INTERNATIONAL Domino Effect - SOUTHASIAsouthasia.com.pk/Images/archives/2012/sa-january-2012.pdf · INTERNATIONAL Domino Effect January 2012 ... Published since 1977 as Thirdworld,

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INTERNATIONALDomino Effect

Janu

ary

2012

Australia A$ 6Bangladesh Taka 65Bhutan NU 45Burma KK a10Canada C$ 6China RMB 30

France Fr 30Hong Kong HK$ 30India Rs. 65Japan ¥ 500Korea Won 3000Malaysia RM 6

Maldives Rf 45Nepal NcRs. 75New Zealand NZ$ 7Pakistan Rs. 100Philippines P 75Saudi Arabia SR 15

Singapore S$ 8Sri Lanka Rs. 100Thailand B 100UAE AED 10UK £ 3USA $ 4.99

PAKISTANPakistan in 2012

INDIAThe Reluctant Heir Apparent

AFGHANISTANBoycotting the Future

BANGLADESH Still Far to Go

NEIGHBORReason to Fret?

INSIDE:

Pak-Iran Gas Pipeline

The lack of a U.S stamp of approval on the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline can

have calculated consequences. Is the project in the interests of both

countries and the region at large?

The lack of a U.S stamp of approval on the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline can

have calculated consequences. Is the project in the interests of both

countries and the region at large?

REGULAR FEATURESEditor’s Mail 8On Record 10Briefing 11COVER STORYHolding GroundStandingStrong 15New Economic Allies? 17 The New Great Game 19An Obstacle-Infested Pipeline 21Comments 24REGIONPakistanPakistan in 2012 26IndiaThe Reluctant Heir Apparent 30AfghanistanBoycottingtheFuture 32BangladeshStillFartoGo 34MaldivesA New Arena 36NEIGHBORChina & MyanmarReasontoFret? 38INTERNATIONALThe Arab SpringDomino Effect 40SHRINES & VIOLENCEAgainsttheState 43GLOBAL ECONOMIC DYNAMICSParadigmShifts 45PEACE & REHABILITATIONASluggishPeaceProcess 47D????????????????????????? 48CULTURE & HERITAGEBelittlingthePast 50GLOBALIZATION & CULTUREWeavingaBetterFuture 52BOOK REVIEWSRedefiningWomen’sRoles 54 ExploringMuslimSocietyinPakistan 56THE LAST STOPPuttingOneselfintheOther’sShoes 58

COVER STORY

PAKISTAN

INDIA

AFGHANISTAN 32

30

26

15

Our cover story this month attempts toinvestigatetheIran-PakistanGasPipeline

projectandexploreitsdrawbacksandbenefitsforkeyplayersintheSouthAsianregion.

What does 2012 hold for Pakistan’s future?

RahulGandhicouldbeIndia’sstrongestwildcard.

The absence of Pakistan and the Taliban at the Bonn Conference has the potential tocrippleAfghanistan’sfuture.

ContentsBig Mistake?

PEACE & REHABILITATION

SHRINES & VIOLENCE

INTERNATIONAL

NEIGHBOR

BANGLADESH 34

38

40

43

47

InspiredbyIndia,BangladeshpreparestoleadSouthAsiaintoaneweraofglobaltechnology.

Myanmar must tread carefully as it leanstowardstheU.Sandmoves

furtherawayfromChina.

WilltheArabSpringevercometoSouth Asia?

ReligiousshrinesarebeingincreasinglytargetedinAfghanistanandPakistan.

Nepal faces a crisis as it contemplates integratingMaoistfightersintoitsnationalarmy.

7SOUTHASIA

Then there werejb the . u

January 2012

Stories of corruption in South Asia make world news, especially when or-ganizations like Transparency International release their surveys and the over-enthusiastic news media have a field day reporting these stories. Ac-

cording to the latest figures released by TI as part of its report, titled “Daily Lives and Corruption, Public Opinion in South Asia,” 7,500 people were surveyed be-tween 2010 and 2011 in Bangladesh, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, on the frequency of bribes in these countries. According to the findings, in India some 54% of the respondents said they have paid a bribe. It was 66%, or two out of every three people, in Bangladesh, 50% in Pakistan, 32% in Nepal, 32% in Sri Lanka and 5% in the Maldives. Bangladesh has thus emerged as the most corrupt country in the region. The study also found that most people in South Asia think corruption is on the rise, with 62% of those interviewed saying they believe corruption has become worse in the past three years.

It is true that bribery has become a key part of the lives of people all across South Asia. Generally speaking, political parties and the police have been found to be the most corrupt institutions in the region, followed closely by legislatures and public officials. According to TI`s national corruption perception survey 2011 for Pakistan, land administration and police were the two most corrupt sectors while education and military were the least corrupt.

There is no doubt that corruption has acquired colossal proportions over the years, leading to the realization among the majority of the people that while their respective governments, bureaucracies and public and private sector enterprise are the main players in the spread of corruption and sleaze, it is the masses who must stand up and fight this menace. Strong voices have been raised against corruption across South Asia as the main cause for all the ills. However, both as a part of the agenda of various public interest movements as well as a populist slogan of politicians in the heat of their election campaigns, nothing has ever emerged as a concrete measure to combat corruption. There is, however, one ex-ception: the path paved by the veteran anti-corruption campaigner Anna Hazare in India. He continues to wage a peaceful, non-violent movement against cor-ruption that has generated tremendous support from the people.

With the state of corruption in South Asia being at its dismal worst, perhaps it would make a difference if there were more Anna Hazares around, leading similar movements. It also needs to be emphasized however, that the issue of corruption is very much inter-related with other global issues. On the interna-tional level, the prevalent economic system needs to be scrutinized more closely as it has laid the roots of corruption and this directly and indirectly impacts people around the world. It is only when the people’s effective participation and representation in society is prevented from being undermined that the cur-rently prevalent levels of corruption will recede. u

COMMENT

Combating CorruptionPRESIDENT & EDITOR IN CHIEF

Syed Jawaid Iqbal

MANAGING EDITORZeba Jawaid

ASSISTANT EDITORArsla Jawaid

CONTRIBUTING EDITORS. G. Jilanee

CONTRIBUTORSAnees Jillani

Aminul Islam SajibAyesha MalikAyla Joseph

Daud KhattakGeoffrey Cook

S. M. HaliHuzaima BukhariDr. Ikramul Haq

S.G. JilaneeKinza Mujeeb

Mohiuddin AazimSyed Moazzam HashmiDr. Omar Farooq Khan

Semu BhattShahzeb Najam

Sidra RizviSijal Fawad

Sonia Jawaid Shaikh

GRAPHICS & LAYOUT Mohammad Saleem

ADVERTISINGAqam-ud-Din Khan

EDITORIAL & BUSINESS OFFICE20-C, Lane 12, off Khayaban-e-Ittehad,

Phase II Extension, DHA, Karachi - 75500, Pakistan

Phones: 92-21- 35313821-24Fax: 92-21-35313832

Website: www.saglobalaffairs.comEmail: [email protected]

SouthAsia is published every monthby Syed Jawaid Iqbal for and on behalf of

JAWZ Communications (Pvt.) Ltd.and printed by Shabbir Packages, Karachi.

Views expressed by the contributors are not necessarily shared by the editors.

Published since 1977 as Thirdworld, the magazine was re-launched in 1997 as SouthAsia.

SOUTHASIAThe Regional Political & Economic Review

Vol. 16 January ‘12 No. ‘1

Syed Jawaid Iqbal

SOUTHASIA8 January 2012

Editor's Mail

Futile EffortsI thoroughly enjoyed

reading your cover story on trade within the SAARC region. Though it was en-lightening to get a balanced viewpoint put forth by dif-ferent arguments, trade in SAARC will always remain at a dismal level. Unfortu-nately, the two big players,

India and Pakistan, who essentially hold the future of the entire region in their hands, will never look be-yond their political hostili-ties and it is unlikely that the two will be able to conduct free trade before resolving outstanding issues, such as Kashmir or domestic mar-ket encroachment. Pakistan granting India a symbolic MFN status means little, even though the matter has been deemed as a break-through in relations. The process remains incomplete and it is uncertain whether the status will be accorded by October 2012. It will be critical to see if Pakistan moves beyond an ‘all talk, no action’ stance and con-ducts trade with India. On the other hand, even though India had granted the MFN status to Pakistan

in 1996, Pakistan exports lie at a mere $287 million com-pared with the $1.5 billion Indian exports to Pakistan. While it may be a step in the right direction for South Asia, it may be too early to celebrate just yet.

Ahmed KapadiaKarachi, Pakistan

(2) Inter-SAARC trade has never been more crucial. With the global economy in shambles, regional trade should take precedence. India, one of the world’s greatest emerging markets, can lead the trend. India already has free trading agreements with various South Asian countries, in-cluding Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Bhutan and Nepal. Since all countries lie in similar climates and spe-cialize in agricultural and primary goods, much can be gained by regional trade. It is imperative to set aside political rivalries for the sake of prosperity. While some view this as unattain-able, it must be remembered that the same model was adopted for the EU, which today is a conglomerate of countries engaged in eco-nomic cooperation, despite having fought a number of wars and still victim to un-resolved issues. Looking at the region as a whole, due to climate conditions, la-bor expertise and capital, each of the countries has a comparative advantage in the production of pri-mary and secondary goods. If an inter-SAARC trade agreement were drawn up keeping in mind a relevant

specialization area, the re-gion would immensely benefit, reduce production costs and become the hub of commercial activity. The potential in South Asia is unprecedented. It just re-mains to be tapped.

Aveenath KumarDelhi, India

Not What They Expected

Though the first wave of Egyptian elections have been conducted, uncer-tainty and apprehension still prevails. Your article on the Egyptian elections

described critically the role of the youth in not only overthrowing the Mubarak regime but also getting in-volved in the political pro-cess that was to follow. It is true, the fervor, dedication and patriotism of the Egyp-tian youth have become an example and motivation for young people across the globe. However, many across the world who were expecting a free, open and liberal Egypt may be in for a surprise. For a country that is unaware of demo-cratic processes and har-bors a number of Islamist groups, has in effect un-leashed Islamic parties on to the forefront. This is no more evident than the Mus-

lim Brotherhood comfort-ably leading the polls with the radical Salafist party coming in as a close second. The Egyptian coalition, an alliance of left and liberal parties, came in third place.

The highly-conservative Salafist party has asked for the strict implementation of Shariah and has called for turning Egypt into an Islamic state. Though the Muslim Brotherhood has been prompt to distance it-self from the Salafists, what is certain is that Islamist parties will dominate the parliament, which in the future might strike a hard blow to the brave efforts of the youth and western in-ternational support.

Tariq FatemiAlexandria, Egypt

Making New Friends

The recent visit of Hil-lary Clinton to Myanmar must have rung bells for China. China that was al-ready wary of Indian in-fluence in the country has stepped up its diplomacy with Myanmar. But public resentment against main-land China is very high and it is time that Myanmar looks beyond a sole friend-

ship and towards a more varied foreign policy ap-proach that encompasses a number of countries. China has been trying to build a

9SOUTHASIA January 2012

Editor's Mail

sphere of influence to con-tain the India threat that has now doubled, following US interests and statements of continued engagement in the Asia Pacific region. Chi-na that remains suspicious of Indian and US policies in the region will only try harder to pacify bilateral re-lations with Myanmar. This was no more evident when following Ms. Clinton’s visit, China publicly and grandly welcomed Myan-mar's visiting military chief, General Min Aung Hlaing.

China is in a weak posi-tion and Myanmar has at-tracted much global concern and involvement due to its political reforms. Though still under military rule, the country now has the oppor-tunity to flex some diplomat-ic muscles and build reliable alliances with the rest of the world. It must hold its fort and refrain from succumb-ing to Chinese influence.

Michael ZenkoSacramento, US

Breaking TaboosI was very happy to

read an article exploring South Asian attitudes to-wards HIV/AIDS. Unfor-tunately, in our society, the topic is treated as taboo and very few institutions work to break this barrier. The disease, if you will, gains immense attention but is severely frowned upon and few social mechanisms ex-

ist to address the problem or rehabilitate the victims. Very often, victims are os-tracized that only further adds to the paranoia and unjust treatment they are accorded. South Asian so-cieties are culturally and religiously very strong, re-enforce family values and place great emphasis on female morality. However,

HIV/AIDS remains one of the lead causes of death in the same region which is swamped with prostitution and sex trafficking. Reli-gious beliefs convince many to frown upon victims and attribute aversion. It was eye opening to discover in your featured article that many medical profession-als are also complicit in the activity when they know-ingly administer pre-used injections, fully aware of the risks. It is critical that our societies address this chal-lenge and rampant disease, which can only be cured through extensive aware-ness campaigns and respon-sible medical practices.

Mehr Karim,Colombo, Sri Lanka

Stateless for How Long?

The treatment of the Urdu speaking community at the hands of Bangladesh and Pakistan is disgraceful. It is a shame that this com-munity has still not been rehabilitated and has es-sentially lived in camps, for generations.

Both countries need to understand that children from refugee camps, are an asset waiting to be educated and can potentially contrib-ute to the Pakistan and Ban-gladesh economies - both of which remain dismal at this stage.

These children will grow up with a severe iden-tity crisis and will only be a drain on the economically active population of both countries. The poverty gap will widen and crime will skyrocket in countries that are both weak to control so-cial problems. A framework should specifically explore the resettlement of these ref-ugees and the rehabilitation

of the Urdu speaking com-munity. This should not be seen as a compromise, but rather an investment into the future.

Munawar HussainDhaka, Bangladesh

Write to SouthAsiaArticles and letters sent to us via email or by post should be in clear characters.

Where required, they will be edited for clarity and space. Email: [email protected] Website: www.saglobalaffairs.com

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On Record

“As a sovereign nation with a rich culture and proud history, Sri Lanka does not need external guidance to achieve reconciliation.” Gotabhaya Rajapaksa Defense Secretary of Sri Lanka

“China believes that Pakistan’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity should be respected and the [NATO airstrike on two Pakistani check posts] should be thoroughly investigated and be handled properly.”Hong LeiChinese Foreign Ministry Spokesman

“Mutual trust will diminish mistrust, political barriers and psychological distance, leading to economic progress and political stability in the region.”Rameshnath PandeyFormer Foreign Minister of Nepal

“The United States intends to stay the course with our friends in Afghanistan. We will be there with you as you make the hard decisions that are necessary for your future.”Hillary Clinton U.S. Secretary of State

“[China] wants to be on top, maybe not to dominate territory, but to have veto power over any of its neighbors’ policies it doesn’t like.”Shyam SaranFormer Foreign Secretary of India

“The main theme of our foreign policy is ‘friendship to all, malice to none.’ But we’ll never compromise with anyone on the question of national security and sovereignty.”Sheikh HasinaPrime Minister of Bangladesh

“Pakistan would have been a developed country if dictatorship had not disturbed it. South Asia is behind East Asia and within South Asia, Pakistan is a less developed country as compared to others.”Nawaz SharifFormer Prime Minister of Pakistan

“The success of our initiative [Climate Summit for a Living Himalayas] will not only have direct and immediate benefits for our own people, but we could be setting a worthy precedent for other countries that share similar conditions.” Lyonchhen Jigmi Y. Thinley Prime Minister of Bhutan

SOUTHASIA January 2012 11

BriefingPAKISTAN

Prime Minister Gilani recently held a meeting with Chinese State Councilor Dai Bingguo, during the lat-

ter’s visit to mark 60 years of diplomatic relations be-tween China and Pakistan. Dai noted the significant ef-

forts and sacrifices made by Pakistan in the campaign against interna-tional terrorism and reiterated China’s support and cooperation with Pakistan as it aims to install peace and stabil-ity in neighbor-ing Afghanistan.

