prepare institutions to serve these
students in culturally affirming and appropriate ways.
This qualitative study of Native American students and their perceptions of
higher education provides knowledge for a growing scholarly dialogue on these
issues. Examining and exploring Native American students’ sense of belonging may
help educational leaders and policy makers understand the barriers created by a
history and ongoing practice of colonization and assimilation that Native American
students encounter in their educational journeys. Specifically, the study focused on
students attending a four-year, postsecondary, public institution. The experiences of
the students in relation to their interactions with staff, administration, and other
students offer insight into how Native American students develop their sense of
belonging in educational settings. This insight provides necessary research that can
lead to more culturally affirming and appropriate support for Native American
students. By understanding how Native American students perceive and experience
their sense of belonging, we may learn how to better serve this population and
support student success.
Significance of the Study
This study is significant for three reasons. The first reason is the importance of
how students perceive their educational experiences during their P-20 education. As a
result of the historical actions and educational policies toward Native Americans in
the United States (Brayboy, 2005), educational institutions are not spaces in which
12
Native American students are visibly recognized or seen as equals (Waterman &
Sands, 2016). Because of this institutional culture, Native American students must
combat institutional bias. Learning from Native American students currently
navigating institutional systems can identify institutional barriers they have
encountered. Naming and understanding these barriers could facilitate design and
implementation of the types of support students find to be most culturally appropriate.
In this spirit, the second reason this research is significant is that universities
and colleges must understand the specific needs of Native American students and
provide effective and culturally appropriate resources (Fish et al., 2017; Flynn et al.,
2012; Okagaki et al., 2009). Institutions must develop culturally appropriate systems
of support that address Native American students’ specific needs and implement
practices and professional learning to develop and support the cultural competence of
staff and faculty (Fish et al., 2017; Flynn et al., 2012). For example, Lundberg (2014)
and HeavyRunner and DeCelles (2002) highlight the need for institutions to involve
Native American students’ families as a source of support. Cech et al. (2011) discuss
addressing nonmonetary needs such as developing Native American students’ sense
of belonging. Understanding Native American college students’ experiences and
perceptions of their unique needs may inform educational leaders’ actions in
developing and implementing appropriate systems of support to create meaningful
relationships with Native American students and establish a sense of belonging within
the K-12 and postsecondary educational environments.
13
Lastly, this study is significant as it increases understanding of Native
American students’ perceptions of success in postsecondary education. Passing first-
year classes can be a necessity for academic success (Johnson et al., 2010) and
colonization has created an environment where Native Americans’ encounter
conflicting definitions of success (Reid, 2014). For Native Americans, resisting
assimilation and maintaining cultural identity can be a way to define academic
success (Deyhle, 1995; Okagaki et al., 2009). However, further exploration is needed
as there is little research in this area (Fischer & Stoddard, 2013). Furthermore, the
potential connections between Native American students’ perceptions of success and
their sense of belonging will help bridge this knowledge gap to better prepare
institutions to meet the unique needs of these students. Exploring Native American
students’ perceptions of their college experience, institutional support, and definitions
of success can build this bridge.
Research Question
How do Native American students experience and develop a sense of
belonging in college?
1. What representations of their cultural heritage do Native American students
identify as part of their academic and campus life experiences? How do those
representations make them feel?
2. In what campus-connected relationships do Native American students engage,
and how do those relationships and interactions shape these students’ sense of
belonging?
14
3. What psychological resources do Native American students identify as
influential, positively or negatively, in their construction of (or lack of
construction) of a sense of belonging?
To answer these questions, I use Brayboy’s (2005) tribal critical race theory
and its tenets as a theoretical framework (TribalCrit) to frame and interpret the
findings of my study. TribalCrit provides the historical specificity of Native
American exclusion in higher education and society, maintaining the experiences of
Native Americans at its core. These issues stem from historic attempts of
colonization, cultural genocide, and assimilation (Brayboy, 2005) and continue today
through governmental attempts to restrict tribal sovereignty through federal
legislation (Schraver & Tennant, 2011; S. Smith & Djamba, 2015). Grounded in the
concept that colonization is a characteristic of society, TribalCrit provides an
appropriate lens through which institutions can view and address the effects of
colonization on contemporary Native American students (Brayboy, 2005).
Summary
Because Native American student populations are often dismissed as
statistically insignificant (Akee & Yassie-Mintz, 2011), educational institutions must
recognize and redress institutional barriers to better serve these marginalized
populations. Applying a one-size-fits-all model to student support can no longer be
the standard in educational institutions because it perpetuates cultural erasure of
Native or Indigenous groups. Culturally appropriate and meaningful support is
15
necessary for Native American students (Brayboy, 2005; Fish et al., 2017; Lundberg,
2014; Patton et al., 2007).
Understanding the perceptions of Native American students’ sense of
belonging and how it is developed during their educational journey served as the
foundation for this study. Exploring the educational journeys of current Native
American college students can provide necessary information for institutions on
meaningful and culturally appropriate support for this underrepresented population.
The results of this study also help educational leaders and policy makers to
understand the unique needs of Native American students and how Native American
students’ sense of belonging and definition of success can be impacted by cultural
representations on campus, on-campus relationships, and the psychological resources
Native American students need and use throughout their educational journeys.
16
CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter includes a review of the existing literature about Native
American students and their current and historical challenges in education. In this
review, I classify and synthesize previous research into the following sections: social
and historical conditions of Native Americans, institutional barriers, the struggle in
the construction of the Native American identity, Native American students’
definitions of success, support structures, and tribal critical race theory. This structure
frames what is currently known about Native American students and their complex
relationship with education and contextualizes the central argument of this research:
By understanding the perceptions Native American students have about higher
education and their sense of belonging, it may be possible to provide meaningful,
accessible, and culturally appropriate services for students.
The first section of this chapter provides social and historical conditions of
Native Americans and higher education. Native Americans have a complex
relationship with the federal government (Brayboy, 2005; Brown, 2016; Campbell,
2007; Lundberg, 2014). This complexity increases as federally recognized tribal
nations exercise their sovereignty through a government-to-government relationship
(Echohawk, 2013; Simonds & Christopher, 2013). There is also a lack of enrollment
and achievement data on Native American students in higher education (Shotton et
al., 2013). The erasure of Native Americans from analysis of educational data
17
perpetuates institutional environments in which colonization and assimilation remain
unchecked. While beneficial for some underrepresented minority populations, data
analysis relative to achievement and opportunity gaps do not benefit Native
Americans. These issues reinforce cultural erasure, assimilation and colonization.
The second section of this chapter reviews institutional barriers to four-year
college completion for Native American students. This section examines the different
types of challenges present in the institutions Native American students attend.
Racism, both within the system and among peers, staff, and faculty, is a significant
factor that impacts academic performance among Native American students
(Brayboy, 2005; Brown, 2016; Fish et al., 2017; Flynn et al., 2012; Hare & Pidgeon,
2011). Poor academic preparation, inadequate advising, minimal institutional
financial support, and lack of culturally appropriate student support also contribute to
the higher education barriers these students encounter (Bosse et al., 2011; Guillory &
Wolverton, 2008; Keith et al., 2016; Schmidtke, 2017).
The third section of this chapter reviews the construction of the Native
American identity. Examining influences on Native American students’ identities
provides insight into cultural identity creation. This section examines challenges to
Native American cultural identity, how relationships may influence identity, and how
Native American students navigate and integrate into different cultures.
The fourth section of this chapter explores students’ definitions of success.
Understanding and defining academic success can be a challenge for
underrepresented students (Ballard & Cintrón, 2010; Garcia & Ramirez, 2018;
18
Shotton et al., 2007). This section examines the current research on Native American
students’ perceptions of success and how their complicated relationship with the
federal government may impact how students’ experience success.
The fifth section of this chapter examines existing support structures for
Native American students. I present research about holistic and culturally appropriate
support and highlight the importance of creating meaningful relationships. The
research emphasizes a need for culturally sensitive staff and faculty (DeLong et al.,
2016; Hare & Pidgeon, 2011; Keene, 2016; Keith et al., 2016; J. Lopez, 2018; N.
Lopez, 2010; Reid, 2014; Shotton et al., 2007).
The final section of this chapter explains my use of tribal critical race theory
(TribalCrit) as a theoretical framework to understand the historical, institutional,
political, and cultural experiences unique to Native Americans. In this way, I remain
true to the experiences and stories of the participants.
Social and Historical Conditions of Native Americans
The United States government’s deliberate and systematic efforts to assimilate
or eliminate Native Americans as a cultural group through acts of colonialism (i.e.,
cultural genocide) both inside and outside of the classroom have created an ongoing
challenge for Native American students who must navigate and find their place within
educational systems. Indian boarding schools epitomized the efforts of government-
sanctioned colonialism in the classroom, which forced students to relocate, change
their clothes and physical appearance (e.g., haircut), and restrict the use of the Native
American language and the practice of Native American religion (Dawson, 2012).
19
Colonialism was an attempt to eradicate Native American culture through forced re-
education of children and their removal from their Native communities (Dawson,
2012). Colonizers thought that through this cultural change, the “inferior” Native
American ways would be replaced by the more civilized European culture (Vantrease,
2013). The deliberate governmental involvement in the formal education of Native
Americans reinforced the notion that Native American culture is deficient and should
be replaced by Eurocentric ideals (Brayboy, 2005).
As a result of the perpetuation that Native American culture is deficient,
racism surfaces as a significant barrier for all underrepresented students (Ballard &
Cintrón, 2010; Brayboy, 2005; Comeaux, 2013; Flynn et al., 2012; Gaxiola Serrano,
2017; Harper et al., 2016; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Sólorzano et al., 2005). The
creation of a racial ideology and hierarchy where non-White groups have been
viewed as inferior to White groups has resulted in a racist social structure where
White groups maintain power over other groups (Brown, 2016; Ladson-Billings &
Tate, 1995). The influence of this racism is apparent in public schools’ academic
curriculum. Non-White students must grapple with trying to understand a curriculum
based on a dominant culture that is not their own and that often seeks to undermine
their own culture through negative and inaccurate depictions (Hare & Pidgeon, 2011).
Another cultural genocide action was carried out through the displacement of
Native Americans from their lands and the forced transfer of control of lands and
resources from tribes to the government (Brown, 2016; Rudy, 2013; Vantrease, 2013)
which served to usurp existing tribal sovereignty. Sovereignty, a tribe’s ability to
20
govern itself and exercise self-determination (Lomawaima, 2013), has been and
continues to be restricted by federal laws and regulations (Schraver & Tennant,
2011). For example, the federal government sets tribal recognition standards that
dictate funding and health benefit eligibility (Federal Health Program for American
Indians and Alaska Natives, 2020; U.S. Department of the Interior Indian Affairs,
2020) thereby continuing attempts at cultural genocide through tribal recognition.
The federal government entered into treaties with Native American tribes
prior to 1871. The practice was changed to involve both the Senate and the House of
Representatives to include the latter in the negotiations and “began conducting Indian
affairs through agreements and statutes approved by Congress” (Echohawk, 2013,
p.21). Sovereignty serves as a way Native Americans identify themselves as a
political group (Shotton et al., 2013). However, the fact that the federal government
continues to restrict the sovereignty of Native American tribes through legislation
(Schraver & Tennant, 2011; Smith & Djamba, 2015) underscores how the political
identity(ies) of Native Americans are subject to the construction of the hegemonic
hierarchy of government which was created through colonization.
Another way that Native American identity and sovereignty have been
impacted is through federal statutes. Statutes such as the General Allotment Act of
1887 created legal ways to remove Native Americans from their land. This act is an
example of how treaties, which may have initially been made in good faith, were
overruled or ignored as conditions suited the federal government. Although prior
treaties promised reservation land to Native Americans, the General Allotment Act of
21
1887, also known as the Dawes Act, served to create a way to integrate Native
Americans and non-Native Americans while simultaneously mandating non-Native
Americans to settle on Native land (Carlson, 1981). The Dawes Act “divided and
distributed tribal land among the Indians, attempting to remake them in the White
man’s image – a homesteader tiling the soil – a rugged individual” (Cahn, 1969, p.
94). One of the results of this act created parcels of land that were subsequently
purchased by non-Native Americans, thereby redistributing a resource essential to
Native Americans. The complexity and inaccuracies of the tribal enrollment process,
the lack of formal statutes, and the Dawes Commission’s goal of removing tribal
governments (Ellinghaus, 2017) resulted in the transfer of approximately two-thirds
of Native American land to non-Native Americans during this time (Echohawk,
2013). Through this policy, the government not only disadvantaged Native Americans
through the removal of resources but also attempted to replace the Native American
culture of community with the hegemonic cultural ideology of individualism
(Carlson, 1981). The necessity of these changes became an accepted narrative within
the general public, not only through the displacement of the tribes, but because the
government reinforced the perspective of Native Americans as a problem to be erased
(Deyhle, 1995; Rudy, 2013).
In 1887, the federal government passed the General Allotment Act, which was
charged to convince five Native Americans tribes (Choctaw, Chickasaw, Cherokee,
Seminole, and Muscogee) to “submit to the allotment process” (Ellinghaus, 2017. p.
24). The Act also discouraged tribes from exercising their tribal sovereignty to govern
22
themselves and in an attempt to remove tribal governments (Carlson, 1981). The
allotment process separated and distributed Native American land by allowing non-
Native Americans to purchase land previously held by Native American tribes,
thereby redistributing a valuable Native American resource (Carlson, 1981;
Echohawk, 2013). Simultaneously, the Act effectively scattered tribal community
members to assimilate them into the dominant culture (Echohawk, 2013). Dispersing
the population made it more difficult for Native Americans to function as one tribal
community that could govern itself. This dispersion is reflected in the scattered
communities of Native Americans throughout the country.
As a reinforcement of this history, schools represent a threat to Native
American students’ identities (Deyhle, 1995). The effects of colonialism are evident
as it destroyed “Indigenous cultures and communities by taking away the young,
breaking their connections to their communities, and producing shattered persons
with no strong sense of identity” (Dawson, 2012, p. 88). Fischer and Stoddard (2013)
suggested that because of the history of Native Americans and formal education, a
conflict within contemporary Native American students’ cultures may occur (Brave
Heart et al., 2012; Deloria Jr. & Wildcat, 2010). This conflict is due to the fact that
the educational process Native Americans encounter in higher education was not
developed for or by them (Cajete, 2010). The government is responsible for
displacing and trying to assimilate Native Americans; therefore, Native American
students may feel not only distrust of the current educational system, but they may
also experience a difficulty in reconciling their identity(ies) and maintaining a sense
23
of belonging on a college campus. Recognizing how the United States government
attempted and continues to colonize and assimilate Native Americans inside and
outside of the classroom provides context to the complexity of identity for Native
American students in postsecondary education (House et al., 2006).
Institutional Barriers
Tachine et al. (2017) found that Native American students’ sense of belonging
“began with their Native heritage, language, customs, and history and then extended
to how it was/was not present within the institutional environment” (p. 800). For
example, isolation of non-White students can occur when institutions focus their
traditions and culture around Whiteness (Tachine et al., 2017). This isolation can
become even more of a conflict for non-White students when they conform to the
norms of Whiteness (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). However, within educational
institutions, barriers feature prominently in underrepresented students’ educational
journeys (Carter, 2008; Gaxiola Serrano, 2017; Sólorzano et al., 2005). Institutional
barriers are a reality for Native American students in postsecondary education
(Brayboy, 2005; Cech et al., 2011; Fish et al., 2017; Flynn et al., 2012); these barriers
reinforce cultural and societal bias. Institutional barriers for Native American students
are rooted in the historical context of boarding schools.
Indian boarding schools attempted to assimilate Native American children
into the hegemonic, Eurocentric culture by negating their cultural identities and
changing the way they learned (Dawson, 2012; Vantrease, 2013). Native American
traditional education involves a holistic approach to the student, where the pedagogy
24
encompasses the student and the curriculum as one unit to promote learning as
opposed to treating them separately (Cajete, 2010). Removal from families and
bringing Native American children to Indian boarding schools was an attempt to
eliminate the cultural methods and teaching of Native American students by
separating them from their families and communities and submerging the students in
ideals of the dominant culture (Hare & Pidgeon, 2011; Keene, 2016; Smith, B.,
Stumpff, & Cole, 2012; Vantrease, 2013). Boarding schools created a permanent
hierarchy which disadvantaged the students and actively pursued the elimination of
Native Americans (Deyhle, 1995). This hierarchy continues in the form of cultural
bias through education as institutions continue to separate Native American students
from their cultural anchors (Tachine et al., 2017).
Cultural bias in educational systems can also influence Native American
students’ sense of belonging (Tachine et al., 2017). For example, Hausmann et al.
(2007) found that a students’ academic integration to a campus can affect the rate at
which the students’ sense of belonging changes. Academic integration was measured
as the faculty’s “concern for student development and teaching [and] academic and
intellectual development” (Hausmann et al., 2007, p. 809). If faculty do not express
interest in developing students, Native American students’ sense of belonging can
diminish, causing effects such as isolation (Tachine et al., 2017). These influences on
sense of belonging can be counteracted if students are able to create and experience
an extension of their family relationships (HeavyRunner & DeCelles, 2002).
However, the small sample size of Native Americans in higher education creates gaps
25
in the literature and reinforces institutions’ lack of awareness about barriers specific
to Native American students (Akee & Yassie-Mintz, 2011).
Discrimination and Bias from Faculty and Peers
A significant institutional barrier stems from racism. Native American
students report incidences of racism inside and outside of the classroom in both high
school and postsecondary settings (Brown, 2016; Fish et al., 2017; Flynn et al., 2012;
Hare & Pidgeon, 2011; N. Lopez, 2010). This stems in part to the lack of appropriate
cultural representations in modern society that contribute to an “individual’s lack of
knowledge of or consideration for Native Americans” (Fryberg & Eason, 2017, p.
556). False or negative stereotypes can be just as detrimental for Native Americans as
it creates a label that is difficult to change and can lead to over-generalizations that
manifest in racism (Peacock & Cleary, 1997).
One example of this includes Native American postsecondary students reports
that their instructors would assume they were not smart or capable of success when
the instructors learned the students were Native American (Flynn et al., 2012; N.
Lopez, 2010). Students feel that faculty reinforce biased representations about Native
Americans when they find out the students are Native American (N. Lopez, 2010).
Outside of the classroom, Native American postsecondary students report their non-
Native peers would post racist messages that Native American students received
“everything for free” (Flynn et al., 2012, p. 444) when, in fact, there were significant
disparities in the funding for Native American students at the school.
26
Native American high school students were also subjected to name-calling by
peers and felt teachers were biased and wanted to see Native American students fail
(Hare & Pidgeon, 2011). Failure of the administration to address racist incidents
created an environment in which Native American students felt helpless and unheard
(Hare & Pidgeon, 2011). This type of environment also underscored how White
students, staff, and faculty remained oblivious to their privilege and did not
understand how they continue to perpetuate racism (Brown, 2016). Staff and faculty
inaction created expressions of tacit compliance within a biased educational system
based in historical oppression.
As Brown (2016) explains, while bias may result in unintended racism, the
lack of intention “to perpetuate racism is not a justification for the fact that by our
actions and words, we in fact do perpetuate racism” (p. 11). Increased dropout rates
can be a result of Native American students’ being ostracized and marginalized due to
a lack of culturally competent staff and administration (Flynn et al., 2012). When
students are not able to make connections with the staff or find culturally appropriate
support, the challenges of adjusting to college increase (J. Lopez, 2018). Research
(Flynn et al., 2012; Lundberg, 2014) found that Native American students’ motivation
declines when they are not feeling supported by their institution (i.e., funding, failure
to address racism). This decline can be a precursor for dropping out.
Conversely, Covarrubias and Fryberg (2015) found that Native American
students who found support in the form of role models experienced increased
“positive attitudes, or in this case belonging” (p. 15). This sense of belonging may
27
help eliminate existing perceptions of inequality between Native American students
and the institutions and ultimately increase the institution’s support for the students
(Brayboy, 2005).
Curriculum and Pedagogy
Curriculum and pedagogy serve as an institutional barrier for Native
American students. One curriculum-based example of colonialism and
misrepresentation in most school environments occurs when schools celebrate
November as Native American Heritage Month. During this month, Native
Americans are recognized and “honored” in the public. Brown (2016) and Fryberg
and Eason (2017) explained that this recognition serves to reinforce the idea that
Native Americans only exist as a part of the Thanksgiving tradition celebrated by
non-Natives without addressing the simultaneous cultural genocide. The idea of
Thanksgiving is a stereotype for Native Americans. Without providing context about
how or why this event is being celebrated, faculty and staff may feel that they are
helping to recognize Native Americans; however, these types of actions only serve to
perpetuate racism toward Native Americans (Brown, 2016; Fryberg & Eason, 2017;
Peacock & Cleary, 1997).
In addition to racism, the intended cultural genocide of Native Americans
through the implementation of boarding schools had other long-lasting effects. Hare
and Pidgeon (2011) found that students had endured hostilities not only from their
classmates but “within the curriculum and pedagogies of schooling” (p. 99). Native
Americans have been commonly left out of history (Quijada Cerecer, 2013). Shotton
28
et al. (2013) discussed how Native American students are “omitted from the
curriculum, absent from the research and literature, and virtually written out of the
higher education story” (p. 17). At the beginning of the 20th century, the attempts to
eradicate Native Americans or integrate them into the dominant culture were a result
of the rising sentiment of erasing Native Americans from American society
(Lomawaima, 2014; Rudy, 2013). Native American students are subject to
colonization through society and also through a hostile curriculum reflective of a
biased educational system based on White supremacy (Brayboy, 2005).
Extending from curriculum and pedagogy, another type of bias, cultural
appropriation, is also prevalent. Cultural appropriation is when one culture actively
takes and uses another’s culture or representations of culture (Rogers, 2006). Cultural
appropriation serves as a way to assimilate and exploit “marginalized and colonized
cultures” (Rogers, 2006, p. 474). Similarly, the use of Native mascots, romanticized
representations of Native Americans, and the lack of culturally appropriate
representations of Native American in modern society serve to reinforce and increase
bias against Native Americans (Fryberg & Eason, 2017).
Inadequate Support Services
A significant institutional barrier is inadequate support services. These
educational disadvantages resulted originally from the displacement of Native
Americans through Indian boarding schools and the forced relocation to reservations.
Relocation forced tribes off land with abundant natural resources to land with fewer
resources designated by the federal government (C. Bowman, 2013). This reflection
29
of systemic poverty and governmental policies which marginalize Native Americans
is based on imperialism (Brayboy, 2005). As tribal communities were and are
dispersed throughout the country, Native American students more often experience
disadvantaged socioeconomic backgrounds and have limited schools available to
them. These schools may be more isolated or located on reservations (Fischer &
Stoddard, 2013) and are poorly equipped to provide college guidance and preparation
in the areas of English or math (Guillory & Wolverton, 2008). In comparison to
schools in other areas, “reservation schools consistently underperformed” (J. Lopez,
2018, p. 805). Guillory and Wolverton (2008) also found that “college is not a
priority within reservation K-12 public school systems” (p. 80). Even when Native
American students from reservations had the opportunity to attend college
preparatory summer programs, because they did not have basic algebra skills, the
preparatory programs were useless (Flynn et al., 2012). Since the Native American
students cannot financially afford to attend schools that provide the necessary
support, the students remain in a cycle of poverty and poor academic preparation.
Academic preparation. Many Native American students have not received
sufficient preparation for college-level classes during their K-12 education (Akee &
Yassie-Mintz, 2011; DeLong et al., 2016; Keith et al., 2016). This poor preparation
can lead to students internalizing the lack of preparation and feelings of being
academically unprepared for college (Flynn et al., 2012). Native American students
are more likely to attend geographically isolated schools and come from
economically challenged backgrounds (Fischer & Stoddard, 2013) where minimal
30
academic preparation remains a barrier for Native American students. Academic
preparation also influences the persistence of Native American students in college (J.
Lopez, 2018).
Culture-specific support. Several studies have contributed knowledge
specific to Native Americans as underrepresented students in college. Sólorzano et al.
(2005) explored how the institutions Native Americans attended lacked services
specifically targeted to support success for underrepresented students. Aside from
being unprepared for the rigor of postsecondary classes, Native American students
who attended institutions without culture-specific support had more trouble adjusting
to their new environment (J. Lopez, 2018). Similar to lack of support prior to
admission, support after admission was also found to be deficient (Sólorzano et al.,
2005). Non-Native American staff and faculty are not prepared to work with the
Native American population (Campbell, 2007). Additionally, colleges and
universities have instituted programs to serve minority students, but the “development
of such programs has rarely included the input of respective American Indian
communities or students” (Shotton et al., 2007, p. 85). The absence of involvement
reflects the continued omission of Native Americans from necessary conversations at
higher education institutions (Fryberg & Eason, 2017; Quijada Cerecer, 2013).
A common factor cited by Native American students who drop out is that they
felt their institution did not invest in support services that are culturally appropriate
(Flynn et al., 2012). Institutions typically lack these types of services for Native
American students (Cech et al., 2011; Flynn et al., 2012). Although institutions may
31
provide support structures, they may not align with cultural values or foster a sense of
belonging for Native American students (Brayboy, 2005; Fish et al., 2017). Native
American students expressed the need for institutions to address issues such as
isolation and lack of institutional investment to avoid students dropping out (Flynn et
al., 2012).
Familial and cultural connections. Another barrier resulting from biased
educational policies is failure to engage family and culture resulting in ineffective
support. For Native American students, feeling of support for success increased when
engaging the family and the students’ cultural identity, resulting in increased learning
(Bingham et al., 2014; Lundberg, 2014). However, Native American students from
reservations who attend public colleges may be unable to maintain their familial
connections and their cultural identity which results in reduced academic effort and
learning due to feeling unsupported (Flynn et al., 2012; Hare & Pidgeon, 2011).
Additionally, Native American students who came from reservations did not receive
support from their friends who also lived on the reservation (N. Lopez, 2010).
Conversely, Schmidtke (2017) found that Native American students who did not live
on reservations and went to college felt no significant loss of support when trying to
learn how to navigate their institutions. These results suggest that there may be a
difference in how Native American students navigate higher education based on the
geographical location and connection or absence of connection to a Native American
community (HeavyRunner & DeCelles, 2002).
32
Financial resources. A final institutional barrier resulting from the historical
assimilation and cultural genocide of Native Americans is a lack of financial
resources and services (Akee & Yassie-Mintz, 2011). In their study, Guillory and
Wolverton (2008) found that both students and administrators concurred that the lack
of institutional resources was a barrier for Native American students. In one Native
American studies department, mixed messaging about the availability of funds for
Native American students increased the frustration of those students (Flynn et al.,
2012). The inaccurate claim of available funding provides opportunities for their non-
Native peers to make flawed assumptions about socioeconomic status resulting in
feelings of resentment that the Native American students attend the school for free
(Flynn et al., 2012). These assumptions, or stereotype threats, are events where the
actions or personal features of a person that may conform to a negative stereotype of
a particular group reinforce or make the negative stereotype more credible to others
(Okagaki et al., 2009; Steele & Aronson, 1995) and result in Native American
students’ detachment from the educational community (Quijada Cerecer, 2013).
Guillory and Wolverton (2008) also found that inadequate institutional financial
resources devoted to Native American students while in college resulted in poor
motivation and insufficient academic preparation.
The Complexity in the Construction of the Native American Identity
The relationships between family and the Native communities may provide
significant influence over a student’s identity(ies). Another possible influence on
identity is the geographic location where students live (e.g., reservation versus non-
33
reservation). Fish et al. (2017) suggested Native American students identified
different ways of “being and knowing” (p. 430). While the desire to obtain wealth and
academic success is a motivation for Native American students, the need to maintain
their cultural identity is often a more important priority (Deyhle, 1995).
Multi-faceted Identities
Native American students may identify themselves based on their family and
social circles, academics, ethnicity, or culture (Cech et al., 2011; Flynn et al., 2012;
House et al., 2006; Lundberg, 2014; Okagaki et al., 2009; Shotton et al., 2007;
Waterman & Sands, 2016). Because identity can be interpreted in different ways
(e.g., social, culture, spiritual) Native American students are often found to be fluid
with their identity (Jaime & Rios, 2006). Being able to deliberately fluctuate between
identities reveals the fluidity of identity, and this fluidity was reflected in how
students alternate between identities such as parent, student, and spouse (Bingham et
al., 2014). Bingham et al. (2014) found that women Native American students
struggled with the desire to “gain an education and maintain a cultural identity while
at the same time fulfilling specific gender roles and meeting family expectations” (p.
626). Women Native American students were advised to complete their education
before having children. However, if the students became parents during their
education, the children became the priority with the needs of the spouse being
secondary. The women students could only pursue their education once the children
had been raised (Bingham et al., 2014).
34
Challenges to Identity
The educational system presents challenges through institutional
discrimination and attempts to assimilate Native American students into the dominant
culture (House et al., 2006; Peacock & Cleary, 1997). Students who wish to pursue
higher education must move through an educational system designed for Eurocentric
culture. However, for Native American students, the notion of success is supported
through connections to their culture (Hare & Pidgeon, 2011; Okagaki et al., 2009).
Academic success can only be reinforced through “an authentic education which
results from radical truth telling and de-centering the master narrative” (Jaime &
Rios, 2006). By maintaining a connection to their traditional culture (i.e., family and
community engagement, language, values, beliefs), Native American students
maintained their cultural identity (Akee & Yassie-Mintz, 2011). They found that
maintaining their cultural identity helped support their success (Lundberg, 2014).
By understanding how the struggle to maintain cultural identity creates
challenges for Native American students in higher education, institutions may be able
to better support development of positive psychological resources within those
students. Similar to cultural identity, Okagaki et al. (2009) found that Native
American students who could relate to and maintain connections to their culture
developed positive ethnic identities through their academic achievements and the
rejection of stereotypes on campus. Other research (Fischer & Stoddard, 2013)
examined how Native American students may have “perceived conflicts between
35
formal schooling and group identity” (p. 148). An understanding of how Native
American students perceive relationships is essential.
Relationships and Community
For Native American students, identity may be related not only to race,
culture, and ethnicity; it is also defined by the relationships of the students with their
families, communities, and peers (Fischer & Stoddard, 2013; Lundberg, 2014;
Okagaki et al., 2009; Shotton et al., 2007; Waterman & Sands, 2016). It is important
to make this distinction as the idea of identity cannot always be generalized across
any one population. Depending on the location of the families, communities, and
peers, geographic location (e.g., Native American reservation) may influence identity
(Flynn et al., 2012). Native American students who lived on a reservation cited
differences in values, educational standards, and problems adjusting to college life
when compared to peers raised in non-reservation communities (Flynn et al., 2012).
