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Informed Consent Out of Context Sven Ove Hansson
ABSTRACT. Several attempts have been made to
transfer the concept of informed consent from medical
and research ethics to dealing with affected groups in
other areas such as engineering, land use planning, and
business management. It is argued that these attempts are
unsuccessful since the concept of informed consent is
inadequate for situations in which groups of affected
persons are dealt with collectively (rather than individu-
ally, as in clinical medicine). There are several reasons for
this. The affected groups from which informed consent is
sought cannot be identified with sufficient precision.
Informed consent is associated with individual veto
power, but it does not appear realistic to give veto power
to all individuals who are affected for instance by an
engineering project. Most importantly, the concept of
informed consent puts focus on the public’s acceptance of
ready-made proposals rather than on its participation in
the decision-making process as a whole, which includes
the development of alternatives for the decision. There-
fore, the concept of informed consent is not applicable to
a company’s relations with groups and collectives. It may,
however, be applicable to a company’s relations with
individual persons such as customers and employees.
KEY WORDS: informed consent, stakeholder, veto,
engineering ethics, planning, democracy, participation
Introduction
In the second half of the 20th century, medical ethics
was transformed from an older paternalistic tradition
to a new way of thinking with a strong emphasis on
patient autonomy and self-determination. This
development was largely triggered by disclosures
from the Nuremberg trials and elsewhere of grave
misuses of human subjects. In the new medical
ethics, informed consent became a central concept
(Faden and Beauchamp, 1986). The World Medical
Association’s declaration on Ethical Principles for
Medical Research Involving Human Subjects (the
Helsinki Declaration) is the most authoritative
statement of medical research ethics. Its central
paragraph on informed consent reads as follows:
‘‘In any research on human beings, each potential
subject must be adequately informed of the aims,
methods, sources of funding, any possible conflicts
of interest, institutional affiliations of the
researcher, the anticipated benefits and potential
risks of the study and the discomfort it may entail.
The subject should be informed of the right to
abstain from participation in the study or to with-
draw consent to participate at any time without
reprisal. After ensuring that the subject has under-
stood the information, the physician should then
obtain the subject’s freely given informed consent,
preferably in writing. If the consent cannot be
obtained in writing, the non-written consent must
be formally documented and witnessed.’’ (http://
www.wma.net/e/policy/b3.htm)
It is important to observe that in medical ethics and
research ethics, informed consent is considered to be a
necessary but not a sufficient condition for an inter-
vention to be acceptable. According to the Helsinki
declaration, the physician who takes part in medical
research always has a duty to ‘‘protect the life, health,
privacy, and dignity of the human subject.’’ Informed
consent does not absolve her from that duty.
Proposals have been made to extend the applica-
tion of informed consent to at least three areas outside
of medicine and research, namely engineering, land
use planning, and business management.
Sven Ove Hansson is Professor of philosophy and head of the
Department of Philosophy and the History of Technology,
Royal Institute of Technology, Stockholm. He is also a
member of the Swedish government’s advisory board of re-
searchers. His books include Setting the limits. Occupa-
tional Health Standards and the Limits of Science
(OUP 1998), A Textbook of Belief Dynamics. Theory
Change and Database Updating. (Kluwer 1999) and
The Structures of Values and Norms (CUP 2001).
Homepage: http"//www.infra.kth.se/~soh.
Journal of Business Ethics (2006) 63: 149–154 � Springer 2006DOI 10.1007/s10551-005-2584-z
Already in the first edition of their now-classic
textbook in engineering ethics, Mike Martin and
Roland Schinzinger claimed that the practice of
engineering should make use of the concept of in-
formed consent. Their major argument for this
approach is that the outcome of engineering projects
is uncertain. Therefore, such projects can in their
view be seen as ‘‘experiments’’ using human subjects
(Martin and Schinzinger, 1983). They recommend
us to ‘‘think of engineering corporations as con-
ducting society-wide experiments on the ‘subjects’
affected by their risky ventures.’’ (Schinzinger and
Martin, 1983, p. 67)
Obviously, the word ‘experiment’ is not used
here in the same sense as in research ethics. In sci-
ence, an experiment is a fact-finding activity that
gains its legitimacy from being so constructed that it
contributes to the systematic development of new
knowledge. Medical experiments that do not satisfy
this criterion are not accepted in the medical ethics
community, irrespective of how informed and
consenting the subjects are. Most engineering
projects are not experiments in this sense.
The second new area for informed consent is land
use planning. Simmons (1987) proposed that ‘‘one
way of looking at the moral position of the profes-
sional planner’’ is to see it as ‘‘similar in certain
important respects to the moral position of the
physician.’’ (p. 6) Just as a physician needs the in-
formed consent of the patient, a professional planner
needs the consent of those affected by the plans
under consideration. To be at all valid, such consent
has to be informed; thus the planner should seek to
‘‘obtain the same kind of informed consent a phy-
sician needs to justifiably treat a patient.’’ (p. 8)
Likewise, Shrader-Frechette (1993) has argued for
the use of informed consent as a criterion in the
siting of nuclear waste facilities (Cf. English, 1991).
