International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review

International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review Available Online at: www.ijcrr.info

ISSN: 0976-4852 Volume 11|Issue 08, August, 2020|

International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review www.ijcrr.info , Vol. 11, Issue. 08 Page no: 21711-21736 DOI: https://doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr.v11i08.823 Page | 21711

Corresponding Author:

Sofian Herouach Received: 2020-07-15 Accepted 2020-08-07

Publish Online 2020-08-08

Patriarchy and Spinsterhood in Morocco, Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences, Dher el Mehrez, Fes, as a Case Study

Sofian Herouach "PhD Candidtae, English Department, Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences (FLDM), Sidi Mohammed Ben Abdullah University, Fes, Morocco.

DOI: https://doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr.v11i08.823

Abstract:

The present study is an attempt to investigate higher education learners’ attitudes about the issue of spinsterhood as a social phenomenon in Morocco. It aims at investigating the variables that may influence spinsterhood such as religion, culture, international human rights, marriage legislation and women education. The paper uses a theoretical and practical part. The review of literature is quiet broad and inclusive that it trespasses the national intellectual framework on the issue of spinsterhood to the western one. The field work is conducted through distributing a representative number of questionnaires, 350 questionnaires. Briefly, the findings proved that the majority of respondents, 51% believes that the society regards spinsters as those who had never been proposed to. Moreover, 52% of respondents hold the view that spinsters are old women who had never been married. As to the gender perception factors that may further stereotype spinsters, the findings proved that the majority of the respondents, 55% stress that religion stands as a primary factor behind conservative gender perception. Lastly, an important percent of 49% of the respondents believes that the lack of education is the factor behind such perceptions of gender.

Keyword: unmarried women, spinsters, singles, human rights, gender, marriage legislation, women education

1. Introduction

It seems of considerable importance to start up with some significant definitions that the term spinster has witnessed across time up to the mostly agreed current use. For instance, one of the ancient meanings referred to the term spinster was an unmarried girl or woman who spun wool and who was beyond the usual age of marriage (Wikipedia, 2020). By 1880, this term has evolved to include women unwilling to marry. For example, Berend (2000) stresses, “Middle-class spinsters, as well as

their married peers, took ideals of love and

marriage very seriously, and ... spinsterhood was

indeed often a consequence of their adherence to

those ideals…in the nineteenth century , an ideal

meant a patterning idea, the archetypical idea, the

ultimate measure of existing things” (Berend, 2000). Moreover, some other definitions are far away from the common derogatory sense of spinster. For example, Jeffreys (1985) defines spinsters simply as women who have chosen to reject sexual relationships with men (Jeffreys, 1985). However, a spinster in general is usually

http://www.ijcrr.info/


https://doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr.v11i08.823


Sofian Herouach / Patriarchy and Spinsterhood in Morocco, Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences, Dher el Mehrez, Fes, as a Case Study


referred as a woman who is not married, especially a woman who is no longer young and seems unlikely ever to marry (Dictionary, 2019). Clearly, a spinster could be a woman who was considered unlikely to ever marry. Other definitions, like in English language in the 19th and early 20th centuries imply that spinsters or unmarried women are cultural failures (Gebhard, 1991).

In comparison to these multiple definitions provided by different references about the spinster, we shift to focus on to the meaning of a spinster in the Moroccan culture use. A spinster in the Moroccan cultural sense is usually referred to by the term “Bayra” (the Moroccan colloquial term for the English Spinster). Bayra is a derogative labeling for the unmarried women in Morocco. It may differ to the western connotation of spinster and relate to it in other socio-cultural contexts. A spinster may not only be referred to as a woman who stays unmarried, but words like spinster in English, Aanissa in Arabic or Bayra in Moroccan colloquial may connote negative attributes to these women. For example, Flah (2012) states, “These

words do not depict only the status of women who

have not experienced marital relations. They bear

a whole aura of negative attributes conducive to

antagonistic attitudes towards the women referred

to” (Flah, 2012). Therefore, the Moroccan connotation for the term Bayra is a woman who has been unwillingly passed the age of marriage. That is to say, literally, a Bayra is a woman who would wish to marry but hasn’t been proposed to. Although spinsterhood exists all over the world, including Western countries; the connotation underlying the term spinster may be in some cases particular to a certain country and it may sometimes share common features across world countries. For example, in Western Europe, high incidence of permanent celibacy and high age at first marriage may be distinguishing features of Western Europe marriage pattern (Flah, 2012, p. 2-3).

It is assumed that in the western world, marriage rates are increasingly declining because of divorce and singlehood, but a woman who neither lives

with nor has been legally bound to a man is perceived as an anomaly (Engelen & Kok, 2003). Moreover, Holden (2008) holds that the search for a soul mate has become a major preoccupation for girls and those who fail to find a one continue to be stereotyped, stigmatized and ignored (Holden & al, 2008). From the above mentioned references, we could deduce that the spinster is sometimes used interchangeably with the term single. Yet in the Moroccan cultural sense, the term single is not widely used and doesn’t usually apply to unmarried women who passed the normal age of marriage but to young women in their twenties; whereas, the most common word referring to unmarried single women in their thirties is Bayra. Also, singleness may, and often means that a woman has chosen not to marry for some convincing reasons; whereas, a spinster or a Bayra could be a woman who has never been proposed to.