Dai stated that China strongly supported and respected Pakistan’s national sovereignty, independence, stability, economic development, improving the life of its citi-zens, maintaining and creating a good external environ-ment and playing a greater and positive role in regional affairs.

The Chinese State Councilor reiterated his govern-ment’s dedication to a strategic partnership between Chi-na and Pakistan and called for enhanced cooperation in strategic communication and deepening practical coop-eration in all fields including infrastructure, agriculture reconstruction and energy, expanding people-to-people interaction through cultural exchanges and security co-operation.

Gilani described China as an all-weather friend and noted that mutual respect and cooperation with China was the cornerstone of Pakistan’s foreign policy. Prime Minister Gilani stated that both countries share a conver-gence of views on topics of bilateral, regional and inter-national issues and thanked China for its support during critical moments in Pakistan’s history.

Efforts to increase economic cooperation through in-vestments in railways and large- scale projects including hydropower stations were also discussed. The two over-looked a currency swap agreement between the Bank of China and the State Bank of Pakistan and a supplementa-ry agreement detailing a five-year development program on trade and economic cooperation between the govern-ments of the two countries. u

Time-tested Partnerships

Train to Progress

India’s Congress party, led by Prime Minister Manmo-han Singh, was forced to suspend its decision to open

up India’s $450 billion retail sector to global supermar-kets such as Walmart and Tesco. While some saw the Congress’s bowing to public discontent as a triumph of

Rejecting Global Greed

INDIA

AFGHANISTAN

Afghanistan has set up its first ever train station in the city of Mazar-e-Sharif. The northern city recently saw

its first train chugging into the newly built station follow-ing a 47-mile inaugural journey from the country’s border with Uzbekistan. Afghanistan’s industrial development has been victimized to the Great Game played out by Rus-

sia and Britain. Soviet invasion made the prospects bleak-er and the consequent civil war deteriorated the situation. The £110 million project, funded by the Asian Develop-ment Bank, will link Afghanistan’s rail system to Asia’s existing expansive network. The project has finally devel-oped a century after Afghanistan’s ruler, Abdur Rahman Khan, refused to join the rail age fearing that the system would be used by foreign invaders. The new railway sys-tem will allow Afghan traders and businessmen to export fruits, carpets, nuts and minerals to Asia and Europe and will also prevent breakdown of traffic at border crossings. The infrastructure is expected to provide a boost to Af-ghanistan’s struggling economy and GDP.

The completion of the project comes in the wake of Pakistan blocking its supply routes to 140,000 NATO-led troops. US military analysts have lauded the railway system and anticipate that it will alleviate the problems caused by the Pakistani blockade. u


Briefing

BANGLADESH

Berlin based, global anti-corruption watchdog, Trans-parency International, recently released its Corruption

Perception Index (CPI) 2011, which remarkably had all South Asian key players scor-ing highly on the list. In a ranking where countries score on a scale of 0 (highly corrupt)

SOUTHASIA

democracy, others have analyzed it as a further political weakening of the party that is already in trouble. Though the foreign ministry announced that the Retail Plan would be suspended till consultations with various stakeholders were complete, few believe that the plan will be revived.

Indian retailers who were to partner with foreign firms had seen their stocks rise, following the announcement

by Prime Minister Singh. However, the same stocks crashed as quickly as they rose. The idea of foreign firms retaining 51 percent of market share and 100 percent of sin-gle-brand retailers gave rise to public protests as many

felt this would encroach and destroy small to medium en-terprises, thus giving rise to massive unemployment and inflation. The government had initially supported foreign entrants into the market assuring local industry workers that foreign investment would be capped at $100 million and would be restricted to cities with a population of over 1 million, thereby guaranteeing security for small to me-dium enterprises. The government claimed that such mea-sures would attract much needed foreign investment and would in turn generate more than 10 million jobs.

Such defenses fell on deaf ears and popular sentiment furthered by opposition party – BJP – succeeded in halt-ing the plan. Economic analysts have labeled this move as disastrous and regressive for an economy like India’s that can benefit largely from reforms such as this. u

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina established the war crimes tribunal after she returned to power in 2009.

The government claims that more than 3000 people were killed during the 1971 war, murdered by many who col-laborated with the Pakistan army. While the system aims to provide justice and try those accused of crimes against humanity, genocide, and war crimes, Human Rights Watch states that the Tribunal’s legal procedures are not in line with international standards. Experts have warned the Bangladesh government to adhere to global bench-marks in order to conduct an inquiry into such a sensitive and charged matter.

U.S. Ambassador-at-large for War Crimes Issues, Stephen Rapp, recently visited Bangladesh and stated three critical actions that needed to be taken before any trial could take place. Rapp mentioned that the govern-ment would have to describe ‘crimes against humanity’ in their own perspective and it would have to accord the same rights to the accused as it would to any other Ban-

Reclaiming Justice

A New Low

to 10 (very clean), any score under 5 signifies that corrup-tion is all-pervasive in that economy.

This year, Afghanistan (no. 180) took the top slot as not only the most corrupt country in South Asia but also one of the most corrupt countries in the world, rubbing shoulder with Somalia and North Korea and tying with Myanmar. Nepal, deemed the second most corrupt country in South Asia (no. 154) fell from last year’s ranking where it stood at 146. Pakistan and Maldives shared the 134th position and India and Sri Lanka placed at 95 and 86, respectively. Ban-gladesh took the 120th position.

The CPI is calculated taking into account expert assess-ment and data from six international surveys commissioned by six independent institutions. These surveys cover and explore issues such as access to information, bribery of pub-lic officials, kickbacks in public procurement, enforcement of anti-corruption laws and their outcomes, action against the corrupt, political corruption and bribery in export and import of goods. u

Briefing


Nepal and In-dia recently

reviewed joint plans for a Rs. 100 crore pipeline proj-ect that will supply petroleum products from Raxaul, Bihar to Amlekhgunj in Nepal. The project, proposed in 2009, was to initially cost Rs 84 crore but with inflation is estimated at Rs 100 crore today. The two coun-tries were represented by India’s Commerce Secretary, Rahul Khullar, leading a 16 member team and his Nep-alese counterpart Purushottam Ojha, leading a 15 mem-ber Nepalese delegation. The two sides met for a two-day long discussion in New Delhi.

The pipeline is expected to drastically reduce transpor-tation costs, by up to 40 percent and boost bilateral trade. India is Nepal’s largest trading partner with trade standing at USD 2.7 billion in 2010-2011. Land locked Nepal faces se-vere fuel shortage and is very eager to see the project suc-ceed. The country has sought increased investment from India but much needs to be achieved in terms of resources and funds before the project can realistically start.

Apart from discussing the gas pipeline, the delegates also signed an agreement enhancing bilateral trade and investment in various infrastructure projects. India was keen to show its commitment and invest in hydel power generation. The opening of Vishakapatnam Port and sim-plifying procedures at the Kolkata port for Nepali traders by abolishing the Duty Refund Procedure (DRP) were also discussed during the meeting. u

Improving Infrastructure

The Maldives has been admitted to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), thereby raising

the total number of member countries to 146 spanning all global regions. The IOM, established in 1951 as an inter-governmental organization, supports orderly manage-ment, international cooperation, practical solutions and humanitarian assistance among countries addressing mi-grant issues, with a particular focus on countries dealing

NEPAL

MALDIVES

Combating Human Trafficking

In efforts to further its post-war socioeconomic development,

the Ministry of Technology and Research brought together local and expat Sri Lankan scientists at an international forum. The forum titled ‘The Global Forum of Sri Lankan Scientists’ was or-ganized by the National Science Foundation in collaboration with UNESCO and was held in Colombo. The three-day forum, exploring the theme “Empowering Sri Lanka through networking and knowl-edge sharing,” drew more than 100 local scientists and ex-perts and 50 Sri Lankan expatriate scientists.

The forum discussed scientific and economic empow-erment and explored themes of national interest that in-cluded different sectors of energy, health care, agriculture, tourism, consumer goods and promoting exports. Hoping to contribute to national development, the scientists also collaborated in scientific areas such as Nanotechnology, Biotechnology and Green Technology, amongst others.

Sri Lankan expats have played an integral role in the rebuilding of their society and have positively represent-ed the country in the international media. Following the three-decade long civil war that ended in 2009, the Sri Lankan government has invested over 6 billion rupees in massive infrastructure programs and aims to maintain its growth above 8 percent in 2012. However, only 1.5 per-cent of Sri Lanka’s manufactured exports are based on advanced technology. Additionally, due to rising poverty, low income and lack of resources in Sri Lanka, thousands of scientists and academics prefer to migrate in efforts of finding better opportunities.

The government launched this initiative to gain the knowledge of renowned Sri Lankan scientists who have left the country. u

Expat ScientistsSRI LANKA

gladeshi citizen. The accused should have a legal counsel, time to prepare his defense and the option of challenging the legality of the process. Furthermore, a witness protec-tion system must be developed and the trial should be broadcast to the public, highlighting key testimonies, ar-guments and verdicts.

Though the first trial is underway, international hu-man rights bodies are not convinced the system is up to the mark and have termed the system itself a violation of justice and human rights. The government has decided to continue with the process. u

Briefing


Prime Minister of Bhutan, Jigme Y. Thinley recently de-livered the fourth Professor Hiren Mukerjee Memo-

rial annual parliamentary lecture, at the Central Hall of the Indian Parliament House, on “Gross National Happi-ness: A Holistic Paradigm for Sustainable Development.” Speaking on the occasion, the Bhutanese premier lauded India’s economic developments and claimed that Bhutan

was making notable advancements due to India’s support and assistance. He mentioned that local initiatives were futile without global encouragement and declared sup-port for India’s bid for a permanent seat at the UNSC so it could provide leadership and guidance to the South Asian region. The Prime Minister also welcomed India’s active participation in G-20, Brics and Asean consultations and claimed that India “must assume the burden of taking the centre stage in global decision making processes and fora with clarity of vision.”

India represents the world’s largest democracy and is a rapidly expanding economy. Bhutan and India have collaborated on a number of projects. Touching upon the inability and flaws in the global economic system and ad-vocating for peace in South Asia, Thinley urged India to cooperate with other SAARC nations and create a suitable atmosphere for economic development in terms of trade and investment flows. u

PAKISTAN

Pakistan and India recently concluded the sixth level of bilateral talks focusing on ‘Reducing the Risk from

Accidents Relating to Nuclear Weapons,’ for the next five years. The expert-led talks served as the first round of the Joint Working Group of South Asia, re-vived during the SAARC summit two months ago in the Maldives.

The delegations discussed Con-fidence Building Measures (CBMs) relating to their re-spective nuclear weapons and also agreed to cooperate on further CBMs. During the talks, both sides discussed the possibility of mutually expanding the agreement on advance notifica-tion of ballistic missiles. The two nuclear armed countries, key players in the South Asian region, also discussed measures to avoid a Fukushima-like crisis that recently

Confidence Building Measures

occurred in Japan.Apart from reaching an agreement on nuclear assets,

redeployment of heavy machinery on the LoC, prevention of incidents at sea and the return of citizens who inadver-tently cross the border were also discussed. uBHUTAN

Re-affirming Support

with refugees and internally displaced people. In 2010, the Maldives saw a steep rise in human traf-

ficking, which became the second largest contributor of foreign currency to the Maldives, standing at US$123 mil-lion. Close to 308 cases of expats leaving their sponsors were reported and more than 4000 passports belonging to illegal workers were found.

The inclusion of the Mal-dives in a regulatory body such as the IOM is expected to provide some security to migrant workers and im-prove their welfare and life-style. The IOM also hosted a workshop in the Maldives titled, ‘Integrated Approach to Combating Trafficking in Persons,’ which was aimed at training police officers to combat human trafficking. The Maldives despite being a Small Island Developing State attracts immense tourism and serves as a breeding ground for South Asian economic migrants, who currently consti-tute one quarter of the total population. u


Cover StoryHOLDING GROUND

By S.G. Jilanee

The Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline is a dream project that is expected to revolutionize Pakistan’s industrial sector, but it needs to be protected from the evil eye.

Pakistan faces an acute crunch in the power sector, both in elec-tricity and gas. Endeavors to

meet electricity needs through rental power projects have been unsuccess-ful due to various factors, including corruption.

Gas is another energy source. Pak-istan’s own supplies from the Sui gas field fall considerably short of the re-quirement. Majority industries in the country therefore, face three to four day gas outages a week. Consequent-ly, many have shut down businesses, because export orders cannot be met. According to reliable data, around 321 industrial units have been shut down in Balochistan and Khyber-Pakhtunkh-wa during fiscal 2010. The country’s fertiliz-er industry is also fac-ing an acute shortage of gas, which results in increased imports of Urea. This has an adverse impact both on the economy be-cause it costs the gov-ernment billions in the form of subsidy on imports and the agriculture sector as a whole.

Pakistan has therefore been explor-ing ways to import gas. One source of supply is Iran; the other is Tajikistan. The idea for a gas pipeline from Iran was conceptualized in the early 1990s. Negotiations started in 1994. The Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline would be a di-rect pipeline without having to pass through any other country.

Originally, the plan was for de-veloping an Iran-Pakistan-India pipe-line, known as the Peace Pipeline, but India promptly withdrew after sign-ing the deal with the US for civil nu-clear power.

However, on 16 March 2010 Iran

and Pakistan signed an agreement on the pipeline, in Ankara. The total length of the pipeline will be approxi-mately 2,775 km, of which 1172 km will be in Iran and 1000 km in Paki-stan. The radius of the pipeline is 28 inches, making its diameter 56 inches and circumference approximately, 176 inches. Estimated to cost US $ 7.5 bil-lion, the pipeline will start from Asa-louyeh (South Pars gas field) and pass through Bandar-Abbas and Iranshahr till it reaches Khuzdar, Balochistan. At Khuzdar, a branch would extend to Karachi while the rest of the main pipeline would continue through Sui

to Multan. Pakistan is to lay

a 781 km pipeline in its territory and the project would be completed by De-cember 2014. The initial capacity of the pipeline will be 22 billion cubic me-ters of natural gas per annum, which is expected to later rise to 55 billion cubic meters. The pipeline aims to export 21.5 million cubic me-ters of Iranian natu-ral gas to Pakistan

Standing Strong

Iranian President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and his Pakistani counterpart, Asif Ali Zardari finalize the Iran–Pakistan gas pipeline project.


Cover Story

every day or 8.7 billion cubic meters per year.

To spite Iran, the United States asked Pakistan in January 2010, to abandon the project. In return it offered assistance for a liquefied natural gas terminal and promised to aid the import of electricity from Tajkistan through Afghanistan’s Wakhan Corridor.

Nonetheless, Pakistan finalized the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline deal in June 2010. And in July 2011, Iran an-nounced that it had completed con-struction of its section. Because now it is Pakistan’s turn to move ahead, the United States has once again become active and has put the spanner in the works with its old formula.

In November, US Ambassador to Pakistan Cameron Munter, in a state-ment to Press TV, repeated the old re-frain, saying, “Pak-Iran gas pipeline is not a good idea….However, the plan to get gas from Turkmenistan is a bet-ter idea.”

In a riposte to this uncalled for meddling, Pakistan’s Information Minister Firdous Ashiq Awan said on Friday 26 November that Islam-abad will not accept any dictation re-garding its internal affairs from any foreign country, adding that export-ing gas from Iran is in the country’s best interest.

The pipeline project promises to pull Pakistan out of the current en-ergy quagmire. And while it is clear that it alone cannot act as our savior and we would have to explore our reserves as well, there is no question that it would go a long way to relieve the current energy crunch.

The government is already bear-ing Rs43 billion as the cost of subsidy on imported urea and this is expected to go up to Rs125 billion over the next two years if local gas supply is not en-hanced or an alternate is not found. The government will also save on im-ports of furnace oil, which is currently

being used in increased quantities to fuel power generation because of the shortage of gas.