The third area is business management. According
to stakeholder theory, business managers are
responsible not only to the owners of their respective
companies, but also to various stakeholders, viz.
groups and individuals who are affected by the
activities of the firm. This includes employees, cus-
tomers, neighbours, environmental groups, etc.
(Freeman, 1984) Rowan (1998) maintains that, since
stakeholder theory treats all stakeholder relations as
contractual, and a contract is only valid if the con-
ditions of informed consent are satisfied, informed
consent is an inherent feature of stakeholder theory.
Other attempts to integrate consent in stakeholder
theory have been made by Cohen (1995) and Van
Buren (2001).
But can the concept of informed consent be
successfully transferred from its specific context in
medical ethics and the ethics of research to quite
different settings for decision-making such as engi-
neering, land use planning, and business manage-
ment? It is the purpose of the present contribution to
show that this is in fact not possible. More specifi-
cally, my claim is that the concept of informed
consent is not serviceable when agreement is sought
with a collective of affected persons rather than
individually with each person. This applies to all the
three proposed extensions mentioned above. An
engineering company that introduces new technol-
ogy with society-wide implications strives for wide
social acceptance of the innovation but it has no
need for signed informed consent forms from each
and every affected person. A similar form of wide
public acceptance is desired by managers of land
planning projects (but in addition they also have
individual, contractual dealings for instance with
landowners). Stakeholder theory is explicitly con-
cerned with a company’s relations with affected
groups and their representatives, rather than with
each affected individual. In what follows, I will refer
to these situations as collective arrangements, to distin-
guish them from the individual arrangements that are
exemplified by the physician’s relations to a patient
and the experimenter’s relations to an experimental
subject.
Several authors have already pointed out practical
problems that are encountered when the concept of
informed consent is transferred to new areas. In
Section ‘‘Practical problems’’ I will show that two
major such arguments apply in general to collective
arrangements. In Section ‘‘Consent or full partici-
pation in decision-making?’’ I will show that in-
formed consent is also a too restricted ideal for such
applications, since it puts focus on the acceptance of
ready-made proposals rather than on participation in
the decision-making process as a whole, which
includes the development of alternatives for the
decision. In Section ‘‘Individual arrangements,’’ I
will argue that the concept of informed consent can
be meaningfully applied to a company’s individual
arrangements with buyers and employees.
150 Sven Ove Hansson
Practical problems
The transfer of informed consent to new fields gives
rise to two major practical problems. The first of
these has been called the consenter identification problem
(Scbinzinger and Martin, 1983, p. 71). It was high-
lighted by Long (1983) in a comment on Martin and
Schinzinger’s proposal to apply informed consent to
engineering. As Long noted, the persons affected by
an engineering project can in typical cases not be
identified. There are many degree of affectedness,
and it is not possible to draw a sharp line between
affected and unaffected persons. In many cases, such
as that of a power plant, those affected are distributed
over a large geographical area. It is, in Long’s words,
a major difference between engineering and medi-
cine that ‘‘the results of engineering practice,
whether predictable or not, typically are widespread
and have ill-defined boundaries. A surgical proce-
dure or an hour with a psychiatrist is for a specific,
known individual.’’ (pp. 60–61) The process of
obtaining informed consent for an engineering
project from all concerned cannot even get started in
a proper way, since the persons whose consent
should be sought cannot be identified.
Long’s argument is equally applicable to other
situations in which the boundaries between affected
and unaffected persons are vague. Such vagueness is
characteristic of the contexts in which agreement or
acceptance is sought from a collective of affected
persons, including the two other such contexts that
were mentioned above, namely land use planning
and business management, Therefore, the consenter
identification problem is applicable to collective
arrangements in general.
In a reply to Long, Martin and Schinzinger (1983)
claimed that informed consent in engineering
projects can take place through vicarious decision-
making. They wrote:
‘‘Some members of the public have special inter-
ests or concerns (financial, social, environmental,
moral, or religious) that may not be shared by the
mainstream, such as the PG&E [Pacific Gas and
Electric Company] customer who does not want
to contribute to the buildup of nuclear wastes or
the patient who objects to blood transfusions. If
such minorities are adequately represented by
interest groups or government agencies that can
act as proxies, the engineer’s task is facilitated
greatly. Vicarious or substituted informed consent
can be obtained through interaction with the
proxies’’ (Schinzinger and Martin, 1983, p. 74).
Here, the term ‘‘informed consent’’ is applied to
procedures that are radically different from those that
this term refers to in research ethics. In the latter
context, each individual research subject has to be
adequately informed and to consent individually.