The review of literature is an attempt to highlight the issue of spinsterhood in Morocco, its factors and its implications in the socio-cultural mindset of the community. Moreover, the paper serves to highlight the interplay of factors such as women rights and women literacy on spinsterhood or singleness. In this study, it is hypothesized that spinsterhood and singleness are more likely to be related and affected by variables such as international human rights issuing, marriage legislation and women education. The present study is an overview attempt on the issue of spinsterhood and singleness in Moroccan community, the interrelation between international human rights, marriage legislation and women education, and their influence on women marriage or singleness. This paper attempts to answer main questions such as:

a. What is the impact of women rights, womeneducation and marriage legislation onspinsterhood and singleness.

b. To what extent women basic life prioritiessuch as education and career occupationsinfluence women’s decision to marry or staysingle?

c. What are the socio cultural implications ofspinsterhood?



https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/married

https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/especially

https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/long

https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/young

https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/seem

https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/unlikely

https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/ever

https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/marry


I find it of outstanding importance to tackle social issues that are nowadays constantly spread worldwide such as spinsterhood. Moreover, I’d love to add my contribution to this subject, knowing that there are not quite enough researches that cover this phenomenon so far, especially in the Moroccan context. Such issues and their effects could have implications that need to be highlighted. The paper, theoretically, isn’t restricted only to the Moroccan context; whereas, it could encompass the western context. Therefore, the paper could attract the interest of large masses of readers and communities all over the world. The survey is quantitative and qualitative. The sample is FLDM (Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences, Dher El Mehrez, Fez). The questionnaire was distributed randomly in 350 versions which involved important items such as respondents’ gender, religion, age, family status and social background. For the qualitative section, I used interviews. Twenty interviewees were reached with an interview guide that comprised significant notions such as women basic rights and women assuming of full freedom. The interviews length of time didn’t exceed four minutes. Concerning the theoretical part background, I attempted to rely on a general review of literature, not restricted to the Moroccan context only, for more credibility and validity of the paper.

2. Theoretical Background

2.1 Contextualization 2.2 Gender and Patriarchy in Morocco

Patriarchy could be defined as a social system in which male hold primary power and predominates in terms of the social hierarchy and political leadership. Morocco is considered among the patriarchal countries that assumed male dominance for long periods up to the present day. Historically, the patriarchal system manifested itself in the social, legal, political, religious and economic organizations of a range of different cultures. Even if not explicitly defined by the power of constitutions and laws, most contemporary societies are, in practice, patriarchal (Douglas, 2007). The patriarchal system of any country could be justified and explained through a set of ideas or

through an ideology that legitimates its actions and control. The example of Moroccan patriarchy is explained by a history of tradition and mainly religion that persisted for long periods and gave men priority over women. Yet there has been a relative progress to this case along the decades, notably with the beginning of the third millennium. For example, Flah (2012) affirms that patriarchy is neither a concealed nor a restricted practice in Morocco. Until a couple of decades ago, public space was male-dominated and woman’s presence outside the house had to be accompanied (Flah, 2012). This means that when a woman expresses an urgent will to go outside, she should be escorted by family brothers, husband or a man from relatives. In this regard, Amrani (2012) adds that men and women seemed to move in separate spheres with very few exceptions because the family is traditionally headed by the father whose decisions are unquestionable and, in the case of his absence, the elder son is always there to take over (Amrani, 2012). That is to say, women are inherently unable to thrive in separation of a male and they are not supposed to seek autonomy and claim responsibility. Clearly, Morocco has been considered for centuries a man-oriented society where traditions and customs are strictly observed and manliness is highly cherished and valued. In the midst of this patriarchal structure, woman is considered precarious and vulnerable. She constantly requires unusual care as any breach of such vulnerability could be an injury to man’s pride. However, this norm is witnessing a rapid change, especially with the beginning of the third millennium. Such factors are various amongst which, we can state the socio-economic changes that allowed women to have access to the job market, gender open-mindedness and human rights enhancement. Some features of this change are going to be highlighted in a separate section of this paper.

2.1.1 Human Rights and the importance of Women Education

It has been witnessed since decades that there is a clear increase in terms of laws and decrees favoring





women’s rights on both, national and international levels. The call to legislate for the benefit of woman implies a great emphasis on education as a basic right for woman as well as a key principle for her development. For example, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) and the Program of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (1994) insist on women education as a basic right. Moreover, the Fourth World Conference on Women, held in Beijing in 1995, recognized that woman's literacy is a key to empowering woman's participation in decision making in society and to improving families' well-being. In addition, the United Nations has articulated the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which include goals for improved education, gender equality, and women's empowerment (Samar, 2002).

Clearly, the MDGs emphasize education's essential role in building democratic societies and creating a foundation for sustained economic growth (Nations, 2005). Nationally speaking, the Moroccan government launched the National Initiative for Human Development in 2005 to provide more funding for non-governmental associations in vulnerable regions and work on providing access to education for children, with a particular focus on girls’ literacy in rural areas. The initiative provided funding to help families send their children, including girls to school, as well as bicycles for students who needed to travel long distances. Moreover, the government’s “Education Emergency Action Plan” (2009-2012) provided stipends to help poor children to attend and build more preschools in rural areas and improve existing schools. Moreover, the initiative created dormitories in major cities so that children from rural areas, especially girls, could have a safe space to live during their studies. Under Morocco’s new constitution, passed in response to the Arab Spring protests in 2011, the principle of gender equality is front and center. With education, making up nearly a quarter of the government’s budget; Morocco has also come close to meeting the Millennium Development Goal for universal primary education, which more than doubled from 1990 to 2008.

Yet the legal reforms favoring women and girls remain ineffective or poorly implemented, due to financial constraints, urban-rural divides and conservative gender norms. Indeed, the country still falls well below the regional average in terms of literacy, especially for girls. According to a White House statement, while nearly 85 percent of girls in Morocco are enrolled in primary school, this percentage drops to 14 percent at the high school level. Illiteracy for girls above the age of ten in some rural areas is as high as 75 percent, with some sources even reporting figures as high as 90 percent (Elliott, 2016). In this regard, it could be concluded that there is a will to empowering women through legislating laws’ initiatives and women education. Yet there are hindrances and obstacles as manifested above in terms of states potentials to advance in this regard. On the other hand, the structure of the society and its basic principles may not be flexible to help in achieving progress, especially in terms of allowing women to have access to education.