However, Native American students who attended college and were raised on
a reservation “were more likely to identify a greater appreciation of their AI/AN
[American Indian/Alaskan Native] heritage” (Keith et al., 2016, p. 701). Native
American students who grew up on a reservation also identified as successful if they
were able to leave the reservation (N. Lopez, 2010). Conversely, Native American
students from urban (i.e., non-reservation) areas may encounter challenges to their
identity due to the multicultural setting and lack of exposure to their Native American
culture (Kulis et al., 2013). There is a need to better understand the unique challenges
and needs of these two groups within the Native American population. Due to
36
historical and contemporary colonialism through curricular representations in schools,
Native American students reared in non-reservation environments, as opposed to
Native American students reared on reservations, may encounter challenges to
maintaining their culture (Kulis et al., 2013). Native American students who grow up
on reservations have opportunities to connect to their cultural values by participating
in cultural practices. At the same time, they create a community with different tribal
members due to the fact that they were located in the same urban area (Kulis et al.,
2013). Students not reared in a Native American community may be limited in their
connections to other Native Americans and cultural practices.
Enculturation
Enculturation is the process where people learn how to relate to their culture
(Soldier, 1985). It provides Native American students with a way to understand their
culture while integrating themselves into the hegemonic culture (Zimmerman et al.,
1996). Furthermore, enculturation may help Native American students by acting as a
type of psychological protection from influences that “are not condoned in a
traditional NA life-style” (Zimmerman et al., 1996, p. 307). In this way, Native
American students living in non-reservation (i.e., urban, suburban, etc.) settings may
be able to use the positive influences of a multicultural environment while forming
their cultural identity. Enculturation may also provide a possible explanation for how
Native American students navigate their identity(ies) in environments that are not
reflective of their culture. Furthermore, Native American students who practice
enculturation were found to report the strongest sense of ethnic identity (Kulis et al.,
37
2013). Enculturation may serve as a way for Native American students who were not
reared in a reservation setting to connect with and understand their culture while
pursuing educational goals. By following these educational goals, the Native
American students can fulfill their responsibilities to support their cultural
communities (Keene, 2016). More needs to be known about how enculturation may
be fostered by educational institutions and accessed by Native American students in
higher education settings.
Bicultural Competence and Efficacy
LaFromboise et al. (1993) described the concept of bicultural competence as
being able to successfully navigate and alternate between two cultures. Other
characteristics influence this bicultural competence such as “cultural identity, age and
life stage, gender and gender role identification, and socioeconomic status”
(LaFromboise et al., 1993, p. 402). As bicultural competence can be influenced and
obtained through multiple practices, Native American students move in and out of
their culture without being assimilated into the hegemonic (White) culture (Deyhle,
1995). This bicultural competence can be learned through the elders and community
of the student (Bingham et al., 2014; House et al., 2006; Keene, 2016). It can also be
based on the Native American students’ experiences within the Native and non-
Native communities (Keene, 2016). For women Native American students, family
influenced the degree of biculturalism they can develop (Bingham et al., 2014).
Understanding how their culture and ethnicity factor into their lives, Native American
38
students realize the importance of preserving their traditions as they live and work in
the dominant culture (Okagaki et al., 2009).
For example, continued use of cultural languages and valuing community over
the individual remained a necessity for Native American students to remain grounded
in their culture. These values support the idea of bicultural competency for Native
American students (House et al., 2006). By maintaining their culture, Native
American students experienced their identities through one or more cultures which
helped affirm their beliefs in themselves and education (Okagaki et al., 2009). Native
American students may belong to two sovereign nations simultaneously which
requires them to practice and be aware of two different sets of cultural norms (Kulis
et al., 2013). Bicultural efficacy was defined as being able to live “within two groups
without compromising one’s sense of cultural identity” (LaFromboise et al., 1993).
This bicultural efficacy can be necessary for Native American (and other minority)
students to be successful in education (Lundberg, 2014; Okagaki et al., 2009). Native
American students who were successful in bicultural efficacy were also more likely to
engage actively in formal education experiences (Okagaki et al., 2009).
To support bicultural efficacy, institutions can provide opportunities for
Native American students to make meaningful connections with their culture
(Bingham et al., 2014). These connections can be formal or informal and include not
only Native American staff and faculty but also community members from outside of
the institution (Keith et al., 2016). Creating cultural groups where community and
39
tribal members are connected to Native American students through the institution can
also support bicultural efficacy (Keith et al., 2016).
Enculturation and bicultural efficacy serve specific purposes for Native
American students. Enculturation creates an opportunity for Native American
students to integrate into the dominant culture (Zimmerman et al., 1996). Bicultural
efficacy promotes adaptation “by providing a means for assessing their relationship
with their native culture while they are also negotiating integration into mainstream
culture” (Zimmerman et al., 1996, p. 307). Ultimately, bicultural efficacy explains the
tension between preserving a cultural identity as Native American students while
resisting assimilation into a dominant culture (Keith et al., 2016; Kulis et al., 2013;
Okagaki et al., 2009). Although Native American students use enculturation and
bicultural efficacy, there is little research to understand how and why this occurs.
Students’ Definitions of Success
Underrepresented students may not always understand how to define and earn
academic success (Ballard & Cintrón, 2010; Garcia & Ramirez, 2018; Shotton et al.,
2007). Exploring how students define success may help provide institutions with
better understanding of what students need to achieve that success. Harper et al.
(2016) explored the complexity of Black student success based on history and
institutional policies and cultures. Ballard and Cintrón (2010) found that while having
a degree conferred was the explicit indicator of success, students identified success as
their ability to persist in the educational system. Cerezo and Chang (2013) explored
how cultural and peer connections influence success for Latinx students. Sólorzano et
40
al. (2005) argued different policies, practices, and pathways must be developed to
retain and support success for Latinx students. To provide support so students can
achieve success, it is necessary to understand how students within specific
populations define this concept.
There has been little research on how Native American students perceive
success and there may be differing ways in which Native American students
experience success (Fischer & Stoddard, 2013). Native American students’
definition(s) of success may be influenced by the students’ cultural values and beliefs
(Akee & Yassie-Mintz, 2011). In the Navajo culture, student success includes
perspectives outside of academics such as “language, culture, traditions, spirituality,
and values” (C. Bowman, 2013, p. 133) . Additionally, success may be judged based
on the relationships within the family where jobs and academic success are
enhancements for the family relationships (C. Bowman, 2013; Deyhle, 1995). In this
way, student academic success is overshadowed by the ties within the community.
This definition of success is echoed in women Native American students’ perceptions
of personal success. Having and supporting a family is seen as “more traditional and
compatible with meeting family responsibilities than was pursuing an interest in a
career that required extensive travel or time away from home” (Bingham et al., 2014,
p. 627). How women Native Americans perceive success may challenge common
hegemonic assumptions.
In addition to family, Native American student success in current research
literature includes dedication to academic studies, overcoming institutional barriers,
41
or simply refusing to quit (Flynn et al., 2012; Lundberg, 2014; Shotton et al., 2007).
Resiliency in academics and increased autonomy are other ways that Native
American students may demonstrate success, specifically when operating within a
culture where the values may not mirror their own (Griese et al., 2017). Academic
success can be realized by overcoming barriers with the help of mentors or role
models (Shotton et al., 2007). Without access to positive role models, Native
American students may have difficulty understanding or relating to success within
their culture or themselves (DeLong et al., 2016; Shotton et al., 2007).
Fischer and Stoddard (2013) suggested that Native American students would
more likely experience a conflict between their achievements and their ethnic
identification due to “the unique history of formal education for American Indians”
(p. 148). This conflict could arise because Native American students in higher
education must compete in an educational system meant to assimilate them. Upon
achieving success in this educational system (as defined by the dominant culture),
Native American students who are unable to maintain their cultural identity may,
unbeknownst to them, be assimilated into the hegemonic culture and continue its
perpetuation of dominance. This is evident in Navajo schools where Native American
students are seen by non-Native students as more academically successful when they
are “less Indian” (i.e., not living on a reservation; Deyhle, 1995).
There is a need to research how Native American students define success
based on how the students identify in relation to their culture. Tribal colleges have
instituted the use of an instrument to help identify “unique measures of success that
42
are not included in traditional higher education reporting requirements” (DeLong et
al., 2016, p.71). How Native American students view success in non-tribal colleges
may provide understanding in how students identify and use support structures to
achieve success.
Support Structures
Creating a sense of belonging for Native American students and their
education through support structures can help alleviate feelings of marginalization
(Cech et al., 2011). Combined with the peoplehood model of Holm et al. (2003), a
Native-specific theory of sense of identity, Tachine et al.’s (2017) concept of sense of
belonging, is based on the four factors of the peoplehood model and centers on
“whether or not NNCU [non-Native colleges and universities] support or invalidate
Native students’ connection to language, sacred history, ceremonial cycle, and land”
(p. 790). Psychologically, sense of belonging may also be linked to social inhibition
where individuals who are socially inhibited experience a stronger feeling of lack of
belonging (de Moor et al., 2018). In addition to the psychological underpinning, how
individuals feel based on their perceptions of being part of a group can also factor
into sense of belonging (Hurtado & Carter, 1997).
For this study, I used Strayhorn’s (2012) definition of sense of belonging as it
encompasses students in higher education and their relationship to the campus as a
whole. Strayhorn defines sense of belonging as a student’s “perceived social support
on campus, a feeling or sensation of connectedness, the experience of mattering or
feeling cared about, accepted, respected, valued by, and important to the group (e.g.,
43
campus community) or other on campus (e.g., faculty, peers)” (p. 3). Using this
definition focuses the sense of belonging on the individual’s perception about their
connection to the group or community. Creating a greater sense of belonging for
Native American students on a campus may provide opportunities for the students to
connect more strongly with their community and, in turn, find available support
structures offered by the institution.
Although support structures exist for underrepresented students from a variety
of subpopulations, including Native Americans, the students may not use the
available resources due to lack of information or communication which may result in
increased challenges in higher education (Acevedo-Gil & Zerquera, 2016; Braun et
al., 2017; Brayboy, 2005; Cech et al., 2011; Fish et al., 2017; Flynn et al., 2012;
Garcia & Ramirez, 2018; J. Lopez, 2018; Lundberg, 2014; Sólorzano et al., 2005). It
is necessary to understand how, or if, Native American students use current support
structures to overcome institutional barriers to increase their sense of belonging.
Furthermore, it is important that students who use existing support structures receive
social and institutional support from faculty and staff (Garcia & Ramirez, 2018).
Creating a sense of belonging for students and their education can help alleviate
feelings of marginalization (Cech et al., 2011).
On public (non-tribal) campuses, administrators must learn about their
students and their culture(s) so they can offer culturally appropriate support for
Native American students (Patton et al., 2007). Some institutions create safe spaces,
such as cultural centers, for Native American students which provide a fixed location
44
where students can receive support (Fish et al., 2017; Flynn et al., 2012; N. Lopez,
2010; Patton et al., 2007). By taking time to learn about the cultures of their students,
these institutions contribute to breaking the cycle of racism.
Cultural Competence Among Staff Members
One type of support structure is to hire staff and faculty who are culturally
aware and trained to meet the unique needs of Native American students (Flynn et al.,
2012). This type of awareness could provide a balance for the hegemonic culture of
education creating a system that co-exists with cultural humility (Verbos &
Humphries, 2014). For example, underrepresented students who took part in a first-
year experience (FYE) program prior to community college created their own
community with their “peers and institutional agents within students’ immediate
environment” (Acevedo-Gil & Zerquera, 2016, p. 79). Research (Stephens et al.,
2012) found that feelings of being in a safe environment can vary based on student
background. These students expressed the impact and importance of having support
staff whom they could trust and who knew their backgrounds and were genuinely
helpful (Acevedo-Gil & Zerquera, 2016; Schmidtke, 2017). Having support staff who
are willing to learn about other cultures and backgrounds and provide support can
help underrepresented students more easily access and navigate support structures.
One result of offering culturally appropriate support is that it provides holistic
support when advising Native American students (Flynn et al., 2012). J. Lopez (2010)
found that assigning a designated faculty adviser to Native American students helped
alleviate ineffective advising. Similarly, advisers and staff who created trusting
45
relationships with Native American students created a positive academic experience
of trust and belonging (Acevedo-Gil & Zerquera, 2016; Cech et al., 2011; Schmidtke,
2017). These relationships also created psychological resources for the Native
American students to help counteract “isolation and frustration in navigating the
barriers [to success]” (Cech et al., 2011, p. 525). Counselors who made connections
with their Native American students on an individual level provided more support and
direction to the students even if the counselors were non-Native (Schmidtke, 2017).
Holistic Support
Combining different types of support creates a holistic support structure for
Native American students by addressing the individual needs of the students. Tribal
colleges and universities provide support for Native American students in a holistic
way (Center for Community College Student Engagement, 2019; DeLong et al.,
2016). They address marginality by visibly providing support for Native American
students’ educational needs (DeLong et al., 2016). This may include multiple outlets
and clubs for Native American students which provide different types of social,
cultural, or academic support (DeLong et al., 2016).
Tribal colleges have intentionally provided spaces and culturally appropriate
support for Native American students (Center for Community College Student
Engagement, 2019; DeLong et al., 2016). To address Native American students’
psychological feelings of worthlessness and lack of persistence, tribal colleges
implement “students services and academic programs that address student needs and
reasons for failure” (DeLong et al., 2016, p. 70). This type of holistic support
46
combines the cultural aspects of the student (e.g., language, identity) with the current
curriculum to better serve the student and create understanding between the student
and the curriculum (DeLong et al., 2016).
Advocates of tribal colleges and universities underscore the support for Native
American students in both academic and non-academic areas which provides a more
nurturing and welcoming atmosphere (DeLong et al., 2016). Tribal colleges and
universities also provide additional opportunities for Native American students to
compete with their peers at other tribal colleges (DeLong et al., 2016). Having
counselors and advisors who are knowledgeable in the cultural aspects of Native
American students and who can provide support in multiple ways facilitates Native
American students’ understanding of existing support structures.
Peer Mentors and Advocates
Another form of Native American student support is peer mentoring (Griese et
al., 2017; Patton et al., 2007; Shotton et al., 2007). Peer mentoring can provide Native
American students with relational and psychological support to reach academic goals
(J. Lopez, 2018; Shotton et al., 2007). The nature of a mentor-mentee relationship
heavily influences the quality of academic experiences for students (Braun et al.,
2017; Griese et al., 2017; Shotton et al., 2007). Creating a connection of genuine
support is imperative to the success of peer mentoring (Shotton et al., 2007). Without
this trust and care, the relationship with the peer mentor may cease to exist or lose
any momentum from the beginning of the mentoring program (Shotton et al., 2007).
47
The destruction of a relationship with a mentor may create a situation in which the
student can no longer persist without the necessary social support (Keith et al., 2016).
The connections with a peer mentor play a vital role in the experience of
Native American students in college (Acevedo-Gil & Zerquera, 2016). Mentors can
help their mentees “overcome potential barriers by connecting them to the
community, providing support, and providing guidance” (Shotton et al., 2007, p. 97).
Native American mentors can create a stable relationship with mentees based on
relatable, similar experiences, thereby creating a strong personal connection
(Acevedo-Gil & Zerquera, 2016; Shotton et al., 2007). The perception of the peer
mentor as a Native American with similar experiences helps the students identify with
their mentors (Shotton et al., 2007). This connection can influence Native American
students’ “learning skills in autonomy and academic resilience” (Griese et al., 2017,
p. 48). Creating strong bonds with advocates and mentors can provide additional
assistance to Native American students when navigating support structures of the
campus.
Support Networks
Specifically, Native American students may also search for culturally
competent or ethnically similar support structures with which they may more closely
identify (Brayboy, 2005; Fish et al., 2017; Lundberg, 2014; Patton et al., 2007).
Research in this area reinforces the need for culturally appropriate methods of
offering support for Native American students on campus (Fish et al., 2017).
Persistence of Native American students can be influenced by increased academic
48
support, providing Native American support services, and enacting policies that
require students to attend cultural events (J. Lopez, 2018). These types of supports
promote “emotional and belonging support” which is crucial for Native American
student success (Cech et al., 2011, p. 530). Fostering and creating support networks
for Native American students through advisers, classmates, and the students’ family
also contributes to academic success (DeLong et al., 2016; J. Lopez, 2018; Lundberg,
2014; Schmidtke, 2017).
Existing Research Strengths and Gaps
The historical development of federal policies that promoted cultural genocide
and the overarching theme of racism in the U.S. society has resulted in stratification
of Native American students who struggle to attend and persist in postsecondary
institutions. Practices such as Indian boarding schools and assimilation have created a
rift between this population and the national government. Institutional barriers within
the educational system have created multiple challenges for Native American
students. Poor academic preparation (associated with low socioeconomic status) of
Native American students in K-12 grades, among other issues, contribute to the
excessively low enrollment of Native American students in higher education. The
lack of studies that explore the meaning of college experience from the perspective of
Native American students is concerning because the interpretation of the problems
experienced by this population continue to be examined and analyzed through a
Western cultural lens.
49
Although not unique to Native American students, the complexity of their
identity within higher education is a reflection of their complex relationship to
society. Native American students may be able to engage in biculturalism or
enculturation when not able to practice or share their culture in different
environments. These practices are necessary for Native American students to gain
respite from the efforts to assimilate them into the hegemonic culture. Biculturalism
and enculturation may be part process of Native American students’ efforts to
develop a sense of belonging to college. However, the nature of this process needs to
be studied in more detail.
Institutionalized racism and the importance of developing a sense of
belonging increases the need for culturally appropriate support for Native American
students in particular. Understanding how Native American students navigate current
support structures highlights the need for culturally sensitive staff and faculty.
Establishing meaningful relationships with the students enhances the support
structures for those students. Furthermore, the combination of different support types
to create a holistic support structure may promote the well-being of the student in
non-academic areas. TribalCrit can be useful to understand how these institutions can
provide insight into more meaningful, significant, and culturally appropriate support
for Native American students.
Tribal Critical Race Theory
Applying critical race theory to education, Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995)
outlined the factors that impact how underrepresented students must access and
50
navigate an educational system that is culturally incompatible with their identities.
Although institutions are striving to effect change, students struggle with perceptions
of success, belonging, and their identities while navigating an educational system
without proper preparation, resources, and institutional support (Ballard & Cintrón,
2010; Braun et al., 2017; Carter, 2008; Cerezo & Chang, 2013; Comeaux, 2013;
Garcia & Ramirez, 2018; Gaxiola Serrano, 2017; Harper et al., 2016).
Brayboy (2005) developed TribalCrit by extrapolating parts of Critical Race
Theory to use it as the foundation to understand issues unique to Indigenous people in
the United States, such as colonization. TribalCrit created “a way to address the
complicated relationship between American Indians and the United States federal
government and [to] begin to make sense of American Indians’ liminality as both
racial and legal/political groups and individuals” (Brayboy, 2005, p. 425). As
discussed, Native Americans have a complex relationship with the federal
government due to physical displacement, cultural assimilation, and cultural
genocide. TribalCrit provides a platform to address the challenges of Native
Americans with a focus on colonization as the underlying factor. Using this theory,
existing research has identified the need for Native American students to access and
use culturally appropriate support to which they can connect and relate (Cech et al.,
2011; Fischer & Stoddard, 2013; Fish et al., 2017; Flynn et al., 2012; Lundberg,
2014; Okagaki et al., 2009; Shotton et al., 2007; Waterman & Sands, 2016).
TribalCrit is a framework that seeks to make visible the experiences of Native
American students by highlighting the contradictions created by educational
51
institutions in an effort to “make the situation better for Indigenous students”
(Brayboy, 2005, p. 441). These contradictions may take different forms such as
implicit racism, biased institutional policies, or inadequate student support systems.
While the focus of TribalCrit centers on colonization, Brayboy’s (2005) nine tenets
(see Table 1) provide additional ways of “examining the lives and experiences of
tribal peoples since contact with Europeans over 500 years ago” (Brayboy, 2005, p.
430). Reviewing educational issues and experiences through the lens of TribalCrit
creates opportunities for institutions to understand how contemporary Native
American students are affected by colonization (Brayboy, 2005).
Table 1
The Nine Tenets of TribalCrit
Tenet 1. Colonization is endemic to society. 2. U.S. policies towards Indigenous peoples are rooted in imperialism, White
supremacy, and a desire for material gain. 3. Indigenous peoples occupy a liminal space that accounts for both the political
and racialized natures of our identities. 4. Indigenous peoples have a desire to obtain and forge tribal sovereignty, tribal
autonomy, self-determination, and self-identification. 5. The concepts of culture, knowledge, and power take on new meaning when
examined through an Indigenous lens. 6. Governmental policies and educational policies toward Indigenous peoples are
ultimately linked around the problematic goal of assimilation. 7. Tribal philosophies, beliefs, customs, traditions, and visions for the future are
central to understanding the lived realities of Indigenous peoples, but they also illustrate the differences and adaptability among individuals and groups.
8. Stories are not separate from theory; they make up theory and are, therefore, real and legitimate sources of data and ways of being.
9. Theory and practice are connected in deep and explicit ways such that scholars must work towards social change.
(Brayboy, 2005, p. 429-430)
52
TribalCrit is an appropriate theoretical frame for this study because it
underscores how federal policies were built on the foundation of colonization and
how that colonization dominates society. One example of how these concepts are
reflected in policy was the creation of Indian boarding schools and the attempted
cultural assimilation of Native Americans (Dawson, 2012). The second tenet
specifically reflects how Native Americans struggled to maintain their land when
faced with the western concepts of “imperialism, White supremacy, and a desire for
material gain” (Brayboy, 2005, p. 431). The challenge in this area is that western
society fails to acknowledge the cultural standing of Native Americans. Historically,
the process by which land was deemed owned was dictated “in a distinction between
the concepts of habitation and ownership, which is evident in the actions of White
settlers” (Brayboy, 2005, p. 431). Through this process, the government continued the
systemic cultural genocide by rationalizing the removal of Native Americans from
land that provided physical and spiritual nourishment (Brayboy, 2005). The concepts
of Manifest Destiny and the Norman Yoke provided the justifications, rooted in
White supremacy, to exert “moral and intellectual superiority over those things non-
western” (Brayboy, 2005, p. 432).
Another reason that TribalCrit provides an appropriate framework is that it
highlights the need to understand the challenges Native Americans face when
constructing their legal, political, and racial identities both inside and outside of the
federal arenas (Brayboy, 2005). The federal government creates barriers and
categories specific to Native American tribes through a process in which a tribe may
53
or may not be categorized as federally recognized. These processes fail to recognize
that the people “were nations before the Constitution was signed, and therefore their
status as nations should be without question” (Brayboy, 2005, p. 433). However, an
additional challenge is that Native Americans may only be viewed as a racial group
outside of federal policy (Brayboy, 2005). In this way, Native Americans are viewed
in the political and legal arenas while struggling to maintain their complex
relationship with the federal government.
Native American students learning in public (non-tribal) institutions must
adhere to curriculum and methods of learning based on a culture and language
different from their own (Hare & Pidgeon, 2011). Educational policies remain rooted
in colonization and assimilation. These policies, curricula, and methods of learning
ignore Native American culture and how knowledge may be shared through stories (J.
Bowman, 2015; Brayboy, 2005; Lajimodiere, 2011; Tachine et al., 2016; 2017).
TribalCrit addresses three different types of knowledge for Native Americans:
cultural, survival, and academic. Cultural knowledge refers to the knowledge of
belonging to a particular tribal nation, including “particular traditions, issues, and
ways of being and knowing that make an individual member of a community”
(Brayboy, 2005, p. 434). Survival knowledge addresses the importance of being able
to change and adapt both as an individual and a community (Brayboy, 2005).
Academic knowledge refers to knowledge through formal educational institutions.
TribalCrit creates the space for institutions to understand how these types of
54
knowledge work together and how this knowledge is linked to power as “an
expression of sovereignty” (Brayboy, 2005, p.435).
TribalCrit also focuses on the need to understand tribal autonomy and self-
determination (Brayboy, 2005). Based on tribal sovereignty, the ability for tribes to
determine how to govern themselves remains an important aspect of legitimizing their
definition of what it means to be Native American (Brayboy, 2005). The conflict
arises in education when institutions determine how to identify Native American
students (Brayboy, 2005). The Western concepts and definitions of what constitutes a
Native American student can emerge in contradiction with the ways in which Native
American students identify themselves as participants in an educational setting.
Tying It Together
Based on the power of stories as theories (Brayboy, 2005), this study was
developed to understand how Native American students create and/or develop a sense
of belonging while addressing the challenges they face in higher education. Although
institutions may provide some type of general support, more focused and culturally
appropriate methods are necessary to help Native American students develop a sense
of belonging (Brayboy, 2005; Fish et al., 2017; Lundberg, 2014; Patton et al., 2007).
TribalCrit provides a platform for institutions to better understand the multiple ways
Native Americans may identify themselves. TribalCrit’s ninth tenet states that there is
a responsibility of social change using TribalCrit as a framework; when using
TribalCrit, researchers have an obligation to “make an active change in the situation
and context being examined” (Brayboy, 2005, p. 440).
55
The tenets of TribalCrit make explicit the origins of institutional barriers
Native American students experience in the educational system and their fortitude as
they create, re-create, or maintain their identity(ies) and sense of belonging. For
example, TribalCrit’s sixth tenet states that the educational system continues to
emphasize educational policies whose mission is to move forward its goal of
assimilation (Brayboy, 2005). Furthermore, racism is unconsciously supported when
faculty, staff, and peers are oblivious to the privilege they possess (Brown, 2016) as
the absence of awareness reinforces the tenet of assimilation (Brayboy, 2005).
Ineffective support, the lack of culturally appropriate academic preparation and
support for Native American students, the limited ability to track Native American
students in higher education, and the omission of Native Americans from mainstream
curriculum also provide examples of how TribalCrit’s sixth tenet of assimilation
manifests itself in higher education (Brayboy, 2005).
The deep-rooted racism within the educational system demonstrates
TribalCrit’s second tenet that the policies of the U.S. focus on materialism and the
dominance of White culture (Brayboy, 2005). The federal government’s attempts to
commit cultural genocide through the use of Indian boarding schools directly relates
to the notion of colonization and the government’s policies which are racially
grounded in White supremacy (Brayboy, 2005). Guillory and Wolverton (2008)
found that Native students experienced mixed messaging with regard to financial
support on their campus. This reflects TribalCrit’s second and sixth tenets that racism
56
in inherent in federal policies and the underlying goal of assimilation is present in
educational policies toward Native Americans (Brayboy, 2005).
As demonstrated by the lack of investment in culturally appropriate support or
training for support of Native American students, the educational system reinforces
TribalCrit’s fifth tenet that when viewed through an Indigenous lens “concepts of
culture, knowledge, and power take on new meaning” (Brayboy, 2005, p. 429). This
is further reinforced when considering the fluidity of Native American students’
identities (Jaime & Rios, 2006). In addition to identity fluidity, enculturation and
bicultural competence have surfaced as concepts when discussing Native American
identity (Kulis et al., 2013). These different ways of being also reflect how Native
American students embody the TribalCrit tenet of knowledge; specifically, the
concepts demonstrate the “understanding of how and in what ways change can be
accomplished and the ability and willingness to change, adapt, and adjust in order to
move forward as an individual and community” (Brayboy, 2005, p. 434-435).
Understanding how underrepresented students use and navigate support
structures in the college context may provide insight as to how those support
structures influence their sense of belonging in postsecondary education. While
research demonstrates the need for differentiated support for underrepresented
students, the Native American students’ perceptions of this support are not always
clearly understood (Ballard & Cintrón, 2010; Garcia & Ramirez, 2018; Shotton et al.,
2007). Brayboy’s (2005) tenets of self-identification, colonization, educational
policies, culture and knowledge, customs, and stories may provide insight into how
57
the students’ sense of belonging is constructed in postsecondary education.
Furthermore, the use of these tenets may provide insight into not only how Native
American students view success, but also how to effect change in institutional
policies and practices to promote Native American student success.
58
CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
This study examined and explored how Native American students experience
and develop their sense of belonging during their college experience. Understanding
how their sense of belonging may or may not be influenced by challenges and support
systems was obtained through the perceptions of Native American college students.
Through the recommendations emerging from this research, leaders in P-20
educational institutions may be able to provide more concerted and specific services
for Native American students. This understanding may further reduce the impacts of
colonization and cultural identity erasure experienced by this marginalized
population.
This chapter presents the methodology for the study. I explain my reasons for
employing a qualitative approach and discuss the instruments and procedures used in
the study. Information regarding the research site provides context about the location.
In addition, criteria for participant selection and a description of the sample are
provided. Subsequent sections examine the data collection processes and procedures.
Finally, the data analysis process used for the study is explained.
Positionality
I understand the position of privilege I occupy. I am gay and a person of color,
but I also realize that my upbringing mirrors the colonial and Eurocentric culture of
materialism and encouraged individuality. My desire to enter this research space
59
stems from my personal background and a desire to create awareness of the need to
provide space, and to advocate, for all voices to be heard. Although I am not Native,
my own experiences provide a relative frame of understanding from which my
research stems; I do not claim to understand the historical trauma experienced by
Native Americans. However, my experiences of racism and homophobia as a gay
Asian male create a relative perspective as someone from a marginalized population.
Working in education, my own perceptions and understanding of the
challenges of underrepresented students in education has been transformed. Over the
past 14 years, I have been able to learn from my husband, who is an active and
enrolled member of his tribe, as he gave me the opportunity to engage with his own
tribe and to advocate for Native American students. Understanding how to navigate
the racial, cultural, political, and social aspects of the Native American community is
a privilege that facilitated the creation of my role as someone who, although outside
of the community, is sensitive to the struggles and challenges that Native Americans
continuously encounter. It is through this work that the desire to enter this field
emerged.
Looking back on my experiences on different higher education campuses, I
realized that there always seemed to be groups for underrepresented students (i.e.,
African American, Latinx, Asian American), but Native American students were not
clearly represented. As I continued to work with my husband and other members of
tribal communities, my curiosity began to encompass not only the institutions’
support (or inadequate support), but how the students persisted and what contributed
60
to this persistence. From my own educational history, I found support and a sense of
belonging through different groups with whom I identified. Drawing on this
experience, I decided to focus on how Native American students develop a sense of
belonging while in college.
However, I encountered an internal struggle regarding how to best approach
this research topic with the genuine desire of understanding a phenomenon as
opposed to a Eurocentric ideology of individual gain (e.g., earning a degree).
Applying the tenets of TribalCrit to my own life provided an opportunity to examine
my experiences through the same lens I would apply to the participants’ experiences.
Through this reflection, I understand myself better as a product of a colonized
mindset.
My mother did not teach me how to speak Tagalog (Filipino language) as my
father thought that I may end up with an accent, which he viewed as a disadvantage in
American society. This is in stark contrast to some of the participants’ stories where
they were unable to learn their language due to historical trauma. I was fortunate to
grow up in a middle-class family where our needs and wants were met. However,
having both needs and wants met reinforced a materialistic mindset. Understanding
how my own life is reflective of the very framework I use to examine the
participants’ experiences made me more aware and even more humble in how I felt I
needed to approach this study.
Having been reared in an environment where I had to hide who I was, I
understand the need to create a welcoming space for those who may not feel they
61
belong in a hegemonic space. This push against marginalization fueled my desire to
be an advocate for all students. As a non-Native, I am aware of the need for this
research to be approached in a humble, culturally sensitive, and appropriate manner.
My relationship with my husband has provided another type of privilege whereby I
am treated less as an outsider when working with Native American leaders and
scholars. In this way, I have observed and learned how to respectfully participate
when asked and invited. My experience has also heightened my sensitivity to the
cultural obligations that must be observed when working with Native Americans.