US opposition to the pipeline is simply out of spite for Iran. It has al-ready imposed various sanctions on Iran both directly and through the UN. It has tried to line up the Arab States in the Gulf as well as Saudi Ara-bia against Iran. It has been rattling sabers and even threatening to attack Iran, either directly or through its pro-tégé, Israel. Opposition to the pipeline is just another attempt to “strangu-late” Iran’s economy.

Pakistan government’s stand is therefore quite laudable. The coun-try, instead of being led by the USA,

should demonstrate that it is capa-ble of standing on its own two feet and independently decide what is a “good idea” or a bad idea, instead of being lectured by people from the other side of the world. Nonetheless, standing up to the US would require nerves of steel. And only time will tell how far our government can with-stand the pressure.

But American opposition is only a part, and perhaps a minor part, of the problem in the way of the project being successful. The major part is the risk to the security of the pipeline as it

passes through Balochistan. The prov-ince is in a state of simmering insur-gency. Every so often, rebels blow up the Sui gas pipeline and commit other acts of sabotage in addition to bomb explosions and violent attacks on se-curity personnel.

Others who may try to sabotage the project include Jundullah, which has carried out a number of bloody at-tacks on Iran’s military in neighboring Siestan and Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, which is another sworn enemy of Iran and involved in target killings of Hazaras in the province.

The Balochistan Chief Minister Nawab Mohammad Aslam Raisani, though, has been upbeat about the

project. He recently announced that his government has agreed to give land for the project. The land to be al-located is in the districts of Gwadar and Lasbella.

It is difficult to predict the po-litical repercussions of the pipelines’ development. However, the situ-ation would crystallize only after Pakistan has started work on the pipeline. u

The writer is a senior political analyst and former editor of SouthAsia Magazine.

US Ambassador to Pakistan Cameron Munter, in

a statement to Press TV, repeated the old refrain,

saying, “Pak-Iran gas pipeline is not a good idea….However, the plan to get gas

from Turkmenistan is a better idea.”


An energy crisis continues to hinder economic prog-ress in Pakistan. In the

scorching summers, available elec-tricity meets only 60 per cent of the country’s needs and in the chilling winters, the same becomes true for gas supply.

Lack of domestic and foreign funding in energy infrastructure over the years has created a pre-carious situation and has left us with few options to overcome it.

Pakistan has seen fiscal constraints paralyze the country due to its engagement in the war-on-terror. Sheer mismanagement of pub-lic sector funding in huge energy projects has dealt a severe blow to an already struggling industry. Foreign funds are also difficult to secure under present circumstanc-es - especially large amounts that are required for gigantic energy supply projects.

The Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline

is an answer to the problem. How-ever, initially a part of the project, India is so far out of the loop, with only Pakistan and Iran proceeding ahead with the proposal to lay a gas pipeline between the two countries.

By Mohiuddin Aazim

The successful completion of the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline project could trigger future areas of cooperation between regional countries.

New Economic Allies?

Cover StoryHOLDING GROUND

Cover Story


Petroleum Minister, Dr. Asim Hus-sain says that the survey for laying a gas pipeline on Pakistani soil has been completed and the country would soon begin the work.

Although the US is trying to dis-suade Pakistan from undertaking this project and is offering financial and technical help for an alternative Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Paki-stan and India (TAPI) gas pipeline project, Pakistani authorities seem to have decided to work on both the projects simultaneously.

As for the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline, the advantages are obvi-ous and are likely to come in much sooner than in the case of TAPI. Thousands of kilometres long, the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline will ben-efit Pakistan’s economy the moment the development of the pipeline starts: it would create thousands of jobs and prompt enhanced activity in land development, cement, con-struction and allied industries.

While the actual supply of gas from Iran to Pakistan would take a few years, it would be a secure and sustained source of energy supply, badly needed for moving the wheels of the energy sector in Pakistan.

The post-recession 2008-09 change in Pakistan’s direction of external trade is obvious. Paki-stan’s exports to emerging markets in Asia have grown rapidly over the last three years. Europe remains at the brink of a double-dip recession and America is still struggling to shrug off the ill effects of the finan-cial crisis-cum-recession of 2008-09. In such a scenario, Pakistan needs to maintain and sustain the current trends in its external trade. Iran be-ing a next-door neighbor is bound to emerge as an important trading partner for Pakistan in the years to come. Connecting the two countries with a gas pipeline would help both

in maintaining their look-toward-Asia policy in trading and invest-ment.

Iran is eager to go ahead with the proposed gas pipeline proj-ect as soon as possible because policy makers there know that in case they decide to build nuclear weapons, the country would attract much harsher sanctions from the West in particular and from the rest of the world in general. The country hopes that in that case, neighboring countries like Pakistan and Russia could be of some help in terms of keeping trade and investment flows open even if it means manipulating the sanctions.

For the Pakistani business com-munity, Iran is as important in trading and investment as is India. Pakistani businessmen know, how-ever, that developing normal trade and investment relations with India will take much longer than the time required to focus on the growth of a Pak-Iran business relationship.

“If the Pak-Iran gas pipeline be-comes a success the two countries can also think about a similar proj-ect in the oil sector. Iran being a big supplier of fuel oil would naturally be interested in exporting oil to Pak-istan either through a pipeline or in the beginning through oil tankers,” a senior official of the Ministry of Petroleum told SouthAsia.

More importantly, the gas pipe-line project can also mark the launch of an energy corridor in this part of Asia - similar to the one that is be-ing established in the Gulf region. “That explains why Pakistan is in-terested in both the Pak-Iran gas pipeline as well as TAPI.”

While Pakistan’s external trade flows have changed course follow-ing post-recession developments and have become more Asia-centric, the same may happen to foreign investment if the Eurozone experi-

ences a double-dip recession and if America remains entangled with its complex financial sector problems and fiscal woes.

“Countries like China, India, Russia, Turkey, Iran, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Hong Kong, Singapore and Thailand would be our major foreign investors in the future,” a senior official at the Board of In-vestment told SouthAsia. “Barring India (in which case inflow of in-vestment may take a longer time) all other countries have already en-tered into a number of investment deals with us. If the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline becomes a success story it would boost the confidence of Asian investors in Pakistan’s economy.” Malaysia has already offered to set up a 3000MW power plant in Iran to supply electricity to Pakistan.

Last but not the least, the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline project would have a very favorable impact on ru-ral development in both countries. Whenever a large project is set up, far from the cities, it generates a lot of activity not only before and dur-ing its completion but also after its successful commissioning. Larger benefits would accrue when private investors of both countries, embold-ened by this project, would think of entering into a number of joint ven-tures. From oil refining, mineral ex-traction and precious stone cutting to cement production, livestock rearing, agricultural development, food processing, carpet weaving, shipping, ports and light to heavy engineering; there is a long list of sectors wherein the two countries could share their expertise with each other and come up with mutu-ally beneficial ventures. u

The writer is a Karachi-based political and economic analyst who writes for national and regional publications.


A statement by US Ambassa-dor to Pakistan at the Lahore University of Management

Sciences (LUMS) on November 25, 2011 that “Pak-Iran gas pipeline is not a good idea….however, the plan to get gas from Turkmenistan is a better idea,” was not a mere re-iteration of the economic interests of the United States and its allies. The statement, in effect, has seri-ous political connotations that re-late to an area that has always been the battlefield of the Great Game. The Pakistan government reacted strongly against Cameron Munter’s statement, saying, “Islamabad will not accept any dictation regarding its internal affairs from any foreign

country. Gas from Iran is in the country’s best interest.”

After India’s pullout from the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline project (IP), following its civil nuclear deal with the US, both China and Russia have shown interest in the project. The Russian gas-export monopoly, Gazprom and China National Pe-troleum Corporation have prom-ised to help build the 780-kilometer pipeline. It is worrisome for the US and its allies that China and Russia are emerging as supporters of IP — their cooperation with Iran would certainly be harmful for American geopolitical interests in this region.

Pakistan Federal Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources,

Dr. Asim Hussain, in a TV interview in October 2011, said: “Our depen-dence on Pak-Iran pipeline is very high and there is no other substi-tute at present to meet the growing demand of energy.” This statement irritated the Unites States, which has been pleading the case for the Turkmenistan Gas project (TAPI) since the 1990s. TAPI was initially designed to provide Turkmen gas to Pakistan through Afghanistan. In April 2008, India was also in-vited to join. Pakistan’s cabinet gave approval to the Gas Pipeline Framework Agreement (GPFA) for TAPI in its meeting on October 27, 2010. On November 13, 2011, Paki-stan and Turkmenistan initiated the

The hidden agenda behind the War on Terror is securing control over oil and gas reserves. The Iran-Pakistan Gas Pipeline project has brought this fear to the forefront

and has heightened regional involvement.

By Huzaima Bukhari & Dr. Ikramul Haq

The New Great GameThe New Great Game

HOLDING GROUNDCover StoryCover Story

Cover Story


Gas Sales and Purchase Agreement (GSPA), which is likely to bring the multi-nation project into operation by 2016.

The US and its allies want Paki-stan to abdicate from IP and pursue TAPI. This is not only unacceptable to Pakistan but Iran, China and Russia have also expressed serious apprehensions about this project as the main financial control over Turkmenistan gas reserves lies with giant Western companies. Addi-tionally, its viability is doubtful as pipelines will pass through Taliban-controlled regions and Pakistan’s troubled border regions. The cost as compared to IP is also too high — Turkmenistan originally estimated the total cost at $3.3 billion but later raised it to $ 7.6 billion. Other esti-mates are as high as $10 billion.

Iran wants to diversify gas sales to Asian markets and Asian coun-tries. Tehran’s projection of IP as a peace pipeline has the support of Russia and China. While regional powers desire to find a stable, reli-able source of gas supplies, Ameri-ca and its allies want to destabilize the entire region using militancy as a tool of foreign policy. The tussle over IP and TAPI is therefore not a

mere economic battle but has far-reaching geopolitical dimensions. India’s betrayal under US pressure is a cause for concern for regional powers — China and Russia are

supporting Pakistan to withstand US pressure for non-participation in IP.

It is a matter of record that much before 9/11, the US and its NATO al-lies decided to invade Afghanistan. The decision to this effect was taken in Berlin during a joint meeting of the Council of Ministers in Novem-ber 2000. It exposes the claims of the US and coalition partners that 9/11 was the sole reason for invad-ing Afghanistan. The actual cause

was apprehensions regarding the Turkmenistan Gas Pipeline Project in which powerful corporate enti-ties had financial interests.

George Bush appointed former

aide to the American oil company UNOCAL, Afghan-born Zalmay Khalilzad, as special envoy to Af-

ghanistan nine days after the US-backed interim government of Hamid Karzai took office in Kabul. This appointment underscored the real economic and financial interests at stake in the US military interven-tion in Central Asia. Khalilzad was intimately involved in long-run-ning US efforts to obtain direct ac-cess to the oil and gas resources of the region, largely unexploited but believed to be the second largest in the world after the Persian Gulf.

As an advisor for UNOCAL, Khalilzad drew up a risk analysis of a proposed gas pipeline from the former Soviet Republic of Turkmen-istan across Afghanistan and Paki-stan to the Indian Ocean. He partic-ipated in talks between UNOCAL and Taliban officials in 1997, which was aimed at implementing a 1995 agreement to build the pipeline across western Afghanistan. UNO-CAL was the lead company in the formation of the CentGas consor-tium. The purpose was to bring nat-

It is worrisome for the US and its allies that

China and Russia are emerging as

supporters of IP—their cooperation with Iran

would certainly be harmful for American

geopolitical interests in this region.

21January 2012SOUTHASIA

ural gas from the Daulatabad Field in southeast Turkmenistan to the market. A 48-inch diameter pipeline from the Afghanistan-Turkmenistan border would pass near the cities of Herat and Kandahar and cross into Pakistan near Quetta before linking with existing pipelines at Multan. Turkmenistan is home to one of the world’s largest energy reserves. The project was eventually cancelled after UNOCAL withdrew from the consortium.

IP and TAPI are symbols of the New Great Game - the main goal of which is to gain control of oil and

gas reserves in the region. ‘’The hid-den stakes in the war against terror-ism can be summed up in a single word: oil/gas. The map of terrorist sanctuaries and targets in the Mid-dle East and Central Asia is also, to an extraordinary degree, a map of the world’s principal energy sourc-es in the 21st century. It is inevitable that the war against terrorism will be seen by many as a war on behalf of America’s Chevron, Exxon, and Arco; France’s TotalFinaElf; British Petroleum; Royal Dutch Shell and other multinational giants, which have hundreds of billions of dollars

of investment in the region.’’This is the ugly reality of the on-

going war over IP and TAPI. It un-veils the hidden agenda of the US and its allies to grab oil and gas re-sources for their economic interests, thus benefiting huge multinational corporations where the Western ruling elites have substantial inter-est. u

The writers, partners in the law firm Huzaima & Ikram (Taxand Pakistan), are Adjunct Professors at the Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS).

The IP gas pipeline project will immensely benefit both Iran and Pakistan. However, financial limitations, regional involvement and international pressures

are rapidly mounting.

An Obstacle-Infested Pipeline

HOLDING GROUND

Energy shortage, particularly due to a paucity of gas, has become a persistent menace

for Pakistan. Besides the terribly hit local industries, gas shortage is affecting even the common man’s life, with low gas pressure on stoves and room heaters, insufficient heat-ing in home geysers, CNG load-

shedding and much more.In a situation so dire, relevant

authorities have been struggling to find viable solutions, with the Iran-Pakistan (IP) gas pipeline deal emerging as a much-mooted option. Initially, the pipeline project includ-ed India – a 2700 km pipeline run-ning from Iran’s South Pars fields

in the Persian Gulf, going through Karachi and Multan in Pakistan, and finally to Delhi, India.

However, India withdrew from the project in 2009 on grounds of security and high gas pricing con-cerns. It was widely alleged that India’s withdrawal was prompted by US pressure to withdraw. India

By Sijal Fawad

Cover Story


Cover Story

had signed a civilian nuclear deal with the US the previous year only and it is believed that this deal pressured India to comply with American foreign policy goals. It is not that Pakistan was spared of US pressure; the White House pressed

both neighbors to refrain from sign-ing any deal with Iran due to sus-picions about the latter ’s nuclear project, which is suspected of aim-ing at building nuclear weapons.

However, Pakistan has appeared resolute about the $7.6 billion IP pipeline project – slated for com-pletion by 2014 – notwithstanding the disapproval of the superpower. The pipeline promises to supply

approximately 20 percent of Paki-stan’s gas demands that are antici-pated to be raised even further.

Iran, on the other hand will ben-efit by securing a sound source of revenue, especially since US-led economic sanctions on its exports

have dealt a hard blow to its econo-my. Iran has the second-largest gas reserves in the world and sustain-ability of supplies from the Mus-lim nation does not appear to be a tough task.

As for Pakistan, while this may sound like an ideal scenario for the energy-deprived country, there are more than just simple supply and demand dynamics influencing de-

cisions in this regard. As mentioned earlier, US hesitation regarding the project is key, especially consider-ing US influence over domestic policies in Pakistan. The main ob-jection of the superpower is Iran’s alleged involvement in the devel-

opment of nuclear weapons, and consequently, it wishes to avert any possible sources of revenues for the Muslim nation.

Linked closely with objections of the US are concerns of funding the project. Iran has constructed 900 km out of the 1100 km of the pipe-line in the country at a cost of $700 million, while the approximately 1000 km in Pakistan are yet to be


built. The pipeline itself is believed to cost the Pakistani government $1.2 billion and has become a cause for concern with local authorities.

The absence of US support means a key source of finances for Pakistan has been eliminated and even funding from US-backed insti-tutions such as the IMF and World Bank are not likely to materialize. There certainly is potential for rais-ing close to $300 million through a consortium of local banks, while local state-owned companies may provide as much as $200 million in equity.