2.2.2 Spinsterhood Socio-cultural Implications

The socio-cultural structure and mindset of a certain community could have the final word whether to allow women to have access to education or not. That is, no matter how important woman education could be for society’s progress, a certain community mindset could ban it altogether; henceforth, a banning of woman liberation. As Maher (2009) notes, “This is especially true in the

case of women for the value system which reserves

the public sphere for men and excludes women

from it also requires the training of women to be

entirely domestic so that they are unemployable

and economically dependent” (Maher, 2009). This means that what they could see as the main obtained goal for their girls is that they get married at an early age and not staying as a Bayra. That is, an overloaded burden on the family. Clearly, education in the villagers’ point of view (tribal conservative system) not only does not provide the domestic training of cooking and cleaning for the young girls, but it also makes them vain and unrealistic. Because of the consequences that parents in the rural areas associate with school,





many respond with pride when asked if they send their daughters to school, “We don’t send our girls

to school” (Maher, 2009, p. 73). That is, keeping girls at home or secluding them from frequenting schools means preserving the family’s honor. Schools are seen as a corrupting influence, giving access to the public sphere. This may be the point of view of parents about education even though their daughters may have a total different point of view. For daughters as Maher (2009) states, “The

excitement of meeting other children, of being

active on their own account rather than serving

others, seems to make school an enjoyable

experience for girls” (Maher, 2009, p. 85).

Yet a girl in Moroccan communities is never allowed to forget that her school life is circumstantial, and that her real role is at home, making bread, and looking after small siblings. When a girl goes to school, it is usually for a short period. Furthermore, she still has to perform the subservient duties of a female, and she is reminded that school is temporary and that being a housewife is the true destiny for her. In this regard, illiteracy forms a serious problem in Morocco due to these attitudes (Maher, 2009, p. 91). According to the World Bank (2000), illiteracy rate among men is 38.3 percent; whereas, it is 63.9 percent among women (Statistics, 2017). This gap between men’s and women’s illiteracy rates can be easily explained if we consider the cultural attitude towards girls’ education. Moreover, the school systems, instead of promoting creativity and originality; they often reinforce strict adherence to rules, and unquestionable obedience. Because of this socio-cultural mindset of parents about their daughters and how they determine their future to end up in marriage and child rearing, we reach the conclusion why single women are negatively stereotyped within such communal structures. When they remain unmarried and single up to thirties, they are stereotyped and derogatory labeling such as Bayra or Anissa is reinforced. That is a punishment of those women who were not up to society’s expectations and didn’t meet the social norms of the community. Such stereotyping has several aspects that negatively influence the life of single unmarried women.

For example, Ibrahim & Hassan (2009) argue that remaining unmarried beyond a certain age is regarded as a misfortune in many societies. Such women are pitied and blamed for their status and negative stereotypes are associated with their civil status (Ibrahim & Hassan, 2009). In order to highlight the significance of spinsterhood impact in traditional societies, Flah (2012) notes, “When

women remain unmarried in an advanced age, they

are outcast from the mainstream society. The

regular use of words like spinster or Bayra are

constant reminders that these women were not up

to society’s expectations that require women to be

physically attractive, compliant with the norms of

marriage and most importantly kept under control” (Flah, 2012, p. 3-4). The implications of spinsterhood could differ from society to another according to the socio-cultural norms. Also, the rate of spinsterhood varies across countries and according to circumstances. The social order in some conservative traditional societies, based on gender discrimination makes it hard for a woman to avert from marriage. In this regard, Flah (2012) says, “In most conservative societies, the female

character is at the risk of rejection and social

stigma is required to fulfill a number of

expectations. Women represent in patriarchal

societies the subject of sexual desire, motherhood

and virtue. When women fail to fulfill these

anticipated attributes, society retaliates

mercilessly’’ (Flah, 2012, p. 4-5).

In other words, the marital status, based on male dominance imprisons woman’s freedom and liberty. Thus, as an escape from the burdens of marriage, some women decide to stay unmarried. However, these women receive much cultural insulation and symbolic violence from the surrounding people. They are considered against the stream and against the supposedly accepted norms. In other words, when women remain unmarried in an advanced age, they are rejected from the mercy and benediction of the society. She reiterates that the regular use of words like spinster or Bayra is a constant reminder that these women were not up to society’s expectations that require women to be physically attractive, compliant with the norms of marriage and most importantly kept





under control. The socio-cultural orders that are based on inequality, father dominance and patriarchal ideologies may create problems for those who stay unmarried whether by choice as singles or by destiny as “Bayras”. Taking in consideration the above mentioned data, we can come to the idea that a female single is negatively stereotyped because the society is based on rules and norms to be blindly conformed to. Also, man is, inside such patriarchal structure, used to see woman’s role as a housekeeper, looking after children, obedient and silent; but not as an independent agent.

3. Gender and Social Change

3.1 Marriage Legislation in Morocco

The major event that encouraged social change in terms of gender relations and gender relative development was the decision of making profound reforms in the Mudawana (personal code for marital and women issues legislation) in 2004. The 2004 Mudawana brought substantive changes on the level of marriage, polygamy, divorce, child custody and inheritance. A comparison between the-before and the after-reforms of the Mudawana demonstrates the amendments of each issue. For example, the reformed Mudawana in 2004 defines marriage as, “A legal contract by which a man and

a woman consent to unite in order to have a

common and lasting marital life” (Hursh, 2012). That is, the goal of marriage, among other things, is to create the foundation of a stable family. Previously, the code allowed the husband alone to direct the marriage and required the wife’s obedience, added to the fact that the previous code specifically cited the need to procreate. Moreover, the reform establishes in article 19 that the age of marital consent as eighteen for men and women. Previously, the age of consent was eighteen for men, but fifteen for women. Also, under the previous code, men and women had separate rights and duties. The reformed code eliminates this language and establishes men and women’s reciprocal rights and duties. These changes redefine marriage closer to an equitable partnership, rather than a male dominated subjugation of women.