An additional type of privilege occurred during the course of this study when I
accepted a position working as the Tribal Administrative Officer (TAO) for a
federally recognized Native American tribe. This position has provided a deeper layer
of experience, specifically working with and for Native American tribal citizens. In
addition to my personal and educational involvement, it is now part of my
professional role to actively advocate for the tribe and its citizens. I entered this
position in a culturally sensitive manner, recognizing my position as non-Native.
Although still new to the job, my approach has been validated as the tribal citizens
have welcomed me into my position and as part of their community. As a researcher,
I incorporated this awareness into my study with a respectful intention to serve the
Native American student population.
Through bracketing, I explored my experiences as a non-Native American
who is connected to Native American populations via my relationship with my Native
American husband and my professional role. Bracketing involves observing and
62
critically reflecting on my personal judgment and “assumptions made in everyday life
and in the sciences” (Schwandt, 2015, p.24). Another challenge for me during this
study was to not allow my experiences with my husband and his Tribe to influence
how I approached the participants in the study. In this research, I provide evidence of
my respect and understanding in working in this space. The ties I have to this
community, in my personal and professional life, served as a guide for me in my
research.
My experiences with my husband and the Native American students we serve
and my position as TAO for a tribe have not only opened my eyes to my privilege but
also highlighted the need for advocates in a hegemonic space that is designed to
exclude those who cannot or will not be assimilated into its culture. It is not enough
to simply bring to light the challenges of an underrepresented population. The
concept of making space and empowering others is my motivation.
Epistemological Perspective
The essence of epistemology is to understand “the nature of knowledge”
(Schwandt, 2015, p. 87) while ontology involves “the study of reality, of being, of the
real nature of whatever is” (Schwandt, 2015, p. 190). Centered within interpretive and
critical paradigms, this research explores the experiences of Native American college
students to understand how they develop their sense of belonging in their college
experience. The purpose of the interpretive paradigm is to understand a constructed
and subjective social reality. Through the ontological assumption of “multiple
realities” (Creswell, 2018, p. 20), the interpretive researcher acknowledges that
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multiple truths exist and create different forms of knowledge (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). The purpose of this research is to understand the influences on Native
American students’ perceptions of and navigation through higher education. Being
able to understand, or create meaning out of, the individual experiences of Native
American students may provide clarity about the meaning of those experiences to the
students (Schwandt, 2015).
Each student’s lived experiences create an individual truth for that student,
resulting in multiple truths and meanings. Interpretive researchers examine how
participants interpret experiences through understanding and honoring the reality of
participant perspectives (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Concurrently, a relationship is
created between the researcher and the knowledge (Lincoln & Guba, 2013). This
relationship is subjective and influenced by the context, as the researcher’s past
experiences serve to influence their current understanding of knowledge. It is
important to temper this subjectivity with reflexivity, or critical self-reflection, to
become aware of the influences of bias (Schwandt, 2015).
The critical paradigm extends from the interpretive. Creswell (2018) explains
“research is value laden” (p. 17). Recognizing that bias exists and power influences
the social construction of an individual’s reality, the purpose of critical research is to
“change, emancipate, or empower” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 12). The axiological
perspective of equity and examination of institutional structures drives this research.
Through the perspectives and realities of the participants, identification of oppressive
historical and institutional policies and practices is possible.
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Axiology refers to the inherent value of the knowledge created during
research (Lincoln & Guba, 2013). This value is contributed to by the researcher,
participants, and any additional context (Lincoln & Guba, 2013). The Native
American students and I contribute to the value of the knowledge created through this
research. The Native American students provide the experiential knowledge and
history. Drawing on their personal experiences, the students contribute their
individual perspectives and their individual understanding of the historical context. I
provide additional historical context as well as critical academic lenses with which to
view the new information. This combination serves to underscore the value of each
student’s experience through critical analysis. From this, institutions may be able to
provide more concerted and specific methods of offering support to Native American
students.
Methodology: Phenomenological Approach
This research utilized a phenomenological approach. It was appropriate for
this study as it is through the voices and stories of Native American students currently
navigating postsecondary institutions that we gain a deeper understanding of their
lived realities (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Using a phenomenological approach
allowed me to identify and compile the common concepts and themes identified by
participants into one or more collective categories (Creswell, 2018). Additionally, a
critical qualitative analysis of the research data through the theoretical lens of
TribalCrit supported the interpretation of college experiences among Native
American students.
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Engaging in interpretivism facilitated the understanding how Native American
students relate to the world around them (Schwandt, 2015). The use of the word
“stories” in presenting the findings of this phenomenological research is deliberate
and culturally appropriate as the stories are the participants’ lived realities and
experiences and, as such, are “legitimate sources of data and ways of being”
(Brayboy, 2005, p. 429). This is particularly relevant to the Native American
participants as storytelling is a culturally appropriate way of teaching and passing on
knowledge (Brayboy, 2005; Lajimodiere, 2011; Tachine et al., 2016, 2017). Using a
phenomenological approach, the stories of the Native American college students
provided a deeper understanding of their lived realities while navigating
postsecondary institutions.
A qualitative approach provided an opportunity to explore the unique
experiences of the participants (Shotton et al., 2007). It is important to ensure that,
within this study, the voices of the students were accurately reflected as prior research
has not always done so (Acevedo-Gil & Zerquera, 2016). Furthermore, there is
minimal quantitative data on Native American student enrollment information, which
is indicative of the historical challenges Native American students face in the
educational system (Akee & Yassie-Mintz, 2011). Since this enrollment information
is limited, it is unlikely that the information gathered through quantitative research
would have provided the information I expected to capture and analyze through
phenomenology.
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Research Question
How do Native American students experience and develop a sense of
belonging in college?
1. What representations of their cultural heritage do Native American students
identify as part of their academic and campus life experiences? How does that
representation or presence make them feel?
2. In what campus-connected relationships do students engage, and how do those
relationships and interactions shape Native American students’ sense of
belonging?
3. What psychological resources do Native American students identify as
influential, positively or negatively, in their construction of (or lack of
construction) of a sense of belonging?
By answering these questions, this study aimed to better understand how
Native American students navigate and develop a sense of belonging in public
postsecondary institutions. An outcome of this research may be information that
guides local administrators (i.e., principals, campus presidents, student services
personnel.) as well as committees such as the American Indian Education Oversight
Committee (AIEOC) for California in effective policy development and
implementation for Native American student support in education.
Context of the Study (Research Setting)
In California, there are multiple options for K-12 and postsecondary
education. At the K-12 level, options include public, private, and charter schools.
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Postsecondary options include community colleges as well as public, state
universities (e.g., California State University and University of California systems)
and private four-year institutions. Enrollment data for all students, Native American
students in particular, in the K-12 and college-eligible population informed decisions
regarding the context for this study.
According to the California Department of Education’s 2018-2019 State
Report of Enrollment by Ethnicity and Grade, students identified as “American Indian
or Alaska Native” represent 0.5% of K-12 enrollment in all California schools. In
addition, data from the 2018-2019 Statewide Report - Four-Year Adjusted Cohort
Graduation Rate, clearly demonstrate a discrepancy between the percentages of
American Indian or Alaska Native students and students of other ethnicities in terms
of high school graduation and meeting University of California and California State
University entrance requirements (see Table 2).
Table 2
2018-2019 California K-12 School Enrollment
Total K-12 Enrollment
12th Grade Enrollment
High School Graduation Rate
Graduates Meeting UC/CSU Requirements
American Indian or Alaska Native
31,358 2,718 74.8% 23.1%
Statewide
6,186,278
489,650
84.5%
42.6%
(California Department of Education, 2019)
Recognizing that K-12 and postsecondary Native American students are
dispersed across the state as well as low enrollment of Native American students in
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higher education (Akee & Yassie-Mintz, 2011; Covarrubias & Fryberg, 2015) made it
necessary to find a research site which could offer a demonstrated Native American
student presence. Therefore, the context of the study was limited to one California
public college campus.
I identified a suburban, public, four-year institution located in Central
California as the research setting for which I use the pseudonym Public California
College (PCC). One of the reasons for selection is that the campus has a dedicated
Native American student center for which I use the pseudonym the Native Center.
Furthermore, I am friends with the director, Sabrina (a pseudonym), who invited me
to conduct the study and offered me access to the site.
I was initially hesitant to accept Sabrina’s offer. One of the reasons is that I
felt that I would be intruding in what I viewed as her personal space. Additionally, I
did not know what the findings would be and did not want to risk possibly damaging
her professional reputation and our friendship. I reflected on the fact that she offered
the site for my study. With that offer, I felt appreciative and grateful of her trust as
she knew I would not do anything damaging to the Native Center or to the students.
Also, she understands and is supportive of this research. I humbly accepted her offer.
In doing so, I also felt an increased sense of dedication to honor the participants and
the stories they shared with me through my research.
Sabrina confirmed the availability of a sufficient number of Native American
students who were willing to participate in this study. As I wanted the sampling to be
as wide as possible, I initially reached out to campus administrators in student areas
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(e.g., Student Affairs, Student Life, Student Housing) to assist with publicizing the
invitation to participate. Communication with the departments demonstrated
institutional bureaucracy as there was no consensus in how to handle my request
However, without knowledge of my connection to Sabrina, all departments eventually
directed or my requests to her. As a result, participants included students who were
actively involved with the Native Center. Utilizing both purposive and snowball
sampling, she helped me find a sufficient number of participants to understand the
experiences of Native American students. This sampling from one research location
provided suitable data while allowing for much deeper and significant learning.
As PCC is widely considered a competitive and desirable institution, an
underlying assumption was the rigor of the admissions process. This rigor yielded
students who were open to articulating the challenges experienced during their
educational journeys. Furthermore, while PCC may be competitive, there is also a
history of a diverse Native American student population due to the amount of
financial support for Native American students. This additional criterion provided
comparative information gathered from students of varying backgrounds.
Finding Storytellers
The sampling method was stratified purposeful sampling and snowball
sampling. According to Creswell (2018), stratified purposeful sampling is a form of
purposeful sampling that “illustrates subgroups and facilitates comparisons” (p. 159).
Snowball sampling is a method for obtaining introduction to potential participants by
those insiders with knowledge of others who may “exemplify the characteristics of
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interest in the study” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 98). Because Native American
students are not easily identifiable through current institutional databases and
practices, Sabrina served as a core resource to identify and contact participants. She
identified and contacted potential participants comprised of Native American students
with whom she has contact in both the Native Center and the Native American studies
class she teaches.
Sabrina made initial introductions between me and self-identified Native
American students. I did not request comparison data between the number of self-
identified Native American students on the campus and the number of Native
American students who made regular use of the Native Center. Due to the complexity
of Native American student identity and tracking Native American students in
institutions of higher education, I chose to focus on the participants who self-selected
for the study. Sabrina’s involvement in the identification of participants influenced
the pool of participants. While this was not an undesirable effect, it influenced the
stories I collected as all participants’ stories included connections to Sabrina and the
Native Center.
Self-identification allowed for a broad definition of Native American and was
made at the discretion of the student. For example, tribal identification could be based
on federal recognition of the tribe and its sovereignty. Some Native American tribes
identify their members through lineage as opposed to blood quantum. Other students
may have identified as Native American because they grew up with the culture and
traditions in their home and community but without any type of “formal” recognition
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from a state or government. Regardless of the method of identification, I understand
that identifying as Native American may be done in different ways and for that reason
welcomed participants based on their criteria for self-identification.
Sabrina granted access to many potential participants. She shared an invitation
to participate in the study to all participants of the Native Center (see Appendix A).
The invitation indicated the purpose of the study, the approximate duration of the
study, the approximate amount of time required of the participant, and the type of
methods to be used. Interviews were the most useful and appropriate method to gather
participants’ individual perspectives (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Sabrina sent the initial online invitation to students on my behalf. The
invitation asked students if they would like to participate in a qualitative study
regarding Native American students in higher education. It outlined the duration of
the study (approximately three months of research and interviews and four months of
analysis and writing), the types and duration of the interviews (one to two hours per
individual), and, if the student was interested, requested the student’s current year of
study. The invitation provided my contact information for students who decided to
participate. I collected the responses and created a participant list which included
seven participants. I then sent the informed consent form and begin scheduling
interviews.
Upon confirmation of desire to participate, students received the informed
consent document (see Appendix B). During all points in the study, participants were
given the option to withdraw their participation. The goal was to include a minimum
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of eight participants, four at the end of their first or second year in college and four at
the end of their last two years in college. Of the seven participants, five students
indicated they were graduating in the current academic year. There was only one
participant in their second year of college. All other students were in their third or
higher year of study.
Effort was made to include individuals who described themselves as reared in
a Native American community (i.e., rural or reservation setting) where Native
American cultural traditions were prolific and those who identify as Native American
but were reared in more urban and non-traditional communities where Native
American cultural traditions were not practiced regularly. This was an additional
criterion intended to better understand how sense of belonging differs between the
settings. Only one participant out of the seven identified as living on a reservation.
Because I understand the perception of being raised in a Native community comes
from a romanticized idea of a reservation, the participants’ perspectives and realities
may differ, although their definition may not. By allowing the participants to detail
and explain how they perceived the environment in which they lived, a more accurate
and less influenced determination of being raised in a community was created.
In addition to level of college completion, I also considered anticipated
graduation year, first-generation status, tribal enrollment status (see Chapter Four),
and gender identity. I realize that gender identity is a very charged subject and
provided non-binary options. Two participants identified as men and five participants
identified as women. While gender is a way that Native American students may
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identify, it may also influence how Native American students fulfill specific gender
roles within the culture (Bingham et al., 2014). Including gender as a grouping
category provided an additional lens for analysis. To encourage participation in the
study, I provided incentives (i.e., gift cards) to participants at the beginning of the
interview session. While I had planned to interview only undergraduate students, an
opportunity arose to include a graduate student who had just graduated from the
campus in the prior quarter. This provided a total of six undergraduate students and
one graduate student.
Data Collection
Based on the interpretive paradigm that values the lived experience of the
individual, semi-structured interviews were used to obtain descriptive data.
According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), “this format allows the researcher to
respond to the situation at hand, to the emerging worldview of the respondent, and to
new ideas on the topic” (p. 111). This approach empowered participants by allowing
them to express ideas that may otherwise be limited by a strict interview protocol. As
I wanted to honor the participants’ experiences, I fostered an open conversation. The
interview protocol was comprised of open-ended questions to offer participants the
opportunity to provide as much or as little information as desired (see Appendix C).
Before the interview, I asked participants to complete a short demographic
questionnaire to categorize socioeconomic status, tribal affiliation, and gender (see
Appendix D). With regard to tribal affiliation, participants could choose from one of
five options: (a) I am currently enrolled in a federally recognized tribe; (b) I am
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currently enrolled in a state-recognized tribe; (c) I am currently enrolled in a tribe
which is not recognized by either a state or federal government; (d) I am not currently
enrolled in a tribe, but I am a descendant of a tribe; or (e) I am not currently enrolled
in a tribe.. When further information or clarification was required, I scheduled
subsequent interviews with the participants.
Prior to meeting with the participants, I found myself questioning how to
approach the interview process. I remained aware about my position as an outsider,
but as Sabrina had helped identify the participants, I felt she essentially provided a
character reference about me to the participants. While this provided some comfort of
being viewed as less of an outsider, I also did not want to appear as someone who
exploits Native Americans for the sake of research. This made me mindful of how I
presented myself including what I would wear for the interview. I provide this
information as another example of my guiding intent to honor the stories and
storytellers for the study.
At the beginning of and during the interviews, I built rapport with the
participants by providing them information about myself and how I came to this area
of study. I felt that knowing more about my interactions and relationships with other
Native Americans would help the participants feel more comfortable and speak more
openly with me. While this created some anxiety on my part as to how and what I
should share, it also seemed respectful, as the participants were willing to share their
stories with me. Through the sharing of stories, I negotiated relationships with the
participants resulting in rich dialogue and information.
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I recorded all interviews digitally. The recordings were sent to a third-party
service for transcription, and I compared the transcripts to the original recordings for
accuracy. Hard copies of the transcriptions were stored in a locked file cabinet in my
home. Electronic copies of transcripts were kept in secure, password protected data
storage service. All participants had assigned coded identifiers. Only I had access to
the separate master list of codes linking names to data. The master list was also stored
in a locked file cabinet in my home. Three years after completion of the study, all
data will be securely destroyed and deleted.
Data Analysis
I analyzed data to better understand the structure and underlying meaning of
the experience of Native American postsecondary students (Creswell, 2018; Merriam
& Tisdell, 2016; Moustakas, 1994). The use of TribalCrit helped underscore the
challenges encountered by Native American students due to the unique and
conflicting relationship between Native Americans and the federal government.
Student interviews exposed themes such as colonization, racism in governmental and
educational policies, and knowledge through an Indigenous lens. These themes
connected to the tenets of TribalCrit and highlighted the theory’s applicability in the
current educational system. The combination of these concepts provided different
levels of analysis. Reductionism is the concept that it is necessary to “replace one
vocabulary (set of concepts or theory) with a second vocabulary (set of concepts or
theory) that is more primary” (Schwandt, 2015, p. 259). Using this concept allowed
me to view the hegemonic culture of the educational system through a conceptual
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lens of colonization and cultural genocide. Throughout the course of the interviews, I
tracked and defined common words or phrases from the participants to create an
accurate representation of the participants’ experiences.
Furthermore, I used theoretical memos during analysis. These memos were
internal messages to myself which included different aspects of the analysis such as
“the meaning of a coded category, an explanation of a sense of pattern developing
among categories, or a description of some specific aspect of a setting or
phenomenon” (Schwandt, 2015, p. 189). The memos provided points of interpretation
for the overall analysis of the data. Lastly, I engaged in conversations with my
dissertation chair, Native scholars, and other colleagues who share this research topic
to avoid pitfalls of bias or misinterpretation.
I also used horizontalization which involves reviewing the interview
transcripts and identifying phrases “or quotes that provide an understanding of how
the participants experienced the phenomenon” (Creswell, 2018, p. 79). Creswell’s
data analysis spiral (2018) provided an iterative, rather than linear, process of data
analysis. Using Creswell’s model for data analysis supported movement from
description and characterization of individual participant’s cases to abstract
conceptualization and integrative analysis of the data set. Codes, categories, and
theories were used to move from analysis to interpretation to representation. Using
ATLAS.ti, common themes were identified for subsequent exploration.
Categories predetermined from the interview protocol and emergent
categories were analyzed and noted for overlap. The next step moved from abstract
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categorization to coding the data supporting the categories. Once data were coded, the
codes were operationally defined by common characteristics. Pairing data with codes
and categories supported visualization of connections and saturation in and between
individual cases. As codes and data were removed from their contexts and
reorganized based on researcher perception of the relations, there was a critical need
for awareness of “researcher as instrument.” While validation is important, it is also
necessary to understand that the results are not a final interpretation of the data
(Creswell, 2018).
Trustworthiness
Trustworthiness makes the study and research “noteworthy to audiences”
(Schwandt, 2015, p. 299). Schwandt (2015) discusses the four criteria for
trustworthiness: credibility (internal validity), transferability (external validity),
dependability (reliability), and confirmability (objectivity). Credibility relates to how
a researcher reports the participants’ accounts. Transferability underscores the
researcher’s responsibility to provide information how a researcher is responsible for
providing enough information about the study so connections can be made to
subsequent cases. Dependability focuses on the researcher’s process to ensure the
process was “logical, traceable, and documented” (p. 299). Confirmability considers
how the researcher established that the findings are not fictitious (Schwandt, 2015).
Combined, these four criteria support the concept of trustworthiness for this study.
Positionality is another concept that works in conjunction with
trustworthiness. Positionality is how a researcher identifies or positions him/herself
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“in relation to the context and setting of the research” (Creswell, 2018, p. 21).
Because I am not Native American, my interpretation and reading of the data may
present challenges or questions when those who identify as Native American read the
study. I identify as a minority (Asian), not Native American. I grew up in a Catholic,
upper-middle class family with two parents actively engaged in my education. My
parents were college-educated and expected their children to attend college. I have
worked in both private and public institutions where resources were both abundant
and scarce, respectively. Further educational pursuits of a master’s degree and
doctorate provide additional lenses through which to view educational opportunity for
others while considering the available resources for students. Understanding my
positionality provided context and direction to the study.
To address the concepts of trustworthiness and validity, I engaged in
triangulation. Interviewing multiple participants created the opportunity to identify
overlapping themes. The combination of phenomenology and interpretivism with
qualitative research methods, analyzed through the lens of TribalCrit, created a multi-
layered approach for this research. This blending of these actions (triangulation)
provided “corroborating evidence for validating the accuracy” of the research
(Creswell, 2013, p. 329).
In conjunction with triangulation, it was imperative to ensure that the
methodology was sensitive to and inclusive of Indigenous ways of knowing.
Understanding how Native American participants hold and transfer their knowledge
can provide additional significance when interviewing, reviewing, and interpreting
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collected data (Simonds & Christopher, 2013). Working in higher education for over
14 years at public and private institutions gave me a new appreciation for
underrepresented students’ access to higher education and support.
To assist with this bias and the cultural sensitivity of the research, I sought
feedback from scholars who are familiar with Native American cultures as well as
Native American researchers to avoid a perpetuation of colonization in academic
research. Because I am not Native American, having additional colleagues who could
more closely relate to the participants and their culture provided additional credibility
for the study. These scholars met with me, reviewed key findings and data and
provided feedback and suggestions with the goal of ensuring bias was minimized and
cultural sensitivity was maximized. While every participant’s experiences may be
unique, this review provided an additional layer to reduce the possibility of cultural
erasure, bias, or misinterpretation on my part.
Reflexivity
I understand that I needed to engage in reflexivity during this dissertation.
Reflexivity involves self and critical analysis of the biases and preferences that a
researcher brings to his or her studies; this enhances the validity of research
(Schwandt, 2015). To this end, I engaged in reflexivity through structured journaling
during the research and writing processes. Actively reflecting and writing about my
experiences with participants helped focus my research and analysis.
Journaling provided an opportunity to mentally review the interviews and
discern the possibility of participants translating their experiences for me. Translating
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could have happened because I am not Native American, and the participants may
have felt the need to explain their experiences in a way that they felt made sense to
me as opposed to explaining their experiences in ways that make sense to them. I
endeavored to address this possibility by establishing a trusting relationship with the
participants.
Reflecting on my experiences with the participants also provided me with a
chance to consider my conversations and interactions through a TribalCrit lens.
Approaching the participants from a position of humility (as opposed to a colonized
mindset) helped me create a better rapport with them. Sharing my stories provided
them with how I viewed my culture, knowledge, and way of being. Initial interviews
with also helped me refine how and what I shared (or did not share) with the
participants. Building trust with the participants required the endorsement of Sabrina
and providing personal details of my own relationship with my husband. Being able
to explain to the participants why I wanted to perform this study reflected my desire
for social change. Throughout the study I continued to reflect on TribalCrit and how
it served as a lens not only for the study, but for myself as well.
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CHAPTER IV
RESULTS
Learning From Stories
The purpose of this study was to understand how Native American students
develop and experience sense of belonging in college. Sense of belonging in higher
education has been studied (Covarrubias & Fryberg, 2015; Hurtado & Carter, 1997;
Tachine et al., 2017) and there is growing research exploring Native American
students’ sense of belonging in higher education (Garland, 2010; Shotton et al.,
2013). This study contributes perspectives of the underrepresented Native American
population to knowledge about college students’ sense of belonging. It also extends
knowledge to include Native American students’ perceptions of academic success in
higher education. The connection between sense of belonging and students’
perceptions of success may inform student services leaders who examine existing
systems of support, recognize barriers creating inequity, and redress inequitable
systems to more appropriately meet Native American students’ psychosocial needs.
This is especially important for Native American students as this population may be
subject to bias in educational institutions (Lomawaima, 2014; Waterman & Sands,
2016) and is virtually invisible in education (Garland, 2010; Shotton et al., 2013).
A phenomenological approach provided a deeper understanding of Native
American college students’ lived realities through centering the students’ voices. As
Brayboy (2005) described, stories are “real and legitimate sources of data and ways of
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being” (p. 430). Semi-structured interviews provided participants an open
environment to share their stories. Storytelling is a way that Native Americans
transfer knowledge and culture (J. Bowman, 2015; House et al., 2006; Verbos &
Humphries, 2014). Acknowledging the legitimacy of how the participants provide
their knowledge about their experiences provides a way to understand their lived
realities (Brayboy, 2005). In this structure, additional or clarifying questions could be
explored to better understand their worldviews (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
From participant voices and stories emerged common themes and categories
used to answer the following research question and subquestions: (Creswell, 2018).
How do Native American students experience and develop a sense of
belonging in college?
1. What representations of their cultural heritage do Native American students
identify as part of their academic and campus life experiences? How does that
representation or presence make them feel?
2. In what campus-connected relationships do students engage, and how do those
relationships and interactions shape Native American students’ sense of
belonging?
3. What psychological resources do Native American students identify as
influential, positively or negatively, in their construction of (or lack of
construction) of a sense of belonging?
This chapter begins with an overview of the themes that emerged from
analysis of the data. The participants are then introduced and a description of the
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Native Center (a pseudonym) is provided; the Native Center emerged as a nexus in
participants’ stories. Finally, I offer a rigorous and detailed description of each theme.
Thematic Findings
Themes derived from this research explain the contemporary Native
American’s journey to, through, and after college; they reflect the complexities of
individuals and connections to cultural heritage, relationships with others in a campus
space, and the ways in which culturally affirming psychological resources during
college support development of a sense of belonging. This combination of the
participants’ prior academic experiences and the experience of sense of belonging
then contributes to changes in students’ self-perceptions and service orientation.
Three themes surfaced from analysis of data and helped answer the question
and subquestions guiding the research:
(1) Upbringing influences Native American students’ exploration of their
cultural heritage. This theme explores participants’ historical, familial, and
educational experiences prior to college. From their stories emerged the
unique history between Native Americans and the federal government and the
impact of Indian boarding schools. Lived experiences with family dynamics,
governmental interventions, educational bias, and effects of organized religion
provide insight into the complex experiences which may influence how Native
American college students experience sense of belonging.
(2) Sense of belonging on campus, which was comprised of sense of
belonging based on people and sense of belonging based on space, becomes a
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psychological resource for Native American students. Development of a sense
of belonging on campus began as participants’ interactions with Native
American staff influenced decisions to attend the university. Relationships
with Native American students, faculty, and staff created and strengthened
connections to cultural heritage and provided academic support. In
conjunction with relationships, finding spaces on campus that fulfilled a need
for safety and connections to their cultural heritage emerged. Together, people
and space provided a unique psychological resource participants used to
acknowledge and resist systemic cultural assimilation while attending college.
(3) Native American students’ upbringing and how they experienced sense of
belonging on campus influences their self-perceptions and opportunities to
serve other Native Americans. This theme focuses on changes in participants’
plans for post-college lives. As a result of college academic and interpersonal
experiences, participants’ perceptions of their future selves and opportunities
for service changed during college. These changes were, in part, shaped by
their relationships on campus and their participation and experiences within
the Native Center. Participants described a desire to continue exploring their
cultural heritage and to serve the Native American community in ways that
helped them to feel connected and that they belonged during college.
Examining the participants’ experiences prior to and during college as well as
their plans and expectations after college provided an unexpected finding in
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the form of sense of belonging on campus as a psychological resource. This
will be further explored later in the chapter.
Unique Context of the Stories
While all participants self-identified as Native American, there is a danger in
making assumptions about individuals based on broad or socially constructed terms
or identifiers (House et al., 2006; Tachine et al., 2016). Throughout the interviews,
each participant shared demographic and cultural information specific to their
backgrounds and how they perceive themselves. Across the seven participants, there
were 10 races/ethnicities and 10 tribes represented. To provide context and clarity, I
offer the following information for the terms and concepts and the nuances that
accompany these terms through a Native American lens.
Cultural Heritage
The term “cultural heritage” rather than “cultural identity” is used in the
description of findings. This study was not intended to confirm or invalidate the
participants’ self-identification as Native American. Similar to Ellinghaus (2017), I
avoided using the term “identity” as much as possible to focus on the participants’
stories and self-perceptions. Additionally, for this study, Native American cultural
heritage is not limited to heritage derived from one or more specific tribal
connection(s). Participants may have identified more than one Native American tribe
in their background. For example, one participant, who acknowledged only Native
American cultural heritage, indicated that there were multiple tribes from which she
views her heritage. Given the relatively small Native American population at the
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research site, to maintain participant anonymity, I removed the names of the
participants’ tribes.
Racial/Ethnic Identity(ies)
The term racial/ethnic identity(ies) is used to identify all cultural heritages
with which the participants identified. As discussed in Chapter Two, some Native
Americans view being Native American as a political identity (J. Bowman, 2015;
HeavyRunner & DeCelles, 2002; Quijada Cerecer, 2013; Shotton et al., 2013). While
political identity does not fall into the typical category of race or ethnicity, it is
included in the race and ethnicity category for purposes of classifying the
participants’ responses. It is important to highlight that six of the seven participants
acknowledged more than one cultural heritage (i.e., Chicano, Mexican, Russian), but
all self-identified as Native American and provided their tribal heritage (i.e., ancestral
lineage, tribe or tribes) and other cultural heritages with which they identified.
Tribal Enrollment
Participants self-identified their tribal enrollment status. Four participants
indicated they are enrolled in a federally recognized tribe. The other three participants
not enrolled claimed descendance from a tribe. Tribal enrollment is the term used to
indicate citizenship with a specific tribe (Thornton, 1997). Tribal sovereignty allows
Native American federally and state-recognized tribes to determine the requirements
and criteria for enrollment (Thornton, 1997). This includes the authority of the tribe
to determine when it will consider enrolling eligible citizens.
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Once enrolled, citizens “are typically issued tribal enrollment (or registration)
numbers and cards that identify their special status as members of a particular
American Indian tribe” (Thornton, 1997. p. 35). Tribal enrollment allows the citizen
to fully participate with the tribe. Participation can include voting in tribal elections
and receiving benefits from the tribe or the federal government (e.g., Indian Health
Services, BIA scholarships, tribal scholarships). Descendants are not automatically
recognized by the tribe as citizens. Therefore, they are not eligible to receive benefits
from the tribe or participate as a voting citizen. If a descendant meets the
requirements of the tribe to demonstrate their eligibility and the tribe is considering
enrolling eligible citizens, a descendant could become an enrolled citizen of that tribe.
Tribal enrollment involves an understanding of the terms “sovereignty” and
“recognition.” Sovereignty is the inherent right for people to govern themselves
(Garland, 2010; Holm et al., 2003); however, a tribe’s relationship with federal
government (i.e., recognition) may influence how the tribe is able to govern itself.
The participants’ tribes’ relationship with the federal government and the
participants’ affiliation with their tribe determined how this question was answered.
Tribal sovereignty. The concept of tribal sovereignty is critically important
to understanding the lived realities of Native Americans. Tribal sovereignty refers to
the innate right of people to govern themselves (Garland, 2010; Holm et al., 2003).