But the real ray of hope has emerged from Pakistan’s influen-

tial neighbor, China, which has also shown interest in the gas pipeline deal, with hopes of the Asian giant assisting with a part of the financing for the project. Some Chinese com-panies have also been approached to help with the financing.

In fact, China’s growing clout in Pakistan is yet another bone of contention for the U.S. As for Iran, if China joins the project, and per-haps, if India shows renewed in-terest, Iran will be promised dip-

lomatic immunity from three key nations in Asia.

As an alternate to IP, the U.S has been touting another gas pipe-line deal known commonly as the TAPI pipeline project – Turkmeni-stan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India. As the name implies, the project is supposed to supply gas from Turkmenistan via Afghanistan to Pakistan and India, bypassing US adversary Iran.

However, the fact that TAPI will have to pass through war-torn Af-ghanistan, as well as Balochistan in Pakistan – a province known for frequent insurgencies and dubious security situation – diminish the

appeal of the project as an alter-nate. Besides, until the outcome of the US-Taliban war in Afghanistan is clear, the project’s implemen-tation is quite unlikely to see the light of day.

Adding to the list of TAPI’s shortcomings are speculations over Turkmenistan’s ability to provide the amount of gas committed for the project. “Given that Turkmeni-stan has signed agreements with both Iran and China to increase

existing supplies to these markets, and is also the largest supplier of natural gas to Russia’s Gazprom, questions have arisen over whether it will be able to meet its commit-ments for TAPI,” says an article in ‘The Diplomat’ – a Japan-based Asia-Pacific magazine.

All in all, despite Pakistan’s acute energy requirements, the IP deal is mired with significant geo-political as well as financial hurdles which could negatively impact the feasi-bility of the project. Going forward with the project despite the White House’s displeasure may have far-reaching and unpleasant conse-quences for Pakistan as the country has had to rely on the US for several economic, political and social pre-dicaments at home. Yet, given the concerns regarding the TAPI project, the U.S option does not offer a viable alternate or respite.

Even if Pakistan puts a strong foot down and goes ahead with the project, financing can be quite tricky for a fiscally constrained country. The only way the IP can potentially develop is through support from China and if the US is convinced about allowing the project, given Pakistan’s dire energy requirements. Otherwise, Pakistan may be better off explor-ing strategies other than pipeline projects. u

The writer is a Research Analyst at the Business Recorder and an external student of economics and finance at SOAS, University of London.

As for Iran, if China joins the project,

and perhaps, if India shows renewed

interest, Iran will be promised diplomatic

immunity from three key nations in Asia.

Cover Story

Cover Story


“This is a government-to-govern-ment thing. As far as the Pakistani industry is concerned, we are look-ing forward to getting this project completed as early as possible. It

will be in the interest of the industry and the trading community in Pakistan. It will benefit India, too. The earlier it is completed, the better it is. We are advo-cating our government to get it started as soon as possible. Every week, we issue a strong statement with regard to this gas pipeline project, because only this project can address our energy shortages.”

“The United States has remind-ed India about its concerns over Iran, as New Delhi prepares for talks on a $4 billion pipeline to bring Iranian gas to South Asia.”

“Pak-Iran gas pipeline is not a good idea…however, the plan to get gas from Turkmenistan is a better idea.”

“We are energy deficient and we are pro-actively pursuing access to gas which includes the Paki-stan-Iran gas pipeline.”

“We are seriously studying Pakistan’s proposal to par-ticipate in the IP gas pipeline project.”

“Our dependence on Pak-Iran pipeline is very high and there is no other substitute at present to meet the growing demand of energy.”

Irfan Qaiser SheikhPresident LCCI

Cameron MunterU.S Ambassador to Pakistan

Hina Rabbani KharPakistan Foreign Minister

Dr. Asim HussainPakistan Federal Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources

Yang JiechiFormer Chinese Foreign Minister

Mani Shankar AiyarFormer Indian Oil Minister

“The proposed Pakistan-Iran pipeline, if built, could raise concerns under the Iran Sanctions Act. We are encouraging Pakistan to seek alternatives.”

Ambassador Carlos PascualUS Special Envoy and Coordina-tor for International Energy Affairs

“Islamabad will not accept any dictation regarding its internal affairs from any foreign country. Gas from Iran is in the country’s best interest.”

Firdous Ashiq AwanPakistan Information Minister

COMMENTS

What They Say

Region

Pakistan in 2012


The departing year has been quite eventful for Pakistan both domestically and exter-

nally. From the very start, relations between Pakistan and United States began to sour. In January a CIA agent, Raymond Davis, murdered two Paki-stanis in cold blood and a US embassy vehicle ran over another two. He was

let off after paying blood money to the bereaved family, yet, before the scars left by the incident had healed, the clandestine May 2 raid by US troops on Osama bin Laden’s hideout inflict-ed further wounds.

This time the cuts were deeper be-cause it humiliated Pakistan and espe-cially its army before the world. And

finally, while those wounds had yet to be salved, NATO helicopters attacked Pakistan’s forward border posts kill-ing 24 troops, including two officers on 26 November. This proved to be the last straw on the camel’s back, so Pakistan almost screamed with an-guish and anger. As a result, Pak-US relations have been strained to a point

2011 has not been kind to Pakistan. With high odds pitted against it, will the country succeed in maneuvering 2012 in its favor?

By S.G. Jilanee

RegionPAKISTAN

? ? ? ?


just short of outright rupture.The incident has ignited a wave

of spontaneous anger nationwide. Neither any religious parties nor the army is behind the widespread pro-tests. Provincial legislatures in KP and Balochistan have passed resolutions condemning the attack while various sections of the civil society, including lawyers and businessmen, have been holding protest rallies.

Responding to the attack, Pakistan took back the Shamsi air base from US troops, blocked the transit of NATO supplies to Afghanistan and recalled its liaison officials from NATO head-quarters in Kabul. In addition, it

placed heavy guns at the border posts with orders to shoot down any in-truding planes, including drones and declined to participate in the inter-national conference on Afghanistan in Bonn and the Pentagon-sponsored investigation of the incident.

The bitterness is not going to end any time soon unless Washing-ton takes concrete and visible dam-age control measures. Though US Defence Secretary, Leon Panetta, in his sudden visit to Afghanistan told reporters, “Ultimately we can’t win the war in Afghanistan without be-ing able to win in our relationship

with Pakistan as well,” there appears no indication that such sentiments would be translated into action in the foreseeable future.

In fact US arrogance has further muddied the waters. Pakistan had simply asked for an apology. Just three words, “We are sorry” could have wrought the magic. This would have resuscitated the situation and every-thing would have been hunky-dory as before. Flow of supplies to the ISAF troops in Afghanistan would have been resumed. Even drones could have continued to take off from the Shamsi air base, on their forays into North and South Waziristan, as usu-

al. Regret would have been the most logical act, especially when US claims that the attack was not deliberate.

Even Cameron Munter, US am-bassador in Pakistan, advised his government to say “sorry,” but was overruled by President Obama’s hau-teur. For Mr. Obama, the tragedy that took the lives of 24 innocent people, belonging to an “ally,” was not worth regretting.

As a result, the era of camaraderie when Islamabad took decisions on vi-tal issues just on a telephone call from the White House has become history. All existing verbal agreements and all

new deals shall have to be spelt out in writing as recommended by a confer-ence of Pakistani envoys in Islamabad. This will also apply to the arrange-ment under which supplies for NATO are transported through Pakistan to Afghanistan. Until such agreement is signed, the blockade that started from November 27 will continue.

There is no question that Paki-stan wants amicable relations with the United States. But after what the country has suffered at the hands of the US during this one year, there is a consensus on a “curtailed” or “re-stricted” response. Normal relations would resume only after the US gives

written assurance to respect Pakistan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Meanwhile, chief of the US and NATO forces in Afghanistan, Marine Gen. John Allen told a news briefing in Kabul that he recently spoke on the phone with Pakistan Army Chief Gen. Ashfaq Parvez Kayani in which both expressed a commitment to work through the incident. But in the ab-sence of any tangible signs of a thaw, this is just empty rhetoric, particularly because Pakistan has always cooper-ated with the US.

On the domestic stage, the peren-nial issue of what is called “civil-mil-

Region


Region

itary divide,” seems to have taken a back seat. No doubt relations between the civil government under President

Zardari and the military have not been ideal, but analysts note with sat-isfaction that the army has portrayed no sign of usurping power.

The government remains weak because the rulers remain more con-cerned with protecting their flanks

than with the welfare of the masses. Corruption has become the rule than an exception. At the same time, Presi-dent Zardari’s capability to discharge

his functions properly, after suffering a stroke, has become questionable. As these lines are written, he remains in Dubai under medical treatment.

On the other hand, Nawaz Sharif has “invaded” Sindh. He held a pub-lic meeting at Larkana, the PPP’s heartland. Determined to launch an all-out drive against the PPP govern-ment, he has directed the leader of the opposition, Chaudhry Nisar to start negotiations with Awami National Party chief, Asfandyar Wali Khan, JUI-F chief, Maulana Fazlur Rehman and lawmakers from the Federally Administered Tribal Areas to support the PML-N with their “no-confidence” movement. He has also decided to ap-

…after what the country has suffered at the

hands of the US during this one year, there is

a consensus on a “curtailed” or “restricted”

response.

Governor of Punjab, Salman Taseer shot

dead by his bodyguard, Malik

Mumtaz Qadri,

Jan. 4

US diplomat and private contractor, Raymond

Davis, shoots two men on a motorbike allegedly in self-defense while his

American companion drives over a man,

crushing him to death, in a hit and run accident.

Jan. 272011

Federal Minister for Minorities

Affairs, Shahbaz Bhatti,

assassinated in Lahore

March 2

US Navy Seal Team 6

allegedly kills Osama bin Laden

in Abbottabad.

May 2

A terrorist attack at PNS Mehran

in Karachi kills 18 military personnel and

wounds 16.

May 22 May 30

Investigative journalist, Syed

Saleem Shahzad, found tortured and

dead in Northern Pakistan.

Pakistani tennis star,

Aisam-ul-haq along with Rohan

Bopara wins German Open.

June 12

Heavy rains and flooding affect 5.4 million people, leaving 1

million homes destroyed and 72 percent of crops damaged.

Sep 20 Sep 22 Sep 27

U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman,

Admiral Mike Mullen, claims

Haqqani network works as a

‘veritable arm’ of the ISI.

Chinese Vice Prime Minister reiterates

China’s commitment and support for Pakistan. Prime

Minister Gilani describes China as

Pakistan’s ‘only all-weather friend.’

Region


proach members of the PML-Q as well as dissidents of other political parties, luring them with the prospect of party tickets at the next elections.

Imran Khan’s political party is also gaining strength by the day. Im-portant additions to his party recent-ly have been foreign minister, Shah Mahmood Qureshi, Makhdoom Javed Hashmi and Shafqat Mahmood. His next public meeting is scheduled for 23 March in Quetta.

Noting the pull Imran Khan exer-cises on the youth, PPP and PML (N) have also launched their young ones in the political arena. The PPP already has Bilawal Zardari as its party chair-man and Nawaz Sharif has recently

introduced his daughter Maryam. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court

dismissed government’s plea for re-view of its December 2010 decision an-nulling the NRO ab initio. It has now called for a report from the president, the prime minister, the governors of the four provinces and the NAB, on the implementation of its verdict. Any dithering by the government would bring it into direct conflict with the Supreme Court.

In such an eventuality, determined as the Supreme Court is to see its or-ders executed, it would be obliged to call the army for assistance, which, the latter is constitutionally bound to ex-tend. Though this would mean impo-

sition of military rule, the government would have to resign. A caretaker government would then be installed to hold general elections. Hopefully, the government will have the vision to avert the crisis.

This is the gloom under which the year 2012 will start for Pakistan. For the country this is the moment of truth. The odds look insurmountable. But the day can still be won with cool heads that put a premium on reason versus emotion; in short, with “Unity, Faith and Discipline.” u

The writer is a senior political analyst and former editor of SouthAsia Magazine.

Imran Khan’s historic rally at

Iqbal Park, Lahore draws

more than 100,000

supporters, jolting political

opponents.

Oct. 30

Pakistan’s Federal Cabinet approves

grant of Most Favored Nation status to India.

Nov. 2

Pakistan Ambassador to the

United States, Husain Haqqani,

resigns in wake of Memogate

scandal

Nov. 22

Former Information Minister, Sherry

Rehman, named Pakistan

Ambassador to the United States.

Nov. 23

NATO attacks two Pakistani

border checkpoints, kill

24 soldiers

Nov. 26

Pakistan blocks NATO supply

routes to Afghanistan.

Nov. 27 Nov. 29 Dec. 18 Dec. 25 Dec. 27

Pakistan boycotts Bonn

Conference, held to discuss

the future of Afghanistan.

Former President, Pervez

Musharraf, announces his

return to Pakistan in January 2012

Imran Khan’s Pakistan

Tehreek-i-Insaaf rally in Karachi

draws record crowd

Fourth death anniversary of Former Prime

Minister, Benazir Bhutto.


RegionINDIA

The days of avoiding the cen-tre-stage are over for Rahul Gandhi, the reluctant heir ap-

parent of the Nehru-Gandhi dynas-ty, which has ruled India for most of its independence years. The main reason behind this is cancer – that his mother and party leader Sonia Gandhi is detected with and one that is rapidly eating into the cred-ibility of the Congress-led coalition government. The 41-year politician finally appears willing to assume the leadership mantle of his crisis-ridden party.

Having lost his father, the for-mer Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, at the age of 21, RG, as Rahul Gandhi is widely know within his party, has taken his own time before deciding to plunge into politics. In 2004, he decided to contest the parliamentary election from his father’s constituen-cy of Amethi in Uttar Pradesh (UP). For three years, he was focused on his constituency and the politics of UP and was widely believed to be undergoing a grooming phase to take up the Congress leadership in the fu-ture. In the April–May 2007 assem-bly elections of the state, RG was a prominent campaigner for his party. However, he could not bring about Congress’ change of fortune in the state. Later that year, he was appoint-ed the General Secretary of the All In-dia Congress Committee (AICC), and chairperson of the Indian Youth Con-gress (IYC) and National Students Union of India (NSUI).

Since then, RG has immersed himself with party rebuilding efforts. His long term vision of Congress is of a national party full of youth, free of caste-based politics and function-ing on meritocracy. His youth drives across states have succeeded in in-ducting several million youth mem-bers in IYC and NSUI. He initiated internal elections for posts in both

the youth organisations. Apart from the youth bodies, he is extremely focused on winning back the family stronghold of Uttar Pradesh. While his party work is creating a cadre of loyalists for him, the efforts of UP paid off in the 2009 general elections when the party gained 12 more seats as compared to the 2004 results.

Although the top party leader-ship is making positive noises about

RG being a future PM, not everyone inside the Congress party is con-vinced about his campaigning skills and ability to win elections. In this regard, the elections in Uttar Pradesh in early 2012 will be his litmus test. UP is the most populous state of In-dia. If the outcome of the state elec-tion weighs heavily in Congress’ favor, his credibility as a leader will

be fully established. In such an even-tuality, there is a strong possibility of Sonia Gandhi installing RG as the Prime Minister of India. This would give him two years to ride Congress out of the rough weather and prepare fresh ground for the 2014 general elections. However, if Congress fails in UP, it will be a great setback not only for him but also for the party.

Doing well in UP and four other

state elections scheduled to be held in 2012, is imperative for Congress if it wants to avoid an early general elec-tion that would, in all likelihood, force the party out of power. This would terribly dent Gandhi’s prospects as a leader and actually may bring his sister, Priyanka Gandhi Vadhera, in the picture as she is largely viewed as a natural when it comes to politics.

The Reluctant Heir ApparentIn the Congress government, the PM’s seat is ready

for Rahul Gandhi to claim as and when he desires. But does he have what it takes?