Women are no longer sexual objects with an explicit duty to procreate and a renewed language of “shared common and lasting life” replaces “obedience to the husband” discourse enacted in the previous personal code. Another important reform was regarded to polygamy. Critics who argue that Islamic law is incompatible with women’s rights often cite male polygamy—the ability of man to marry multiple wives—as evidence of this incompatibility. Polygamy presents a difficult problem for commentators wishing to demonstrate the compatibility of woman’s rights and Islamic law, as there is direct Quran support for this practice. For example, a polygamous marriage now requires judicial approval, not the husband’s discretion. Moreover, the husband must demonstrate the necessity of the second marriage. In addition, polygamy is impermissible if the wife previously required the husband not marry a second wife. These are only some of the basic reforms we mentioned here (Hursh, 2012, p. 62). Yet Many Islamic groups have emphasized that they do not oppose reform of the Mudawana in general, but reject what they view as reforms rooted in externally imposed principles, such as those based in international human rights law, as opposed to exclusively Islamic origins (Cavatorta, 2009). Clearly, it remains hard for a society, even educated, that inherited for centuries a patriarchal structure of male’s dominance to easily forgo his privileges and accept equity vis a vis women. Yet progress and change take place though sometimes very slowly and imperceptibly.

3.2 Significant Gender Relation Changes since 2004

Among the basic foundations for the change that happened on the level of gender relations were the reforms applied to the Mudawana in 2004. These reforms have pushed to profound changes in gender relations and have socially empowered women to assume a relative freedom in terms of social relations and decide on priorities issues such as education and a proper career rather than marriage. For example, the British NGO indicates that the number of single women has increased by 4.6%. Moreover, the same reference adds that a





60% of Moroccan women, approximately 8 million women, are single or unmarried (Koundouno, 2018). Added to this, the Moroccan newspaper “Al Ahdath Al Maghrebia” holds that Morocco is classified among the countries where there are encouraging steps to challenge societal norms and taboos regarding gender relations. Perhaps even more surprisingly, “Al Ahdath Al Magrhibia” journal further reports that as things now stand in Morocco, marriage is 27 for men and 28 for women, indicating the fading or waning weight or families and tradition on decisions concerning private and intimate choices. Estimates also reveal that interfamilial marriages have drastically decreased, dropping from 33 percent to 21 percent (Koundouno, 2018).

The trend is confirmed by the latest statistics from the High Commissioner for Planning (HCP) which found that the country has been experiencing a considerable decrease in the number and practice of early marriages. According to HCP, Morocco’s average marriage age is now 26 years old up from 20 years old. The same source also indicated that this new trend has been a driving force in decreasing Morocco’s fertility or reproduction rate (Koundouno, 2018). It can be hold that Moroccan women are increasingly inclined to marry in their late twenties or early thirties, with many of them valuing their personal careers, and saying that a late marriage is usually a springboard to a successful and fulfilled personal and family life, particularly when it comes to raising children with an education that can guarantee them success later in life. It could be also assumed that mentalities are changing, explaining that as a result of advanced education. Clearly, Moroccan women are growing to be more assertive and expressive. That is to say, they want to be present as integral part in the public debate and shape society, not just as mothers or daughters, but rather as financially autonomous and politically independent individuals (Koundouno, 2018).

As a consequence to education pursuit, women can overlook the notion of marriage. In this regard, Chizomam, Lorretta & Abanihe (2013) stress that formal education may stand behind marriage delay

as women prefer to continue their studies and find a job. Education has been found to affect woman’s perception of marriage and decisions not to marry in many societies (Chizomam, Lorretta, & Abanihe, 2013). The latter stresses that the length of time education takes inevitably postpones marriage for so many women because they would not marry while attending school. In other words, education refines woman’s world view and gives her a completely new value about ideal marriage and marriage partner. In the same interest, Alkohali argues that it seems like a rule that if a woman wants to complete her education and work to depend on herself, she will lose her marital life (Alkohali, 2014). This means that, Alkohali adds, the risk of woman’s rights in educational and public life and in male society is that women fall victim to spinsterhood. Moreover, Alkohali (2014) stresses that once families have begun to realize the importance of education and work, they become more interested to study and be employed, especially in the cities. Moroccan women are also nowadays entering the economic market center in large numbers. That is, there is a constant percent increase of the integration of women in the labor market. Such increase of women access to job market could also lead to an increase in singlehood (Laskaridis, 2011).

4. Methodology

The purpose of this chapter is to give an account of the methodology followed in this study. It attempts to describe the objective of the study and the research questions asked. It also discusses, compares and contrasts the research instruments used for collecting data. Then, it attempts to justify the use of questionnaires and interviews as research techniques employed in the present study. It also describes the participants targeted, the sample size and the sampling procedures. The present study is an attempt to investigate students’ attitudes about the issue of spinsterhood as a social phenomenon. The study measures the variables related to research respondents of gender, religion, age, social status and marital status. Also, it discusses the factors that may influence spinsterhood and singleness such as religion, culture and patriarchal





structure on one hand; human rights conventions, marriage legislation and women education on the other hand. In order to achieve this objective, the following research questions are asked:

1. What is the impact of women rights, womeneducation and marriage legislation onspinsterhood and singleness.

2. To what extent women basic life prioritiessuch as education and career occupationsinfluence women’s decision to marry or staysingle?

3. What are the socio cultural implications ofspinsterhood?

So as to answer the research questions mentioned above, the study targeted 370 FLDM (Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences; Dher El Mehrez, Fez) students: 350 questionnaire versions and 20 interviews. The participants were selected randomly. The sampling is random. That is, every member of the student’s population of the faculty of letters and human sciences had the chance to participate. The questionnaires feedback comprised the belonging of respondents to a number of departments and branches of study as well as different study levels. This study uses the questionnaires and the interviews as two different techniques for eliciting quantitative and qualitative data. The aim is to come with unbiased objective and hypothesis testing results. Mixing the quantitative and the qualitative approaches will be very beneficial and appropriate for this research. The questionnaire used in this study is meant to elicit quantitative data that will be quantified and described in numerical terms.