When the Constitution of the United States was approved in 1789, there were many
arguments about the extent of authority the government held over Native American
tribes (Schraver & Tennant, 2011). Prior to 1789, the federal government recognized
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Native American tribes as independent from the government and entered into treaties
and agreements in a government-to-government capacity; Congress ended this
practice in 1871 (Echohawk, 2013). Subsequent laws enacted by the federal
government have eroded and limited tribal governments’ ability to operate as
sovereign nations (Schraver & Tennant, 2011; Verbos & Humphries, 2014).
However, more recent federal laws have supported reestablishing authority for Native
American tribes to govern themselves (Schraver & Tennant, 2011), including aspects
such as determination of their member-enrollment criteria.
Tribal recognition. All participants self-identified as either a member of a
federally recognized tribe or as descendants of a tribe. Federal recognition of a Native
American tribe is a status defined by the United States Department of the Interior,
Indian Affairs as “having a government-to-government relationship with the United
States, with the responsibilities, powers, limitations, and obligations attached to that
designation, and is eligible for funding and services from the Bureau of Indian
Affairs” (United States Department of the Interior: Indian Affairs, n.d.).
Furthermore, federally recognized tribes are recognized as possessing inherent
rights of self-government (i.e., tribal sovereignty) and are entitled to receive federal
benefits, services, and protections because of their relationship with the United States.
At present, there are 573 federally recognized American Indian and Alaska Native
tribes and villages (U.S. Department of the Interior Indian Affairs, 2020).
Federally recognized tribes have access to programs and funding through
areas of the government (U.S. Department of the Interior Indian Affairs, 2020). For
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example, enrolled members of federally recognized tribes may obtain services
through Indian Health Services (Federal Health Program for American Indians and
Alaska Natives, 2020). Additionally, federally recognized tribes are eligible to apply
for grant funding specifically for American Indian tribes by the federal government.
Four of the seven participants indicated their tribes are federally recognized.
Moving into the Mainstream
The above items highlight the complexity inherent in language used to
describe the Native American population. While all participants self-identified as
Native American, there are differences within this population, not restricted to the
qualities described in the above section. To provide context to the storytellers in this
chapter, I provide the following demographics and descriptions to demonstrate the
diversity between the participants as we move from unique population traits to more
broadly used demographics of the mainstream student populations.
Gender Identity
Because some participants may not conform to a binary environment or to a
specific gender, it is essential to allow for gender expression. In addition to the binary
male and female options, I provided a non-gender conforming option on the
demographic survey. Out of the seven participants, no participants identified as non-
gender conforming, five identified as women (71%) and two identified as men (29%).
Educational Journeys
Five participants attended public high schools and two participants attended
private high schools. Five of the participants are first-generation college students. Of
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those first-generation participants, three transferred from a community college to the
current four-year campus while the other two enrolled directly after high school.
Once at the university, four of the participants indicated that they took at least one
Native American studies course early in their college experience.
Family and Community Ties
Relationships within and outside of the family also played an important role
for the participants. Three participants expressed they were very close to their
immediate family. Three other participants indicated that they felt strong connections
with the maternal figures in their family (i.e., mother, grandmother). For some of the
participants, their relationships with immediate or extended family motivated or
influenced their education decisions. Similarly, three participants expressed having
strong relationships with Western religion while growing up. Religious affiliations
had varying effects for these participants; this will be discussed later in the chapter.
Common Factors
There were three commonalities present among all seven participants. The
first was that the Native Center was one of their favorite, if not their favorite,
locations on campus. Another common thread between the participants was that, as
undergraduates, they participate (or participated) in Native Center events and
activities. Lastly, all participants expressed strong relationships with Sabrina, the
director, and other Native American students. Table 3 provides an overview of the
seven participants.
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Table 3
Participant Demographics
Participant Class Standing
Transfer from CC
Graduating AY 19-20
Gender Identity
First generation
Racial/Ethnic Identity(ies)
Tribal Enrollment
Angelo Sophomore No No Male Yes Latino/ Native American/ White
Enrolled
Briana Junior No No Female Yes Native American
Enrolled
Camilla Senior Yes Yes Female Yes Chicano/ Native American
Not enrolled
Dominic Senior No Yes Male No Chinese/ Italian/ Mexican/ Native American
Enrolled
Elena Senior Yes Yes Female Yes Chicana/ Native American
Enrolled
Felicity Senior No Yes Female No Mexican/ Native American/ Russian
Not enrolled
Gianna Graduate Student
Yes Yes Female Yes Native American/ Portuguese
Not enrolled
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Storytellers Introduced
This section provides brief summaries of the participants and highlights
salient elements of their stories to provide a richer context for understanding their
educational paths. The summaries present aspects of the participants’ educational
demographics, motivations for college, self-identified cultural heritage, and
significant pre-college experiences. Furthermore, reflecting Sabrina’s assistance in
identifying the participants, the summaries also provide the participants’ current
interactions with the Native Center and other Native American communities.
Breaking the Cycle
Angelo, a sophomore majoring in psychology, is in his second year at PCC
and is interested in earning a doctorate degree (Ph.D. or M.D.). He is a first-
generation college student. He decided to go to college after being motivated by an
individual who worked with a tribal Temporary Assistance for Needy Families
program during his senior year in high school. His father identifies as White and
Native American and his mother identifies as Latina. He is currently enrolled in a
federally recognized tribe. Growing up, he embraced more of his Latino culture, but
after being at PCC, he has increased his involvement and exploration of his Native
American culture. Despite Angelo and his older brother being reared in an urban
setting, Angelo had to travel approximately an hour to find a Native American
community. One of his strongest memories during his early school years involved one
of his fifth-grade classmates who, while learning about the French and Indian War,
stated, “That’s why you never trust an Indian with a gun.” While the statement was
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not directed at him, it nonetheless left a scar on Angelo’s memory of elementary
school.
Angelo came to PCC after graduating from high school. He is frequently at
the Native Center as it is a familiar and safe space for him. He has a strong
relationship with the director, Sabrina, and attributes his exploration of his Native
American culture to an assignment from a Native American studies course that gave
him the opportunity to research his family history. During his research, Angelo
learned how the federal government, through Indian boarding schools, affected his
extended family; specifically, his paternal grandmother did not speak or pass on her
Native language after attending such a school. Angelo was not able to communicate
with her as she passed away due to health issues (diabetes and dialysis). Because of
this, he focuses his university studies and future plans on addressing those types of
health issues to help those who experienced the same type of medical afflictions as
his paternal grandmother, which he views as epidemics within the Native community.
Changing Communities
Brianna, a junior majoring in neurobiology, physiology, and behavior with a
minor in Native American studies, is in her third year at PCC. She is a first-
generation college student and while she enjoys her studies, she is still unsure of what
she plans to do after she graduates. Both her parents identify as Native American and
she is currently enrolled in a federally recognized tribe. She and her younger brother
were reared in a small, northern California town. Prior to college, she was very active
in her community, specifically, her church. Although she lived close to her tribe’s
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reservation, she did not participate in ceremonies or visit with her extended family
prior to college due to the Western-religion teachings of her church. She also
acknowledged, however, that she witnessed how her brother encountered racism from
the religious community. Brianna believes it stemmed from the fact that her brother
has darker skin and black hair while she is fair-skinned. These memories stayed with
her throughout her pre-college years and resurfaced later in her first year at PCC.
Brianna’s pre-college schooling included private, independent, and home
schooling prior to graduating high school. Upon arrival at PCC, she enrolled in
Native American studies courses that provided her with a new perspective on the
effects of her church’s teachings on her family and culture. During her first year, she
left the church. She found this both disorienting for herself and healing for her family,
who had also left the church, and immersed herself in her Native American culture
both on- and off-campus. She feels the Native Center is a place where she is able to
“just be” with other Native students. As a student employee, she focuses her energy
on identity development and retention of Native American students. She also
participates in ceremonies with her tribe. Brianna reflected on a question posed by a
non-Native as to what is most important to Native Americans: land, culture, or
traditions. For her, the land, culture, and traditions are interwoven and hold the same
importance in her life.
Learning Her History
Camilla, a graduating senior majoring in Native American studies with a
minor in Education, is a transfer student in her second year at PCC. She wants to be
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an academic counselor after she graduates. Her biological father identifies as Mexican
and her biological mother identifies as Native American. Camilla identifies as Native
American and is enrolled in a federally recognized tribe. She is a foster child, a first-
generation student, and is the youngest of two sisters and three half-sisters. She
decided to attend junior college as she wanted to emulate her older sister. She
remembers how, prior to kindergarten, she and her full sisters were removed from her
parents’ house by social services. This was a traumatic event in her life, specifically,
because all of the people involved in removing her and her sisters were White.
Eventually, Camilla and her sisters were adopted by an affluent White couple.
Her adoptive parents supported her and her siblings and while they did not force
organized religion on Camilla, she felt as if she and her sisters could not express their
cultural identity (i.e., participating in Día de los Muertos or learning about their
Native American culture). This lack of information about Native American culture
and people followed her throughout her schooling as she was unaware there were
other Native American people who could help her navigate the world. Camilla
recounted her experiences with racism specifically in school. She recalls how some of
her friends used derogatory terms for non-White students in ways that communicated
this “othering” was acceptable. For example, peers once carved the word “nigger”
into pumpkins; when they were reprimanded, they responded as if it was something
normal to do.
Camilla attended predominantly White schools prior to college where some of
her teachers helped her navigate the world. Other teachers, she explained, were just
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racist, even though “they didn’t even see that they were racist”. In her junior year, she
was inspired by a Native American guidance counselor who encouraged her to attend
college. Her older sister helped her complete her community college application and
while she was at junior college, she found role models in Native American students
and staff. Her transition to PCC was challenging as she had never lived away from
home. During her first year, she had an accident that required her to seek assistance
from PCC’s student disability services office. However, she encountered significant
challenges navigating the bureaucracy of the institution, which led to a delay in
receiving necessary accommodations.
She credits her resilience in response to institutional systems on the campus to
the Native Center. She met the director during a Native transfer program and now
prefers to spend her time with her Native American community, which is comprised
of her Native peers and mentors. She indicated that when non-Native staff are willing
to meet her in that space, her level of trust in that staff member increases. She also
participates in events with the Native Center and feels the space is “holistic” for her
well-being.
Creating Her Path
Daphne, a graduating senior majoring in human development with a double-
minor in public health and Native American studies, is a transfer student in her third
year at PCC. She plans to become a nurse practitioner, as she desires to help the
Native American community. Her mother identifies as Native American and her
father identified as Chicano. Daphne’s father passed away when she was two, and she
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was reared by her mother in a single-parent household. Daphne also has very strong
ties to her maternal grandmother, who only speaks Spanish. The youngest of three
children, she is a first-generation college student and viewed attending college as a
way to honor her maternal grandmother who did not have the opportunity to attend
school. She also felt that through education she would have increased opportunities
for her future and selected PCC because her older sister also attended the college.
Daphne identifies as a descendant from her tribe as she is not currently enrolled in a
federally recognized tribe.
Although she grew up in what she described as an economically poor
community, Daphne attended a predominantly White private high school. While
attending junior college, she encountered academic and personal struggles that
affected her ability to continue. Her personal struggle included trips to and from a
rehabilitation center to support and care for a loved one who was struggling with
addiction. This was physically and emotionally draining and resulted in increasing the
time she needed to graduate. The academic struggle came in the form of advisors who
discouraged her by telling her she would not be successful in pursuing her goals of
becoming a nurse practitioner. This directly led to her hesitation to seek support from
staff when she transferred to PCC. In her first year, she took a Native American
studies course with Sabrina but did not participate further with the Native Center.
However, after ending a long-term relationship, she made the decision to participate
more on the campus. This led to her work with student-run clinics and, eventually,
participating more at the Native Center through volunteering and peer mentorship.
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She credits Sabrina with creating a safe space, one of her favorite spaces on campus,
and providing classes specifically taught through a Native lens.
Leaving His Mark
Easton, a graduating senior majoring in psychology, is in his fourth year at the
campus. He is considering furthering his studies to become a psychologist.
Ultimately, he wants to make a difference in the Native American community as a
whole. His mother identifies as Mexican and Native American and relates strongly
with her Native American culture. His father identifies as Chinese and Italian and
connects more strongly with his Chinese culture. Both parents attended and graduated
from college. Easton is the youngest of three boys and grew up in a rural community.
He is enrolled in a federally recognized tribe and indicated that he always
identified as Native American. The year prior to attending college, he began to
accompany his mother to the Native Center in their town where they participated in
crafts such as beading. He knew he was going to attend college as both of his parents
and older brothers had attended. Easton decided to enroll at PCC as he wanted a
campus with significant natural surroundings and because the Native Center and
community appealed to him.
Easton admits that the meaning of identifying as Native American became
more significant to him after he came to the campus. He enrolled in Native American
studies courses which helped him explore his Native American culture and what it
meant to him. At the end of his first year, one of Easton’s friends, whom he did not
know was Native American, found out that Easton was Native American and invited
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him to the Native Center. Easton made connections with other Native American
students and now sees the space as a safe haven for him. He actively participates and
volunteers at the Native Center and is considering being an officer for one of the
Native American clubs on the campus. He has strong relationships with not only the
other Native students, but also Sabrina. For him, he knows that someone has become
an important member of his community when he refers to them as a family member.
Finding Her Place
Felicity, a graduating senior majoring in environmental policy, is in her fifth
year at PCC. After graduation, she wants to ensure that she maintains balance with
her mental and physical well-being. Her mother identifies as Native American and
Mexican. Her father identifies as White. Similar to Angelo, although she was fluent,
Felicity’s maternal grandmother would not speak her Native language to anyone else.
Both of Felicity’s parents attended and graduated from college and began teaching at
schools on reservations. Felicity was reared on a reservation where her mother
teaches rather than on her own tribe’s reservation. She identifies as a descendant of a
tribe as she is not currently enrolled in a federally recognized tribe. While her friends
were unsure about attending college, she planned to attend because she knew it was
important to her parents.
As they considered potential colleges, Felicity’s mother stressed the
importance of finding a Native American studies department or a Native Center so
that she would have support. Her father convinced her to tour PCC. In addition to the
Native American recruiter, the Native American campus community with whom she
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interacted on the tour (faculty, staff, and students) influenced Felicity’s decision to
attend PCC. She has been involved with the Native American Student Union, but it
was in her second year, after the Native Center director, Sabrina, was hired, that
Felicity found the Native Center to be her home on the campus. She has been active
and worked at the Native Center for the past four years. In addition to being a place
that reminds her of where she grew up, the Native Center provides a space where she
and other Native American students can support and be around each other without
needing to explain from where she came or who she is as a person.
Pushing Through Uncertainty
Gianna, a first-year graduate student pursuing her master’s degree in English
and a teaching credential, is in her third year on the PCC campus. She is a first-
generation student and graduated with a bachelor’s degree in English. She always
knew she wanted to go to college even though her parents did not pressure her to do
so. Unsure of what she might like to do after she completes her graduate degree,
Gianna feels that pursuing her education is necessary. She has one younger brother
who still lives with her parents. Her mother identifies as Portuguese and Native
American and her father identifies as Native American. Gianna identifies as a
descendant of a tribe as she is not currently enrolled in a federally recognized tribe.
During high school, Gianna found she enjoyed academics but encountered
challenges with attendance as her mother would often not wake up to take her to
school. Despite this challenge, she was able to move into an independent study
school; this allowed her to graduate early. Gianna attended a junior college and met a
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counselor who encouraged her to transfer to a four-year campus. The transfer process
was stressful as her family could not provide much support. Gianna attended
workshops and researched information online, including admissions, financial aid,
and housing. She based her decision to attend PCC more on the support for transfer
students as opposed to the support for Native American students.
Prior to coming to the campus, Gianna maintained a clear separation between
her school life and her Native American life. At home, she and her family were
connected to the Indian Council in her area. There was a Native American community
in her town and she was very involved. However, she maintained distinct separation
between her Native American cultural heritage and her academic life. When she came
to PCC and became involved at the Native Center, she was introduced to different
academic programming and opportunities. During her undergraduate years, she
actively participated in events at the Native Center.
As a graduate student, Gianna provides input to the undergraduate students
who are now in leadership positions. She maintains a strong relationship with Sabrina
as she is one of the only faculty members with whom Gianna is very comfortable.
Because of this combination of special and academic relationships, she feels a sense
of relief. Gianna believes she now has a place where she feels whole because she no
longer has to separate her academic life from her cultural heritage.
The Native Center
A common thread discussed by each participant was the Native Center.
Located in an unobtrusive, single-story building, the Native Center is unremarkable
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from the outside. While the exterior blends in with other buildings on campus, inside
there is a definite change of environment as the decorum and furniture instantly
provide a less institutional atmosphere.
Upon entry, Native American blankets and shawls are immediately visible.
Walking into the main room, a large television sits opposite a set of soft couches
where Native American students relax, talk, or nap. On the walls hang various
decorations such as a map of the United States where students place pushpins
indicating where they lived before coming to PCC. In addition to the map, brochures
and flyers advertise academic services and on- and off-campus Native American-
centered events and activities. Pictures of Native American students with their
graduation years from PCC hang on walls throughout the building.
Off the main room, there are several rooms for student use. There is a library
lined with books by and about Native Americans. Several tables in the library provide
ample space for students to spread out, study, and research. There is also a room with
several computers available for student use. Down the hallway from the main room,
there are private restrooms, a conference room, and a kitchen. The kitchen is always
stocked with supplies and food as Sabrina is well-aware of the needs of her Native
American students. She provides a space where the Native American students know
they can turn if they need anything from advising, to computers, to school supplies, to
food and water. Having this type of holistic support in college (usually an unfamiliar
or institutional environment) creates the welcoming atmosphere the participants
underscored when sharing their stories. All participants indicated that their
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connection to the Native Center served a central role in their sense of belonging on
campus.
Having introduced the participants and the space, the following sections
outline the three themes that surfaced during data analysis. For each theme, I provide
an overview, which also reflects different time periods of the participants’ lives in
college. The first theme focuses on experiences prior to college. The second theme
centers on the participants’ time during college. The third theme considers influences
prior to and during college and discusses the effects of the combination of these
influences. Each theme is developed and explained through subthemes, claims, and
supporting evidence in the form of excerpts from the participants’ stories.
Theme 1: Upbringing Influences Native American Students’ Exploration of
Cultural Heritage
Participants discussed the decisions, circumstances, and events that brought
them to the university and how these factors contributed to their current realities as
college students. Differences and similarities in where the participants grew up as
well as the varying educational environments surfaced across participants’ stories.
Significant influences from their lives before college included their families’
experiences with cultural erasure, the external factors of K-12 curriculum and
organized religion, and the relationships and dynamics within their family units. It
was through these experiences that the exploration of the participants’ cultural
heritage was understood.
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Cultural heritage emerged as a theme for all the participants; however, there
were varying degrees of heritage knowledge and experiences prior to attending
college. Four of the seven participants expressed not having a meaningful Native
American community with which to interact in their youth. This may have limited
opportunities to learn about and explore their cultural heritage prior to college. As
participants explained how and why they arrived at PCC, they also shared and
reflected on the significant occasions in their lives that influenced their decisions to
attend college and their relationships with their cultural heritage. Figure 1 provides a
visual representation of the components of the first theme to the point of when the
students were able to attend college.
Figure 1
Visual Representation of Theme 1
Cultural Erasure Fractures Native American Students’ Upbringing
While each participant’s upbringing included unique experiences, several
common threads emerged, including the geographical location of their youth and the
relationship of their family with the federal government. Through data analysis and
Opportunity to attend college
Upbringing & Exploring Cultural
Heritage
-History & Erasure -Religion -K-12 School -Parents & Family Dynamics
Theme 1
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interpretation, I explored how the participants viewed not only their current family
structure, but also how they viewed their ancestral family structure and what external
factors may have influenced that structure. Through stories of what participants
learned regarding their cultural heritage from their families, schools, and community,
participants provided context to how they viewed what happened to their families in
the past. This perspective affected how participants perceived themselves in relation
to their cultural heritage.
Unique challenges due to the relationship between Native Americans and
the federal government. Two of the participants discussed their beliefs that Native
American students struggle with unique challenges because the relationship between
Native Americans and the federal government centers on acts of colonialism and
erasure. Creating Indian boarding schools and forcing the removal and re-education
of children from Native communities were examples provided by every participant to
explain this damaging relationship. Importantly, two participants revealed that they
did not fully understand in their youth how this relationship between contemporary
Native Americans and the federal government and its roots in colonialism came to be.
Brianna talked about learning how the federal government treated Native Americans:
And then, as I got a little bit older, my dad would buy these books, like Two
Peoples, One Place and different books about colonization and genocide
against Native peoples. I didn't learn the heavy stuff until I got older, which I
guess kind of makes sense because it's probably good not to know all the
tragic things when you're a little kid. As I got older, I realized that
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colonization did all these things to Native people, and this is why we have so
many problems with substance abuse and things like that. So, that was a big
thing.
Brianna’s experience underscores the reality shared by all participants that
learning their cultural history during their upbringing may or may not take place for
Native American children. Brianna learned through her father because he was
interested and wanted her to know about the history of colonization. For Brianna,
being able to understand the effects of colonization provided a deeper understanding
of why her parents decided to move away from their reservation. Understanding how
colonization had impacted their tribal members, Brianna’s parents wanted to raise her
in an environment away from alcoholism and drug abuse. For Brianna, knowing that
the federal government created environments for Native Americans that fostered
addiction underscores the complex relationship between Native Americans and the
federal government.
In addition to colonization, participants identified other challenges in the
relationship with the federal government that set Native American students apart from
other underrepresented student populations. While there was general agreement
among the participants that other marginalized populations experienced challenges,
Gianna expressed an additional barrier that Native American students face:
And so we’re kind of trying to fight for that space where not only are we here
but we need this programming and we need these things because we face
struggles that other communities haven't faced, relationships with institutions
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and being erased in history and all these little hurdles that other communities
just don't experience.
This idea of being historically erased surfaced throughout the interviews when
participants discussed their education prior to college. Participants argued that this
erasure influenced the extent to which they were aware of and had opportunities to
explore their Native American cultural heritage.
Loss of history and family through boarding schools. Angelo and Felicity
specifically discussed how profoundly experiences in Indian boarding schools
affected their families. There was a feeling of loss as these two participants reflected
on what had happened to aunts, uncles, a grandparent, and a great-grandparent. These
losses were not just about their relatives, but their cultural heritage, traditions, and
their relatives’ stories. Angelo talked about how he came to realize and experience his
loss when he arrived at the university:
My first year here I took a Native American studies class. One of the projects
asked me to look at my family history. All of my uncles and aunts and my
grandma got sent to separate boarding schools. I heard some of the stories
from my aunt during this project and she said, “They made us do stuff that we
didn't do back at home. It didn't make sense to us.”
In this case, Angelo believed his aunt may have been referring to restrictions
on practicing their Native American ceremonies, having to alter their physical
appearance (e.g., cut their hair), or not being allowed to speak their language. After
reflecting on this memory, Angelo described the sadness he felt while writing the
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paper. Further feelings of confusion and regret surfaced as Angelo expressed the
importance of hearing those stories and not being able to speak with his grandmother
before her death:
I wish I could sit down and have a cup of coffee, a cup of tea, food, share a
meal with her [my grandmother] and ask her, “How was it growing up?” I
remember writing this paper—I was sad, not being able to connect to my
grandmother at any level and connect to this culture and having a disconnect.
You want to hear these stories, you want to hear creation stories. You want to
hear stories about your culture that teach lessons. And I see that what happens
with people who do have the elders, that do have knowledge, that do still have
the culture of teachings. They're losing their memory. So that's where I got
into memory research. You always wonder what happened during boarding
school that made her not want to teach the language. What did they tell her
about her being [Tribe] that she saw that it wasn't good to speak her language
anymore. So it's some of that trauma.
For him, this loss provided motivation for his research and desire to attend college but
also to critically question what happened to his cultural community during that time.
Felicity also spoke of how Indian boarding schools affected her family. The feelings
of disconnect not only included the relationship between Felicity’s mother and
Felicity’s grandmother; it also impacted her mother’s other familial relationships:
I think my mom has also realized my feeling of disconnection. I think she also
feels somewhat similar. My mom was 10 when my grandma passed away. So
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that was kind of just another source of disconnect from our tribe and our
traditions, because when she passed away she lost all of that knowledge that
her mom had. Then even her grandparents, who were also Nomlaki and who
were some of the last speakers of our language. My mom has told me multiple
times that her grandfather, who was completely fluent in Nomlaki, would
never speak it around her or teach any of her, her siblings, or anything, just
because of boarding school, and so just after that he just would not speak the
language at all or really share anything about those traditions.
The loss of loved ones and the cultural knowledge they were prevented from
sharing negatively impacted and fractured participants’ awareness of their cultural
heritage during their upbringing. These two stories illustrate the impact of the
federally created cultural genocide through Indian boarding schools and the ripple
effects it has created for today’s Native American students. In addition to
experiencing and navigating a federally sanctioned educational system that
stereotypes, misrepresents, and erases their cultural heritage, participants’ stories
indicated Native Americans today struggle against other issues that are just as
damaging.
Native American Students’ Connection to Representations of Culture Prior to
College
While the participants above described the challenge of erasure within their
family history, five of the seven participants specifically identified challenges they
faced within the K-12 educational system. They attribute these challenges to
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curriculum that did not accurately or adequately represent Native American cultural
heritage. Being able to navigate the educational system while trying to explore or
support their Native American cultural heritage created challenges to participants’
sense of academic and cultural selves.
Systemic and curricular bias creates challenges to understand cultural
heritage. Five participants reflected on how their K-12 education only served to
promote a Eurocentric perspective of history. These participants discussed their
experiences in elementary and high school in relation to their cultural heritage. Two
participants realized the challenges only after coming to PCC. In California, fourth
grade students study the California Mission System as part of California becoming a
state (Klingensmith et al., 2000). Angelo expressed his frustration with the inequality
of what he and his brother were taught:
My brother failed his mission project because they didn't want a Styrofoam
mission. They wanted him to build it from scratch. If I was my dad at that
point, being close with the Native community, I would've said, “Give him a
different project. You need to teach the other side of the history that's going
on here.” But it was funny when it was my turn to do the mission. My teacher
gave me the option to either do the mission or do something else within the
unit.
Unaware of the underlying concept of assimilation in education (Brayboy,
2005), Angelo thought that the curriculum taught could be subjective based on the
teacher and his or her own knowledge of history and cultural awareness. In this
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instance, he believed he was given a different opportunity than his older brother
because the teacher understood and acknowledged the reality of what happened to
Native Americans in connection to California missions. However, even after
completing a non-mission-related history assignment, he articulated that it was not a
meaningful representation of the Native American perspective during that time in
history because he was not encouraged to learn and represent historically accurate
knowledge related to Native Americans and their experiences. Angelo’s experience
how curriculum can serve to marginalize and misrepresent Native Americans in
education.
Camilla also discussed the opportunity for alternate projects in school. During
her interview, she reflected on how she could not use words or defend her cultural
heritage because the history of her community was not taught in school. She discusses
locations in California which were prominent during the Gold Rush Era and the
forced relocation of Native Americans (Klingensmith et al., 2000). Camilla illustrated
the impact of Native American culture not being represented in school:
The only thing that they talked about in fourth grade was the mission system.
And so I did Sutter's Mill. But I wasn't even educated on what happened at
Sutter's Mill. I wasn't educated on what happened at Sutter's Fort in
Sacramento. I didn't understand that California Natives were obliterated
during the Gold Rush. So in my mind, in fourth grade, I thought, “Oh, well.
This is at least better than the mission system.” And then they always talked
about the Trail of Tears, but they never really went into detail.
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Similar to Angelo, although she was given the opportunity to complete a
different project, it did not provide a full context and the Native American reality
within the historical background of that time in history. Camilla’s explanation
provides insight into how the narrative for Native Americans can be erased through
pedagogy and curriculum.
She further emphasized this idea of erasure when she stated, “We can't say,
‘Hey, our ancestors went through boarding school and got their hair chopped off.’ It's
not like we had those words and we had those histories, because our history was
never taught to us in elementary school.” Her frustration was apparent as she reflected
on the fact that, at the time, her culture was erased from the curriculum. Camilla’s
experience underscores how Native Americans are erased through omission in school
curriculum (Deloria Jr. & Wildcat, 2010; Lomawaima, 2014; Shotton et al., 2013).
For Brianna, erasure took place through the replacement of customs with
stereotypes created and reinforced in popular culture. Being replaced by a false
narrative created a belief that Native Americans no longer exist in modern society:
It's a struggle sometimes because people don't understand what it means to be
Native. They don't even understand what a Native person is because they've
only seen what they've seen in popular culture like popular media, and they
don't even know that. They think we don't exist anymore. They don't
understand that it's not just an ethnicity, but it's a political status. Sometimes
it's just really hard to explain that to people, especially with administrative
stuff and different things like that. The protocol and the customs that we
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follow, sometimes they're hard to communicate and the condition that our
people are in today, people don't normally understand because it isn't taught in
schools.
Brianna recognized Native American absence from school curriculum. Additionally,
she highlighted the political status that Native Americans occupy and the difficulty of
communicating this status to non-Natives because of the lack of visibility in schools.
Gianna echoed this lack of visibility and existence. She explained how this
invisibility is further reinforced today when she enters a space and Indigenous people
are not recognized or considered:
One struggle is the visibility aspect. I’ve met people who have said, “Oh, I
didn't realize that Native Americans were still alive and they were still here.”
And whenever I'm in a space, people don't think about the Indigenous person,
the Native American person, it's not even something that they know. So I
think that's the big one to be in a space hearing, “Oh well, we all come from
somewhere else.” And I think, ‘Well, actually, well, not quite.’
Being invisible resonated with Gianna as she reflected on a conversation with
one of her friends, who is African American. She learned that because her friend
could more easily identify other African American students, he could acknowledge
and form initial connections with them. Gianna talked about this difficulty for Native
American students:
So I have a really good friend of mine who's African American and he said,
“Oh, when I see another black student on campus, we always wave at each
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other.” And I thought, “Oh, well, I don't really have that because you never
know who's Native. We don't really have one look.” So that's a big hurdle.
This difficulty for Native American students to identify one another reflects another
challenge of being visible for Native American students.
Conversely, schools on reservations are resisting this type of erasure. Felicity
discussed her experiences in K-12 schools on the reservation where she was reared:
“In school I learned [Tribe] language even though that wasn't my language, just
because it was taught to all of the students. Once a week they had someone who
worked for the Tribe come teach us [Tribe] language class.” Furthermore, she
discussed how this resistance to erasure was not just limited to the school: “The
whole district would have days off of school so that students can go and participate in
ceremony and be able to be present.” Felicity’s experience highlighted the importance
that the Native American Tribe placed on continuing its language and culture so that
it is not erased from history. Her story is unique among the participants as she was the
only one who attended school on a reservation. Other participants’ experiences
clearly illustrated the long-lasting impact of the federal government’s boarding
schools initiative on Native American students’ knowledge and connection to their
cultural heritage.