By Semu Bhatt

Region


Thus, RG has a momentous task cut out for him – for anti-incumbency is bound to take its toll, given Congress government’s inability to check cor-ruption, poor governance and price rise. As RG has kept mum on these issues all along, it will be harder for him to bolster his party’s credibil-ity in popular consciousness. But as Mayawati is unlikely to repeat her remarkable performance of 2007, RG

can fancy a chance to fare reasonably well in the UP assembly elections.

At one point, Rahul Gandhi’s pop-ularity with Indian youth was very high. He was perceived as a leader capable of representing the young Indians. But his lack of enthusiasm to take up a bigger role or a major post in the government and inability to take a stand on national issues has

diluted his appeal. To top that, he has been found wanting in times of cri-sis – Sonia Gandhi’s illness, 2G crisis, Anna Hazare’s agitation and the FDI in retail ruckus. His inability to dis-play leadership qualities in crunch situations has negatively impacted his image within his party members and countrymen, who are all now feeling uncertain about his ability to lead them. He rarely gives interviews

despite being Congress’ General Sec-retary, a Member of Parliament and a future PM candidate. Once a delib-erate and successful ploy to generate interest, his aloofness is now work-ing against him as common masses do not know what he stands for.

Like his father, Rahul Gandhi fa-vors technological, educational and youth empowerment. True to his

party ideology, he talks about bridg-ing the rich-poor gap and plugging the holes from where the govern-ment money meant for the weaker sections, leak out. He wants to dis-card the identity politics that plague India and work for the welfare of the people. This clearly shows that RG is not only devoid of charisma charac-teristic to his lineage but is also de-void of a novel vision for the nation and its people.

Even his populist moves – be it going to Dalit or farmer homes in the UP or siding with tribal members in Orissa’s Niyamgiri hills – are aimed at winning vote bank based on their immediate grievances rather than addressing socio-economic issues of the poor. Such stunts may give him temporary gains but in the long run a leader requires a vision about the country’s future to sustain his power. It is only through foresight of its lead-er that India can benefit as a nation.

Despite his shortcomings and presence of many Congress leaders who have more credentials to become the prime minister of India than Ra-hul Gandhi, RG benefits from his last name. With Rahul Gandhi, the ques-tion of his ability or credentials will never come into play, as in the Con-gress government, the PM’s seat is for him to claim as and when he wishes to. It remains to be seen if Rahul Gan-dhi chooses to earn his big ticket im-mediately as the beneficiary of his legacy or with hard work despite the possibility of a long wait. What has become clear is that the possibility of him remaining as a permanent work in progress is all but gone. u

The writer is a Mumbai-based independent political analyst specializing in security and governance issues. She is co-author of Cost of Conflict between India and Pakistan and Cost of Conflict in Sri Lanka.


RegionAFGHANISTAN

They are a nation of tribes con-stantly at war with each other. They are very heterogeneous,

with an extreme ethnocentricity which makes them not only hate or suspect foreigners but Afghans liv-ing two valleys away.’ Former CIA Islamabad station Chief, Howard Hart (Charlie Wilson’s War by George Crile)

This is the outside view of Af-ghans who are suffering the brunt of a war, more than three decades old, with no end still in sight.

The December 5 Bonn Confer-ence, generally referred to as Bonn Conference-II, now seems like a spoiled opportunity which could otherwise be used to devise a path leading to peace in the war-battered country.

The first Bonn Conference con-vened soon after the overthrow of the Taliban regime. The Afghans, with the support of the interna-tional community, installed Hamid Karzai as the interim head of the new government. The removal of the puritanical regime and the installa-tion of a new government instilled fresh hopes among Afghans for fi-nally bringing peace and stability to one of the world’s most unstable but strategically important regions. However, 10 years down the road all hopes evaporated with the Taliban

By Daud Khattak

Peace and stability in Afghanistan will remain a dream without regional cooperation and consensus. Pakistan’s absence at the Bonn Conference does not bode well for the future.

Boycotting the Future

,

Photo credit: J Scott Applewhile. AFP

German Chancellor Angela Merkel with Afghan President Hamid Karzai in Bonn.

Region


regaining strength, rising frustration among Afghans regarding security and good governance, blatant in-terference from neighbors and war-weariness among NATO allies.

Hence, Bonn II was seen as the fo-rum to inject fresh hope particularly with the looming withdrawal of US forces from a country that still lacks a functioning government and a re-liable security apparatus. However, the participants and the world at large witnessed the opportunity lost as the two key stakeholders, often seen and referred to as allies, Taliban and Pakistan, refused to attend the conference.

Days before the gathering of in-ternational leaders in the German city to discuss the future of Afghani-stan, I sat with Afrasiab Khattak to get his views on peace and stability in the region and the expectations from Bonn – II.

A Pashtun intellectual and au-thority on Afghanistan, Khattak highlighted ‘serious disconnects’ be-tween Pakistan and the United States and Afghanistan and Pakistan before urging an ‘inclusive’ approach ‘in-side and around’ Afghanistan with three circles of negotiations to find a political solution to the imbroglio. The three circles included: a) Intra-Afghan dialogue b) Negotiations for regional consensus and c) Negotia-tions among international players.

In the available circumstances, this seems to be the most viable path leading to sustainable peace in the landlocked country. But ‘making presence felt by their absence’ as aptly mentioned by one media out-let, Taliban and neighboring Paki-stan left the summit with little hope to inch forward towards a consen-sus on the road to peace. Though no quick fix was expected from the in-ternational summit, their participa-tion could have conveyed a goodwill message for launching the intra-Af-

ghan dialogue as well as developing regional consensus on lasting and durable peace in the country.

Noting Pakistan’s absence at the Bonn Conference, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said: “We would, of course, have benefited from Pakistan’s contribution to this conference.” A majority of the rep-resentatives spanning 85 countries and 16 international organizations, also wished to see Taliban represen-tatives in order to add meaning to their calls for peace and help their way out of the 10-year-old war with no end in sight.

To the dismay of many others, particularly Afghans, days after the conference the Afghan government recalled its ambassador from Qatar to protest that Qatari Ameers were allowing the Taliban to open an of-fice, apparently after getting a nod from the US. Alongside, ties between Pakistan and the United States, the two key partners, took a nose dive with both countries sticking to their guns over the November 26 NATO raid at a time when serious diplo-matic efforts are needed to curtail the Taliban violence and stabilize the highly volatile region.

Future stability in South and Central Asia hinges upon peace and stability in Afghanistan. Pakistan be-ing the closest neighbor and ally of the Taliban is also bitterly affected from the three-decades of war in its backyard and wants peace. How-ever, Pakistan wants guarantees for safeguarding its geo-strategic and economic interests in shaping the future of Afghanistan before join-ing a meaningful peace process and nudging its Taliban allies to come forward.

Likewise, South Asian giant, In-dia along with Iran and paired with the Saudis, Chinese and even Rus-sians wants to be included before drawing the peace roadmap. Hence,

talks and a consensus among the regional players is the need of the hour.

However, as Afrasiab Khattak pointed out, intra-Afghan dialogue is critical to the process. Warlords, unfortunately, have gained more strength and ethnic schism has further widened the multi-ethnic Afghan society over the years. De-spite that, one positive aspect is the growth of civil society marked by new leadership comprising young intellectuals, writers and NGO activ-ists that have emerged in the past 10 years. Tribal elders, elected represen-tatives, former warlords and civil so-ciety leaders also need to have a say in the peacemaking efforts.

Challenges do exist at every step and heightened involvement on a lo-cal, regional and international level is imperative. A sincere resolve to avoid the looming threat to regional stability is the single major stimulus that could push all stakeholders into a give and take solution.

Lastly, stability in Afghanistan mostly depends on good gover-nance, economic development and rebuilding efforts that would remain a dream without sustained support from the Western world and Af-ghanistan’s neighbors. Much work remains to be done before bringing some sort of order to a country suf-fering from naked aggression and foreign interference.

Efforts without sincere resolve are little more than flogging a dead horse. The million-dollar question is: Does such a resolve exist? Only his-tory will be the judge. u

The writer is Acting Director at Mashaal Radio, RFE/RLPrague, Czech Republic. As a senior journalist, he has covered the Taliban movement in Pakistan and Afghanistan. He writes for the Christian Science Monitor and Sunday Times.


Despite its small geographi-cal size, Bangladesh has a population estimated at 156

million in 2009. Although the rate of growth has declined, the existing population does not actively con-tribute to the economic development of the country due to lack of job op-portunities or educated manpower. Therefore, agricultural and garment production remains the sole source of income. However, ‘outsourcing’ has recently caught the attention of the Bangladeshi youth, providing them an alternative source of income.

Freelancing or outsourcing has a large impact on any country’s econo-my. Despite this, many in Bangladesh view freelancing as a scam. However, for the youth that is unable or un-willing to get a job, freelancing has become a popular and quick way of making money.

Bangladesh today continues to struggle with a severe lack of resourc-es. As a developing country, its IT sector has seen little investment from the government side. The urban-rural inequality is threefold. In Dhaka most do not feel that the Internet connection

is slow and costly compared to the neighboring country, India. In rural areas however, the only way to con-nect to the Internet is through a mobile phone SIM. Although most mobile phone operators have good internet coverage across the country, common problems related to internet speed and availability still exist. Internet facilities for city dwellers have increased after WiMAX services with 4G technology were introduced. In the cities, a sub-scriber can get an expected speed of 128 kilobytes per second to one mbps at an alarmingly high rate. Despite

BANGLADESH

By Aminul Islam Sajib

Bangladesh, one of the poorest countries in the world, has recently seen enhanced development in its IT sector. It seems the country is poised to become

the next technological hub in South Asia.

Still Far to Go

Region

Region


that, the service isn’t satisfactory. What IT development can be ex-

pected from a country that offers poor internet service? Without internet availability, in today’s world, a coun-try is already left behind. Though Ban-gladesh remains crippled by greater concerns such as flooding and power shortages, investment in technology is critical to long-term development.

Over the years, the country’s ad-vancement in the IT sector has been significant, largely due to government policies. In a roundtable meeting at the Dhaka Press Club last year, Mustafa Jabber, President of Bangladesh Com-puter Samity said, “The development in the ICT sector is a contribution of today’s youth in Bangladesh. The gov-ernment literally didn’t do much.”

Awami League, the ruling party in Bangladesh, has promised its people a digital revolution known as “Vi-sion 2021.” As part of the progress to developing a Digital Bangladesh, the government has recently started con-tributing fervently to IT development. Licensing 3G Internet connectivity, removing tax from freelancers’ in-come and producing a domestic lap-top, DOEL, are few of the remarkable steps that are being taken.

However, inventing a laptop at a relatively cheaper price (with cheap machinery) is not enough. Numerous universities focusing on advancing technology exist throughout Bangla-desh but their teaching is archaic for what is necessary to contribute to IT development. Students who freelance for IT firms are often self-taught.

Today, the people of Bangladesh embrace and readily adapt to technol-ogy. The revolution of mobile phone usage in Bangladesh proved that fact a long time ago. Though the govern-ment has a positive attitude in improv-ing the overall IT sector in Bangladesh, the progress is slow due to govern-ment advisors who have inadequate knowledge of Information Technolo-

gy and development. Even forty years after independence, the country lacks a smooth and affordable Internet con-nection and an uninterrupted power supply. Prices of computer accessories are skyrocketing, e-commerce is yet to emerge and a big source of income, outsourcing, remains underestimated and underexploited.

Khalid Biju, CEO of WebExBD, an outsourcing firm in Bangladesh, ar-gues that outsourcing firms receive no financial or any other kind of support from the Bangladeshi government. While there is no lack of encourage-ment, the government does not direct-ly support outsourcing firms although it would ultimately result in the bet-terment of the country’s economics. “Imagine what would have happened if we were given all the resources we need,” he added.

While the youth in India has great-ly contributed to economic develop-ment, poverty in Bangladesh becomes its greatest hurdle. Bangladesh’s IT sector models itself after India’s indus-try. For example, 3G was licensed in Bangladesh after it became available in India and it was only after a $35 tab-let was available in India that Bangla-desh produced a new kind of Chinese tablet, Chorui, priced at around $100. Most large-scale introductions or in-novations are inspired by India.

In recent days, Bangladesh has been in the spotlight among technolo-gy experts and enthusiasts from South Asia after hosting the regions’ high profile technology event - eASIA. The

3-day event took place in Dhaka and was attended by many speakers in-cluding oDesk’s Vice President Matt Cooper and others. eASIA 2011 cre-ated a buzz among the general public as well as the media.

After a successful completion of eASIA 2011, questions arose whether Bangladesh could become the next IT

hub in South Asia. Unfortunately, the country is not ready yet. IT develop-ment is slow though the movement among the youth is rapid. Bangladesh is mainly known for its outsourcing functions; an industry that cannot represent the larger IT sector. Though seminars and events can take place in Bangladesh, the under developed country is not ready to serve as an IT hub for South Asian countries, let alone the world.

To sum it up, Bangladesh has se-rious technology proposals in place backed by a positive government at-titude towards development of the IT industry. Unfortunately, the country still lacks enough resources for that to happen. With adequate resources, the youth of Bangladesh can take the country to the next level in the Infor-mation and Communication Technol-ogy field, outrunning other countries in South Asia. u

The writer is a freelance technology journalist who works for various newspapers and IT magazines in Bangladesh. He also writes on social media and current affairs for numerous blogs, both in Bengali and English.

Though Bangladesh remains crippled by

greater concerns such as flooding and power

shortages, investment in technology is critical

to long-term development.

Region

36 SOUTHASIA January 2012

MALDIVES

From a land that was virtu-ally terra incognita before the 1970s to one of the most popu-

lar spots on the global tourist map, the Maldives has come a long way from its humble origins. Though it is no longer the world’s source of cow-ries, it has completed a transition to democracy, it has emerged as one of the most prominent voices on climate change and has been named as one of the seven most important countries on the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHCR). Such feats are im-pressive for Asia’s smallest country with a population of just 350,000 and an average land level of only 1.5 me-tres above sea level.

Not too long ago, Maldives was considered “a human rights pariah,” says Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Ahmed Sha-heed. “Today, our bid to secure a [UN Human Rights] Council seat has won almost universal support.” And he is right. The Maldives received the highest number of votes ever won by any

state, gaining an impressive 185 votes from the 192 member states.

This may be the first time the is-land nation is on a major UN body, but that hasn’t stopped it from making its stance clear on a number of controver-sial issues. Along with the European Union (EU), the United States (US) and the Arab League, the tiny coun-try has condemned the “violations [by Syria] that amount to crimes against humanity.” Foreign Minister Ahmed Nassem firmly declared that “the time for promises is over — it is now time for action.”

Interestingly, while it supports the pressure on Syria, the Maldives has remained silent amidst rising demand for an international investigation into alleged human rights violations com-mitted by neighboring Sri Lanka at the end of its brutal civil war.

The Maldives is the first country in the world that has pledged to become carbon-neutral by 2020. It is the first in the world to establish a national trust fund to pay for evacuation to a new homeland. It has also begun to flex its muscles in international forums, in an attempt to create some sort of consen-

sus on climate change.The Maldives led a

group of 80 member states (from all regions) which adopted the UN Human Rights Council Resolu-tion 7/23 that for the first time in an official UN resolution linked global warming to an infringe-ment of human rights. It established the Cli-mate Vulnerable Forum - a group of the world’s most vulnerable coun-tries, dedicated to taking moral lead in combating Maldivian cabinet ministers dive underwater to highlight climate change.

New ArenaA new democracy flexes its muscles in the

Maldives, addressing issues of human rights and climate change.

By Shahzeb Najam

Region


climate change. The tiny country was also crucial in helping to formulate a South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Declaration on Climate Change in Delhi, India which stated that climate change impacts the right to development.