While I was distributing the questionnaire, the respondents are told that the information provided will be used only for the present study. Most of the items that have been used were closed questions and the answers of these closed questions can be classified and grouped together. The questionnaire was designed in English language. For the respondents who didn’t understand English and were from other departments such as Arabic and French departments, I explained the questionnaire items at once and let them fill it at ease. I

distributed 350 questionnaires among FLDM students. I had back 320 out of 350 clearly filled up and the items responded. 180 of the questionnaires were filled up purely by females and 160 by males; whereas, 20 were disqualified as it was clear that the respondents weren’t precise and ticked several choices at once. The ten left questionnaires were lost and not handed back. The respondents’ age is between 18 and 30. Furthermore, 100% of respondents are Muslims since they live in an Islamic country and refereed to themselves as Muslims. Concerning the social status of respondents, 67% of them belong to the middle class; whereas, 33% of respondents are from a low-poor social class (it is shown in the graph below). 90% of the respondents are singles; whereas, 8 % are married and only 2% are divorced as the graphs show below. The reason behind the choice of this research sample from this faculty is that the respondents are educated, young, and may understand women’s situation in a better way, meaning that they can provide the best information about the topic.

Furthermore, the semi structured interview was used in this study, as it was employed for collecting data from a group of respondents that reaches the estimated figure of 20 interviewees from FLDM. The interviews were conducted in person. As some respondents couldn’t express their attitudes properly in English, they were allowed to respond to the interview guide in Arabic and French. The interviews length of time took between two to four minutes each. The interviews weren’t recorded as some interviewers declined being recorded. So, I refrained from recording them and I wrote them down. The qualitative method is meant for understanding the perspectives of students from their real experiences. It aims at realizing more credibility. Also, it induces specific interpretations for deeper analysis and paves the way for the reader to reflection and generating further hypotheses. For the review of literature, I relied on a general literature (theoretical background) which shows that spinsters may undergo similar situations across several countries of the world. Moreover, the paper may contribute in understanding in depth the socio- cultural implications that surge up as a fact of being





a spinster. Thus, my rationale behind this work flows in this regard and for this purpose.

The tables and graphs below summarize the data collection techniques used in this study as well as the respondents’ description:

4.1 Variables Description 4.2 Statistics and Graphs 4.1.1 Statistics

Data collection Descriptive

statistics

Methods and variables Numerical

statistics Methods

Respondents

Questionnaires 350

Interviews 20

Total 370

Variables Percent

statistics

Gender Female : 58%

Male : 42%

Age 18-20: 33%

20-25 : 50%

25-30 : 15%

Religion Muslim : 100%

Social status Middle Class :

67%

Low Class : 33%

Family status Single : 90%

Married : 8%

Divorced : 2%

Table 1: Data collection methods and respondents

descriptive statistics

4.1.2 Graphs: Figure 1: Gender Figure 2: Age Figure 3: Religion Figure 4: Social Status Figure 5: Family Type

Figure 1 Gender

Figure 2 Age

Figure 3 Religion

Figure 4 Social Status

Female Male

What is your gender

20-25 18-20 25-30

What is your age?

1

what is your religion?

Muslim

0

50

100

Marital status

Married

Single

Divorce





Figure 5 Family Type

4.2.2 Variables description The above mentioned variables are of considerable importance in this research. They could shape the attitudes of respondents and could represent the rationale behind their answers variations. For the first figure of gender, 58% were females and 42% were males. The results that proved the culture weight on spinsters is justified by the fact that women are more concerned in this regard. We don’t even call a man who passed the normal age of marriage a spinster or a single. Thus, results could have been proved otherwise if more questionnaires were field up by more males. The variable of age for the second figure isn’t less important in this regard. Age of the respondents is one of the most important characteristics in understanding their views about the particular problem of spinsterhood. By and large, age indicates a certain level of maturity of individuals. In this paper as the third figure demonstrates, 33% of respondents were between the ages of 18-20 years old; 50% of respondents were between the ages of 20-25 and 15% were between the ages of 25-30 years old. Concerning the variable of religion in the fourth figure, 100% referred to themselves as Muslims. Religion may largely underlie Respondents attitudes, particularly if the religion bears a certain solid vision and resource texts on the status of woman such as that of Islam. Also, the social status of the respondents, as indicated in the fifth figure, may imply their attitudes nature. In this research, 67% of respondents are from the middle class; whereas, 33% are from the low class. Obviously, the social position implicates the manner of life undergone

inside and outside home. A good social position allows good welfare for the family and good education. Thus, attitudes reflected through the respondents could form variations according to each social status. The last measured variable, in this sense, is the marital status as the last figure shows. Worthy of indication is that the marital status of the respondents has consciously or unconsciously a connected relation with the topic of spinsters or singles. As the graph above shows, 90% referred to themselves as singles, 8% were married and only 2% were divorced. Apparently, the attitudes provided by divorced respondents who have undergone the marital experience may vary from the respondents who were still singles. Likewise, the same points of view may differ to those who married and later divorced.

5. Field Work, Findings and Analysis

5.1 Field Work Findings and Analysis

5.1.1 Figures and Tables i. The Profiles of Spinsters

In an attempt to identify the word “spinster” more precisely in the Moroccan context, the respondents were given choices to choose the best definition

Figure 6: The Profiles of Spinsters

0

20

40

60

80

Marital status

Married

Single

Divorce

0.0

20.0

40.0

60.0

80.0

100.0

120.0

yo

un

g w

om

an…

wo

men

wh

o…

wo

men

wh

o w

ant…

div

orc

ed w

om

en…

old

wo

men

wh

o…

Chosen

Non-chosen





The profiles of Spinsters

Statements/ Items given to respondents Percent of positive selection

Percent of negative selection

Young woman who has never been married 54,3% chose it 45,7% didn’t choose it

Women who voluntarily chose to be single 17,1% chose it 82,9% didn’t choose it

Women who want to get married but they cannot find a husband

45,7% chose it 54,3% didn’t choose it

Divorced women who do not get married again 97,1%didn’t choose it

Old women who have never married 54,3% chose it 45,7% didn’t choose it

Table 2: Tthe profiles of Spinsters

A close analysis of the first figure (figure a: the profiles of the Spinsters) demonstrates that the majority of respondents, 95% refuses to identify spinsters as women who had been divorced and not married again. This is a tendency towards a different identification of spinsters. The identification of spinsters is what is proved by a majority of 52% of the respondents who believe that spinsters are old women who had never been married. That is evident as long as culture and society are concerned. In this regard, the definitions provided by the American Oxford about spinster as a “Woman who passed the normal age