Realizing Native American students are struggling with the long-lasting
effects of cultural genocide provides insight into the difficulties presented in the
educational system. The system is controlled by the government which sought to
relocate, then culturally erase an entire population. The participants expressed their
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feelings of sadness and frustration after reflecting on and realizing their experiences
are a continuation of the concepts of colonization and assimilation. However, the
participants are also aware that they decided to continue their education in an
environment not designed for them and, in doing so, demonstrate their agency and
resistance to colonization and assimilation. Just as Native American students strive to
remain visible in an educational environment that continues to reinforce their erasure,
they also struggle to resist challenges to their own cultural practices and beliefs from
organized religion.
Organized religion creates challenges to understand cultural heritage.
Historical influences of organized religion on Native Americans’ cultural erasure
continued past its early effects as illustrated by participants’ K-12 experiences. One
example of this is how deeply engrained the Catholic missions are in the history of
California. Schools teach about the missions, but they do not teach about the effects
of the missions on the Native American populations that were in those areas prior to
the arrival of the missionaries. Students do not learn that missionary schools
separated Native American children from their families and relocated them in
boarding schools specifically to convert them to Christianity (Lundberg, 2014). The
idea that Native Americans needed to be converted to Christianity promotes the
concept that Native Americans’ beliefs are not as valid as Christian beliefs and,
therefore, must be changed. This idea of the need to change fosters the growing
systemic invisibility that Native Americans have struggled and still struggle to
overcome as it continually threatens to erase the population from society.
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Another cause of invisibility can be attributed to the religious beliefs and
practices in the home. Three participants discussed how a religious upbringing
created conflict and doubt through voluntary acceptance or involuntary submission to
a different religion which separated them from their Native American cultural
heritage. Angelo talked about how his understanding of history forced him to
question his religious beliefs:
I think before coming here I was Catholic. But after hearing about the history
there's a lot of conflicts, and now I understand why my dad didn't have a
spirituality. His dad was White and his mom was [Tribe], and sometimes they
conflict, you know, believe in this God, believe in gods. So which one do I
pick? Which side do I pick spiritually? And I mean that's had some conflicts,
and I don't like what this religion did in the history, that wasn't right. The
whole mission system and all that.
Angelo returned to the history of the mission system when discussing
Catholicism and how it created conflicts with his spirituality. For him, the conflicts
arose between his religion and cultural heritage. Angelo’s conflict emerged after
learning about the mission system’s emphasis on elimination of Native Americans’
practices and ceremonies through conversion and how Catholicism centers on
believing in one God. He struggled to choose what to believe because he did not
believe there was an option to embrace both his cultural heritage and a religious
organization’s tenets even though the religious organization attempted to impose its
will on those who did not follow its teachings.
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Camilla’s conflict came from more external forces. While her non-Native
American adoptive parents did not force their religion on her, she could not learn
about her own cultural heritage because she did not often see her Native American
family. Furthermore, her non-Native American adoptive parents followed their
religion which did not allow for the practice of any other religion in their house. For
example, her parents would not allow her or her sisters to draw sugar skulls to
celebrate or commemorate Dia de los Muertos. She also explained the difficulty she
encountered when receiving gifts from her Native family:
When we were little we would get dream catchers from my family. And they
[my adoptive family] would say, “Oh, that's spirits” even though we're [my
sisters and I] not [Tribe]. At the time we were gifted them so were
not gonna get rid of them. And I remember our youth pastors saying, “Okay,
you shouldn't have a dream catcher.” They said some wild stuff to us.
Camilla received the gifts from her Native family, who are [Tribe]. For Native
Americans, gifts such as these are given as a sign of honor and respect. For Camilla,
it would be an insult to her family to throw it away. The adoptive parents’ adherence
to their religion was so strict that Camilla could not own any symbols of other
religions or spirituality. Because the church would not allow other practices and those
who followed the religion adhered to these restrictions, Camilla’s story demonstrated
how her church and adoptive family actively discouraged her from exploring her
Native American culture.
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Brianna provided another example of Native Americans’ challenge with
organized religion. Both of her parents are Native American. In her youth her family
joined a local church because one of her mother’s childhood friends also attended the
church. She explained that her family’s religion was a fundamentalist religion, the
teachings were particularly biased toward that religion, and that the church controlled
much of her life in the community. Although she and her family lived near her
reservation, Brianna described the separation that the church created within her
extended family:
I think that church created a lot of the tensions between me and my brother
and just in our family in general because I grew up not participating in our
traditional ceremonies, even though all my cousins did. My cousins all grew
up doing it and my great-uncle. Our family comes from the village that hosts
the [Dance]. It's part of the [Ceremony] that happens every other year. So
we've been doing that for thousands of years and my uncle runs that. I just
grew up away from it because the church said that's bad and that's wrong, and
you're not supposed to do other spiritual things. You're not supposed to open
the door to other things and stuff like that. So I grew up not doing that.
Although Brianna knew the history of the ceremonies of her Native family,
her church actively discouraged participation in Native American ceremonies.
Because the church had assimilated them, her family followed the church’s wishes
and did not participate in ceremonies. This conflict created a disconnection with her
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extended Native American family and cultural heritage was reinforced within the
home.
Brianna, Camilla, and Angelo discussed how organized religion, voluntarily
or involuntarily accepted, influenced their connections to their Native American
cultural heritages. For Angelo, this influence presented itself as an internal conflict
that he struggled to resolve. For Camilla, her non-Native adoptive parents’ religious
beliefs reduced opportunities to experience her cultural heritage as their beliefs
provided no allowance for other spiritual experiences. Although Brianna’s parents are
both Native, she experienced separation from her other Native American family
members as her religion actively discouraged her from participating in Native
American ceremonies. Although these participants experienced different organized
religions, the common factor is that these religious organizations served as tools of
assimilation and cultural genocide. These types of influences on cultural heritage
were also present within the participants’ families.
Family Dynamics Influence How Native American Students View Connections to
Their Cultural Heritage Prior to College
Similar to organized religion, family dynamics also influenced participants’
connections to their cultural heritage. Growing up with more than one cultural
heritage in the household provided the participants with access to multiple histories
and family members. Because of the invisibility of Native Americans in society, the
presence of a more dominant culture leaves limited spaces for the examination of
their Native American heritage. Similarly, the parents could influence the
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participants’ connections to their Native American cultural heritage by denying them
access to Native family members or only acknowledging the non-Native American
cultural heritage in their house.
Multi-cultural self-identification. Six of the seven participants
acknowledged growing up with more than one cultural heritage in their family. For
Camilla, it was based on skin color. Because she is brown, when she was removed
from her home, there was an assumption made about her background (due to a
colonized mindset of social services) and she was placed into foster care with a
family that looked like her (i.e., the family had brown skin). Unlike her, the family
also spoke Spanish. As a result of assumptions regarding her cultural heritage,
Camilla was not placed with people who understood her Native American cultural
identity and how she was reared:
Then we were sent to a Mexican household because they just saw us as
Mexican. They put us in that household, but we were being raised by my
mother. And she was raised in Native ways. In that household it was very
difficult. Then we got removed from that place, but before we were removed,
I went into kindergarten. My teacher was White and I remember there was a
Mexican girl and she was speaking to me in Spanish. I didn't know what she
was saying. Then I didn't fit in with all the Mexican kids.
Camilla’s story highlighted the challenge she felt by being in a home that did
not reflect her Native American upbringing. This displacement was further reinforced
when she arrived at school. While she may have looked like other students (i.e.,
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brown skin), she found that she did not fit in; her cultural identity was invisible to
others.
Angelo identified a different challenge connected to multiple identities and
cultures. He shared that he did not explore his Native American culture prior to
college: “There wasn't really a lot of Native community there. Maybe that's the reason
why I didn't start identifying as Native until I got to college and started to explore it
more.” He further expressed confusion about his multiple cultural heritages later in
the interview: “My dad's half White and half Native. And my mom identifies as
Latina. It's really weird being from a mixed family, being White, Native, and being
Mexican. At the same time being all three.” For Angelo, multiple cultures created
confusion that made it difficult for him to relate to his Native American cultural
heritage prior to college. Growing up he cultivated a stronger connection to his Latino
culture because he did not have a connection to a supportive Native American
environment where he could explore his Native American cultural heritage.
Angelo’s and Camilla’s experiences were echoed by the other participants
who acknowledged more than one cultural heritage in their backgrounds. They also
illustrated challenges that multiple cultural backgrounds may present during an
individual’s upbringing. Limited exposure to or support for exploring their Native
American cultural heritage led to a barrier to the participants’ experiencing and
understanding their history. Camilla’s experience underscores Native American
invisibility and how others can make assumptions based on skin color. Angelo’s story
demonstrates the confusion that Native American students may face while growing
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up in a multi-cultural household. While multi-cultural households may provide
challenges for the students, Brianna and Felicity discussed how their parents’
perspectives helped provide guidance.
Parental comfort with campus community. Two of the participants’ parents
played an integral role in choosing their university. Specifically, their parents’
connection to the Native American community and their perception of its importance
influenced the participants’ decisions regarding college. Brianna explained her
decision and how her father’s reaction influenced her decision: “So, PCC really,
really stood out when we came here. Talking with the community really made my dad
feel safe and good about sending his only daughter, his first kid that he's sending
away, to a university.”
Felicity explained that the importance her mother placed on Native American
community is what motivated her to choose the campus:
I think the one thing that's really remained consistent for me since I was a
freshman is just being involved in the Native community. I definitely had to
make more of an effort to reach out to people and find that community as a
freshman, and that was something that was really important to me just because
I had seen how important it was to my mom. That was really the big thing
freshman year that I made an effort to be involved with the Native American
Student Union. That was kind of where I found my home and my community
freshman year was being a part of that group and helping them with events.
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Felicity’s example highlights her mother’s influence on her decision to find her
community. Her mother is Native and attended a college with a very strong Native
American community and support structure. Felicity’s mother also worked as a
teacher on a reservation. Felicity internalized her mother’s emphasis on finding her
community and home on the campus and her mother demonstrated this importance
through her lived experiences.
Summary
The first theme focuses on what influenced the participants’ exploration of
their cultural heritage prior to college. Focusing on the historical trauma of cultural
erasure, there is a unique relationship between Native Americans and the federal
government that creates challenges exclusive to Native Americans. Furthermore, the
trauma inflicted on Native Americans continues to impact Native Americans whose
cultural heritage was fractured through historical and cultural loss as a result of
colonization and boarding schools.
This loss is further reinforced as Native Americans are subjected to external
factors that hinder connections to their cultural heritage and render them invisible in
society. Native Americans experience an educational system that ignores or
misrepresents their history while normalizing Native American invisibility and
cultural genocide. Not restricted to education, this cultural genocide also occurs
through organized religion and messages that criticize or invalidate Native
Americans’ spirituality and cultural heritage.
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Finally, moving from external influences to internal (family) influences, the
participants’ stories explored how their families influenced their connections to their
Native American cultural heritage. Participants’ lived experiences illustrate that
having multiple cultures represented in the family may create confusion or bias by
those outside the family who make assumptions based on visible rather than actual
characteristics. However, for those participants reared within Native American
households, the parents provided positive support and guidance that facilitated
participants’ connections with their Native American cultural heritage.
As illustrated in the first theme, the combination of cultural erasure with the
external and family influences on the participants’ connection to cultural heritage
support the contention that the participants’ upbringing influences the exploration of
their cultural heritage. Upon arrival at PCC, the participants learned about their
knowledge gaps and where they could find support as PCC provided them with the
tools to connect them with their cultural heritages. Continuing their cultural
exploration and considering the relationships and connections the participants
developed in college provided insight into the creation of a psychological resource for
Native American students.
Theme 2: Sense of Belonging on Campus: People, Space, and a Psychological
Resource
Sense of belonging on campus surfaced as a unique psychological resource for
the Native American participants that helped the participants cultivate a culturally
affirming environment where they could continue their studies. Typical psychological
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resources may take the form of internal traits such as “resilience, optimism, [and]
creativity” (Görgens-Ekermans, Delport, & du Preez, 2015, p. 2). Although the
participants acknowledged different aspects of sense of belonging based on space and
people, it was apparent through their stories that the combination of the space and
people created their sense of belonging on campus that enhanced the degree to which
participants felt connected on and to the campus.
Due to its complexity, the second theme is explained first through presentation
of participants’ relationships with others on the campus. All seven participants
discussed the importance of relationships and their stories represent how their
interactions lead to a feeling of belonging based on people. Following this, I provide
an examination of how sense of belonging affects the participants’ college
experience. Specifically, the participants’ experiences surrounding bicultural efficacy,
enculturation, and holistic support are addressed. Next, I explain six participants’
connections to spaces on campus and how those connections make them feel. Lastly,
the examination of the combined impact of people and space provides insight into
how the participants’ feelings of belonging create a psychological resource for the
participants that provides a way for the participants to acknowledge and resist
systemic cultural assimilation while attending college. Figure 2 provides a visual
representation of the relationship between the first and second themes.
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Figure 2
Relationship Between Theme 1 and Theme 2
Relationships with Native American Staff, Faculty, Community Members, and
Students
All seven participants indicated that their contacts with other Native
Americans significantly impacted their college experiences. The connections they
made with other Native Americans helped the participants feel like part of a
community and resonated based on the Native American individuals’ roles on
campus.
Relationships with Native American staff and faculty. For six out of the
seven participants, the first interaction with PCC was through a Native American staff
member. The participants expressed how initial interactions with a Native American
Opportunity to attend college
Upbringing & Exploring Cultural
Heritage
-History & Erasure -Religion -K-12 School -Parents & Family Dynamics
Theme 1
Sense of Belonging (People)
-Cultural relationships -Unique individuals within groups -Psychological support
Sense of Belonging (Space)
-Connections to space -Resources & support
Sense of Belonging
(On Campus) -Unique psychological support
Results in
Theme 2
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impacted their perception of the campus. For Brianna, working with a Native
American admissions counselor, Tenaya (a pseudonym) made an impact on why she
chose PCC:
I picked this university because they had a welcome event near my home. The
lady who was in charge of it works in undergraduate admissions. She was
really nice. She was there, and she talked with my parents. She's in the Native
community. She's [Tribe]. I also was invited to the Native American student
welcome. They paid for our hotel, and they wanted to give us tours and have
us for dinner and things. So, I went with my dad. None of the other schools
did that.
Brianna’s experience with Tenaya highlighted how she valued the connection
to another Native American in her campus-selection process. Tenaya, a Native
American university staff member who is active in the Native American community,
specifically reaching out to Brianna and Tenaya’s Native American cultural identity
helped Brianna make the decision to attend the university.
Felicity also discussed how she made the decision to attend PCC. Similarly, it
related to the efforts Tenaya put forth. In addition to Tenaya’s efforts, Felicity also
explained how seeing a Native American woman in an educational setting made her
feel:
There were a lot of factors that worked into my decision to come here. One
was that the employee who works in the university admissions and is also a
big part of the Native community here, had emailed me my senior year after I
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had been accepted, but I hadn't yet decided if I was going to come. She
emailed me and a few other people from my county. She reached out to me
and said that she was hosting this small, kind of informal, breakfast meet and
greet just a couple hours away from where I lived. Seeing her and seeing that
she would make the effort to actually come to where I lived and that she was
also a Native woman in this academic setting, I think really had a big impact
on me. It really solidified for me that the university was going to be a good
choice. I think after that breakfast is when I decided to actually go here.
These two stories echo findings from Covarrubias and Fryberg (2015) research that
demonstrated Native American students experienced increased feelings of belonging
when connected to a self-relevant role model.
In addition to Native American staff members as role models, Daphne
described the importance of her relationship with the Native Center director, Sabrina,
as a resource. For Daphne, in addition to academic support, Sabrina provided mental
and wellness support through an Indigenous lens. Daphne recalled a specific time
while on the campus:
And she [Sabrina] has been a wonderful resource for me. She's someone I
know that's a resource there. When I was struggling a year ago, I was really
struggling with my mental health. I went into her office and talked to her. She
was comforting and told me anything I needed she would be there. I ended up
having to drop out that quarter, so she helped me get back in. She has been a
really great resource for me.
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Sabrina, who is Native American and also teaches at the university, created a
strong relationship with students so they felt comfortable approaching her for
different types of support. Similarly, Tenaya provided support for Brianna and
Felicity by creating a connection to another Native American during their
introduction to the campus. The types of support the three participants experienced
reinforce how relationships with Native American staff and faculty can influence the
degree to which students form connections to the campus. In addition to relationships
with faculty and staff, three of the seven participants found support through
relationships with others on the campus.
Relationships with Native American community members. In addition to
Sabrina and Tenaya, the participants explained their perceptions of those they
described as being members of their Native American community on the campus.
Participants developed and enhanced their connections with other Native Americans
which contributed to their sense of belonging based on people. Easton reflected on
how he viewed people whom he meets at the Native Center and how they made him
feel:
But in many ways I don't really tell people a lot of things. Ever since I've been
here, I don't know, the community of people that come in here, these are just
like distant relatives from me. Everyone's so inviting and they make me feel
comfortable.
Viewing community members as family members demonstrated the depth of
connection that Easton feels with those he considers to be “his community.” Comfort
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with his community enhanced his feeling of belonging when he was in a shared space
with those people.
Camilla described how she viewed her community based on her geographic
location. Knowing who occupies the land tells her about the community of that area,
and subsequently, who her community is. While she did not grow up where the
university is located, she knows the Native American tribes connected to the land on
which the university is built. In addition to identifying the community from the land
where the university is located, Camilla includes the students and faculty on the
campus:
So now it's like [Tribe] land. Within that land the people that I have become
friends with are [Tribe] people, [Tribe], and also my community is my peers
and the students I'm surrounded with, and my professors. And my community
is the Native community. I'd rather spend more time in the Native community
than any other community.
Camilla was not able to express or explore her Native American cultural
heritage prior to college. At her junior college, she found support from other Native
Americans which allowed her to delve into her cultural heritage. At PCC, she has
identified her community through immediate relationships and connections to Native
American cultural heritage which provides her with “security and solace”. Because
she knows and understands her relationship with her Native American community,
she feels a greater connection to the campus; this enhances her feelings of belonging
to the people around her.
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These five participants explained the importance of their relationships with
Native American staff, faculty, and community members. In addition to these
connections, all seven participants shared experiences stemming from interactions
with other Native American students through their experiences at the Native Center.
Angelo, Felicity, and Gianna highlighted the importance of their connections with
other Native American students to their college experiences and sense of belonging.
Relationships with other Native American students. As Gianna explained,
identifying other Native American students on campus could be a challenge as Native
Americans are not defined by one physical look or attribute. Events and gatherings at
the Native Center became a place where Native American students could meet.
Angelo, Felicity, and Gianna discussed their varying degrees of connections with
other Native American students based on their participation and interactions at the
Native Center.
These three participants indicated that they did not form relationships quickly
with other Native American students. Eventually, they established connections with
the Native American students they met on the campus, either at the Native Center or
other locations. The participants agreed that being able to create connections with
other Native American students significantly contributed to their comfort levels on
the campus.
Academics emerged as one means of connection with other Native American
students. Being more aware of his Native American cultural heritage than when he
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came to the university, Angelo expressed his feelings about working with Native
American students in an academic capacity:
We have a student retention and recruitment center. I was just hired as an
academic achievement retention coordinator for AIRR, which stands for
American Indian recruitment and retention. I'm really excited just working
with students because I have a passion for academics. I feel like I have a
passion for education.
As he discussed, PCC was a place where he reconnected with his Native American
cultural heritage as Angelo did not explore his Native American cultural heritage
prior to arrival on the campus. Wanting to work in a position specifically supporting
Native Americans demonstrated the importance he now places on his Native
American community and cultural heritage. Angelo’s scenario reflected how he felt
about being able to provide support to other Native American students on the campus
because he believed it can help Native American students who have not had that type
of support prior to college.
Felicity and Gianna discussed peer-to-peer relationships with other Native
American students in social settings as important to their feelings of connectedness
with others. Their stories reflected relationships with other Native American students
were grounded in a shared history or experience and they felt no need to explain
themselves to the group. For Felicity, there was a specific connection she felt with her
group of friends that developed through interactions at the Native Center:
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Well, I think the Native Center has probably been my favorite place for the
last few years just because it was really, especially when we first got the space
and started renovating it and all of these things, it was really where I found my
solid group of friends and people that I could rely on. I mean I had friends
who I had met in the dorms and in classes and stuff like that, but this was
really where I found my group of people who I could really count on and
knew that I had an understanding of where I came from and the person that I
was that I didn't really get from other people.
It is important to note that Felicity distinguished her relationships between her
friends at the dorm and the friends from the Native Center. There was a specific
understanding she felt with her friends from the Native Center that was absent with
her friends from the dorm. Not having to explain herself increased her comfort level
with her Native American community and enhanced how comfortable she felt on the
campus. This type of feeling was similar for Gianna.
Gianna reflected on her experience with other Native American students on
campus. Similar to Felicity, Gianna and her friends related to shared experiences that
they felt even where there were no activities happening on the campus. These shared
experiences created feelings of safety on the campus:
We didn't even have to be doing any sort of activity. That was kind of like the
bonus, “Hey, we have a budget, let's get food and do something fun.” But
really the main part was just being together and being in the same room and
being able to just decompress and just being able to be seen without having to
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express, ‘I'm Native American and I went through this today.” It was
something that you didn't have to say. So it was effortless to be around
community like that because they knew other Native students go through the
same thing. So it was really nice to say, “Let's just talk about nothing for a
little bit.”
Gianna highlighted important aspects of how she felt with her Native
American friends. They all shared their identities as Native Americans. Being
together made them visible because they did not have to explain themselves or try to
fit in within a non-Native environment. Being in a group of other Native American
students enhanced her feeling of belonging to the group as it was a safe space where
she could be herself.
Finding a community within: Uniqueness as a form of self-perception.
Each participant expressed value in finding and developing their Native American
community on the campus. At the same time, three of the seven participants felt that
there were traits that differentiated them from their community members. While
Brianna felt she could be herself in her group, Felicity, Camilla, and Daphne felt that
they remained individuals and that their groups did not necessarily define them.
Through descriptions of their experiences, these three participants identified traits that
underscored their differences from the campus Native American community to which
they belonged.
Felicity grew up on another tribe’s reservation. She viewed the connection to
the living world and language as core to Native identity and, therefore, her identity.
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However, while she feels the connection with the living world, she recognizes that
she does not know her tribal language as she did not grow up on her reservation. This
resulted in her feeling that she is missing a core piece of her identity. She felt this
missing piece set her apart from others in her Native American community on the
campus:
I think having that connection with the rest of the living world outside of just
other people is something that has been really core to my identity and seems
like it has become even stronger just in the last few years. I think that's
something that can be carried over between different tribes, so something like
language, which I also think is a really core part of Indigenous identity, but
just something that I didn't … I never had my own language growing up or
ever had a chance to learn it. So even though I know that it's a core part of
Native and Indigenous identity, it doesn't feel core to my own identity just
because I never had that.
Felicity’s story illustrates a perception that there are attributes which may be
common or transferable between tribes. Although she felt she could connect with
other Native American students on her campus on an identity level, she perceives her
lack of knowledge of her tribal language as a missing piece of her Native American
identity. Not knowing her tribal language makes her feel that she is missing a core
component of her identity, and this void unnecessarily separates her from the rest of
the community.
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Camilla’s story reflected her feeling that there is a need for Native Americans
to distinguish themselves as individuals within their Native American community.
Camilla perceived how being grouped into one category created the misconception,
for both Native Americans and non-Native Americans, that all Native Americans are
similar, regardless of their heritage. Camilla is aware of how tribal communities
reflect their values based on the area they inhabit:
Even though I'm Native, I'm not California Native. So it's that pan-Indian-ness
where people say, “Oh, well, you're California Native, and we're similar.” I
think a lot of people kind of overthink that a little bit. I just say, “Oh, you have
your own ways” and “We do have similarities.”
For her, differentiating herself from other Native Americans is necessary to
remain visible by recognizing her differences within a community. Camilla
acknowledges being Native American, but not a California Native American because
she understands that there are distinctions between the groups. In addition to tribes
being forced to relocate to California from other parts of the country, the assimilation
and cultural genocide of the Catholic missions decimated the California Native
American population, reducing the number of tribal members in addition to moving
them off the land they inhabited. She recognizes the difference and maintains her
feelings of community with other Native Americans while ensuring people do not
overlook what is unique about the individuals within the group.
Daphne’s individualism was highlighted from a more internal perspective.
Reflecting on her past, she expressed her individualism from other Native American
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communities as she considered not only her actions but also those of her ancestors. It
is the consideration of her heritage and how she internalized that responsibility that
sets her apart from others in her Native American campus community:
When I go back to the reservation it reminds me not just that I'm a Native
person, but the actual women that I descend from. It reminds me how strong
they were, and what they had to endure, and what they did so that we would
have our language, and it wouldn't be lost forever. So when I go there it
reminds me, to keep on doing what I am doing, and that even though they
aren't here, I'm also representing them to this day. It reminds me that I wanna
pass down all of that knowledge and information about them, and the
traditions to my children, so that it can continue to be, it can continue to live
and not get lost. It reminds me of obligations I have as a Native person and a
descendant of them.
For Daphne, while she is part of the community at the university, she
distinguishes herself based on her heritage. She is a representative of her ancestors.
Daphne’s perspective focused on how she perceives herself as a Native American and
the responsibilities she carries as a descendant of the women before her.
Connections with Native American staff, faculty, and students provided a
foundation for the participants’ feelings of community and relationship to the campus.
The perception of how participants viewed themselves as members of the larger
Native American campus community and their individuality within that community
provided insight into the complexity of an individual’s sense of self and the
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importance of being able to resist stereotypes and to celebrate the diversity within a
Native American community. For all participants, relationships with other Native
Americans helped establish a community, created a space that celebrates their unique
perspectives, and supports their individual development and sense of belonging as
college students. Further exploration of participant experiences revealed that
relationships also enhanced participants’ college experiences through bicultural
efficacy, enculturation, and holistic support.
Social Connectedness as a Pathway: Bicultural Efficacy/Enculturation and
Holistic Support
The connections participants experienced through their relationships helped
increase their levels of comfort on the campus. Easton, Gianna, and Daphne reflected
on how the enhanced feelings of comfort on the campus affected their perceptions of
their Native American cultural heritage. Easton and Gianna explained how they were
able to resolve their previous feelings of separation regarding being Native American
and being a student on the campus. Daphne reflected on how her increased feelings of
belonging provided holistic support through her Native American community.
Finally, Daphne and Easton described the psychological support created by their trust
and feelings of belonging to the campus.
Bicultural efficacy/enculturation reinforce students’ views on culture,
knowledge, and power. Bicultural efficacy is the ability for an individual to live
“effectively, and in a satisfying manner, within two groups without compromising
one’s sense of cultural identity” (LaFromboise et al, 1993, p.404). Enculturation is a
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way to understand bicultural efficacy as it provides a way for Native Americans to
understand their personal relationship with their culture while navigating the current
dominant culture (Zimmerman et. al, 1996). Having to navigate multiple sets of
cultural norms is a reality for Native American students as they may belong to two
sovereign nations (Kulis et al., 2013). Easton and Gianna illustrated the complexity of
trying to understand their relationships with their Native American cultural heritage
while navigating different sets of cultural norms in an academic setting. Through their
experiences, they found a source of empowerment and agency.
Before coming to college, Easton did not feel a strong connection to his
cultural heritage. For him, the relationships with other Native Americans created a
feeling of empowerment to express his Native American cultural heritage and for it to
be a positive experience on the campus. Easton discussed the importance of being
around community and attending events and how it provided him a different way to
see himself when he is around other Native American people:
I think because it helped solidify that yes, you can be Native or yes, it's okay
for you to identify with this because when I go to these community events, I
see how many other people are here. I see how many people are doing it and
like everyone's just laughing, having a good time. So it's very reassuring that
things aren't all bad and it helps me to see the community and to see us be
here is very helpful for me. Just to go about my day and get through the day
thinking, “I can go here and I know I'm gonna see someone today and I'm
going to talk to someone today and that's good.”
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Being around other Native Americans with whom he has connected allowed
Easton to feel more comfortable expressing and exploring his Native American
cultural heritage. Witnessing how comfortable other Native American people are with
their cultural heritage provided support and relief for Easton and made it easy for him
to feel comfortable within the group. This reaffirmation of his cultural heritage
provided Easton with an increased sense of empowerment and agency. This
relationship also demonstrated his enhanced connection to the campus through sense
of belonging because he knows that he will be able to be around people who will help
him throughout the day.
Gianna’s parents are both Native American and exposed Gianna to her
cultural heritage in the home. She also had a Native American community within her
hometown that provided cultural activities and support. However, in her previous
educational experiences, she separated her academics from her Native American
culture. She felt a disconnection between her home life and schooling because of the
linguistic nuances in academics and her parents’ reactions to that type of information:
I would say it's pretty separate because I've never really been exposed to
academic language and all the formalities. I like to write in the tone that I
speak in. It's very hard to remember, “Okay, I have to use furthermore in a
sentence.” So there's always been that disconnect where I've always done one
thing. I've done things one way at home and then I've had to completely
switch and learn academic language and how academics work. I've always
had academics and then I've had my home. So even now I don't really talk a
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lot about what I do with my parents because I can see like their eyes glaze
over when I start to talk about retention, recruitment, and education and all
that stuff.
Before attending the university and developing connections through
relationships with other Native Americans in an academic setting, Gianna practiced
her cultural heritage at home and with her Native American community but never at
school or in an academic setting. This created a separation between her academic life
and her cultural heritage. This changed when she became involved with the Native
American community on the campus and at the Native Center. By building
community, she learned that being around other Native American students and
experiencing different aspects of her cultural heritage gave her and others in her
community the power to heal:
When I got to the university I started to realize, “Okay, well I can explore this
identity I started or I can express, rather, my identity more.” I started to realize
that it's pretty isolating holding all this knowledge and all these traditions and
having the need to be around Native community, that navigating higher
education outside of that was just exhausting and isolating. And it was really
nice to go back to the Center and say, “Oh, well today we talked all about
Columbus in my class,” and that kind of thing. So it was just somewhere to
really be together and we all didn't even have to say, you didn't even have to
vocalize like what we needed. We just knew that being together is healing.
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Gianna explained that before forming relationships with other Native
Americans on campus she did not realize how much energy it took for her to keep her
academics separate from her Native American cultural heritage, an effect of
Eurocentric curriculum. Participating in activities and being with her community
allowed her to see what the community members could do to support one another.
During her time at PCC she experienced a community of people which provided her
with a way to incorporate her Native American cultural heritage within the academic
environment:
And then through just going to the Center and being present in the Center,
opportunities were thrown at me, they said, “Oh, we have this club, we have
the Native American student union on campus and we have a program where
you can get a paid job to do retention and recruitment programming for Native
Americans.” And “Oh, we're meeting with the chancellor about this issue.”
And there were just things that were being thrown from all the other various
connections. And so through that I took advantage of the opportunities
because I thought, “This is a huge part of my identity that I've always kind of
just shoved away.” And then I thought, “Oh, I can do both. I can be in school
and in academics and be a transfer student and all of that. And I can be a
Native American student and incorporate the two.” And that was the first time
that really has ever happened.