The consultative approach taken during the lead up to the final draft of the UNHCR resolution was com-mended by SAARC compatriots, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, showing that the Maldives believes in an inclusive, consensus-fostering ap-proach. It seems to have learnt much from the failed Inuit petition of 2005, which endeavoured to obtain man-datory measures against greenhouse emissions of the US, preferring a more non-confrontational and, ultimately, more successful process. Instead of attempting to alter the climate change policies of a particular state, the Mal-

dives has tried to influence the on-going negotiation of a new climate agreement.

Global warming represents an ex-istential threat to the island state. New studies indicate that sea levels will rise between 0.5 and 1 metre by 2100 (Economist, March 14, 2009). A rise of just under 0.5 metres would inundate 15% of Male, the capital and home to a third of the population. Four in ten people live within 100 metres of the ocean. Rising waters would contami-nate the Maldives’ limited freshwater reserves, render its land unsuitable for agriculture and erode the beaches that tourists flock to; an attraction that the entire economy depends on. Eventu-ally, increased flooding would make the islands inhospitable, even before the tempestuous seas inundate them completely (Harvard Environmental Law Review, Vol. 33).

Meanwhile, the country pre-pares for the worst. “For the sake of the Maldives and the rest of the world,” said the newly elected Pres-ident Mohamed Nasheed in 2008, on establishing a sovereign wealth fund in the event of relocation, “I hope this fund never needs to be used for its ultimate purpose. If we are unable to save a country like the Maldives, it may be too late to save the rest of the world from the apoc-alyptic effects of self-reinforcing, runaway global warming.” Though wise words in difficult times, how long can the international commu-nity afford to spurn this Maldivian Cassandra? u

The writer freelances for various national publications and writes extensively on economic development. He is also an active blogger, based in Karachi.


Following the Obama adminis-tration’s declaration of the Asia-Pacific region being America’s

new priority, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited Myanmar on 1 December 2011. Her two-day visit to the recluse and sanctioned Myan-mar, the first by a US Secretary of

State in 56 years, is viewed as an ef-fort to woo Myanmar away from Chi-nese influence. Myanmar and China enjoy a long border and an equally long history. While the west chastised Myanmar for its alleged human rights abuse and lack of democracy, Beijing held its hand. Myanmar was treat-

ed by the west as a pariah state but China provided diplomatic, material and economic support while West-ern nations imposed tough economic, trade and political penalties. China is Myanmar’s largest economic partner, with $4.4 billion in trade last year and nearly $16 billion in total investment.

NeighborCHINA & MYANMAR

U.S Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton with Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.

By S. M. Hali

Southeast Asian nations view China as a vital regional partner. Recent US interest in Myanmar has raised eyebrows but is a regional tilt towards the US a realistic prospect?

Reason to Fret?

Photo credit: Reuters

Neighbor


In the recent past, the US has com-menced another Great Game, this time in South-East Asia. It is trying to court China’s opponents in the region by stoking domestic differences pos-sibly in an attempt to encircle China. An example is the South China Sea Islands, over which Beijing has an ap-parently genuine claim but is contest-ed by Vietnam, Philippines, Taiwan, Malaysia, Brunei and Japan. The US has openly encouraged the contes-tants to stand up to China. One must first get the perspective from China’s outlook. Beijing’s strategic ambitions in Southeast Asia are real. From Chi-na’s perspective, Southeast Asia is its southern doorstep—China has deep roots in the region derived from ge-ography (a common border with Viet-nam, Laos and Myanmar), ethnicity (large, economically powerful urban Chinese communities throughout the region) and history (the ‘tribute sys-tem’ that expressed Southeast Asian deference to China over millennia).

From the standpoint of Beijing, Southeast Asia is properly understood as a natural and rightful Chinese sphere of influence, a region where China’s interests are paramount. When these are properly acknowl-edged, China is prepared to adopt policies that benefit Southeast Asia as well as China—a dominion of Confu-cian harmony and benevolence. Since the mid-1990s China has emphasized the latter with a sophisticated diplo-matic ‘charm offensive’ designed to portray a good neighbor dedicated to the economic advancement of Chinese and Southeast Asians alike.

Coming back to Myanmar, de-spite China’s unstinted support, its leadership has been wary of the re-lationship and has tried to reach out to China’s rival in the region, India. The US had shunned Myanmar in the past, especially after its 1988 mili-tary crackdown, but after Myanmar staged elections last year that ushered in a government of civilians, albeit

one dominated by a military structure that had directly ruled the country since 1962, the US decided to change its stance. The new government also freed and began high-level talks with Nobel laureate and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

One move, which is being viewed by some analysts to be at the behest of the US is the decision made by the new government of President Thein Sein to suspend work on a massive, China-backed hydropower dam in the northern Kachin State that would have yielded major revenues from electricity exports. Thein Sein said the project, which would have flooded an extensive area and dis-rupted the flow of the nation’s main Irrawaddy River, was against the will of the people. His decision also sent a powerful signal at a time the US was making energetic efforts to engage Thein Sein’s government: Myanmar was not beholden to China.

Beijing on the other hand, has put up a bold face at US overtures. Sun Yun, an expert on China’s foreign relations at the Brookings Institution commented that: “Beijing under-stands Myanmar’s aspiration to di-versify its international engagement and improve relations with the Unit-ed States. However, Beijing doesn’t wish to see those goals achieved at the expense of China.”

It should be clear that China would prefer to see a stable Myanmar as its neighbor as it too could have violence and drugs spill across its borders. On the other hand, it is an accepted fact that the Southeast Asian governments fear being forced to choose between China and America. No Southeast Asian country wants to make such a choice, but Singapore’s widely re-spected ambassador to Washington, Chan Heng Chee, has observed that, if forced, the Southeast Asians would generally opt for China. There’s a con-sensus in the region that the US-China relationship is vital to all concerned.

When asked what kind of relation-ship best protects Southeast Asian interests, the answer is the proverbial Goldilocks principle — “not too hot and not too cold.” A cooperative but not deeply collaborative relationship is just right.

Secondly, as previously noted Chi-na’s influence and strategic reach into Southeast Asia is deep, powerful and growing. This is particularly evident in the economic sphere. As the global financial crisis weakened the credibili-ty of the US and European economies, China’s economy steadily rose.

An important chess piece is Myan-mar’s pro-democracy leader as well as Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, whom President Obama has hailed as “a hero.” Hillary Clinton met Suu Kyi, a meeting encouraged by the Myanmar leadership, since they view Aung San Kyi’s endorsement of rela-tions with the US as imperative. Last month, the Myanmar government amended election regulations to en-courage Suu Kyi’s party to return to the political system. Suu Kyi has said that she backed U.S. involvement in her country and that she would take a chance with the recent reforms. “We hope that they are meaningful,” Suu Kyi told reporters. “I think we have to be prepared to take risks. Nothing is guaranteed.”

Myanmar would look to have the US sanctions on it removed but that would require the approval of the US Congress, which would need further proof of Myanmar’s baby steps to-wards the restoration of democracy. It is important to note that China may be wary of US overtures towards Myanmar, but prudence dictates that the US considers China a partner in the region rather than a rival. u

Group Captain (R) Sultan M. Hali, now a practicing journalist, has contributed over 2000 articles, produced 125 documentaries and hosts a TV talk show. He is currently based in Islamabad.

International


THE ARAB SPRINGInternational

At the moment, the struggle for Arab Democracy in the west of Dar al Islam, which has

partially been successful, is termed the Arab ‘Spring.’ Spring, because the historical outcome is far from known. So far, Tunisia seems to have the most chance for success while Egypt is still rioting against its interim military government. Libya is a big question because of the festering sores of the Civil War. Yemen has a good chance of a possibly ‘democratic’ regime change, but tribal fractures there lead

to many unanswered questions. Al-though Syria is almost at civil war, the former U.S. Ambassador to both Israel and Egypt - at different times, has told this writer that he did not be-lieve that the Damascus Administra-tion will fail.

In Tunisia and -- so far -- in the extended Egyptian elections, the Is-lamist Parties have or are dominat-ing the new political landscape. Of course Turkey, that former Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf had so admired, has been led competently

by an Islamist party for several years and is in fact the only Islamic-majority NATO nation. Successfully integrated into Europe as well as an emerging regional hegemony, Turkey has toler-ably constructive -- but recently dete-riorating -- relations with Tel Aviv.

The reaction of Israel is critically important to the success or failure of Arab Democracy, and, conversely, the Arab ‘Spring.’ Ominously, Tel Aviv has already stated that a government formed by the Muslim Brotherhood would be completely unacceptable

As revolutions in the Middle East slowly take the form of elections, will South Asia see its own version of the Arab Spring?

By Geoffrey Cook

DominoEffect

International


to them. This is ludicrous because the Muslim Brotherhood is a democratic party that simply wishes to put the moral principles of their religion into their policy and politics. Hopefully,

Israel will react diplomatically, rather than militarily.

However, the gravest influence of the Arab ‘Spring’ upon Islamic South Asia will be more strategic than po-litical. Radical jihadism arose in the Middle East and was initially directed against its own governments before immigrating to South Asia. Contem-porary ‘violent’ Jihad reasserted itself in the historically central terrain of the Muslim world as a reaction to the repressive modern Post-Colonial gov-ernments there. It grew out of Sunni

Wahhabism that developed theologi-cally in Saudi Arabia and arose to re-sist the European Colonial govern-ments in the Nineteenth Century. In the Twentieth Century, a Takfir sect broke off from the denomination of the Salafis developing into non-na-tional entities. For example, Al-Qaida formed in the Middle East and later moved to Afghanistan to fight the So-viets during the 1980s.

If the Arab-Israeli crisis moves to-wards a resolution along with success-ful democratization of the indigenous Semitic lands, ‘fundamentalist’ Arab mercenaries will migrate into the Af-Pak region and Kashmir theaters be-cause any populous support for them in the Arabic-speaking terrain will have disappeared with the advent of the success of the current unfolding transition.

Ultimately, the Arab ‘Spring’ might make South Asia less secure – especially Pakistan where its neigh-bor, Iran’s, nuclear ambition to coun-ter the Israeli arsenal may eventually threaten Pakistan, boxing it in tandem with India.

However politically, it is unlikely that a ‘Spring’ will erupt in South Asia because most countries in the region acquired their form of governance from models based on their previous colonial masters, absorbing the will of the populace. Therefore, democracy is already a given, at least theoreti-cally, for most of South Asia. The ex-acerbating challenges for civil society lie in corruption, the mosque versus the military debate, voting reform as well as widespread social inequalities. Such civil issues can be resolved short of regime change with democratic in-stitutions in place -- either actualized or envisioned through principle.

The foundation for a democratic tradition by the heirs of the British Indian Empire with Sri Lanka and the Maldives taking the lead have exist-ed over the terrain even before 1947.

Other nations historically indepen-dent from the British, such as Nepal, recently had their own Revolution – though unfortunately a bloody one – and were able to establish their form of democracy highly influenced by their neighbors and China.

A feudal-like arrangement is still to be found within India, Pakistan and Bangladesh – especially in the ru-ral boroughs where supposedly dem-ocratic groups are encouraged to vote according to the preferences of their traditional leaders. Block polling has led to the discouragement of the inde-pendent new urban voter who could revolt for the denial of economic op-portunity.

Many in the West consider Tibet to be historically part of South Asia because of its culture and customs. At the moment, only 50% of Tibet is orig-inally Tibetan. Sri Lanka has recently emerged from a bloody Civil War last-ing three decades, which ended with a brutal suppression of Tamil human rights. It is unlikely that the Tamil Ti-gers or a like-mind organization will rise again on that island. The same is true in the Indian Punjab with the Sikhs – although the resistance has reached military suppression. Kash-mir is in the midst of asymmetrical warfare along-side indigenous civil society resistance. Unfortunately, this is the second most dangerous flash point for a nuclear war worldwide; an issue that demands the international collective’s attention immediately!

What does the Arab ‘Spring’ indi-cate for South Asia? The full results are far from us. The Islamic West of Dar al-Islam will certainly have an impact upon Islamic and non-Islamic South Asia. The likelihood of a ‘Spring’ breaking out in South Asia, can only be determined by time. u

The writer is a columnist for the Muslim Observer (U.S.A.) on international Pan-Islamic political issues.

Cover Story

SOUTHASIA February 2012 25

Shrines & ViolenceAF-PAK

On December 06, 2011, the cities of Kabul and Mazar-i-Sharif were rocked by power-

ful explosions that left 58 people dead and several injured. The first blast ripped across the packed Abul Fazal Shrine where Shia mourners gathered for Muharram rituals. A few minutes later, another bomb, tied to a bicycle, exploded in a mosque in Mazar-i-Sharif as a chanting Shia procession passed by, leaving four people dead.

Commentators all over the world viewed the attacks as signs of an evolv-ing sectarian crisis in Afghanistan. Although Shia leaders in the country labeled the incidents as a strategy to deepen the rift between Sunnis and the Shias, the attacks in Afghanistan beg for attention because of their rar-ity. Pakistan, on the other hand has witnessed numerous bomb blasts tar-geting shrines and places of worship, causing many casualties and losses.

In 2010, a suicide attack on Data Darbar in Lahore left more than 40 people dead and caused the shrines to be closed to the public for the first time in centuries due to security rea-

sons. In December 2011, a Muharram procession was targeted in Karachi, which left some scouts dead. In April of the same year, an attack during the festival at Sakhi Sarwar Shrine in Pun-jab left 41 people dead in April.

Modern conflicts have taken new strategies and ethnic tensions readily mix with anti-state rebel forces. War-ring groups increasingly use psycho-logical techniques to pressurize gov-ernments and the populace while at the same time continue vying for the top slot amongst the same groups. Attacks on shrines are a statement against a particular group of people unlike attacks on market places or in schools. Any group when hit at a place of worship will take the sentiment to the core considering the role religion plays in the lives of people. Historical-ly speaking, invading armies would attack holy places of the conquered as a symbol of victory. Swiss psycholo-gist, Carl Jung, describes the current trend of attacking shrines as some-thing inscribed in our unconscious; the religious idea of victory of good against evil.

While the Taliban have not claimed any responsibility of the attacks in Afghanistan, it is the Pakistan-based extremist group Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, which has claimed to be behind the blasts stoking new tensions between distrusting neighbors. Afghanistan has always believed that terrorists from across the border have created problems and destabilized the peace process in the war-torn country. The Muharram attacks in Afghanistan have once again provoked internation-al powers to demand Pakistan to ‘do more’ in curbing terrorist and militant outfits that thrive within the state.

It is interesting to note that in re-cent times banned militant organiza-tions, religious organizations, drug cartels, terrorist outfits or other rebel groups have changed interstate dy-namics and will continue to do so in the future… if states fail to contain them. Only last year, Nicaragua’s navy chief claimed that drug cartel “la Familia” in Mexico was running most of the drug business in Central Amer-ica. Similarly, Sri Lanka blamed India for helping Tamil rebel groups. After


By Sonia Jawaid Shaikh

Religious shrines have been a common target for anti-state actors in Pakistan and more recently in Afghanistan. Only the state apparatus can contain this threat.

Against the StateAgainst the State

Shrines & Violence

9/11, US waged a war not against Af-ghanistan per se, but against Al-Qae-da and Taliban who represent groups and ideologies rather than states and boundaries. The American mission in their words was more of liberation of the Afghan people and avenging 9/11. The excuse to ‘renew’ diplomatic ties or review relationships between India and Pakistan, Afghanistan and Paki-stan, US and Pakistan is based more on how groups and organizations be-have rather than how states behave in themselves.

Following any attack, especially in Pakistan, a synchronized ritual al-ways follows without any change. Government machinery comes out in the open to ‘condemn’ and pledges ‘to teach the perpetrators a lesson.’ Clichéd speeches are made and more than often little or no follow-ups are conducted. The neglect in pursu-ing those responsible gives terrorist organizations space to spread their

networks deeper within the state. Sooner or later, they emerge stron-ger than state actors in certain areas. The intricacies of modern intra state power grabbing have taken new and complex routes. However complex it might be, organizations of terrorist nature and ambitions can only be con-trolled by state mechanisms owing to the resources available to them.