The Helsinki declaration makes an exception only
for ‘‘a research subject who is legally incompetent,
physically or mentally incapable of giving consent or
is a legally incompetent minor.’’ Research can be
performed on such subjects only if this is necessary to
promote the health of their own group. In these
cases, informed consent must be obtained from each
person’s legally authorized representative, and in
addition assent must be obtained from the subject
her- or himself whenever this is possible.
The whole point of the new medical research
ethics, as expressed in the Helsinki declaration, was
to protect each individual research subject and to
ensure that her participation was the outcome of her
own autonomous and well-informed decision. A
system, like that proposed by Martin and Schinzin-
ger, in which a government agency can act as a
proxy for a minority group, and give consent on
their behalf, is the very antonym of what the
informed consent concept was intended to achieve.
Therefore, such usage of the term should be resisted.
In the proper sense of the term, informed consent is
not obtainable from the large and vaguely defined
groups that are involved in collective arrangements
such as those in engineering, planning and business.
It is worth noting that informed consent from all
affected persons is in fact neither sought nor
achievable in medical ethics either. The family of a
patient or a research subject are certainly concerned
by what is going on, but informed consent is only
required from the patients and research subjects
themselves. Similar restrictions are of course possible
in the other areas; hence it would be possible to
apply an informed consent procedure in land use
planning only to those who may have to leave their
homes as a consequence of the plans under discus-
sion. However, such limited procedures do not seem
to correspond to the goals of the scholars and
activists who have proposed extended applications of
informed consent. They want to find ways to deal
Informed consent out of context 151
with the worries of all those concerned, not only
those most concerned or those with a legal right in
the matter.
The second practical problem can be called the
veto power problem. As was pointed out by Fotion
(1987) in the land use context, consent is a veto
power concept. If the informed consent of everyone
affected were required before a road could be built,
then not many roads would be built. Similar argu-
ments apply to business decisions and decisions on
engineering projects. (Hansson, 2003) It is charac-
teristic of situations with collective arrangements
that the number of affected persons is so large that a
decision rule requiring unanimity would make it
extremely difficult to move forward in any direction.
Therefore, the veto power problem applies to col-
lective arrangements in general.
It might be tempting to try to solve this problem
by redefining informed consent as something like
majority consent. However, as was also noted by
Fotion, it is far from clear why we should then not
instead use more well-established terms such as
democracy or majority decision. Furthermore, one
of the major roles of informed consent in post-
Nuremberg medical research ethics is to ensure that
the rights of individual research subjects are not
subdued under group interests or group decisions.
Therefore, it is inappropriate to use the term
‘‘informed consent’’ for procedures that leave
individuals without the right to opt out.
Consent or full participation in
decision-making?
The criticism against extending informed consent to
collective arrangements that was developed in the
previous section concerns its practicability, not its
status as a normative ideal. This criticism is compat-
ible with the standpoint that informed consent is an
unattainable but nevertheless perfect ideal, and that
we should therefore adopt a procedure that comes as
close to it as possible. In this section I will show that
informed consent is not a tenable ideal for collective
arrangements even in this weakened sense. The
argument is based on a fundamental limitation of
informed consent: It only refers to the final stage of a
decision process in which the options have been se-
lected and what remains is to choose between them.
An excellent account of the stages of a decision
process was provided by Condorcet in his motiva-
tion for the French constitution of 1793. Condorcet
divided decision processes into three stages. In the
first stage, one ‘‘discusses the principles that will
serve as the basis for decision in a general issue; one
examines the various aspects of this issue and the
consequences of different ways to make the deci-
sion.’’ At this stage, the opinions are personal, and
no attempts are made to form a majority. After this
follows a second discussion in which ‘‘the question is
clarified, opinions approach and combine with each
other to a small number of more general opinions.’’
In this way the decision is reduced to a choice
between a manageable set of alternatives. The third
stage consists of the actual choice between these
alternatives (Condorcet, [1793] 1847, pp. 342–343).
Condorcet’s account of the stages in a decision
process has been virtually forgotten, and it does not
seem to have been referred to in modern decision
theory. However, it is an insightful theory. In par-
ticular, it is unfortunate that his distinction between
the first and second discussions has been lost in later
accounts of decision processes. From the viewpoint
of democratic theory, it is important to observe that
in democratic decision-making, all three stages
should be democratic. Popular voting over decision
alternatives developed by an elite does not constitute
a full democracy.
As already indicated, the notion of informed
consent refers only to the last of the three decision
stages. The potential research subject in a medical
experiment does not take part in the development
of the experimental procedure. He or she only
decides whether or not to be a subject in an
experiment developed by others. Similarly, a pa-
tient giving informed consent to a surgical opera-
tion makes a choice between the therapy options
proposed by medical professionals. In these cases,
the restriction of the person’s involvement to the
third and last stage of the decision does not seem to
be inappropriate. It would not be realistic for pa-
tients to take part in the preliminary discussions in
which the treatment alternatives are developed.