As she participated and took advantage of available opportunities,
enculturation helped her realize that she could incorporate those different aspects of
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her life that were previously separate. In addition, the Native American community
provided an atmosphere of holistic support for Gianna by offering opportunities for
her to use her agency to work and participate as a Native American within an
academic organization. This allowed her to change her perspective of her cultural
heritage and academic life and how she could integrate both into her life at the
university.
Holistic support. Daphne discussed experiencing holistic support on the
campus through her Native American communities. Through this support, she
experienced a change in her awareness of cultural oppression and her perspectives
regarding their cultural heritage. Holistic support involves addressing the individual
needs of students by providing varied levels and types of support. For Native
Americans, holistic support could address social, cultural, or academic contexts
(DeLong et al., 2016).
Due to the absence of support and the negative experience with her academic
counselor at the junior college, reflective of the marginalization of Native Americans
within education, Daphne did not participate or seek out support for Native American
students on the campus when she arrived. After ending her long-term relationship, she
decided to participate in Native American events and organizations. This led Daphne
to experience holistic support through the friends and community with whom she
connected. She realized that participation provided her with another avenue of
support that she was unaware she lacked:
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So I joined that clinic, and that's when I got the research assistant position at
the medical center at the satellite campus. That got me thinking, “I'm starting
to get involved more, I'm starting to do things again.” The last thing I had
really done was that [University Name] program a year and a half before then,
so I got involved in that. Then the fall quarter came and that's when I received
the email from my peer and we founded the [Native American] club, which
got me even more engaged. And volunteering at the student-run clinic I got to
meet a few friends that are now my friends to this day. They'll probably be my
friends for a long time. I finally met friends at the student-run clinic. And
getting involved in the club made me come around more, and it's made me
start utilizing resources 'cause we now have our meetings at the Native Center.
It made me feel more a part of the community and the campus.
Daphne reflected on how increased involvement helped her use her agency to
find and use resources on the campus. Participation with her peers were culturally
reaffirming and increased feelings of being part of the campus and strengthened
Daphne’s connection to the campus. She experienced these feelings both on- and off-
campus and described the challenges she felt when she was not on-campus. She said,
“It's easy to get disconnected when I'm away, when I'm not so much at the university.
Thank goodness for Sabrina because she has made it a place where we can feel like
we have a sense of belonging here.”
For Daphne, the connections to her community supported her holistically,
providing her with different types of support which she may not have realized she
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needed. Daphne discussed the importance of the Native American community in her
college experiences. Furthermore, the relationships Daphne developed with her
Native American community served to reinforce her feelings of belonging to the
campus.
All of the participants noted they had a strong relationship with the Native
Center director, Sabrina. In discussing their relationships and the types of support or
the effects of their relationships with Sabrina on the participants, the concept of
psychological resource emerged as part of holistic support. Different than the internal
factors of psychological resources (i.e., intrinsic motivation, perception of self),
Daphne’s and Easton’s experiences reflected their focus on the external influences of
their connections with people and community. Having strong connections with other
Native Americans on campus enhanced participants’ feelings of belonging on the
campus creating a type of psychological support on which they could draw.
Daphne had no experience seeking out resources when she first arrived at her
community college as she is a first-generation college student. She was facing
personal issues which impacted her class attendance. Lastly, her experience with a
biased community-college counselor created a lack of trust with staff and deterred her
from seeking available resources at PCC. Similar to Gianna’s isolation, this lack of
trust produced feelings of loneliness. Daphne explained how active participation
changed her perspective on her peers and community. Reflecting on her experience,
Daphne acknowledged what the Native American community provides for her on the
campus and the importance of the support they deliver:
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And the Native Center has really made the university a familiar place to me. I
said that first year I was just staying away from it because that's what I was
used to. I wasn't used to having resources, so I was very lonely here, but now I
feel a lot more like I'm a part of this campus, and I appreciate being here and
being a part of the university.
During community college, Daphne experienced not only a lack of resources,
she experienced direct bias from the people who should have supported her. This
resulted in her distrust of support staff and her decision not to seek out support when
she arrived at PCC. Her experience with Sabrina and the Native Center helped to
dispel those feelings. The community Daphne has developed through the Native
Center helped enhance her feelings of connectedness to the campus. The result is she
no longer feels alone and that the campus has become a more familiar space for her.
In addition to creating familiarity, Easton discussed the psychological resource of
anxiety-reduction Sabrina helped create.
Easton changed how he viewed challenges while navigating toward his goals.
Prior to arriving on the campus, he perceived achieving success as a linear formula
and there were no allowable deviations from this formula. His academic plan,
developed during his K-12 schooling, reflected an individualistic mentality (i.e.,
Eurocentric). Based on this mentality, graduating meant competing with his peers to
earn good grades and only considering how he would be able to benefit from his
efforts. His perception changed after talking and working with Sabrina. She supported
Easton by talking to him and helping him understand his perception of how to achieve
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success through a Native lens. Easton said he now views his manner of thinking as
more collectivism, and this has created a much less stressful environment and way of
thinking:
Because I have this sense of community-based thinking when I go into my
classes, when I'm thinking about my future, it's usually very limited. I don't
think about how I'll benefit from this. It's more like, “Okay, I can do this and
then it'll be a trickle-down effect to a bunch of other people.” I feel a lot of
students now, even some of my friends, they're thinking, “I got to get that A,
gotta get that A, gotta get that A and then med school, then med school.”
Talking with Sabrina helped me with this type of mentality. My goal is I want
to finish my degree in psychology. I want to maybe go to grad school, maybe
become a therapist. And it's not just a point A to point B kind of thing. It
doesn't have to be a straight line. You can have multiple different paths and
multiple different things. You could be on one path and then something
knocks you down and well now you are on a different path. I think a lot of
people think this is the only way this has to go. I need to do this and this. I
was definitely that before. But now I'm definitely more on this idea of, “Okay,
I'm going to get where I want to go. Am I going to get there how I think?
Maybe not, but that's okay. I'm still gonna get there. Just might take a little
bit.”
For Easton, understanding flexibility and seeing himself as part of a larger
community while still achieving his goals helped reduce his stress and anxiety during
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his college experience. The strong connection he has with Sabrina highlighted this
feeling of community and his comfort in perceiving her as a resource. Providing
Easton with a viewpoint focused on collectivism and supporting a community
allowed Easton to consider alternative options not based on a linear mindset. As such,
she helped Easton understand that his options for success were not as inflexible as he
had initially perceived when viewed through an Indigenous lens. Sabrina provided a
psychological resource in the form of stress and anxiety reduction. This relationship
supports the research of Tachine et al. (2017) which explained how stress and
belonging are connected and “when stress increased, feelings of belonging decreased”
(p. 795).
For the three participants whose stories reflected experiences with bicultural
efficacy/ enculturation and holistic support, the connections to other Native
Americans strengthened their connections to the campus. The participants’
experiences underscored the importance of their Native American communities and
how those cultural communities contributed to their feelings of belonging on the
campus. The relationships with people and the spaces the participants occupied
created opportunities for the participants to view society and their educational system
through a Native lens and acknowledge, address, and resist historical cultural
assimilation.
Connections to Space(s)
All participants had meaningful connections with specific spaces on the
campus. Two of the seven participants discussed how the connections surfaced in an
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academic space through research or curriculum. Three of the seven participants
reflected on how a non-academic space (e.g., the arboretum) helped them feel more
comfortable with the campus. Four of the seven participants discussed how the Native
Center provided a space where they felt they belonged. Specific spaces where the
participants felt comfortable and secure increased the degree to which participants
could access support.
It is important to distinguish the difference between space and place in this
context. According to Gupta and Ferguson (1992), a place is space where the practice
of symbolic meaning making has occurred, thereby giving the space meaning for
people. In this context, as the participants discussed the specific campus locations and
their practices at these locations, I will continue to use the term place to specifically
reiterate the connotation of meaning given to a space.
Curriculum. For three of the participants, their positive relationships with
space on the campus centered on curriculum specifically within Native American
studies courses. As Sabrina also taught courses at the university, she provided
incoming and existing students in the Native Center with information about Native
American studies courses. Sabrina taught some of these courses at the Native Center,
which influenced how the participants felt about the Native Center space, essentially
decolonizing the space for the students.
Daphne reflected on taking Sabrina’s courses. She explained how Sabrina,
who is Native American, taught classes through a Native American lens. Although
challenging, Daphne found that participating in a curriculum that was culturally
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appropriate and affirming gave her different perspectives on the subject matter,
resources, people, and space that the Native Center occupies:
Sabrina holds a class every quarter at the [Native] Center that's not necessarily
a class where you just study and take tests. It could be preparing us for grad
school. They'll give presentations, but through a Native lens. So every class
she offers is through a Native lens. It forces me to go to the [Native] Center to
get comfortable. I was a very shy person. Having those classes has given me
the opportunity to become more familiar with the [Native] Center, familiar
with other Native students here.
Daphne’s exposure to this type of curriculum and culturally affirming
instruction created a different type of learning environment than the traditional
Western education systems she had experienced. The classes provided a space in
which she could interact with other students and the Native Center itself. These
opportunities created a positive connection to the space and enhanced her feeling of
connection to the campus. The Native American studies courses also influenced how
Brianna felt about the campus.
For Brianna, the fact that Native American studies courses meet PCC course
requirements provided a connection to how the curriculum was offered across the
campus. Instead of being erased from the curriculum, the courses appropriately
brought Native Americans into the mainstream of the curriculum. Brianna felt a sense
of security as non-Native American students were encouraged to take the courses to
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increase understanding of Native Americans in general. Having the PCC offer these
types of courses created a positive connection to the campus for her:
But thankfully, the university has Native American studies classes. You have
requirements you have to fill. You can choose from certain classes and those
Native American studies classes are on there. That kind of helps with peoples’
understanding because there have been people in my classes or different
people that I meet who are non-Native, and they're not totally ignorant to
some of these issues. It's really encouraging because I know it's because they
had these classes where they learned about what it's actually like to be a
Native person in here and just like in America in general.
Brianna viewed the university’s offering of Native American studies courses
as a platform for non-Native American students to become more culturally aware and
respectful. She also understood that the courses meeting university requirements
provided an incentive for students to take the courses. In addition to increasing
cultural awareness for non-Natives, Brianna reflected on the courses in relation to her
upbringing and the influences the church’s teachings had on her perception of her
cultural heritage:
To me, it was, “Wow, okay” because I saw it from a different perspective, like
this [church] is not for me. And I kept learning more things in my Native
American studies classes and just in general, and my eyes started opening to
the fact that that church was trying to colonize us and turn us into pretty much
White people. To me, being Native and having Native spirituality, that's very
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important to have our traditional belief systems, because that's a big part of
what makes us who we are, our worldview.
Brianna’s perception of the Native American studies curriculum and her participation
in the courses strengthened her connection to the campus. This curriculum promoted
and supported further exploration of her Native American cultural heritage which
created a more supportive atmosphere for her on the campus. Similarly, for Easton,
finding resources for a Native American studies assignment helped him create a
stronger connection to a space on the campus.
Easton’s experience with Native American studies courses related to bringing
him to a space where Native American students congregated in addition to being in a
class where there were many Native American students with whom he developed
connections. He needed a resource specific to a Native American language. This
required him to expand his Native American community, which led him to the Native
Center:
I took a Native American languages class, learning the Native American
languages and some of that. There were a lot of people who go to the Native
Center that decided to take that class and a lot of officers in the Native Student
Union that were there. I feel like half the class were people that I constantly
see here at the Native Center. And I was talking about one of the struggles that
I was having with the language class which was that the Pueblo don't really
have a written language, so it's oral-based. Some of the assignments asked me
to write down dictionaries and stuff like that. Then one of the [Native
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American] students said [to me], “Oh, there's a Pueblo [student at the Native
Center]. Have you ever been to the Native Center?” And I said, “Yeah, I've
been a couple of times.” She said, “You should come and ask for him.” And
so I came here, I found him, I talked with him. And that was kind of the
beginning of me being there every day.
For Easton, the curriculum pressed him to find ways to complete his
assignments. Because the challenge was culturally based (i.e., no written dictionary),
a Native American student guided him to the space where he could find another
Native American student who could help him. Easton finding that type of support and
resource in the Native Center as a specific space on the campus created a positive
relationship with the space and strengthened his connection to the campus. Easton’s
example highlighted how the Native Center became a space where he could find other
types of support during his college experience.
For these three participants, experiencing a curriculum that promoted Native
American cultural heritage helped them create stronger connections to the campus.
This enhanced their feelings of belonging. The connection to the curriculum was also
strengthened due to the relation of a specific location with which the participants
associated the curriculum. Being able to create strong connections with locations is
another component of participants’ feelings of support and belonging on campus.
The campus’ arboretum. Three of the seven participants found holistic
support on the campus in a non-academic space that provided a sense of familiarity.
PCC’s arboretum resonated as a restorative place for Felicity, Daphne, and Easton.
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Each participant highlighted the natural setting (i.e., trees, flowers) which provided an
environment that helped them feel at peace or reminded them of where they were
reared.
Felicity was reared on a reservation and she grew up in a natural setting
populated by Redwood trees. The relationship she finds with the arboretum’s natural
setting helps remind her of her home as PCC’s setting is more urban than where she
was reared. Having this type of space provided the support and comfort Felicity needs
when she needs to feel at home:
I think the arboretum has been one of my favorite places, too. It's been another
place that makes me feel at home. I think it was nice because I grew up in
trees and forests and the river, and when I came to the university, it is really
green, but the arboretum is nice because they have a Redwood grove, and I
grew up around the Redwoods. So that always reminds me of home. Even
though it's not the same, it still is nice to have a place where you can be
surrounded by nature. This is the most city-like place that I've ever lived, so
the arboretum is just a nice little soft spot that reminds me of being at home.
The arboretum provided holistic support to Felicity as she learned how to live in an
environment designed to assimilate her. She explained that the Native Center is
another place that feels like home. “It is a place that is warm, welcoming, and feels
like home.” For Felicity, having these reminders of home provides a type of holistic
support on-campus.
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Daphne found safety and solitude at the arboretum, which is what she seeks
when she needs to renew her energy. Having a place on the campus that met her
needs provided a restorative resource. She could find solitude and separation from
others in this place when she needed a quiet resource:
I think I'm built as an introvert and extrovert, but definitely when I've had too
much stimulation I need to retract and be myself to refuel and recharge. So
there's hardly ever anyone walking in the arboretum so I go there and I walk,
and there's a lotta sage there and plants, and I love being in nature. When I go
there I get to be around the plants and flowers and I'm by myself so I can
reflect. I can just breathe and relax. During the school year I'll go there any
break I have between my classes.
Being able to find a place where she knew there would be few people was
important to Daphne. She found the characteristics she valued and needed for support
in this non-academic space. Daphne’s love of nature mirrors Felicity’s sentiment of
having a place where connections with nature can be found. Unlike Felicity, Daphne
also discussed the need to feel safe in her place:
I think finding a place on campus that I for sure felt safe. I'm someone that has
anxiety, and I have PTSD. So finding a place that I could go to, and I don't
have to interact, and I can just be and walk around. I don't know if that
encouraged me to participate more, but I will say that it makes it easier to
participate more because there is a place I can at least retract to and go to
when I need a break.
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Daphne’s anxiety and trauma created a need for her to be able to navigate the
complexities of college life. She found that the arboretum provided a safe place
without the obligation to interact with people. She identified this space as a place
where she could return when she needed time for herself. Knowing she had this type
of space, Daphne felt she could participate on the campus, as long as she could return
to this space to recharge. This need for a restorative space also resonated for Easton.
Easton referred to the arboretum as a place where he could find peace. Similar to
Felicity and Daphne, he found a connection to the space through the natural setting.
The arboretum also provided him with a resource where he can regain his perspective
on his college experience:
In the arboretum I find serenity from nature and just being around it. I might
not like outdoors in terms of physical activity but in terms of being out in a
very natural space, just sitting on the lawn, being by the creek and being there,
it helps me put things into perspective and not freak out as much over things. I
still freak out about so many things, but it helps lessen it a little bit.
For Easton, the arboretum provided a place that not only helped him connect with
nature, but like Daphne, helped him relax, control stress, and put his lived college
experience into perspective.
These three participants recognized a place that provided them with differing
types of support. For Felicity, the arboretum provided a reminder of her family home.
For Daphne and Easton, it was a resource and support that provided a safe place to
retreat when they felt overwhelmed. For all three of these participants, the arboretum
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was a place that served as a source of holistic support where they could come to
revitalize themselves. Felicity, Gianna, and Camilla also explained how the Native
Center provided holistic support by increasing the participants’ sense of belonging on
the campus and providing a restorative space when they needed it.
The Native Center. As a space dedicated to Native Americans, the Native
Center stood out as a connection to the campus for all of the participants. All
participants indicated that they participated in events and gatherings in this space.
Three of the seven participants highlighted the Native Center as a specific space
where they found support from other students and a space that helped them feel they
belonged on the campus. The Native Center became a place where the participants
could find holistic support that enhanced their sense of belonging based on space.
As the Native Center was a relatively new space, Felicity reflected on her
experiences when its services began. Her relationship with Sabrina developed after
she was hired as a student employee. She discussed how she needed to find a place in
the Native American community that she could call home. She found this place in the
Native Center:
Then my sophomore year, when Sabrina got hired and the Native Center
started and everything, I started working with the Center. Sabrina gave me my
first job. I've made a point to find a home in the Native community that's here
on campus. So that's always been a soft landing I think for me, and I'm really,
really happy that I established that early on, because it's really been something
that's always been constant throughout my last four years of being here.
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She described how she needed to find her “home” in the Native community on
the campus and the Native Center provided that feeling of belonging. Identifying a
space that fits her definition of home underscores the significant relationship Felicity
has with the Native Center. Having this type of relationship created a place for her
that became a focal point of support throughout her years on the campus. She shared
how having that focal point affected her:
I think this is definitely one of my favorite places, and Sabrina has provided
such a warm space for all of us, and it's so welcoming. I think it's made my
college career so much better. Having a physical space where we can all be
around each other and be able to support each other has made such a
difference. So this is definitely one of my favorite spaces on campus. For the
last three years or so I've been here almost every day.
She reflected on how a place where Native American students can support
each other enhanced her college experience. Felicity’s use of the words “warm space
for all of us” stresses the importance of how the place is presented and perceived by
the students. For her, she was comfortable in the Native Center because it was warm
and welcoming, traits which she equated to home. Having this home was also the
reason she spent much of her time at the Native Center. This concept of having a
place like home also resonated with Gianna.
Gianna’s experience also centered on being a place she found as comfortable
as her home. Equating where she grew up with a place on the campus provides insight
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into the relationship she felt with the Native Center. For her, having a home meant
that she belonged in the home:
Oh, it feels like home. That was always the big thing that we, as a community,
we were talking about. “Why did we like it here so much?” And it just felt so
homey and not only the physical infrastructure felt homey. We had Pendleton
blankets on the wall and we had a map and people put tacks where they were
from and where their people were from. And it felt like home, there were
comfortable couches, and there were private bathrooms, and there was a little
kitchen area, and there's a fridge. You can make food, you can study, you
always see your friends. It felt like this little cottage. It just feels so
comfortable. I've slept there before. It's been a comfortable spot, and it doesn't
feel as institutional for sure. I think that was a big part, it doesn't feel like a
classroom or like a principal's office. It really feels like a lounge, like a house.
Gianna expanded on Felicity’s sentiment of having a place that feels like
home in that the Native Center did not feel like part of the university. She reflected on
the internal décor in addition to the non-academic resources available to the students.
Much of her description focused on being comfortable and having a place that felt
more like home and less like a university. She viewed this place as her home and, as
such, could feel comfortable eating and even sleeping there. Camilla also viewed the
Native Center as a place where she felt comfortable.
Camilla identified the Native Center, not just as a space, but as her
community. This is an important trait as she recognized not only people, but the place
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as part of her community. The Native Center provided her with a place where she felt
comfortable enough to share her emotions. It also provided her with support for her
anxiety. For Camilla, the Native Center was a place where she felt welcomed and
where she belonged:
So that's why I'm so thankful for the Native Center because that's my
community. We also have the blessing too, at the beginning of quarter and the
end or even in the middle. We smudge which has been really nice because it's
not just white sage, there's cedar or sweet grass or roots so it's not this pan-
Indian-ness. They give other things for us to use which has been super helpful
with my anxiety. Going there to debrief, it's nice that I have a space where I
can study, I can relax, I can laugh, I can cry. It’s all-encompassing for me. It's
very holistic for my well-being. There's no other space on campus that
provides that for me.
Similar to her earlier example of the need for Native Americans to be
individuals within a group, Camilla appreciated the nuances of having different types
of medicine (e.g., white sage, cedar, sweet grass) at the Native Center. It reflected the
differences among the Native American students as opposed to referring to them as a
collective group. This enhanced her feeling of belonging because there was not just
one medicine used. As the Native Center encompassed important traits that helped
increase her connection and belonging on the campus, she viewed the Native Center
as holistic for her well-being.
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Summary
The second theme centers on how sense of belonging on campus becomes a
psychological resource for Native American students that provides a way for the
participants to acknowledge and resist systemic cultural assimilation while attending
college. Sense of belonging on campus is a unique concept comprised of the sense of
belonging based on people and sense of belonging based on space. Sense of
belonging based on people focuses on the participants’ relationships with other
Native Americans on the campus. These relationships included Native American
staff, faculty, students, and Native American community members. The participants’
stories reflected how their relationships influenced their lived experiences on campus,
resulting in the creation of sense of belonging based on people.
Sense of belonging based on space relates the influences of space on campus
to the participants’ feelings of connectedness to the campus. When the participants
positively related to spaces, a sense of belonging based on space was created.
Exploring the participants’ connections with specific spaces on campus demonstrated
how the participants enacted place as a psychological resource, enhancing their sense
of belonging on the campus. Understanding the combination of sense of belonging
based on people and sense of belonging based on space provides insight into how
sense of belonging on campus serves as a psychological resource for the students’
cultural affirmation.
Combining this heightened sense of belonging based on space with the
importance of the relationships in creating the participants’ sense of belonging around
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people creates a unique psychosocial resource for Native American college students
to help them resist cultural assimilation during their college experience. Furthermore,
whereas psychological resources may typically be internal, sense of belonging on
campus provides a psychological resource that relies on the external factors of
relationships and space. Analyzing the stories about the participants’ upbringing prior
to college and the stories of how they experienced of sense of belonging on campus,
the third theme explores the influences of this combination on the participants’
perceptions and opportunities to serve other Native Americans.
Theme 3: Service as Nourishment for Self-Affirmation and Growth
The third theme focuses on the results of the combination of the participants’
lives prior to arriving at the university (upbringing) and the current college
environment (sense of belonging on campus). This combination influenced the
participants’ expectations for college, perceptions of their cultural heritage, and
opportunities to serve other Native Americans. The idea of nourishment is reflective
of how the participants’ desire to serve other Native Americans provides a type of
intrinsic sustenance. The participants use this fuel as a way to further develop their
sense of self and their contributions to their communities.
Two of the seven participants reflected on how environments in their
upbringing influenced their expectations of college. Overcoming institutional
deficiencies and previous definitions of success prior to their arrival at the university
affected their perceptions of opportunities at the university. For both participants,
upbringing provided the foundation for how they perceived opportunities and success.
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Four of the seven participants described a shift in their perceptions of their
cultural heritage during college. Brianna and Camilla described how experiencing
feelings of belonging on campus influenced how they viewed their Native American
cultural heritage. Angelo and Gianna expressed how they shifted their future focus on
serving people to specifically serving Native American communities. Figure 3
provides a visual representation of the connections between the first, second, and
third themes.
Figure 3
Connections Between Themes 1, 2, and 3
Opportunity to attend college
Upbringing & Exploring Cultural
Heritage
-History & Erasure -Religion -K-12 School -Parents & Family Dynamics
Theme 1
Sense of Belonging (People)
-Cultural relationships -Unique individuals within groups -Psychological support
Sense of Belonging (Space)
-Connections to space -Resources & support
Sense of Belonging
(On Campus) -Unique psychological support
Results in
Theme 2
Service as Nourishment
-Previous academic experiences -Shifting self-perception
Theme 3
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Previous Academic Experiences
Previous academic experiences surfaced as aspects that influenced
participants’ expectations of opportunities and definitions of success. Examining
these aspects provides a clearer understanding of how participants’ perceptions of
opportunities and success are influenced prior to college. Two of the seven
participants described external factors such as institutional deficiencies that
influenced their perceptions of opportunities and success. Four of the seven
participants explained how they internalized the challenges they faced when
determining their perceptions of success.
Expectations of college opportunities. As discussed in Chapter Two, prior
academic experiences can contribute to barriers for Native American students (Bosse
et al., 2011; Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Keith et al., 2016; Schmidtke, 2017).
Felicity and Gianna discussed how their prior experiences influenced their college
experiences. In their examples, the participants underscored the challenges they
encountered in their K-12 educational institutions. They explained the frustration and
disappointment they felt before and during their college experiences.
Felicity discussed how she felt unprepared for college due to the limitations of
her high school; she attended a high school on a reservation near her home. Although
she was not a first-generation college student, she experienced challenges due to
limited course availability and low expectations of students. She explained she did
not take many advanced classes because her high school did not offer many, which
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resulted in feeling less prepared for college. This lack of preparation narrowed her
expectation of educational options she felt she could pursue in college:
I think something that has been really challenging for me that I didn't really
realize until maybe the last year or so is the high school that I went to is not
great. It was a public school and they didn't offer a lot of advanced classes. I
felt like maybe I didn't get as strong of a baseline education as would've been
ideal for coming into a university like this. I think that has really… plagued is
too strong of a word, but has really made my college career a lot more
difficult, and is also the reason I decided to be an English major, because I
didn't have really a strong science background. The science classes I took in
high school were not … I didn't learn anything, so when I came here I thought
for sure there was no way that I could pursue a Bachelor of Science in
anything, just because I didn't have a strong enough background. So yeah, I
kind of felt like when I got here I was already behind and it just made
everything a little bit harder not having a solid foundation.
Felicity’s experience underscored frustration about her K-12 institution’s
limited curriculum which left her feeling underprepared and with fewer career
options. Gianna echoed this sentiment when she described how she did not feel
challenged in her high school. Furthermore, Gianna explained how her K-12 teachers
were unprepared or unwilling to help her as a student. She found the challenge and
support she needed in community college:
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I loved community college. It was the best thing ever. I felt like I was finally
challenged. I think the big thing is I love academics. I love studying, and I
loved school. It's just I couldn't find my environment where I could do well.
The independent study program was great, but the highest math was Algebra
II. When I was in Algebra II, I asked my teacher for help and she said, “I don't
know how to do this.” So I couldn't get much help and I wasn't challenged
very much in school. It was nice to go to community college where it was a
higher academic level that I really, really yearned for.
Gianna recognized the limitations of her K-12 school and, therefore, expected
to be challenged after high school. She attended community college and found the
type of challenging academics she yearned for prior to coming to PCC. Felicity
expected to follow a course of study that aligned with what she perceived as her
options based on her high school’s curricular limitations. Both Felicity’s and
Gianna’s stories demonstrate how their institutions’ lack of challenging academics
and curriculum influenced their expectations regarding opportunities in college.
Simultaneously, the institutions created preconceptions and reinforced Eurocentric
definitions of academic success that the participants sought to meet. These two
participants’ expectations of opportunities resulted from institutional deficiency
including a lack of resources, insufficiently rigorous curriculum within the classroom,
and insufficiently trained faculty.
Challenges to define academic success in an educational setting. During
the interviews, participants discussed their perceptions of success, providing
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institutional definitions of academic success. These perceptions reflected the
influence of the hegemonic culture’s standards of academic success as opposed to the
participants’ standard of success. As discussed earlier, Native American students may
experience conflict in educational organizations based on the history with the federal
government (Cajete, 2010; Fischer & Stoddard, 2013). Furthermore, Native
Americans are not viewed as equals in educational institutions (Deloria Jr. & Wildcat,
2010; Waterman & Sands, 2016). Based on this conflict and inequity, Native
American students continue to resolve conflicting perceptions of what it means to be
“successful” in educational institutions.
Four of the seven participants provided their perceptions of student success.
Three of the four participants described success relative to the hegemonic culture’s
definition of academic success (e.g., good grades), which is now reflected in the
stereotypical definition of a successful student (i.e., straight A’s/4.0 GPA). However,
the participants found it difficult to describe and fully explain their personal
perceptions of success without relating it to the hegemonic culture’s definition of
success.
Angelo initially provided his description of success as someone who excelled
academically and exerts full effort when studying:
I think the person who gets As can be the best. Putting forth all the effort and
doing all the right things by definition you're a good student. Considered
objectively, you're a bad student if you're getting Ds, Cs, and even Bs
sometimes. You're not the best as someone getting an A is.
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As he continued, Angelo’s discussion of success deviated. He described how success
can be temporary, eventually describing himself as being successful, but not in terms
of being a straight-A student. He reinforced his perception of being a successful
student by highlighting the struggles of the graduate student researchers at a medical
school with whom he has had the opportunity to talk:
I think I see myself as a successful student. It's really weird. You don't know
how long it's going to go. You can be successful in the beginning and crash
hard in upper division classes. You can be a bad student in the beginning and
do amazing in your upper division classes. I would say I'm pretty successful. I
don't know if I would say by definition all As, successful 4.0 GPA. When I
talk to people within research, not everyone doing research is a 4.0 student.
Most people had some difficulty, which is really cool.
Angelo’s story demonstrated the challenge he experienced explaining his
perception of success. For Angelo, being successful can happen at different times for
students. This means that being successful could be more about when success is
measured. However, he also reflected on how being successful was not tied to a 4.0
GPA. Most of the graduate student researchers at the medical school with whom he
talked had some type of difficulty and were not straight-A students which provided
him a measure of validity for his definition of what it means to be successful.
Felicity’s approach to defining success or a successful student is more abstract.
Growing up, Felicity’s parents instilled the importance of education and the
steps necessary to reaching that goal, including earning good grades. She realized that
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her view of success reflects the hegemonic culture’s definition of success. Felicity
explained her perception of success in a way that initially avoided that definition and
included different measurements of what she felt defined success:
Well, I think a successful student is … I don't know. It's so hard, because I
think how I view success is what mainstream success looks like and I'm trying
to get out of that mindset. Because I feel what success looks like in college is
working a job and also going to school and having internships and doing
research … do all these things. I think that that is success and a lot of those
things are necessary in order to get a job in the real world, but I think also that
we need to remember that success takes different forms.
At this point, Felicity acknowledged the challenge of defining success as it
could be perceived in different ways. Because of her experiences through the Native
Center and Native Studies classes, she has learned to question socially constructed
terms and how they might apply to her and to her community. As seen in her story,
she transitioned her explanation to a subjective definition that reflected traits that she
values, although she also acknowledged that success includes attending school,
earning internships, and completing research:
So I think to me, being a successful student is being able to pursue something
that you are interested in and passionate about and isn't going to completely
burn you out, and making sure that you're taking care of yourself first so that
you can then take care of your community or be the best at whatever it is
you're pursuing in your education. But I think it is also those other things too.