of marriage” agree to some extent with these definitions. That is, there could be common points about spinsterhood spanning various countries. Not far from the previous percentage, 82% of the respondents rejects that spinsters are those women who voluntarily chose to be singles. This result isn’t shocking as far as the society is concerned. For the Moroccan culture, there is a difference between the spinster “Al Bayra” and the single woman. That is, “Al Bayra” is a woman who has never been proposed to; whereas, a single woman is a woman who might have refused several times to marry or decided to stay single. On the other hand, a close majority to the previous, 47%

identifies spinsters as those women who wanted to get married and didn’t find a husband. This result and significance go hand in hand with the previous one which proved that spinsters are old women who had never been married. This further proves the difference between Spinsters and Singles in Moroccan societal structure though these terms may sometimes be used interchangeably as is the case in western countries. On the other hand, 70/% of the respondents refuses to portray young women who had never been married as spinsters. Finally, only 18/%thinks that spinsters are those who voluntarily chose to be singles. This opinion, though very few may represent a category of respondents who highly believe in gender rights and dignity and signifies a tendency towards shifting the stereotypes on gender within a patriarchal society as that of Morocco. From this analysis, the perception of a spinster in the Moroccan socio-cultural mentality is being further illustrated. This will be analyzed in the next section.

ii. The Socio-Cultural Mindset on Spinsters

Attempting to figure out how is the spinster perceived in the Moroccan context, the respondents were asked to select among the items as the graph shows





Figure 7: The Socio-Cultural Mindset on Spinster

The Socio-Cultural Mindset on Spinster

Statements/ Items given to respondents Percent

A woman who failed to find a husband 37,1% true

37,1% not true

25,7% I do not know

Women who voluntary refused to get married 31,4% true

48,6% not true

20% I do not know

An unlucky woman 48,6% true

42,9% not true

8,6% I do not know

A woman who has never been proposed to 51,4% true

37,1% not true

11,4% I do not know

A woman lucks beauty 25,7 % true

68,6% not true

5,7% I do not know

A woman lucking education 17,1% true

77,1% not true

5,7% I do not know

Table 3: The Socio-Cultural Mindset on Spinster

0.010.020.030.040.050.060.070.080.090.0

True

Not true

I do not know





A close analysis of the second figure (Figure b: the socio-cultural perception on spinsters) demonstrates that the majority of the respondents, 75% sees the society as not referring spinsters to those women who lack education. That is to say, there may be other factors that let women stay unmarried. This is a tendency that education isn’t a normative marker for spinsters; whereas, a majority of respondents, 51% believes that the society considers spinsters as those who had never been proposed to. Clearly, spinsters are women whom nobody asks or has never asked for marriage. This means that spinsters could be considered outcasts or pariahs from the concerns and interest of the society. Taking in consideration the traits of a society based on a set of social, religious and traditional rules; it could be deduced that this result and judgment might be very appealing and is widely encountered in real daily life common talks. This implies the extent of marginalization and ignoring that the spinster may encounter. Close to the previous percentage, 68% of the respondents views stress that spinsters are not those women who lack beauty. That is, physical

attractiveness may not be a reason for women to stay unmarried. Yet by observation and daily heard public talks, men are usually favouring attractive women for marriage. An important percentage, 50% claims that spinsters are unlucky women. Although this judgement may not sound rational, sometimes it happens that spinsters even blame themselves for being a source of bad luck or a source of bad omen. Despite the nuances manifested in the respondent’s responses for this figure, such responses sum up one important tenet highlighted in the review of literature. That is, the power and weight of culture that may stand effective determinants for individuals’ lives. Such apparent judgments lead us to the question of the factors behind spinsterhood. This is going to be tackled in the next section.

iii. Factors behind spinsterhood

In an endeavour to shed light on the major reasons behind spinsterhood, respondents were given to select among the items as the graph and the table demonstrates:

Figure 8: Factors behind spinsterhood

0.0

10.0

20.0

30.0

40.0

50.0

60.0

70.0

80.0

TRUE UNTRUE I DON'T KNOW





Factors behind spinsterhood

Statements/ Items handled to respondents Percent

Families guiding the choices of their daughters and not

accepting any man to be their daughter’s husband

71,4% true

25,7% not true

2,9% I do not know

Women getting old and exceeding the age of marriage 60% true

34,3% not true

5,7% I do not know

The high living costs 54,3% true

40% not true

5,7% I do not know

The unsuccessful marriages that frighten Moroccan women 60% true

31,4% not true

8,6% I do not know

Women prioritizing their careers and studies over marriage

74,3 % true

14,3% not true

11,4% I do not know

women not trying to find a husband 37,1% true

14,3% not true

11,4% I do not know

women refusing to get married with divorced men who have

children

51,4% true

34,3% not true

14,3% I do not know

women refusing to be second/third…wives 57,1% true

22,9% not true

20% I do not know

Table 4: Factors behind spinsterhood

A quick glimpse at the third figure (figure c: the factors behind spinsterhood) reveals that the majority of the respondents 75% refers spinsterhood to the fact that women prioritize their education and careers on marriage. This fact is not shocking as the needs of modern time push women

to prioritize such choices. This variable is highlighted in the review of literature, which shows the important priorities that are nowadays preoccupying women. Clearly, modern needs as well as the International Human rights emphasis on women’s rights to education demands, legislations





and laws encouraging women education and their integration in the job market; altogether push women to pursue their education and find a career rather than getting married. That is, such procedures taken for women interest push them to choose and decide on their lives freely. Moreover, being protected by international and national laws is a stronghold to empower women socially and economically. This fact is reinforced by 70% of the respondents who believe that man’s looking for working women is a principal factor behind spinsterhood. That is to say, men who will to marry are looking for working women to help in covering the economic needs of marriage institution. This is a conscious or unconscious acceptance of women in the economic sector; henceforth, access to the public space in general.