Against this background, the application of in-
formed consent in medicine can be seen as a way to
ensure a high quality of the third step when par-
ticipation in steps 1 and 2 is undesirable or
impossible to achieve.
152 Sven Ove Hansson
This feature of the term ‘‘informed consent’’ is
corroborated by the observation that we tend to
use it only when referring to persons with little or
no influence over what alternatives they can choose
between. Consider the case of a rich investor who
orders an investigation of several investment alter-
natives, carefully studies the experts’ advice and
then authorizes them to implement one of these
alternatives. It would be strange to say that he has
given informed consent to how his money is used.
True, he is well-informed and he has consented,
but he has also done much more, namely had a
decisive influence over the whole decision-making
process. The term informed consent would be
more appropriate in the case of a small saver
who authorizes a bank official to do as the latter
proposes.
From a democratic point of view, the aims of
public participation in engineering, planning, or
business decisions refer to the decision process as a
whole, not just to its last stage. If we want for
instance traffic planning to be democratic, the
influence of citizens should not be restricted to a
choice whether or not to consent to a proposal
developed by professionals. The public should have
the opportunity to take active part in the whole
decision-making process. This includes the first
open-ended discussion in which means and ends,
advantages and disadvantages of different solutions
are discussed. It also includes the second stage, in
which major alternatives for the future decision are
formed, in part through a process of coalition
formation. If citizens do not enter the process until
its third and last stage, no amount of quality at this
stage can compensate for their lack of influence at
the earlier stages.
Some proponents of the extended uses of
informed consent seem to be less concerned with
involving citizens in the full process of decision-
making than with obtaining a carte blanche from the
public for projects and proposals developed by an
elite. Hence John Simmons wrote:
‘‘Community groups have in recent years success-
fully used zoning and other local regulations, as
well as physical opposition (e.g., in the form of
sitdowns or sabotage), to stall or defeat locally
unacceptable land uses. In the face of such resis-
tance, it is desirable (and sometimes even neces-
sary) to draw forth the consent of such groups to
proposed land uses.’’ (Simmons, 1987, p. 6)
In a democratic society, it is not sufficient to find
ways to ‘‘draw forth’’ acceptance of the ready-made
plans and proposals of an elite. Instead, public par-
ticipation on equal terms should be sought in all
phases of decision-making. Attempts to apply the
notion of informed consent to collective decision-
making are counterproductive from this point of
view.
Individual arrangements
The argumentation in the two previous sections
refers to the application of informed consent to sit-
uations involving collective interests and collective
decision-making. It is much more sensible to extend
its uses from the traditional areas to new areas in
which agreements with individual persons are at
focus. There are at least two such areas in business
ethics, namely a company’s relations with its cus-
tomers and with its employees (Fisher, 2001).
It is generally recognized that the seller of a
product or service has an obligation to provide the
prospective buyer with correct and reasonably
complete information about the product, including
information about its shortcomings. Without this
information, the buyer cannot make an informed
decision on whether or not to buy. This duty to
inform is not unlike the physician’s duty to inform
about side-effects of a treatment and about alterna-
tive treatment options. The seller also has an obli-
gation to refrain from using manipulative techniques
that would endanger the buyer’s ability to make a
well-considered, autonomous decision. The physi-
cian has a corresponding obligation. In addition, the
physician has a more far-reaching obligation, not
shared by the seller, namely to make sure as far as
possible that the consent obtained from the patient is
autonomous also in relation to third parties such as
family members. (Another important difference is
that in addition to the requirements of informed
consent, the physician is required to only offer
treatments that are in the patient’s best interest.)
A company recruiting new employees typically
has information about the position that the
prospective employee does not have, including
Informed consent out of context 153
information about occupational health and safety. A
strong case can be made that the company has a
moral obligation to provide the job applicant with
full and truthful information so that she can make a
well-informed decision on whether or not to accept
a job offer. There is an obvious analogy between
information about occupational risks and about the
risks associated for instance with participation in a
medical experiment. However, there are also
important differences. In particular, standard
research ethics does not allow agreements in which
an experimental subject is paid to accept risk-taking
she would otherwise not accept (Grunberg and
Cefalu, 2003). This principle cannot easily be
transferred to the employment context.
Hence, both in the selling and the employment
case a weakened form of the informed consent cri-
terion can be used to describe dealings that a com-
pany has with individual persons. This is a much
more promising extension of the use of this notion
than the attempted extensions to collective
arrangements for which it is not suitable.
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Department of Philosophy and the History of Technology
Royal Institute of Technology
Teknikringen 78,
100 44, Stockholm,
Sweden
E-mail: [email protected]
154 Sven Ove Hansson