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Felicity initially acknowledged the hegemonic culture’s definition of success and how
she tried to avoid it. In doing so, she provided more subjective and less concrete
examples of success. As she moved away from the traditional definition of success
she learned prior to college, she demonstrated how her perception of success has
changed to allow for different interpretations and options to define success. In her
definition, there is also a component of service to one’s community. Similar to
Felicity, Brianna’s definition also remained more subjective and unique to the
individual student and included serving others as a possible measure of success.
Brianna provided a parallel perspective about her perception of success but in
relation to diversity of needs rather than to the hegemonic culture’s definition of
success. She initially described success as being aligned with what one values. The
values are personal to what each person needs in life:
I would say a successful student is somebody who is aligned with their values.
Because we all have different values in life. We did a cool exercise with
values at my job orientation and it really opened my eyes to the fact that
everyone has very different necessities if you boil it down.
She continued to explain these necessities in terms of grades, work, community, or
art. She acknowledged that some students view success as receiving high grades; this
evokes the reminder of an influence of the hegemonic culture’s definition. However,
her perception of success indicates a subjective perspective because different people
have different necessities:
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I think what makes a good student is somebody who is content with the
meaning that they have made for themselves in their life. Sometimes that
means having straight As and some people don't care as much about grades.
Maybe to them what matters more is community work or activism or art, like
the art that they do in their organizations or something like that. So it's
different for everybody. I think it's best summarized as you're aligning with
your own personal values. I see myself as approaching success.
Brianna provided her perception of success with examples of what could be
perceived as successful. She presented her view less about grades and more about
how success could take different forms depending on the person and alignment with
their personal values. While her definition of success did not change, she
demonstrated the challenge of perceiving personal success as dynamic rather than
static. Easton’s scenario echoes Brianna’s definition as he discussed how he realized
his success as a student.
Easton’s story exemplifies the challenge of defining and perceiving personal
academic success. He demonstrated the struggle for Native American students to
define success without focusing on the hegemonic culture’s definition (e.g., grades).
Because of this difficulty of being able to perceive personal academic success, he
could not envision being successful on the campus. Based on his situation, he made a
conscious decision to change his major:
I think in my first three years I was not successful because I didn't really
know. I was very focused good grades and I need all this stuff or else I can't
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have a good life and stuff like that. When I came to the university, I was a
neurobiology, physiology, and behavior major. But this summer I switched
majors to psychology. I think a lot of it was because when I took classes it
was not what I thought it was going to be. The classes were stressing me out
so much. They were very high intensity. It was very competitive and no one
wanted to help me because if you help that kid then you know the curve is
gonna change. It was very much against the type of community that I liked. So
I thought, “You know what? It's not good for me so I'm just going to stop.”
As his story unfolded, he elaborated about how his perception of success changed
once he switched majors. As Easton continued to explain how he felt after moving to
the new major, his story reflected Brianna’s definition of success. Easton’s story
exemplified his and Brianna’s perceptions of success as he had found something he
enjoyed which aligned with his value of community:
I think if you find that success with how I defined it in terms of enjoying what
you're doing, you don't regret it. You ignore the other types of success.
Because I love psychology, I switched into it. I started taking a bunch of
psych courses after that and I've just been enjoying learning about it. And so
far I've been getting As and I'm just like, wow, this never happens. I would
consider myself successful at the university despite not having my degree yet.
Easton acknowledged that he now considers himself a successful student.
Having shifted his perception of success away from the hegemonic definition of only
having good grades, his story reflected not only his definition of success, but
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Brianna’s and Felicity’s as well. The stories of these three participants highlighted the
impact that schools and formal education have on Native American students’
perceptions of academic success.
Participants’ stories demonstrate how their prior academic experiences
influence Native American students’ expectations and perceptions of opportunities
and success during college. Felicity and Gianna explained how the deficiencies of
their K-12 institutions influenced how they viewed opportunities prior to arriving at
the campus. Angelo, Felicity, Brianna, and Easton revealed the challenges of defining
and perceiving their personal academic success in an education setting. These stories
underscored the influences of the hegemonic culture’s definition of success on their
perceived opportunities and success during college. As participants shared their
college experiences, they also provided insight into perceptions of future
opportunities as a result of the ways in which their views of cultural heritage shifted
during college. This, then, impacted their plans after graduation.
Shifting Self-Perception Alters Who Participants Want to Serve
Participants shared their lived realities of growing up as Native American and
how they experienced their Native American cultural heritage. Two of the seven
participants acknowledged that despite being aware of their Native American cultural
heritage, they did not explore it before college. Camilla’s adoptive parents’ church
teachings did not allow her to explore her cultural heritage. Angelo acknowledged
that because there was not a Native American community close to him, he did not
begin identifying as Native American until he came to the university. Their stories
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illustrated how personal views of cultural heritage can shift during college and
influence the importance to serve a specific population.
Sense of belonging on campus influences participants’ view of
community. As explained in the second theme, sense of belonging on campus is
comprised of sense of belonging through space and sense of belonging through
people. Enhanced feelings of belonging on the campus provided opportunities for the
participants to engage with other Native Americans and to explore their cultural
heritage. Increased participation on the campus and interaction with other Native
Americans created a more community-based perspective that influenced participants’
perceptions of themselves as Native Americans.
Camilla reflected on the emotions she felt after finding her Native American
community. Before coming to the campus, she was unable to explore her cultural
heritage and felt excluded from the Native American community. Now, as a member
of the Native American community, she feels a responsibility to support and
empower other Native American community members:
I love that I am part of this community that I had been completely shut out of.
And now I make the most of it because I just want to bring empowerment and
joy to them [other Native American students] because at times it's so hard
living in this world and this state, especially with the California Natives that I
have met. I will go above and beyond for them. I will be by their side, or I'll
be right behind them.
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Feeling part of the community, both as a person and within a place, helped support
Camilla and provided her with opportunities to support others. Knowing what it was
like to grow up in an environment where she was unable to express and explore her
Native American culture, she tries to ensure that not only do other Native Americans
know she is part of the Native American community, but that they are aware of her
fierce and unwavering support. For Camilla, experiencing sense of belonging on
campus served as a catalyst for how she now views herself and her cultural heritage.
How Camilla experienced and expressed her shift in perspective differed from
Brianna’s experience.
For Brianna, being a member of her church restricted her exposure to her
Native American cultural heritage as the church served to assimilate her and eliminate
her connection to her Native American cultural heritage. She grew up not being able
to practice ceremonies or traditions with her extended family, who were not members
of the church. This resulted in a skewed and limited perspective of her cultural
heritage when she arrived on the campus. Having developed a sense of belonging on
campus through both people and space, Brianna’s perspective on her community
shifted:
So, now my community is mainly the Native. Things have shifted. For me, it
feels better because it's like I am my ancestors and my ancestors are happy.
We've been living this way with each other and with the land for thousands
and thousands of years. So, it's much more peaceful and fulfilling, my state of
life right now, and much less stressful and confusing at times. Sometimes I
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was hopeless just about things in that church, but these days it feels right.
Especially seeing my family come together.
For Brianna, the sense of belonging on campus came from the people she
encountered and the places where she felt welcomed and visible as a Native
American. It helped her come to terms and realize how damaging the church was for
her and her family. Unbeknownst to her, Brianna’s family separated from the church
before her and they wanted her to make her own decision of staying or leaving before
they told her. After making her decision and finding out her family had come to the
same conclusion, she felt reunited with her family. Separating from the church gave
her the freedom to explore her Native American cultural heritage, re-unify her family,
reduce her stress and confusion, and increase her feeling of peace. Brianna’s
connection to the Native American community allows her to recognize her
connection to her ancestors. This perspective brings her joy because the connection
with the Native American community also aligns with how her ancestors lived before
her. She experiences a much more hopeful perspective of life. While these two
participants discussed how sense of belonging on campus shifted their perspective of
their cultural heritage, another two participants explained how sense of belonging
changed who they desired to serve during and after college.
Sense of belonging fosters a service orientation. A change in the desire to
support younger Native American students surfaced from discussions with two of the
seven participants. Angelo and Gianna discussed wanting to provide other Native
American students with support they did not receive prior to college. Angelo
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highlighted support in the form of guidance and mentorship. Gianna described
providing different programming and resources. For these two participants, service
was not about meeting predetermined definitions of “success” but helping other
Native Americans students successfully navigate higher education.
In sharing his experiences, Angelo expressed his frustration with systemic
assimilation and bias resulting in decreased opportunities for academic preparation or
guidance and mentorship. His connections with other Native Americans provided
support (i.e., letters of recommendation and mentorship from Sabrina) and a positive
connection to a space (the Native Center) created his sense of belonging on campus.
Similar to how his definition of success had changed, these experiences instilled in
Angelo a sense of responsibility to help support other Native American students, his
community. He reflected on the importance of being a resource for other Native
American students who might be struggling with the same academic and educational
challenges he encountered. He expressed his desire to give back to his community:
I guess just to be a leader…I have my own expectations for me. I don't know
what my community expects from me, but my expectation is to be there for
other students, you know? What I've received within mentorship and
guidance, I want to give back and give even more.
After Angelo developed relationships and experienced his sense of belonging
on campus, he expressed his desire to give back because he received mentorship and
guidance. Referencing his K-12 educational experience and the institutional barriers
within the curriculum, Angelo explained frustration about mentorship and what it
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meant to him. However, having received mentorship during college through the
Native American community on the campus, he now understands the importance of
having mentors who can provide guidance from their experiences. He wants to
provide this type of support to fellow Native Americans in his community. While he
still desires to be a doctor, he also plans to provide support to other Native Americans
as a mentor. Similarly, Gianna explained her desire to provide support to Native
American students.
Being a first-generation student, Gianna experienced many challenges
navigating higher education. She explained how she had to navigate transferring from
community college to the university without the benefit of having someone who
could help her. This type of challenge reinforces the individualistic nature of higher
education as Gianna had no community on which to rely. She was unsure about how
she could pay for college and even where could live if she were accepted. She also
expressed her need for appropriate places and Native American programming not just
because of cultural erasure in history, but because Native Americans struggle with
being visible on campus. As a student leader, she explained how she decided on the
type of programming she wanted to offer at the Native Center and that she hoped to
provide Native American students with resources to affect change:
I think by my final year on campus, I was a full-fledged leader, and I really
kind of felt that it wasn't pressure from anyone except myself where I wanted
to put on really good Native American programming. I wanted to give the
students the support and the programming that I wish that I had had. And so
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that was a big thing for me and I talked a lot with a good friend of mine who
is kind of in the same position as me, where we didn't get programming like
what we put on and we didn't really get those resources. So we wanted to
make sure that every Native American within our reach could get these
resources so they can see, ‘Hey, you can do these things and you can make
change on campus and raise awareness and it's possible.’
Because she was employed at the Native Center, Gianna planned and
implemented programs she saw as important and responsive to the needs of the
community. Her experience of sense of belonging on campus empowered her to
effect change in her Native American community. Reaching out to other Native
American students to ensure they have resources she did not demonstrated her desire
to serve those in her community. She echoed Angelo’s comment about wanting to
provide support that she did not have. Pursuing her Master of Education degree and
teaching credential, she acknowledged that teaching may be in her future.
Summary
Examining the participants’ background provided insight into their
perceptions of opportunities and success upon arriving at the campus. Felicity’s and
Brianna’s stories reflected how institutional deficiencies influenced their perceptions
of college opportunities. Drawing on the historical context of the complex
relationship between Native Americans and the federal government, Angelo’s,
Felicity’s, Brianna’s, and Easton’s stories highlighted the challenges that Native
American students face when self-identifying their personal academic success. The
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combination of their struggle to perceive academic success and institutional
deficiencies demonstrates the influence of upbringing on the participants’ perceived
opportunities and definitions of success during college.
As the participants experienced enhanced feelings of belonging on the
campus, the relationship between sense of belonging on campus and upbringing
emerged. Camilla and Brianna experienced a shift in their views and relationships to
their cultural heritage based on the communities with which they now belong. Angelo
and Gianna changed their perspectives of the population they hope to serve based on
how they experienced sense of belonging on campus.
Sense of belonging manifested itself in the participants’ agency. As the
participants felt empowered to reaffirm their connections with their cultural heritages
through their connections with other Native Americans and campus spaces, serving
other Native Americans became the nourishment the participants needed to restore
their fractured cultural heritage. The stories of how the participants perceived
themselves and their responsibilities to the Native American community
demonstrated their shift in how they viewed the population they wished to serve as a
result of their campus experience.
The third theme first focuses on the influence of prior academic experiences
on the participants’ expectations, perceived opportunities, and beliefs regarding
success on the campus. Extending from this, how the participants experienced sense
of belonging on campus through people and space and the results of that experience
demonstrated how the participants’ personal view of their cultural heritage changed,
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subsequently shifting their perspective of their future selves and who (and how) they
want to serve. The combination of upbringing and their experience of sense of
belonging affected the participants’ perspectives and created opportunities to serve
other Native Americans in their communities.
Continuing Their Journeys
The selections from participants’ stories presented throughout this chapter
provide the context and evidence for the themes of this study. However, their full
stories reflect how the participants have overcome the underlying marginalization
within higher education. The following provides a short summary of the next steps for
the participants and how they plan to continue serving their communities.
Angelo continues to participate at the Native Center and is considering
becoming an officer as well. He realizes that the position will require additional time
commitments, but he believes it will be time well spent as he wants to be able to
support other Native American students. This desire to support others is a result of the
support he has received as a first-generation student. Having a supportive network of
people helped him navigate higher education. Angelo has been able to reconnect with
his cultural heritage through the resources at PCC. While Angelo no longer views
excellent grades as the only measure of success, he sees himself as successful at this
time in his life based on the adversity he has overcome. Looking to the future, Angelo
will continue his education as he pursues medical research dedicated to addressing
health and memory.
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Brianna also continues to participate at the Native Center. She embodies what
she feels her community sees as a Native leader: someone who is healthy, cares about
the community, and does good things for the community. Being a first-generation
college student, Brianna is thankful for the support she received in community
college, and also from the Native community she found at PCC. As a student, she
views herself as approaching success and plans to continue studying what she enjoys.
After graduation, Brianna is considering graduate school and would like to work with
her tribe on land and cultural preservation.
Camilla is preparing to graduate this year. She is also a first-generation
student who learned the nuances and bureaucracy of navigating higher education
though the support of a Native community which she actively sought. Having
overcome institutional barriers and reconnecting with her cultural heritage, she prides
herself on her unwavering support of other Native American students. She plans to
continue providing this support as a community college academic counselor.
Daphne is also preparing to graduate this year. Another first-generation
student, she has been increasingly active throughout the campus in various clubs,
clinics, and the Native Center. She found her passion in serving others at the Native
Center through volunteering and serving as a peer mentor. She aspires to continue her
service to others by becoming a nurse practitioner and working in her community.
Easton will also be graduating this semester. During his time at PCC, he
reconnected with his cultural heritage and realigned expectations of himself and what
it means to be successful. He continues to be an active student at the Native Center.
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At the time of the interview, Easton was also considering becoming an officer for one
of the Native American clubs at PCC. Easton is considering plans to attend graduate
school to become a therapist so that he can continue help others.
Another senior, Felicity will be graduating this semester. Having worked at
the Native Center for the majority of her time at PCC, she is reticent to leave. She
credits her parents for encouraging her to attend a campus that had support systems in
place for Native American students. The Native Center has been a home and place
where she found support on campus. As of the time of the interview she had not yet
decided on a course of action after graduation. Felicity’s parents teach at schools on
reservations and Felicity also works for a tribe. However, she is also interested in
staying in the area (around PCC) or possibly working for another tribe in a different
area.
Brianna has been involved with the Native Center throughout her
undergraduate years and continues to be involved, albeit in a different capacity so that
other students could assume a leadership role. She still enjoys participating and stays
in touch with Sabrina. Brianna will complete the master’s and teaching credential
program but has not decided on the next steps after graduation. She now focuses on
the experience (or practice), as opposed to theory, and how the relevance of the
experience can support a student’s success. Because of this, she is considering
teaching so that she can help others experience success. During our talk, she also
expressed interest in continuing her education and obtaining a doctoral degree, but
she wants to complete her current studies before she makes that decision.
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Reflecting on the Storytellers’ Voices
The first theme focuses on the participants’ environment prior to attending
college. The participants’ stories of their upbringing provide the background of their
historical, educational, and familial experiences prior to arriving at PCC. The
historical context of Native Americans’ relationship with the federal government and
the resulting bias in the educational system coupled with the intricacies of personal
family dynamics offers insight into how the participants’ upbringing influenced their
exploration of their cultural heritage prior to arrival on the campus.
The second theme centers on the unexpected finding that the combination of
sense of belonging based on people and sense of belonging based on space create a
unique psychological resource for Native American students to acknowledge and
resist systemic cultural assimilation while attending college. As the participants
entered college, their stories revealed how they experienced connections with people
and space on the campus. The importance of their relationships with Native American
staff, Native American faculty, and Native American community members on campus
provided opportunities to enhance their connections to the campus and their feelings
of belonging through their relationships with people.
The participants also experienced significant positive connections to specific
spaces on the campus. Through their experiences with curriculum that promoted
Native American cultural heritage and their attachments to campus locations that
offered different types of support, the participants also experienced an enhanced sense
of belonging through connections to the campus. Focusing on the participants’ time at
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the university, this theme examines the relationships Native American students have
with both people and spaces and how those intersections produce the psychological
resource of sense of belonging on campus.
The result of the combination of the participants’ prior experiences of
deficient institutions with their experience of sense of belonging on campus is the
focus of the third theme. As six of the seven participants have not yet graduated from
college, their stories reflected their experiences prior to and during college. Their
prior academic experiences provided a foundation of expectations, perceived
opportunities, and success for the participants. Sense of belonging on campus
influenced the participants’ perspectives of how they view their cultural heritage, and
this altered their perspective of whom they wish to serve. The change in perspectives
and opportunities to serve other Native American students is a result of the
combination of their prior academic experiences and their experiences of sense of
belonging on campus. This sense of belonging nourished their sense of self.
These themes help to answer the research question and subquestions of this
study. Examining how the participants perceived their cultural heritage prior to and
during college provided context to their feelings of connectedness to their cultural
heritage. Upbringing and the relationships participants developed with people and
space indicated how the participants experienced and developed their sense of
belonging. Exploring the intersections of sense of belonging based on people and
sense of belonging based on space revealed a unique psychological resource for
Native American students through culturally affirming support to the participants.
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The combination of the participants’ prior academic experiences and their experience
of sense of belonging on campus resulted in the change of their perspectives and
opportunities to serve other Native American students.
Based on these themes, chapter five will provide interpretations of the
participants’ stories and the connections to both literature and tribal critical race
theory. Implications for how this information can be used will be provided. Lastly,
the limitations from the study and suggestions for additional research will be
presented.
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CHAPTER V
DISCUSSION
The problem addressed by this study is the effect of endemic issues such as
racism and colonialism on the already marginalized Native American student
(Brayboy, 2005; Quijada Cerecer, 2013). As the enrollment population of Native
Americans is less than 1% (Musu-Gillette et al., 2017), it is imperative to support
those students throughout college. The purpose of this qualitative study was to
examine Native American college students’ experiences and development of sense of
belonging in college. This study also examined the result of the combination of the
students’ prior academic experiences and their development of sense of belonging in
college.
During the interviews, the participants provided stories of their lived
experiences, including family and educational experiences prior to and during
college. The use of the word stories reiterates TribalCrit’s eighth tenet which
delineates stories as “legitimate sources of data and ways of being” (Brayboy, 2005,
p. 430). Honoring this method of knowledge creates an additional connection to
TribalCrit’s seventh tenet as “Tribal philosophies, beliefs, customs, traditions, and
visions for the future are central to understanding the lived realities of Indigenous
peoples" (Brayboy, 2005). As opposed to a narrative inquiry, a phenomenological
approach allowed for identification and compilation of concepts regarding the
phenomenon of the participants’ creating a sense of belonging (Creswell, 2018).
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A qualitative approach provided a way to fully appreciate the individual
experiences of the participants (Shotton et al., 2007). Through semi-structured
interviews, the participants were able to tell their stories in ways most comfortable to
them. The analysis of the data incorporated tribal critical race theory as the lens,
which supported the goal of identifying institutional challenges for Native American
college students.
The study addressed the following research question and subquestions:
How do Native American students experience and develop a sense of
belonging in college?
1. What representations of their cultural heritage do Native American
students identify as part of their academic and campus life
experiences? How does that representation or presence make them
feel?
2. In what campus-connected relationships do students engage, and how
do those relationships and interactions shape Native American
students’ sense of belonging?
3. What psychological resources do Native American students identify as
influential, positively or negatively, in their construction of (or lack of
construction) of a sense of belonging?
This chapter includes a discussion of major findings as related to the research
literature on the social and historical conditions of Native Americans, institutional
barriers for Native Americans, challenges in constructing Native American identity,
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Native American students’ definitions of success, and Native American students’
perspectives of college support structures. Included is a discussion of connections
between this study’s findings and Brayboy’s tribal critical race theory (TribalCrit). As
explained in chapter two, using components of critical race theory, Brayboy (2005)
developed TribalCrit as a way to understand issues unique to Indigenous people in the
United States. The nine TribalCrit tenets (see Table 1) provide an appropriate
perspective to understand the ways in which European colonization influences and
impacts the lives of the seven students in this study (Brayboy, 2005). The chapter
concludes with a discussion of implications for practice and areas for further research.
Summary of Findings
The participants’ stories began with their lives before they arrived at the
university and then expanded to include how their time at the university has impacted
their current lives. These two time frames provided the context for the major findings.
Understanding the participants’ upbringing and its influence on their exploration of
cultural heritage provides an overview of the participants’ lives prior to college.
While attending college, the participants developed relationships with other Native
Americans and with specific campus spaces, resulting in a combination of people and
space developing as a unique psychological support positively contributing to
students’ sense of belonging on campus. Through the influence of upbringing (i.e.,
family history, educational experiences, cultural exploration, and family
relationships) combined with their experiences of sense of belonging on campus,
participants experienced shifts in views of themselves and their cultural heritage.
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Analysis of data collected through interviews with seven participants resulted
in three major themes and eight subthemes. The first theme explored the history of
the participants prior to attending college. As their stories include personal
connections to Indian boarding schools, encounters with racism inside and outside of
the classroom, and struggling to explore their Native American cultural heritage, their
experiences reflected the varied lived experiences prior to attending the university.
Upbringing and cultural heritage provided a foundation of expectations of college as
the participants navigated K-12 educational environment. In doing so, the choices
they made and supports experienced provided them with opportunities to attend
college. Understanding the participants’ experiences prior to attending college
provided a rich context and understanding of how they arrived at their current
campus. The stories about their understanding of Native American history, their
experiences in K-12 schooling, and their family relationships clarified their
perspectives of motivation and preconceptions about what to expect in college.
The second theme highlighted the significance of the relationships with people
and space on campus. Exploring the participants’ relationships with other Native
Americans (faculty, staff, and students) provided insight into the importance of the
connections the participants felt when in these groups. Interestingly, the participants
also described the need to maintain their individuality within these groups, which
underscored a need to belong while remaining an individual.
The second theme also revealed how the sense of belonging around people
enhanced participants’ bicultural efficacy, enculturation, and holistic support. Being
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around other Native Americans helped the participants resolve the division between
Native and non-Native aspects of their identities. The participants also drew strength
from Native American faculty, staff, and students. Through this Native American
community, the participants experienced holistic support as they were able to be with
others who were in positions to best understand challenges through an Indigenous
lens and could provide psychological, emotional, and spiritual support as needed.
As a final component of the second theme, participants created connections
with meaningful spaces on campus. In the classroom space, experiencing curriculum
that promoted Native American cultural heritage helped create feelings of
connectedness to and visibility on the campus. Additionally, having places on campus
that reminded them of where they grew up or where they could find a calm and
nurturing environment was important to the participants. The relationships created
within these spaces underscored the need for the participants to have familiar and safe
places on the campus. The enhanced feelings of belonging based on people and space
resulted in a unique psychological support for Native American students. Findings
from this study indicate this unique psychological resource of sense of belonging on
campus provided a culturally affirming environment to support the participants as
Native American individuals during the college experience.
The third theme examined the results of the combination of the participants’
experiences with deficient academic institutions and their experiences of sense of
belonging on campus. The participants’ upbringing provided a foundation of
expectations prior to attending college. During college, the participants developed
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connections to their cultural heritage through their relationships with other Native
Americans and with familiar campus spaces. The combination of upbringing and
connection to their cultural heritage during college resulted in a change of their
perspectives and opportunities to serve other Native Americans in their future career
and community work. The main themes and subthemes are displayed in Table 5.
Table 4
Summary of Emergent Themes and Subthemes
Theme Subthemes 1. Upbringing influences Native
American students’ exploration of cultural heritage
1.1.Cultural erasure fractures Native American students’ upbringing
1.2.Native American students’
connection to representations of culture prior to college
1.3.Family dynamics influence how
Native American students view connections to their cultural heritage prior to college
2. Sense of belonging on campus:
People, space, and a psychological resource
2.1 Relationships with Native American staff, faculty, community members, and students
2.2 Social connectedness as a pathway:
Bicultural efficacy/enculturation and holistic support
2.3 Connections to space(s)
3. Service as nourishment for self-
affirmation and growth 3.1.Previous academic experiences 3.2.Shifting self-perception alters who
participants want to serve
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Theoretical Discussion
Tribal critical race theory (TribalCrit) provides an appropriate way to analyze
the findings as it promotes understanding of the complex relationship between Native
Americans, the federal government, and, in this case, educational policies (Brayboy,
2005). In the following section, I frame the discussion from the standpoint of
answering each of the research questions through interpretation of findings using the
theoretical lens of TribalCrit. I first provide arguments for how the findings presented
in chapter four answer the overarching research question and subquestions. I then
explain and apply four tenets of TribalCrit to the findings. Finally, existing literature
is referenced to place findings in context regarding what is known from previous
research. Through this interpretation, the participants’ stories and the resulting themes
provide insight into how the participants develop their sense of belonging in higher
education.
Research Subquestion 1
The first research subquestion was “What representations of their cultural
heritage to Native American students identify as part of their academic and campus
life experiences? How does that representation make them feel?” The effects of
colonization and assimilation on Native Americans have created a false narrative for
contemporary Native Americans and non-Native Americans regarding what
constitutes a Native American or how a Native American might identify. Through
their stories, the participants explained how they experienced their cultural heritage,
both before they arrived at the university and during their time in college. Four of the
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participants had little experience with their cultural heritage prior to arriving at the
university. Their stories included personal family experiences from Indian boarding
schools, the resulting trauma on family members, and the subsequent fracturing of
familial and cultural knowledge. These individuals described feeling disconnected
from their Native American heritage because they lost relatives in the Indian boarding
schools or were removed from their homes; as a result, they felt a sense of personal
loss. However, upon arriving at the university, they were exposed to courses in Native
American studies and Native American staff and instructors who provided them with
a different lens through which to view education and themselves. Experiencing these
new perspectives contrasted with the participants’ K-12 instruction where the
participants noted how the curriculum provided inaccurate depictions of Native
Americans or removed them altogether, creating feelings of invisibility among the
participants.
Because of the challenges of colonization and governmental and educational
policies meant to assimilate Native Americans, Native American families struggle to
maintain their cultural heritage (Lomawaima & McCarty, 2006; Quijada Cerecer,
2013). Having a college environment that promoted their cultural heritage through
curriculum strengthened the participants’ connections to the campus as they felt their
cultural heritage was being properly represented and recognized. Spaces in which
they saw and felt the comforts of their homes and nature increased their feelings of
peace and belonging to the campus; their experiences provided a sense of place
(Gupta & Ferguson, 1992). The people who acted as role models and holistic support
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helped the participants feel welcomed and created a nurturing and familiar
community. This familiar community enhanced the participants’ feelings of
belonging to a group that counteracted the feelings of invisibility many Native
Americans experienced on college campuses. Furthermore, having a specific, Native
American-centered community helped the participants feel holistically supported as
both individuals and as students.
Positioning findings within TribalCrit and existing literature. The first
tenet of TribalCrit is that “colonization is endemic to society” (Brayboy, 2005, p.
429). The effects of colonization and assimilation on Native Americans have created
a false narrative of what constitutes a Native American or how a Native American
might identify. As the participants discussed their familial histories, they explained
how their families’ connections to their cultural heritage had been fractured and
erased by colonization. These stories serve to support the existing literature on the
damaging effects of colonization on Native Americans (Brave Heart et al., 2011;
Brayboy, 2005; Brown, 2016; Dawson, 2012; Hare & Pidgeon, 2011; N. Lopez,
2010; Rudy, 2013; Vantrease, 2013).
Having family members who were forced to attend Indian boarding schools
created a disconnect for the participants as those family members no longer practiced
their cultural traditions or continued to speak their tribal languages. These practices
reflect TribalCrit’s second tenet which highlights the racist and imperialistic
governmental policies towards Native Americans (Brayboy, 2005). For one
participant, the disconnection was due to being removed from her home and placed
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with a White family that actively discouraged exploration of her cultural heritage and,
in fact, imposed their organized religion’s beliefs on her. This participant’s story
demonstrates the covert ways participants recognize continued colonization.
The sixth tenet of TribalCrit states that “governmental policies and
educational policies toward Indigenous peoples are ultimately linked around the
problematic goal of assimilation” (Brayboy, 2005, p. 429). As the federal government
creates policies, these policies are enacted through the states and still retain a goal of
assimilating the targeted populations of these policies. This was evident in
participants’ experiences learning about family members’ removal from their families
and placement in Indian boarding schools. Participants’ educational experiences echo
their ancestors’ experiences through contemporary educational policies.
The TribalCrit tenet of educational policies also demonstrates how education
is used to covertly continue the process of assimilation (Brayboy, 2005). The
participants’ stories revealed how they experienced systemic and curricular bias in
their K-12 education. By changing or removing Native American stories from history
in school, the narrative of Native Americans in society is misrepresented and omitted,
resulting in false histories and stereotypes (Hare & Pidgeon, 2011; Jaramillo et al.,
2016; Peacock & Cleary, 1997; Shotton et al., 2013). For example, participants
discussed curriculum projects based on the California missions and how assignments
failed to discuss the missions’ detrimental effects on Native Americans. Through this
omission, cultural genocide and effects of colonization perpetuate misinformation and
reinforce feelings of invisibility among Native Americans.
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This assimilation is also demonstrated in how Native Americans are identified
in school systems. Identifying Native Americans accurately is difficult as evidenced
in the limitations of data for the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES):
The categorization of American Indian and Alaskan Native is the least stable
identification. The racial/ethnic categories presented to a respondent, and the
way in which the question is asked, can influence the response, especially for
individuals who consider themselves of mixed race or ethnicity (Musu-
Gillette et al., 2017).
Six of the seven the participants identified multiple cultural heritages in their
backgrounds. For this study, the participants self-identified, and their connection(s) to
their cultural heritage was not questioned. This freedom provided the least restrictive
opportunity for participants to self-identify. As there is no one way in existing
institutional systems for Native Americans to self-identify, identification in the
educational system is complex. This is further complicated when taking into account
research that has explored Native American students’ difficulty with identities in
academic settings due to the historical conflict between Native American culture and
official schooling (Cajete, 2010; Fischer & Stoddard, 2013; Lomawaima, 2014). The
participants described their experiences of identifying as Native American in K-12 as
being misidentified into other ethnic groups on the basis of their skin color.