Pakistan has long pursued ter-rorists. From launching an army of-fensive against the Taliban to beefing up relations with the US, the govern-ment claims to be against the war mongering organizations. However, relations between Pakistan and Af-ghanistan have often been strained and following the December attacks and Pakistan’s refusal to attend the Bonn Conference, things appear to be gloomier than ever. Tensions esca-lated to new levels when Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar blamed refugees from Afghanistan

for disrupting peace in the country sparking an all new debate on the status of refugees.

Attacks on religious venues weaken the state since they bring to the forefront the growing power of anti-state actors and their extensive networks and machinery. However, it also remains true that these attacks and those behind it can be contained only through state intervention giv-en the resources at their disposal. We may write down articles after articles on ‘why’ and ‘how’ but the essential question for states like Af-ghanistan and Pakistan starts with ‘when.’ Only if states decide to fight against the menace that has struck them from within, peace can return to their country, their shrines and their people. u

The writer has worked in the media and is currently engaged in the social sector. She frequently writes on various subjects.

January 2012SOUTHASIA44

Global Economic DynamicsINDIA

By Syed Moazzam Hashmi

India today is undoubtedly shifting the global economic and political power centers. However, regional cooperation can enable this growth and stability to spill further into South Asia.

Expecting its already massive population to grow to 1.5 bil-lion by 2050, India has warmed

up to pursuing a giant ‘Leap For-ward,’ thus initiating a paradigm shift from the military to the economic ap-proach in order to meet the upcoming challenges, compatible to realizing its ambition of taking the center stage as a global power.

Despite the prevailing bleak sce-nario for developing economies, the fastest growing Asian country is tipped as the center of global econom-

ic power in the future. The mantra of change, ‘India Everywhere,’ that seems to be echoing around the world as a major ‘India-leaning shift’ in the policies of world powers, has already been in put place. The question of how soon other regional countries will tune in to the change is a matter of time. However, given the regional and global strategic and economic compulsions, many nations will be left with little choice but to swim with the current.

Nuclear disarmament remains a

dilemma for India. A complex issue, particularly with reference to China and Pakistan, initiatives such as ban-ning nuclear testing and reduction of nuclear arsenal could gain India mor-al and strategic leadership before the US and China.

The days when war was consid-ered glorious have also passed. De-spite the heat and dust of the past de-cade, Indian intellectuals believe that the region will have a window of se-curity. Amid the realization that both India and Pakistan cannot achieve


Paradigm ShiftsParadigm Shifts

January 2012SOUTHASIA46

Global Economic Dynamics

their objectives through war, prob-ability of a major conflict between the two neighboring countries seems to have minimized. However, the debat-ed possibility of irrational elements attaining Weapons of Mass Destruc-tion (WMD) in Pakistan, remain an exception.

A softening of its strategic stance toward neighboring countries, ex-hibits India’s seriousness toward this paradigm shift. Furthermore, press-ing problems of poverty, hunger, ener-gy crisis, water scarcity and diseases

need the attention of collective global efforts. In the case of India, traditional national interest and national security compulsions require an efficient han-dling to meet the challenges, which will only intensify as the global popu-lation rises from the current seven bil-lion to nine billion in 2050.

In South Asia, the demographic gains are numerically good but poor in quality. The need of the hour is to transform the population growth into a demographic dividend before it turns into a demographic nightmare. While labor force growth is encourag-ing, state competence in terms of re-source conversion is very poor.

In the fluid cluster of antagonizing interests, regional policymakers need to look at the problems with a different perspective. A collective and coopera-tive security approach is imperative to articulate issues of national interest. In particular, five major gaps need to be addressed: knowledge, which is cru-

cial in conflict transformation; norma-tive approach that plays an important role in security issues; policymaking; institutional capacity to deliver effec-tive results, and compliance.

Socio-economic regional inequal-ity is the first major challenge faced by South Asia. On the one hand, issues such as urban influx, resource and import dependency, environment, agriculture productivity, climate change, terrorism and economics are specific issues that need to be urgently addressed. On the other hand, emer-

gence of the middle class, rising trend of education, particularly the female education and regional institutional-ization are the existing hope-generat-ing indicators.

With global dynamics having changed significantly since 2001, the international economy has entered a new era of uncertainty as the inter-national monetary organizations play a defensive role in diluting western dominance. The change will be slow but is sure to come. Whatever happens in the world economy directly impacts South Asia. The idea of the Asian Monetary Fund (AMF), has led ana-lysts to believe that the current global monetary structure will eventually go redundant with private banks prevail-ing over the international monetary organizations in the future.

Expecting the external environ-ment to bring more volatility to the situation, the patterns of trade will also change with the shift in the eco-

nomic center of gravity. The geo-economic shift is likely to come in the next two decades with Asia’s share of exports doubling while that of Europe would be cut down to half. Unfortu-nately, in South Asia, the institutional infrastructures are designed to give the least denominators for trade. The region that seems to have been left behind despite all the demographic advantages can increase its GDP up to 50 percent by simply improving infra-structure with particular focus on the energy sector and modernization of bureaucratic procedures.

Since ancient times, the South Asian region has had a history of con-sistent political dialogue, trade and commerce, religious interaction and art and architecture. There is no dis-content in the living culture of South Asia but it needs to be linked through ancient knowledge that has to trickle down to the grassroots level. Regional integration is not possible without connectivity and building bridges. In this regard, strategic communica-tion is vital. Hence, all the states in the region have to have meaningful dialogues to create a win-win situa-tion rather than shuffling around the political cards.

At the end of the day, the rules of the game may be determined by power politics but the underlying dy-namics are so robust that the growth process would continue despite all impediments. In order to progress further and be a part of the strate-gic and economic capacity building to achieve the ultimate objective of prosperity and peaceful coexistence, all that is required is to lay the foun-dation of growth. Luckily for South Asia, the first step for the thousand mile journey has been taken. u

The writer is a political and security analyst, a senior journalist and former Political Affairs Advisor to the US Consulate General in Karachi.

Amid the realization that both India and

Pakistan cannot achieve their objectives

through war, probability of a major conflict

between the two neighboring countries seems to

have minimized.


Peace & RehabilitationNEPAL

Deeply set in the Himalayan valley, Nepal is a landlocked country covering an area of

about 54000 sq. miles and having a population of 30 million. In recent times, Nepal has played a significant role in regional politics. A founding member of the South Asian Associa-tion for Regional Co-op-eration (SAARC), Nepal has already hosted two summits and will be hosting the next one in 2013. However, during the same period, its do-mestic politics have seen extensive political tur-moil, marked largely by assassinations, guerilla warfare and the aboli-tion of the monarchy.

The King, though given a divine status by many of his subjects, had been in perpetual conflict with the elected representatives of the people. As a consequence, the parlia-ment abolished the monarchy in 2008 and Ram Baran Yadav was elected the first President of the Republic.

Earlier in 1996, various political parties signed a Comprehensive Peace Agreement, mainly to accommodate

former insurgent Maoist fighters. Apart from community rehabilitation, the agreement proposed to integrate Maoist fighters into the Nepalese army. However, the process failed to run smoothly. Close to 20,000 former guerilla fighters were forced to live in cantonment camps, initially meant as

temporary arrangements for no more than six months. Subsequently, most of these fighters ended up spending close to five years there.

Given the extreme friction be-tween the Maoists and others, many scholars and analysts predicted that

only a small number of Maoist fight-ers would be willing to join the Nep-alese army. However, upon interview-ing 16,000 of them, analysts found that more than a half of the former rebels expressed their desire to join the military forces. The result, both unexpected and unmanageable, has

created further dis-content in the country. According to the agree-ment, those wanting to join the Nepalese army would receive physical training and undergo written examinations. Following a rigorous process, these former rebels would then be enlisted in the army.

However, the in-tegration needs to be meticulously planned and maintained in order to avoid a ‘pro-fessional crisis.’ The Maoists, deemed ‘un-

trustworthy’ and ‘highly undisciplined’ by analysts and ex-rivals alike, are still viewed as probable armed insurgents. Due to this perception, they cannot be trusted with senior level posts in the army. This fact alone has created feel-ings of discontent and animosity be-

By Kinza Mujeeb

The fate of the Maoist fighters in Nepal has been uncertain for the past five years. They are now getting impatient and the decision of their integration into the Nepalese

army is becoming a highly sensitive issue.

A Sluggish Peace Process

Nepalese Army servicemen take part in a ceremony.

Photo credit: www.thestar.com




Culture tells a story about the people who inherit it. Wheth-er they choose to preserve it or

not, their culture remains the link be-tween a society’s past and its present. Any society that decides to ignore its culture cannot hope to go very far.

Pakistan’s early history dates back to two million years ago, when the first inhabitants were believed to have been the Soanian people, having settled in the Soan Valley and Riwat, in modern day Punjab. One of the first and most famous civilizations, the In-dus Valley Civilization, also survived on Pakistan’s very soil. However, in-stead of being preserved as heritage sites or monuments, most of these cities with their ancient civilizations, now lie in ruins.

Similarly, numerous sites across the country were previously impor-

tant centers supporting rich culture and heritage. Cities like Taxila, Makh-li, Bhambore still bear a hint of the so-ciety that once blossomed within their perimeter.

Pre-partition Pakistan was a land that saw the rise and fall of empires and with it a plethora of culture and practices. The Gupta Empire that spanned most of the subcontinent brought with it advancements in architecture, sculptures and paint-ings while the Ghaznavid Dynasty, known for its wars and invasions, also introduced elements of litera-ture, arts and learning. Through time, various colonized eras ranging from the Delhi Sultanate to the grand Mughal Empire lavishly flowered the region with South Asian archi-tecture, Islamic art, cultural music, literature and advancements in sci-

ence, technology and lifestyle. Lahore, also known as the heart

of Pakistan, is a city seeped with rich cultural history. A favorite site of the Mughals, today Lahore is home to the world’s most cherished and beautiful mausoleums and tombs. The famous Mughal emperor, Akbar was so fond of this city that he chose it as the capi-tal for his empire. During his rule, the famous Lahore Fort or ‘Shahi Qila’ was constructed and today remains a true representation of the legacy the Mughals left behind.

Following in his grandfather’s footsteps, Shah Jehan too favored La-hore as the location for his magnifi-cent Shalimar Gardens. A fine blend of Persian influence over Islamic ar-chitecture, the Gardens along with the Fort, earned a spot on the World Heritage List.

By Sidra Rizvi

Heritage sites in Pakistan are a testament to the country’s rich cultural history. Unfortunately, their preservation has largely been neglected.

Culture & HeritagePAKISTAN

‘A people without the knowledge of their history, origin and culture is like a tree without roots.’ Marcus Garvey

Celebrating the PastCelebrating the Past


Moving further south, the culture of Sindh traces its roots back to the In-dus Valley Civilization that survived and flourished alongside the banks of the River Indus. Excavations and digs reveal a highly complex infrastruc-ture of societies, like Moenjodaro and Harappa, that once blossomed there. The different forms of art recovered from such sites provide a detailed in-sight into the lives as well as the cul-tural practices of those societies.

To the west lie the two provinces of Balochistan and Khyber Pakh-toonkhwa. Even though Western Pakistan is mostly hilly and the ter-rain is uneven to say the least, beau-tiful monuments and breathtaking architectural wonders await the curi-ous eyes. The district of Lasbela alone is home to innumerable historical sites including the ‘Jams of Lasbela,’ which remain the most important. The Jams of Lasbela, over 100 at this particular site alone, are the tombs of the people who once ruled the area. The intricate patterns and the de-tailed artwork crafted delicately into the tombs speak for itself.

The province of Khyber Pakh-toonkhwa bears witness to the art and architecture influenced heavily by western settlers such as the Greeks and Romans. This province is also home to the Gandhara art that forms

the basis of Buddhism. Huge stat-utes of Buddha carved into hills and mountains can be seen throughout the region.

In a country replete with such rich heritage, it is a shame to see no concrete efforts being taken to preserve such history. A reminder of this painful neg-ligence is the ‘Ranikot Fort’ in Sindh. Also known as the Great Wall of Sindh because of its resemblance to the Great Wall in China, this splendid work of art is the largest fort in the entire world and until recently was widely ignored. Truly a marvel, the fort has fallen in ru-ins over the years taking down with it volumes of history.

While other countries around the world allocate entire budgets to pre-serve historical sites this practice is found wanting in Pakistan. Countries that are aware of the true tourism po-tential of their historical gems have successfully managed to preserve their culture and transform it into a billion dollar tourism industry,

However, in Pakistan even the most glorious monuments have been vicitmized to general apathy. Accord-ing to the 18th Amendment, the fed-eral government holds the power to control libraries, museums and other institutions. The Department of Ar-chaeology and Museums lies under provincial control and therefore no

effort on the part of the private sec-tor holds any ground.

The department is responsible for issuing periodic reports on heritage sites focusing mainly on the extent of damages done to the sites as well the cost of restoration. Unfortunately, the departments’ negligence in the matter has cost Pakistan dearly in terms of heritage preservation.

Neighboring India too shares a similar culture and history with Paki-stan. During the time of the Mughals, Pakistan and India constituted the subcontinent and the monuments found in India are increasingly simi-lar to those found in Pakistan. Mu-ghal ruler, Shah Jehan built both the famous Taj Mahal in Agra and the Shalimar Gardens in Lahore.

With much in common, the two countries can work together in pre-serving their rich history. However due to political reasons they refuse to see eye to eye. Collaborating on such a diverse cultural heritage, both coun-tries can successfully manage to re-store the damage done to the heritage sites and protect them from further damage. u

The writer is majoring in creative writing and book production at the University of Karachi. She freelances for various publications.

Culture & Heritage


BHUTANGlobalization & Culture

By Ayla Joseph

Bhutan strives to preserve its unique weaving techniques and textiles. With the era of globalization, it will have to choose how much to give and take.

Weaving is an ancient and prestigious art in Bhutan. Passed down from genera-

tion to generation, it has become a so-cietal symbol and, for some women, a means of livelihood. It is commonplace to see young girls honing their weav-ing skills at arts and crafts schools or factories, working on pieces for sale at small shops, weaving in solitude at a mountaintop abode or participating in communal weaving in a village.

Bhutan, until recently, remained isolated from the rest of the world with minimum interference of global-ization and technology. The country has always striven to maintain and cherish its culture. For many women, weaving is all they know; it is a way to preserve their ancient art and tradi-tion. Today, scores of young girls come to Thimphu to train in the art with the hope to carry the traditional craft fur-ther. With minimal trade, the small country is self-subsistent and wom-en often weave elaborate Gho and Kiri, traditional men’s and women’s Bhutanese dresses, for personal use. Bags, scarves, and ceremonial wear in bright colors and intricate patterns are also woven but few are for sale. Apart from clothes, weavers often use yak hair to produce water resistant tents. Often, the final product can take up to six months to a year to complete.

Each region in Bhutan has its own unique style of weaving with the best weavers presumed to come from East-ern Bhutan. In Lhuentse, weavers dec-orate textiles in patterns that resemble embroidery. In the Bumthang region, a much sought after woolen cloth, called Yathra, woven from Yak and sheep wool is produced. Weavers produce raw silk, silk on silk or silk on cotton textiles, depending on which region of the country they hail from. Using com-plicated techniques, fabrics are woven from silk, cotton, wool, yak’s hair and specialized plant fibers. Three main types of looms are used - weaving pedal loom, back-strap loom and card loom. Portable and easy to learn, the back-strap loom is the most common and indigenous and women using this technique can be found engaged in the trade throughout the country.