On the other hand, an important percentage of the respondents, 70%, claim that families’ control of their daughters choices stand a major reason behind fates such as spinsterhood. This has to do with the Moroccan culture and patriarchal dominance experienced in Moroccan families. In addition, 60% of the respondents agree that the fear to fall in unsuccessful marriages prevent women from getting married. This result may be very appealing if we consider the increasing divorce rates in later

years as we have indicated in the review of the literature. Once more, the Moroccan society bears women much difficulty inside the marriage institution which may lead to failure. In fact, woman finds herself, sometimes, executing simultaneously two exhausting functions; one inside and the other outside home. She has to make the house chore, child rearing and housekeeping inside, and a job or profession outside home. More worthy of mentioning is that 60% of the respondents, as the figure shows, stress that once a woman trespasses a certain age, 35 years old, she becomes a spinster. It is evident as the society determines certain age marriage standards for women. If she trespasses that age, she is doomed to spinsterhood. Finally, 55% of the results prove that the high living costs of marriage institution stands as a reason behind spinsterhood. This is not to be neglected as today reality adversities demand much readiness before one’s proposal to marry.

iv. Factors behind conservativegender perception

In attempt to diagnose significant elements behind conservative gender perception, respondents were given the choices as the graph and table show:

Figure 9: Factors behind conservative gender conception.

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

Religion Tradition and culture Patriarchal system Education

first ranked

second ranked

third ranked

fourth ranked





Factors behind conservative gender conception

Items given to respondents to choose from according

to priority and importance

First ranked Second ranked Third ranked Fourth Ranked

Religion first ranked by

28% of

respondents

second ranked

by 10% of

respondents

0% fourth ranked by

56%

Tradition and culture first ranked by

14% of

respondents

second ranked

by 34% of

respondents

third ranked

by35% of

respondents

fourth ranked by

7% of

respondents

Patriarchal system first ranked by

2% of

respondents

second ranked

by 38% of

respondents

third ranked by

42% of

respondents

fourth ranked by

10% of

respondents

A woman who has never been proposed to

first ranked by

14% of

respondents

second ranked

by 34% of

respondents

third ranked

by35% of

respondents

fourth ranked by

7% of

respondents

Education first ranked by

50%

second ranked by

12%

third ranked

by13%

forth ranked by1

7%

Table 5: Factors behind conservative gender conception

A quick glimpse at the fourth figure above (figure d: factors behind conservative gender perceptions) demonstrates that the majority of the respondents, 55% holds the view that religion stands as a primary factor behind conservative gender perception. Religion, as a controlled variable in this research, could have a tremendous weight on the perception of women in the Moroccan context no matter the level of education, social status, age or marital status. We could deduce from such views the role of religion in organising the social life of the society, especially where Islam represents a majority of the population. Moreover, the religious conservative big sect of the Moroccan population holds a constant fight against women liberation or what they call heresy and abnormality to the

Muslim community. Thus, they oppose any initiative or law legislating for women empowerment and fight against it. Attending religious services, performing prayers in mosques, and other different rituals of religious holy celebrations…etc, are a reflective indicator of the religiosity of the person. Such religion as that of Islam, apart its creed or devotional dimension comprises a legislation dimension which is considered very essential to one’s complete belief and religiosity. The practical and legislative dimension of Islam has a clear vision towards the status of women, first through the clear Koran verses and their exegesis towards woman status, and secondly through the prophet anecdotes and historical evidences on his treatment for women,





polygamy, marrying a six years old girl, sexual intercourse with multiple concubines…etc.

Not far from the above mentioned percentage, 49% of the respondents believe that education is the factor behind such perceptions of gender. In this regard, we can’t neglect the efficiency of education and how it does affect the mindset of generations. Education could stand behind several forms of gender treatment and practice in reality. Therefore, reforming education could establish a well-balanced generation of mutual respect of gender peers. That is why a tendency and a shift in women’s mentalities towards freedom, getting married or staying single is being witnessed. This couldn’t have been realized without the Moroccan reforms, laws and Human Rights issuing, stressing upon women’s education. In other words, education is the key to liberty and development, human and woman dignity. Further important are 40% of the reflected views which put the nature of the patriarchal system as the element behind traditional treatment of gender. In this regard, hindering women liberation is referred to a society where male dominance is prevalent even though there may stand no logical or legitimate reason behind such dominance. The patriarchal nature of society could further and efficiently hinder women’s assuming of liberty as it has been highlighted in the first section of this paper. Not far from this percentage, 32% of the respondents hold the view that tradition and culture are the main reasons behind such treatment of gender. That is obvious as far as the weight and power of culture on the society is concerned. In any case, woman remains the victim and the most affected from such treatment as the views of our respondents stressed.

5.1.2 Interviews and Analysis

5.2.2 Interview Guide

a. Do you believe that a Moroccan womanhas the full right to choose her life,continue her education and decide tomarry or stay single as she wills or not?

b. What do you think about the reaction ofthe society when a woman assumes herfull freedom to act as she wills?

c. Why does this society reaction happeneven though it may not be fair or just?

d. Do you have a sister and if yes how doyou deal with her, and how is yourrelationship with her?

i. Interviewsa. Right after my Baccalaureate year ,people

were proposing marriage to me but I didn’t

feel I should get married at such early age

because I thought I was young and much

more important to do was ahead of me”

(Female ,26 years old)b. “I started university at the age of 18 and I

was young and I didn’t think about

marriage not even after I graduated I didn’t

still feel I should get married immediately.