Participants expressed beliefs that historical assimilation continues in education and
reflects the Eurocentric hegemonic culture.
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To address the challenges of colonization and assimilation, Native Americans
must recognize the hegemonic culture; examining issues of power and privilege
through a Native lens can support this shift. Brayboy’s (2005) fifth tenet states that
“the concepts of culture, knowledge, and power take on new meaning when examined
through an Indigenous lens” (Brayboy, 2005, p. 429). Brayboy explained that it is
necessary to understand these concepts outside of the hegemonic culture’s
perspective. The common theme for these concepts is TribalCrit’s seventh tenet, the
ability to adapt and change based on the context of the environment (Brayboy, 2005).
Upon entering college, the participants moved into an environment where
their cultural heritage was recognized and supported through the formal curriculum
and connections to spaces and other Native Americans. This can be seen through the
participants’ stories when they explain their reactions to Native American studies and
having support from Native American role models. These types of experiences
created feelings of holistic support which contributed to the students’ development of
sense of belonging in college. These findings affirm previous research on Native
American students’ need for holistic support in education (Cajete, 2016; Cech et al.,
2011; Center for Community College Student Engagement, 2019; DeLong et al.,
2016; Peacock & Cleary, 1997).
Research Subquestion 2
The second research subquestion was “In what campus-connected
relationships do students engage, and how do those relationships and interactions
shape Native American students’ sense of belonging?” As the participants’ described
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their college experiences, their stories reflected the importance of relationships with
Native American staff, faculty, and students on the campus. The relationships with
other Native Americans and the community that developed through these
relationships enhanced the participants’ feelings of connectedness to others and to the
campus. Working with Native American faculty and staff provided opportunities for
the participants to cultivate their understanding of their cultural heritage.
Relationships with their Native American peers provided opportunities for the
participants to heal by being together as a community because all community
members shared an understanding of what it means to be Native American on their
campus. Through their increased understanding of their cultural heritage, participants
felt more engaged and connected with their peers and the campus.
Also evident was the importance of specific places on the campus where the
participants felt at peace or connected to their cultural heritage. Their connections
with spaces on campus contributed to the participants feeling more at ease and more
comfortable on the campus despite the hegemonic societal norms. Three of the
participants felt connected to nature and their cultural heritage at the university’s
arboretum, and all participants felt a connection to the Native Center, which serves as
the nexus for Native American academic support. It was clear, however, that the
Native Center provides more than just academic support. The participants’ stories
outline how having this space, where they knew they could find their peers and foster
their community, provided holistic support through the creation and strengthening of
relationships with both people and space. The unique psychological resource (sense
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of belonging on campus) created a culturally affirming environment to support the
participants studies.
Positioning findings within TribalCrit tenets and existing literature.
Despite coming from different backgrounds (i.e., tribe, tribal enrollment status,
socioeconomic standing), the participants arrived at the same institution and created
positive relationships with Native American staff, faculty, and students. The
development of their relationships with other Native Americans provided an
Indigenous lens through which the participants could perceive the educational system
and their environment. This revelation reflects Brayboy’s (2005) fifth tenet of
TribalCrit which states “The concepts of culture, knowledge, and power take on new
meaning when examined through an Indigenous lens” (p. 429). All the participants’
stories reflect their understanding (or lack thereof) of their cultural heritage.
However, this understanding manifests itself through the building of their
communities on the campus, which provides an increased feeling of belonging and
holistic support. As Native American staff and faculty provided guidance to the
participants, the participants realized new perceptions of their cultural heritage. The
development of these relationships supports sense of belonging research by
Hausmann et al. (2007) who found students’ interactions with people on campus (i.e.,
peers, faculty, staff) “were associated with a greater sense of belonging” (p. 829).
Although the participants arrived with pre-conceived notions of what the
college curriculum would be, based on their K-12 experiences, assimilation
(TribalCrit’s sixth tenet) is counteracted by the relationships participants had with
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Native American staff, faculty, and students. Participants’ experiences indicate
increasing the visibility of Native Americans in curriculum offsets the invisibility
created by K-12 curriculum (Cajete, 2010; Garland, 2010; Hare & Pidgeon, 2011;
Lomawaima, 2014; Shotton et al., 2013). Importantly, the relationships the
participants developed with Native American staff, faculty, and students created
opportunities where they could experience their cultural heritage with others without
fear of judgment or repercussions. Research (Keene, 2016; Okagaki et al., 2009)
underscores the importance of relationships between students and faculty.
Furthermore, the Native American staff and faculty served as positive role models for
the participants. Participants expressed their increased feelings of connection and
belonging to the campus as they felt more visible and less isolated in the educational
environment, supporting research about the positive effects of relevant role models (J.
Bowman, 2015; Covarrubias & Fryberg, 2015; Fryberg & Eason, 2017; Garland,
2010; Shotton et al., 2007).
TribalCrit’s fifth tenet helps to answer the second subquestion based on the
relationships the participants create with other Native Americans and spaces on the
campus. TribalCrit’s fifth tenet focuses on how a Native lens can change the
understanding of “culture, knowledge, and power” (Brayboy, 2005, p. 429). Six of the
seven participants explained how their relationships on campus enhanced their
feelings of belonging. Additionally, all participants highlighted their connections to
the Native Center and the how their relationship with that space increased their
feelings of belonging on the campus. Their stories reflected prior research (Garland,
202
2010; Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Kulis et al., 2013; Strayhorn, 2012; Tachine et
al., 2017) which discussed the importance of developing a sense of belonging. Their
relationships with people and space provided a Native lens through which they could
more fully understand and appreciate their cultural heritage, academic knowledge,
and the power that accompanied their Native American identities.
Considering how the participants described having a space on campus, the
importance and significance of this space may more accurately be described as a
place which is created when people give meaning to space (Gupta & Ferguson, 1992).
The participants, using their agency and their positionality, engaged in meaning
making (e.g., creating community) around a specific space on the campus and in
doing so resisted the political landscape of higher education and created a place for
themselves (Gupta & Ferguson, 1992). The creation of this place also demonstrates
the notion of who has the power to make place, reflective of how place can be
created, but never given (Gupta & Ferguson, 1992). In California, many of the public
colleges and universities reside on land that that was once occupied by Native
Americans. Having to fight for this place on campus only serves to reinforce not only
that colonization is endemic (Brayboy, 2005), but the importance of being able to
create a culturally specific place where the participants can feel safe considering the
underlying goal of assimilation within educational policies (Brayboy, 2005).
For two of the participants, these relationships provided an additional
opportunity to more fully understand their cultural heritage, which is central to
TribalCrit’s seventh tenet of being able to understand their lived realities while
203
acknowledging distinctions and adaptability (Brayboy, 2005) . Bicultural efficacy
allowed the two participants to navigate the hegemonic cultures of society and
maintain their distinctions between their Native American and non-Native American
cultural heritages. However, through their relationships with other Native Americans
on campus (faculty, staff, students) and the connections to the spaces which provide
holistic support, they experienced enculturation as they were able to integrate their
Native American cultural heritage with their academic environment. This further
reinforces TribalCrit’s fifth tenet as it was through the introduction of the Native lens
that the participants were able to better understand the positionality of their cultural
heritage within the hegemonic culture.
Research Subquestion 3
The third research subquestion was “What psychological resources do Native
American students identify as influential, positively or negatively, in their
construction of (or lack of construction) of a sense of belonging?” As the participants
discussed their experiences on the campus, their relationships with other Native
Americans and their connections to the campus surfaced as significant factors in how
they developed their sense of belonging. Because not all participants arrived at the
university on the same path (due to academic opportunities or socioeconomic status,
decisions, family history), each participant brought a unique lived experience to the
campus. This included participants who did not have a deep understanding or
connection to their cultural heritage. By creating their Native American communities
204
through their relationships with other Native Americans and spaces on campus, the
participants further developed their sense of belonging on the campus.
This belonging acted as a catalyst for the participants by reinforcing their
expectations of college or providing them with a culturally affirming lens with which
to view their experiences. This lens also provided a means for one of the participants
to better understand his cultural heritage through bicultural efficacy. For Easton, the
ability to experience and express his cultural heritage allowed him to regain a part of
his identity he felt he had not fully understood prior to arriving at PCC. For Gianna,
her experience of enculturation allowed her to combine her academic and cultural
heritage aspects of her life. For these two participants, bicultural efficacy and
enculturation served as supplemental psychological resources in developing their
sense of belonging.
For four of the participants, sense of belonging also contributed to changes in
their perspectives regarding future personal and professional roles. The support from
their Native American communities on campus provided an opportunity for them to
further explore and create connections to their cultural heritage, thereby developing a
sense of altruism they had not anticipated. Through the development of these Native
American communities and the subsequent enhanced feelings of belonging on the
campus, the participants demonstrated a sustainable path for continuous support for
upcoming Native American students.
Positioning findings within TribalCrit tenets and existing literature.
Similar to subquestions 1 and 2, TribalCrit’s sixth tenet, educational policies linked to
205
assimilation (Brayboy, 2005), factors into the answer to subquestion 3. During their
college experiences, the participants became aware of other resources (i.e., Native
American staff, faculty, and students) which helped them move away from the
hegemonic social discourse on assimilating Native Americans in education.
Experiencing curriculum at the university that promoted their cultural heritage
increased their feelings of belonging on the campus. The psychological resource of
sense of belonging on campus was particularly salient in helping the participants
connect (or reconnect) with their Native American cultural heritage. Although each
participant came to PCC with varying degrees of understanding of their cultural
heritage, they all felt more deeply connected to and aware of this aspect of their
identity as a result of their college experience.
These experiences also began to deconstruct prior experiences of assimilation
and cultural erasure in K-12 curriculum and instilled a notion of social justice where
the participants felt a responsibility to provide support and programming to other
Native American students. The participants’ shift of perspectives supports research
about the complexity of identity (Garland, 2010; House et al., 2006; Okagaki et al.,
2009) and the need for culturally supportive curriculum (Cajete, 2010; Campbell,
2007; Deloria Jr. & Wildcat, 2010; Evans, 2008; Hare & Pidgeon, 2011; Lomawaima,
2014; Patton et al., 2007).
TribalCrit’s fifth tenet, culture, knowledge, and power can be viewed through
a Native lens (Brayboy, 2005), offers support to answer subquestion 3. As discussed
earlier, the participants experienced heightened feelings of belonging to the campus
206
through their relationships with other Native Americans (faculty, staff, students) and
spaces on the campus. Through these relationships, the participants experienced a
unique psychological resource. The psychological resource (sense of belonging on
campus) contributed to a positive sense of self by providing a culturally affirming
environment. This psychological support also provided four of the participants an
opportunity to view and even change their definitions of academic success. The
participants’ stories illustrated that when they entered college their beliefs reflected
Eurocentric definitions of success. However, their lived reality regarding experiences
in college further incorporated their relationships with their Native American
community members and described how their perceptions of success shifted
throughout college to a more community-centered focus based on their relationships.
In examining the participants’ future plans, the seventh tenet of TribalCrit is
evident. All seven participants discussed their conviction to continue on their
individual paths while supporting and making meaningful contributions to their
Tribes or communities. We are better able to understand their individuality,
adaptability, and lived realities through the examination of these future plans
(Brayboy, 2005). Using a Native lens, the participants can now view success through
a lens that leads them to goals which are more communal and collective in nature.
These changes in perceptions of success support the importance of the
development of sense of belonging and its effects on the participants’ perspectives in
higher education. This supports prior research (Brayboy, 2005; Guillory &
Wolverton, 2008; Kulis et al., 2013; Tachine et al., 2017) which underscores the
207
importance of providing Native American students the opportunity to foster and
develop a sense of belonging in higher education.
Research Question
The main research question was “How do Native American students
experience and develop a sense of belonging in college?” The participants’ stories
detailing how they arrived at the campus provides a foundation of their understanding
of their perceptions of college and their cultural heritage prior to arrival at college.
Upon arrival, the participants drew on experiences from their upbringing and applied
them to campus life, resulting in reinforcement or reconsideration of their prior
experiences. As they described their experiences on the campus, including the
development of their relationships with other Native Americans and to campus
spaces, connections between their experiences prior to arrival and during college
coalesced and revealed effects on the preconceptions of their college experience.
Through the intersections of prior experience and the introduction of culturally
supportive relationships with curriculum, other Native Americans and spaces, the
participants experienced and developed their sense of belonging in college.
TribalCrit’s fifth and sixth tenets helped to view the participants’ experiences
through a Native lens. The participants’ perspectives on their cultural heritage and
their power to effect change for upcoming Native American students reflects how an
Indigenous lens can facilitate a change in an individual’s understanding of self and
culture (TribalCrit’s fifth tenet). These changes in understanding are evident through
the participants’ descriptions of their sense of belonging on campus. The participants’
208
experiences with K-12 curriculum and challenges in identification as Native
Americans within institutionalized hegemonic systems underscore the problem of
assimilation linked to educational policies (TribalCrit’s sixth tenet). These
experiences are counteracted through classes promoting Native American cultural
heritage. Through their relationships on the campus, the participants’ preconceptions
of college were changed and reorganized to more closely align with the Native
American communities they created.
As a result, the participants experienced an enriched sense of belonging. This
combination of TribalCrit Tenets 5 and 6 and sense of belonging served to reduce the
effects and impact of TribalCrit’s first tenet. The participants’ stories, honored as
their lived realities, describe the importance of interpersonal relationships with other
Native Americans on their campus to develop their sense of belonging. Similarly,
connections with spaces where Native American students congregate and build
community served to cultivate and support changes in the participants’ perspectives
about their belonging in higher education.
Implications for Practice
Understanding how the participants developed their sense of belonging in
higher education offers opportunities for educational institutions to understand the
unique relationship between Native Americans and the federal government. The
participants offered their lived realities to promote knowledge of a historically
marginalized population. Through the findings from this study, the following
implications for practice emerged.
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Creating Spaces for Native American Students on Campuses
There is a need to have a dedicated space specifically for Native American
students. Similar to research by Tachine et al. (2017), all participants described the
importance of having a space on the campus where they could engage with other
Native Americans and build community. Having a space where decorations and
culturally appropriate materials could be hung could also help foster a welcoming
environment (Covarrubias & Fryberg, 2015). The benefits the participants describe in
their stories highlight the importance of having this space on the campus.
Having a dedicated space would provide a central location where the students
could address different needs (e.g., academic advising, financial aid, counseling). The
space would require enough room for offices and socializing. Additional functional
spaces such as a kitchen and library/study space would provide spaces where Native
American students could work and find respite from the pressures experienced
throughout college. This means that the planning and funding would need to be
incorporated into the strategic plan of the campus.
One way this could be accomplished would be to include Native American
staff and faculty in the development of the campus Master Plan. Being able to
identify spaces on the campus that would be culturally appropriate can help guide the
administration in finding a suitable location. Funding would need to be allocated for
the development of the space and this should be done at the highest administrative
level to demonstrate the commitment to the population. Furthermore, providing this
space could allow for greater acknowledgement and addressing of the effects of
210
colonization on contemporary Native American students as colleges and universities
are built on occupied land.
Assigning specific staff to this space would require funding resources.
Campuses may be able to partner with gaming tribes in the area who may be able to
sponsor or provide funding for these types of positions. Alternatively, but not ideal,
the staff could be rotated throughout the week to different locations on the campus,
with dedicated times at the Native American space. At a minimum, there would need
to be a full-time director who is knowledgeable about the challenges of Native
American students in higher education and who would be able to address those
challenges in a culturally appropriate manner.
Recruitment and Retention Methods for Native American Students
The participants’ stories demonstrate the importance of culturally appropriate
recruitment and support of Native American students. Understanding the need for
direct contact, not only with the student but also with the family, is necessary.
Support staff at the campus must understand the unique challenges of Native
Americans in higher education. The participants’ descriptions of feeling at ease and
heard by the staff and faculty influenced their decisions to attend the university and
enhanced their sense of belonging on the campus, resulting in a stronger connection
to the campus.
Culturally aware staff and faculty, as evidenced by two of participants’
stories, and specific outreach from Native American staff (Tenaya) resulted in their
decisions to attend the university. For these students, direct contact from a Native
211
American recruiter created an opportunity for the students to create initial
connections with a Native American who would be present at their future institution.
This relationship was further enhanced when the parents could also connect with the
recruiter as part of their community. This demonstrates the effectiveness of culturally
appropriate and targeted recruitment for this population.
In addition to recruitment, the participants underscored the importance of
Native American support staff and faculty (Sabrina). Having a faculty member who
taught classes through a Native lens offered a new perspective for the participants,
further enhancing their feelings of belonging on the campus. In addition to teaching
classes, Sabrina provided emotional and social support in her role as director of the
Native Center, creating a space where the students could engage with their peers and
build community. In this way, the participants regarded Sabrina as providing holistic
support in her role as staff and faculty.
Addressing the Complexity of Native American Identity in Education
In education, the criteria for participants to self-identify as Native American is
restrictive and challenging. This is due, in part, to how education reports defer to the
federal government’s criteria for student identification. While there is no one way to
identify as Native American, the ability to self-identify must be made available to
students.
Once identified as a participant in the study, a subsequent questionnaire
allowed for a more detailed description of their Native American identity. Participants
chose one of five options to identify as Native American: (a) I am currently enrolled
212
in a federally recognized tribe; (b) I am currently enrolled in a state-recognized tribe;
(c) I am currently enrolled in a tribe which is not recognized by either a state or
federal government; (d) I am not currently enrolled in a tribe, but I am a descendant
of a tribe; or (e) I am not currently enrolled in a tribe. This identification provided a
broad definition of Native American and was made at the discretion of the student.
These options were selected based on a conversation with a Native American scholar,
and the options allowed for a broad interpretation of Native American identity (B.
Neddeau, personal communication, October 28, 2018). The intention of these options
was to provide participants the ability to identify as Native American and participate
in the study, even if the participants were not formally enrolled with their tribes. The
result was a broad representation of Native American students whose lived
experiences echoed their self-identification.
Similarly, to allow for inclusive self-identification, there must first be a
conversation among stakeholders to best understand how to create this opportunity
for Native Americans in education. The eventual goal of the conversation would
result in the creation of a culturally appropriate way to allow Native Americans to
self-identify without the relying on the standards of an ethnic, racial, or political
group. Colleges and university must work with tribal leaders and organizations to
understand how to best approach this complex idea of identity for Native Americans.
In doing so, the possibility of ethnic fraud would also need to be addressed and
minimized. Only through these crucial conversations will institutions be able to
remove this barrier for Native Americans in higher education.
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Changing the Curriculum
One final and critically important item to address would be the revision of K-
12 curriculum surrounding Native Americans. The participants discussed the
challenge of being misrepresented or removed from curriculum prior to college.
Changing this curriculum would allow for a greater understanding of Native
Americans in history and remove a colonist-based barrier for Native Americans in
education.
Curriculum implementation could be addressed on the state level. Using the
state standards as the guideline, accurate Native American-focused curriculum could
be developed to address prior misrepresentations or omissions. Some states have
moved to address this issue (e.g., Washington, Wisconsin). California is addressing
these omissions through several assembly bills. Two bills, Assembly Bill (AB) 544
and AB 163, have created teaching credentials specifically for American Indian
languages. AB 738 requires the state board to create a model of curriculum in Native
American studies. While these examples underscore the attempts at including Native
Americans in curriculum, there needs to be more support provided by the states to
address this across the country.
Suggestions for Further Research
During this study, it seemed that there was never a shortage of additional
topics to research. While interesting, they deviated from my focus, so I present them
here for the consideration of another researcher or follow-up studies for the future.
214
How Can Institutions Increase the Recruitment and Retention of Native
American Staff and Faculty?
The importance of having Native American staff and faculty who can make
connections and support the students cannot be overlooked. However, I would be
remiss not to include the importance of the recruitment and retention of Native
American faculty and staff in higher education. One of the challenges for this area is
finding qualified candidates for these roles. More must be done to better understand
and support Native Americans who desire to move into higher education.
How Would Having a Non-Native American Director Affect Native American
Student Support?
With the challenges of having a large pool of Native American candidates for
faculty and staff roles and colleges and universities, understanding the potential
effects of a non-Native American staff in the director role is one that should be
carefully considered. As this study focused on the connections between the
participants and other Native Americans, understanding how these connections may
change based on non-Native American staff could provide insight for institutions that
are not able to fill these roles with Native Americans. Furthermore, institutions must
consider succession planning when these positions are vacated.
How Would Results Differ If Participants Not Connected to the Native Center
Were Interviewed?
As discussed in chapter three, Sabrina was integral in reaching out to
participants who would be willing to participate. Her participation also influenced the
215
sampling to reflect a study population who regularly participated in activities at the
Native Center and had a connection to Sabrina. It would be interesting to understand
how Native American students who are not connected to Sabrina and the Native
Center develop their sense of belonging in college. It would also be interesting to
understand why they are not active with the Native Center and its resources.
What is the Relationship, if any, Between the Sense of Belonging and Resilience
for Native American Students?
While this research examined the creation and development of sense of
belonging in college, a connection between the participants’ feelings of belonging and
their desire and motivation to continue their studies emerged and is worthy of further
exploration. The participants’ expressed how they felt with their communities and
although they discussed how their definitions of academic success may have changed.
Understanding the effects of sense of belonging on resilience may provide institutions
with additional ways to provide support to Native American students.
How Does Being Reared on a Reservation and Being Reared in an Urban Setting
Affect Native American Students’ Sense of Belonging?
An early idea in this research was to interview the same number of
participants who grew up on a reservation as who grew up in more urban settings.
Only one of the participants was reared on a reservation, so I was unable to make any
discernable relationship between her background and the background of the other
participants. A study examining the different (or similar) needs of students from these
216
types of environments could provide insight into how to recruit and support Native
American students using where they grew up as a framework.
Final Thoughts
Looking back on this study, I feel pride in the work I have accomplished. I
had initially feared that my research as a non-Native American in this space would be
my biggest challenge. Early in this process, I encountered my own need for resilience
and found it through my own support network. However, I realize that it was less
about being non-Native American and more about being culturally appropriate and
considering the research from a standpoint of humility in entering the space while
maintaining rigor and research ethics.
Having worked in education for over 15 years, I am a believer in lifelong
learning. This study embodies the application of that learning. Embarking on this
journey almost three years ago, I am amazed at what I have learned, not only through
the classes and the participants but about myself and my role as an educational leader.
Reciprocity: Honoring the Storytellers
Reflecting on my journey and those who honored me with their stories, I look
forward to honoring them and sharing my findings. To this end, I plan to sponsor a
culturally affirming event at the Native Center and extend personal invitations to the
participants of the study. To protect confidentiality, no one will know who they are
unless they choose to disclose. By sharing their stories and my observations,
understanding may be gleaned, they may feel visible, and change may occur.
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APPENDICES
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APPENDIX A
STUDENT INVITATION
Hello students! My name is Mark Alabanza and I am a doctoral student at California State University, Stanislaus. I am currently working on data collection for my dissertation. My study focuses on Native American students and their experiences in higher education. The purpose of my dissertation is to examine and explore how Native American students have addressed challenges in their lives which have resulted in their attending or graduation from a four-year institution. The goal is to gain insight as to how to best support Native American students in higher education through an analysis of Native American students’ experiences in education. To collect data for my dissertation, I am seeking to interview students who identify as Native American and are in their first or second year at this university or who will be graduating at the end of this term. Interviews will consist of a one- to two-hour long in-person meeting at the campus. I will have open-ended questions for each participant. For accuracy and transcription purposes, all interviews will be digitally recorded. Should it be necessary, a follow-up interview may be scheduled. Participant names will not be used in any reports or publications that emerge from this study. While participants will spend 1-2 hours in an interview, the study will actually take place over four months. Following data collection, the analysis of the data will take place over seven months with the anticipated completion date of May 2020. If you are a student who identifies as Native American and will be graduating this term or are in the first or second year at this university, please contact me at [email protected] to indicate your willingness to participate. Respondents will receive a consent form to review prior to scheduling an interview. Participation is completely voluntary. Any participant may withdraw consent to participate at any point in the process. If selected, participants will receive a $25 gift card for their time. I invite you to participate and would appreciate the opportunity to learn from you and your experiences. Sincerely, Mark Alabanza
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APPENDIX B
INFORMED CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
California State University, Stanislaus Informed Consent to Participate in Research Structural Inequities, Institutional Support, and Definitions of Success and the Influences on Native American Students’ Sense of Belonging and Interactions with Campus Programs in Public, Postsecondary Education Purpose of the Research The Principal Investigator, Mark Alabanza, is a student at California State University, Stanislaus conducting research for a doctoral degree in Educational Leadership. The purpose of this research is to examine and explore how Native American students have addressed challenges in their lives which have resulted in attendance at or graduation from a four-year institution. Procedures
Potential participants will complete an online survey to provide demographic information and confirm consent to participate
Participants will be interviewed in a one-on-one format with the researcher Interviews will take place at the student’s campus in a common/public
location (student support site) Initial interviews will last approximately one to two hours Follow-up interviews may be requested if additional clarification is needed Total time commitment for the participant will be no more than two hours for
a single interview or four (4) hours if a follow-up interview is needed Potential Risks or Discomforts There may be some emotional discomfort associated with this study. While the interview questions will be open-ended, your responses may vary. Depending on the level of comfort with the researcher, you may feel inclined to share more personal stories. Potential Benefits of the Research The potential benefits associated with your participation include reflection on your experience. In addition, information about your experiences in education may help provide insight as to how to best support future Native American students in higher education.
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Confidentiality All interviews will be audio or video recorded using electronic devices. Recordings will be sent to a third-party service for transcription. Hard copies of transcriptions will be stored in a locked file cabinet in the researcher’s home. Electronic copies of transcripts will be kept in a secure, password-protected data storage service. All participants will have assigned coded identifiers. Only the researcher will have access to a separate master list of codes linking names to data. The master list will be stored in a locked file cabinet in the researcher’s home. Three years after completion of the study, all data will be securely destroyed and deleted. The researcher will not keep your research data to use for future research or other purposes. Costs There is no cost to you beyond the time and effort required to complete the procedure(s) listed above. Compensation Compensation for participating in this research will be in the form of a $25 gift card. There is no anticipated commercial profit related to this research. Participation and Withdrawal Your participation is voluntary. You may refuse to participate or stop participation at any time without penalty or loss of benefits. Questions If you have any questions about this research, you may contact me, Mark Alabanza, at (408) 608-5721 or my faculty sponsor, Dr. Debra Bukko at (209) 664-6543. If you have any questions regarding your rights and participation as a research subject, please contact the IRB Administrator by phone (209) 667-3493 or email [email protected]. Consent I have read and understand the information provided above. All of my questions, if any, have been answered to my satisfaction. I consent to take part in this study. I have been given a copy of this form. Signature Date Name (printed)
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Signature of person obtaining consent Date Printed name of person obtaining consent In addition to agreeing to participate, I also consent to having the interview audio or video recorded. Signature Date Name (printed)
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APPENDIX C
INTERVIEW PROTOCOL
Thank you for taking the time to speak with me today. The purpose of our interview will be to discuss your educational journey. Topics may include your sense of belonging, identity and how you identify yourself, the types of barriers or support structures you see in your education, and how you define success. I anticipate the interview to last one to two hours with a possibility of a follow-up interview if additional clarification is needed. As indicated by your approval on the consent form, I will also be recording this conversation electronically so that I may refer back to the notes for further analysis. If this is still acceptable, I would like to begin recording at this time (start recording). Before we begin with the interview, do you have any questions or concerns? Research Questions: How do Native American students experience and develop a sense of belonging in their college experience?
a. What representation of cultural heritage do Native American students identify as part of their academic and campus life experiences? How does that representation or presence make them feel?
b. In what campus-connected relationships do students engage, and how do those relationships and interactions shape Native American students’ sense of belonging?
c. What psychological resources do Native American students identify as influential, positively or negatively, in their construction (or lack of construction) of a sense of belonging?
The following questions are a guide and not all questions are intended to be asked during the interview. I anticipate interviewing the students on-campus. The university has a campus-recognized Native American student support center and a dedicated physical location. Personal history Tell me about your life. How did you get here (this town, university)?
a. Tell me about your family. (Picture exercise) b. Tell me about your community. (Picture exercise) c. What was unique about growing up in your community? d. Why did you decide to go to college?
Native American community
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How would you describe your connection to the Native American community? a. What aspects of your culture do you value the most? b. What aspects of your culture don’t you like? c. Tell me about your relationships and the activities in which you
participate in your community? i. Why are those important to you?
ii. Who organizes those activities? iii. What is your role in that community? iv. What do you think your community expects from you?
Campus climate Describe your life as a student here. What has been your experience being part of this campus?
a. What is your favorite spot on campus? Why? b. What is the place on campus you liked the least? Why? c. Tell me about your relationships with your peers.
i. Are there any student organizations in which you participate? ii. How did you choose that one?
d. Tell me about your relationships with your teachers. e. Are there aspects of your life as a student that feel similar or connected
to your family and community values or practices? Why? f. Are there situations on campus or in your classes from which you feel
excluded? What makes you feel excluded? g. What makes your educational path unique? h. What were some of the things you found to be particularly challenging
in your first year? (1st year students) i. What is one thing you found to be particularly challenging during your
college experience? (last year students) j. How would you compare your struggles to those of other
underrepresented students (i.e., Latinx, African American, Asian/Pacific Islander, etc.)? What do you think makes them similar/different?
Student Support Describe what you know about programs or services that are available to Native American students on this campus. Have you tried any of these services?
a. How did you find out about those programs? b. What motivated you to look for those services? c. Which programs were the most useful or enjoyable? Why?
Psychological resources and student engagement Describe how you see yourself as a student on this campus. Strengths and weaknesses? (self-perception/ self-esteem/ self-efficacy)
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a. As a student, what are the most important goals you want to achieve? Why? (motivation)
b. What/Who has helped (or will help) you achieve this goal? (ask for help/ support structures) Why or how did people end up helping you?
c. What would you characterize as a successful student? Do you see yourself as a successful student? Why? (self-perception)
d. Tell me about some of your strengths when it comes to solving challenging situations in the college life. Give me examples of problems you have faced and how you solved them.
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APPENDIX D
DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE
Describe your demographics in the following categories: Please provide your name (Last name, First name) Please indicate how you would like to be contacted:
Email Phone
Please enter your preferred contact information: At the end of the 2019-2020 academic year, how many years will you have completed at [your university]?
1 2 3 4 More than 4 years
Will you be graduating at the end of the 2019-2020 academic year?
Yes No
Tribal enrollment (Select one)
I am currently enrolled in a federally recognized tribe I am currently enrolled in a state-recognized tribe I am currently enrolled in a tribe which is not recognized by either a state
or federal government I am not currently enrolled in a tribe, but I am a descendant of a tribe I am not currently enrolled in a tribe
Gender Identity (Select one)
Male Female Non-gender conforming
What was your family’s approximate gross annual income last year?
Amount:
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Do you agree to participate in this study?
Yes, I agree to participate in this study. No, I do not agree to participate in this study.