Even today, the relationship be-tween religion, tradition and arts re-mains strong in Bhutan and the Royal family, nobility and clergy continue to provide significant patronage to the craft. At official, religious and social events, senior level delegates can be seen wearing traditionally woven, handmade outfits each with their own distinctiveness, vying for attention.

The back strap loom allows the weaver to produce identical strips of cloth which are then sewn together to

produce a large piece. The weavers ex-tract dyes from plants rather than use synthetic dyes, the waste from which could pollute rivers and the environ-ment. Though previously closed to trade, Bhutan is now looking for export markets and international partner-ships. The Queen who recently spoke at the National Institute of Design in India stated, “Bhutan’s art of weav-ing has gained international recogni-tion and is the source of livelihood for many. In Bhutan, design is limited to color combinations and pattern motifs. I believe a lot can be done, especially by building partnerships.” Speaking at the 32nd convocation, she stressed on the preservation and promotion of the art and expressed her concern over modern technology stripping tradi-tional skills and knowledge.

There is an immense trade po-tential for Bhutan’s unique textile industry but “We definitely need more awareness and more public-ity,” says Kinzang, project manager in the Ministry of Trade and Indus-try. As Bhutan opens up to the world it will have to tread carefully and choose what to preserve and what to sacrifice in order to modernize but safeguard its culture. u

The writer is a freelance journalist based in New York, USA.

Weaving a Better FutureWeaving a Better Future

Book Review


Title: A Punjabi Village in Pakistan – Perspectives on Community, Land, and EconomyAuthor: Zekiye EglarPublisher: Oxford University Press, Pakistan (October 2010)Pages: 469, HardbackPrice: PKR. 1295ISBN: 9780195477238

Anthropology is the study of humanity. The term “anthro-pology” itself is derived from

the Greek words “anthropos” and “logia” and was first used in 1501 by German philosopher Magnus Hundt.

Its further divisions include cog-nitive/cultural and economic an-thropology. Cognitive anthropology lies within cultural anthropology, in which scholars seek to explain pat-terns of shared knowledge, cultural innovation and transmission over time and space using the methods and theories of the cognitive sciences (especially experimental psychology and evolutionary biology). This is of-ten conducted through close collabo-

ration with historians, ethnographers, archaeologists, linguists, musicolo-gists and other specialists engaged in the description and interpretation of cultural forms. Cognitive anthropol-ogy is concerned with what people from different groups know and how that implicit knowledge changes the way people perceive and relate to the world around them.

Economic anthropology is a schol-arly field that attempts to explain hu-man economic behaviour using the tools of both economics and anthro-pology. There are three major para-digms within the field of economic anthropology: formalism, substantiv-ism and culturalism.

One of the roles of an anthropolo-gist is to analyze each culture with regard to its culturally appropriate means of attaining recognized and valued goals. The challenge is that the individual preferences may differ from culturally recognized goals. Un-der economic rationality, individual decisions are guided by individual preferences in an environment con-strained by culture, including the preferences of others. Such an analysis should uncover the culturally-specific principles that underlie the rational decision-making process.

Although there are numerous books that highlight cultural and eco-nomic anthropological cases there are

Redefining Women’s RolesRedefining Women’s Roles

Book Review


very few that not only shed light on the subject but also make an interest-ing read. One such anthropological gem happens to be ‘A Punjabi Village in Pakistan – Perspectives on Com-munity, Land, and Economy’ by Ze-kiye Eglar.

The introduction and preface of the book provides some insight into the author’s life, which happens to be just as interesting as the events and figures she describes in her book. Eglar was a child of multiple worlds and shows affinity for different kinds of cultures from an early age. She was born in Georgia and her mother was the daughter of a Georgian prince while her father (Suleyman Pasha) was an Azerbaijani Turk who served as a general in the Czar’s army.

Following the 1917 Bolshevik Rev-olution, her family moved to Azer-baijan and in 1923 gained exposure to the newly liberated/independent Republic of Turkey. Interestingly, her family’s association with modern Turkey’s founding father (Ataturk) resulted in the bestowing of the title “Eglar” (intelligence) upon them. All such exposures and encounters with different cultures, languages and cus-toms served as the building blocks for Eglar’s interests and future specializa-tion in cultural anthropology.

Eglar spent most of her life and career shuffling between the U.S and Turkey. In 1933, she studied at Co-lumbia University, under the tutelage of great anthropologists like Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict. In later years she also taught cultural anthropology at Ankara University, before returning to Columbia to complete her PhD. Her dissertation, ‘Vartan Bhanji: Institu-tionalized Reciprocity in a Changing Punjabi village’ was first published by the Columbia University Press in 1958. This dissertation served as the first step in Eglar’s interest in the cul-tural insights of a Punjabi village and during her time at Harvard it was fol-

lowed by a sequel: ‘The Economic Life of a Punjabi Village.’

In her book, Eglar speaks highly of her co-workers and helpers such as Mr. Fazal Ahmed Choudhry, who played a pivotal role in her research. It was Choudhry who helped Eglar in getting acquainted with the com-munity in Mohla; a village in Gujrat, which was to be the site of her anthro-pological masterpiece.

Her own origins and background was also a major factor in her ac-ceptance in Mohla; being born and raised as a Muslim and an Azeri Turk. Throughout her life, she had friends and acquaintances from a diverse background but her family origins were still Turk/Muslim. Her detailed experiences showed that Pakistanis (both urban and rural) highly regard-ed Turks.

Eglar’s manuscript is divided into two parts with the first part generally describing the life in the village and the second part focusing on its eco-nomic aspects. Book One describes in detail the village itself, its compound, castes, the values attached to the land and prestige and ends with chapters highlighting the village calendar, the seasons with relation to planting and harvesting, the hierarchy within the clan and community and the fam-ily’s relationships and interactions. The second book focuses more on the economic aspect of the village life and gives an insight into the different roles and relationships that are centred around the women of the village. The details are captured through local ter-minologies like biraderi (community), izzat (honour) and sadr (inner most de-sire), making for an interesting read.

In her research, Eglar also discov-ered unwritten social contracts and relationships known as vartan bhanji that bound the community at different levels. The well-established network-ing patterns of vartan bhanji reinforced relationships within the family. These

patterns then extended beyond the family to the wider village commu-nity and further, to other villages in the area. The unwritten code also sus-tained professional relationships be-tween the landowners and the tenant farmers. Vartan bhanji revolved around farming and its associated trades, with various barter exchanges rather than cash payments and with women play-ing a central role. This phenomenon of vartan bhanji is what formulates the main crux of Eglar’s book

Eglar’s studies at the Mohla make an important contribution to the un-derstanding of women’s role in this predominantly Muslim, agrarian so-ciety. The book documents women as central to the interdependent pro-cess. Women continued the traditions of vartan bhanji that bound the social fabric of the village together with the process primarily taking place through the daughter of the house. In the community-managed pattern of resolving disputes, women were also in a key position as married daugh-ters could mediate in squabbles. These findings countered the prevailing wis-dom about women’s roles particularly in such rural, predominantly Muslim settings. In short, women were central not just to the social relationships of the village culture but also to the vil-lage economy and to the economic well-being of their families.

Even though times have now changed, women still retain their po-sitions as managers of the house and family and social relationships in the village and beyond. This role remains an active rather than a passive one and counters the conventional posi-tion of Muslim women as submissive or docile decision makers. u

Reviewed by Dr. Omar Farooq Khan

The reviewer is a medical doctor and an ardent believer in Jinnah’s ideologies for balanced nation-building.

Book Review


Book Review

Title: Islam and Society in Pakistan: Anthropological PerspectivesEdited by: Magnus Marsden and Ali KhanPublisher: Oxford University Press, Pakistan (December 2010)Pages: 496, HardbackPrice: PKR 995ISBN: 9780195479577

An overwhelming majority of the people of Pakistan be-long to the Sunni Hanafi sect

of Islam. However, non-Muslims and people belonging to several minority sects of Islam also inhabit the coun-try. The book under review, ‘Islam and Society in Pakistan,’ describes the origins of some of these minority sects and their role in the current socio-po-litical situation in Pakistan. The book

is a collection of seventeen different articles each describing a religious sect or activity related to religion in Pakistan and connecting it with the socio-political developments in the country.

According to the Editor of the anthology, the objective was to bring together ‘as diverse an array of lit-erature on Islam and Muslim life in Pakistan as possible.’ He feels that the

book serves as a valuable resource on learning ‘the complex ways in which Pakistan’s cultural heterogeneity is played out and contested in the realm of religious life.’

The essays deal with both minor-ity sects and the ‘reformist’ move-ments within the majority religion in Pakistan. On the one hand, minuscule sects like the Zikris of Balochistan and the ‘Wahhabi Shias’ of Punjab

Exploring Muslim Society in Pakistan

Exploring Muslim Society in Pakistan

Book Review


Book Review

have been discussed and on the oth-er, Sunni madrassas preaching jihad and the Al-Huda institution, which successfully seeks the promotion of conservative notions regarding the place of women in society, have also been examined. Besides these, the role of Sufism and gatherings at vari-ous shrines in the socio-political de-velopments in Pakistan has also been analyzed.

Though Sufism and visits to shrines are discouraged by the re-formist forces in Pakistan, such cus-toms continue to flourish in the coun-try. The objectives for adhering to such practices vary considerably from one group to the other. Businessmen and professionals, who are highly educated and often possess a long ex-posure to Western ideas, are devotees of saints because it plays an important role in ‘strengthening ties between colleagues and business associates.’

Dancing and singing symbolizes the annual gathering at the shrine of Madho Lal Hussain in Lahore. The prostitutes of Hira Mandi regard him as their ‘patron saint’ while those ad-vocating the promotion of the Punjabi language find it to be a convenient platform for propagating their cause. According to the book, saints and their shrines in Sindh have previous-ly been used by politicians like Z.A. Bhutto and G.M. Syed for achieving political objectives.

The madrassas in Pakistan have been under reform during pre-Inde-pendence and post-Independence periods. During British colonial rule, reforms were undertaken to include in the curriculum what was regarded as ‘useful learning’ by the govern-ment and private reformists. After In-dependence, two major attempts were made to reform madrassa education: one in 1962 and the other in 1979. The 1962 reforms aimed at restoring the ‘purity’ of religious learning and introducing essential non-religious

disciplines. The 1979 reforms were a part of the ‘Islamization’ campaign launched by Gen Zia-ul-Haq. These reforms offered financial assistance to the madrassas and the students and guaran-teed recognition of degrees that would qualify students for government employ-ment. However, the reform was opposed by the ulema because it directly challenged their autonomy.

After the over-throw of monarchy in Iran, a new element of foreign involvement penetrated madras-sas as well as the var-ious religious groups in Pakistan. While the Shia educational institutions and ac-tivist groups received generous financial assistance from Iran, similar Sunni insti-tutions and groups were the beneficiaries of such generosity from Saudi Arabia. This development intensified further sectarian violence in a country like Pakistan.

Sadaf Ahmad conducted an inter-esting study regarding the Al-Huda institution, which is now established in several major cities of Pakistan. The author is of the view that Al-Huda is now a social movement aimed at the Islamization of upper and upper-middle class women. She points out that Al-Huda has been successful in attracting this ‘educated female elite’ where institutions of other religious groups, such as the Jamaat-e-Islami, have failed to do so.

Discussing the causes of Al-Hu-da’s success, the author observes that at other institutions, clerics and

maulvis tend to dominate. As a re-sult, those who harbor ‘modern’ out-looks consider such clerics ignorant and backward. On the contrary, the

founder of Al-Huda, Farhat Hashmi, is well educated and holds a PhD from a university in the UK. At Al-Huda, Quranic verses are interpreted in simple language and in a manner that make them under-standable and rel-evant to the lives of the students. At these sessions, no one is compelled to adopt Islamic behavior such as wearing the Aba-ya or the headscarf. Teachers often make use of science and its theories to explain Islamic injunctions. Instructions are im-parted in both, Urdu and English but those being taught in Eng-lish are greatly out-numbered by those

receiving instructions in Urdu. Though the book is extensive and

incorporates varying perspectives on the issue of Islam in the Pakistani so-ciety, it can make for a difficult read. The articles in the book are written in a scholarly language and carry a large number of references and footnotes, which hinder smooth reading by an average reader. It seems almost as if the writings are catered to researchers or students who intend to take up re-search on the aforementioned subjects in the future. u

Reviewed by Kinza Mujeeb

The reviewer is a broadcast journalist and researcher for the Geo Group.

During British

colonial rule,

reforms were

undertaken

to include in

the curriculum

what was

regarded as

‘useful learning’

by the

government

and private

reformists.

The Last Stop

58 January 2012SOUTHASIA

U.S FOREIGN POLICY

Pakistan’s in-dignation over the killing of

26 soldiers on the night of November 25/ 26 by American aircraft and gunships at the border posts in the Salala area of Mohmand Agency is understandable. It is sad to see any innocent person getting killed and it becomes more tragic when it is done by an ally.

Was the American attack inten-tional? Many in the military believe this to be the case. The delay of the Obama administration in making the inquiry findings public is mak-ing matters worse for all concerned; this however should not be surprising considering that the same authorities, including the American Ambassador in Islamabad, had promised an inqui-ry against Raymond Davis when they all were clamoring for his release. Nothing of the sort appears to have taken place and Davis is walking free; he was not detained for killing two Pakistanis in Lahore but was swiftly taken into custody when he punched a person in a shopping mall parking lot in America. We all expect a better standard of justice from the Ameri-cans than this.

America, despite its materialism and consumerism, is an extremely

patriotic and generous nation. Its pa-triotism is obviously at the expense of the rest of the world but its generosity is appreciated by all. However, it is a country that lives in its own world. It has not suffered a direct military at-tack in recent history except when the Japanese made the mistake of attack-ing Pearl Harbor in December 1941. However, it has sacrificed millions of its soldiers to defend its allies mostly during the two world wars in Europe and then in Vietnam and Korea.

Despite such a large number of soldiers getting killed in these wars, each death is recounted by the public, the media and the White House as a national loss. The problem is that the country fails to put itself in the shoes of the other nations. The number of people killed in the 9/11 attack is mentioned ad nauseam but the mil-lions killed in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are never cited. President Truman had no qualms while drop-ping an atomic bomb on Hiroshima in August 1945 when he easily could have done this on a military target; in fact, he dropped another one on Na-gasaki within weeks of dropping the first one showing his callousness. The American people rewarded him by re-electing his presidency.

Twenty eight Pakistani troops were killed by the Americans by mis-take or to send a message to the GHQ while President Obama is unwilling

to even apologize for these deaths, of-fering only condolences to President Zardari. What would be our nation’s fate if the Pakistan Air Force had mis-takenly killed 28 American troops in Afghanistan?

This is the bottom-line and we must appreciate it. We have chosen this on our own and it has not been thrust upon us. We allied with the Ameri-cans in the fifties against the Soviet Union by joining CENTO and SEATO when there was no need to do so; we provided bases to the Americans then and even now. We waged a war in Af-ghanistan on America’s behalf starting in 1980 and siding with it now against our former Taliban allies. We have shown no spine and our past conduct goes to show that we are on sale; our price may be billions of dollars but it remains `peanuts’ for the Americans.

If we desire to stand-up to the Americans then it cannot be done by mere rhetoric. We have to decide our own national interest and stick to it. This does not at all mean regard-ing ourselves as enemy of the United States; it simply implies taking a na-tional stand, just like the French, and sticking to it. u

The writer is an advocate of the Supreme Court and a member of the Washington, DC Bar. He has been writing for various publications for more than 20 years and has authored several books.

Putting Oneself in the Other’s Shoes

By Anees Jillani

Documents

INTERNATIONAL Domino Effect - SOUTHASIAsouthasia.com.pk/Images/archives/2012/sa-january-2012.pdf · INTERNATIONAL Domino Effect January 2012 ... Published since 1977 as Thirdworld,