I just thought that I should work and make

some money’’ (Female, 24 years old)c. “Some people believe getting married as

the ultimate goal in life and they feel proud

about it. It is a taboo to stay unmarried in

this society…[meaning

Morocco]’’(Female, 22 years old)d. “In fact, I had to fight against my parents,

especially my father in order to continue my

university studies after baccalaureate, now

I am in second year and I proved good

qualities of grades, now my parents are less

intolerant to me as two years ago, they

thought that I will be only wasting time at

the university and it is rather better for me

to wait a man to propose to me for

marriage” (female 20 years old)e. “I can as an educated boy admit the right of

woman to continue her education, but I

can’t fight the majority of the society to

accept the same idea as mine, EHMM

…[Murmuring] sometimes it is just how it

is” (Male; 23 years old)f. “…[reflecting for a while…], I don’t know

what to say, but yes , woman should assume

her right to follow her education or marry ,

EHMM …[Murmuring] yeah”(male 21years old)

g. “ …[reflecting on the question for a

moment] In fact , I can’t deny that women





should assume their rights and freedom,

especially nowadays and under the

pressure of international human rights and

covenants, EHMM…[Murmuring] But we

shouldn’t forget that we are a Muslim

society and we have to work on a balance

between this and that, for this or that

reason….[reflecting a moment], yeah that

what I have to say, you know what I mean

here” (Male 24 years old )h. It is very difficult for woman though I am

woman to assume her full freedom within a

patriarchal community such as Morocco

where man is dominant, my parents are not

satisfied on me and they believe that

marriage is better for me rather than

education. They didn’t mind to continue my

studies but only because perhaps nobody

has proposed to me yet, may be;

AHAHAAH [laughing]” (Female 23 yearsold)

i. "I have a sister sincerely on whom I put

restricts not to act as she wills under the

pretext of protection. I am conscious that I

don’t have to do but my parents expect me

to protect my sister from harm because I am

a man, so EHMM …[Murmuring],it is just

confusing” (male, 24 years old)j. “AHAHAAH [laughing]..., look, this is not

the case with every girl though it may be

with the majority. Yeah sometimes I say that

I m just lucky to have educated open-

minded parents who allowed me to go far in

education and never been convinced that

marriage could be a better choice for me

,especially when I hear what my female

friends tell about the constraints put on

them by their parents. Yet I believe that this

changing constantly and it will be better

and better in the coming years and girls will

assume more freedom EHMM

…[Murmuring], yeah thank you for giving

me the opportunity to say this, [smiling]”

(Female, 24 years old)k. في مجتمعنا، يجب على النساء إطاعة والديهن ومن ثم

اصةأزواجهن، وهذا هو الحال في كل مكان، وخلريف... علىفي ا سبيل المثال إذا كانت الفتاة تريد "

دهالألمر ، ها عوض الزواج ورفض وال مواصلة دراستها ستتوقف عن الدراسة وتلجأ الى الزواج فهذا يعني أن

Translated from Arabic to English

as:

l. “In our society women should always obey

their parents and then their husbands. It is

the case everywhere, especially in rural

areas. For example if the girl wants to

continue her”

m. لا تملك النساء الحرية الكاملة للتعبير عن أنفسهن وفعل"ما يحلو لهن. لأننا نعيش في مجتمع رجولييتغاضىأفعالالرجال و يدين أفعال النساء" Translated from Arabic to English as:

n. Women do not have the total freedom to

express themselves and do whatever they

like. This is because we live in a patriarchal

society that tolerates men’s deeds and

discourage women’s deeds”(Female, 25

years old)

o. أعتقد أننا مازلنا غير قادرين على التحدث عن حريةالمرأة في المغرب ... لا يمكن للمرأة أن تتحرك أو تتحدث دها ، وإذا فعلت ذلك فسوف بالطريقة التي تريإهانة من قبل الناس ...الناس يقولون أن الأنثى لال تتعرهذبةً وإلا ستتهم بالفجور والفساد" يجب أن تكون م


as:

p. “I think we still cannot talk about women’s

freedom in Morocco…,women cannot move

or speak the way they want and if they did

they will get offended by people…they say

since I am a female I should be well

mannered otherwise I will be accused of

immorality and depravity”(Male, 24 years

old)

q. حسناً، ليس كل النساء المغربيات متحررات.. ولكنيمكنني القول إن وضع المرأة قد تغير مؤخرا، لأننا نرى أن النساء يواصلن دراستهن، ولديهن وظائفهن الخاصة،

03ويقررن ما إذا كن سيتزوجن أم لا.. كمثال عمري ذهب للخارج للبحث عن وظيفة، لكن والدي لم سنة، سأ

عكس، يشجعونني على القيام بما أحبه"يعترضوا، على ال Translated from Arabic to English

as:

r. “Well, not all Moroccan women are

free..but I can say that women’s situation

have changed as we see that females do

continue their studies, have their own jobs,

and decide whether to get married or

not…taking me as an example, I am 30

years old, I will go abroad to look for a job,

but my parents didn’t object, on contrary,

they encourage me to do what I like”

(female, 30 years old)

s. ا على نعم لديّ أخت .. حسناً ، أعاملها جيداً ، أشجعه





ها وظيفة جيدة، لكن لا يمكنني الدراسة بجد وان تكون لإنكار أنني أشعر بالمسؤولية اتجاهها... على سبيل المثال ها بالبقاء في الخارج الى وقت متأخر أو التحدث لا يسُمح ل مع الأولاد


as:

t. “Yeah I do have a sister. Well, I treat her

good, I encourage her to study hard and

have a nice job, but I cannot deny that I feel

responsible for her…for example she is not

allowed to stay out late or talk with boys in

the street”( male,22 years old)

u. هن العمل أصبحت النساء الآن أكثر تحرراً ، يمكنوالدراسة ... لكن بالنسبة للعديد من الآباء أن يكون لدى "

هو أفضل شيء لهن... حتى لو كان للفتاة بناتهم روج عمل وكانت مستقلة ماديا ، دائما تجد كبار السن يدعون ها بزوج الله ان يرزق


as:

v. “Women have become now more

emancipated, they can work and

study….but for many parents to have a

husband is the best thing for their

daughters…to their minds even if the girl

has a job and is independent financially old

people keep praying God to give her a

husband AHAHAAH [laughing]”

w. « Personne ne peut accepter une femme qui

assume sa liberté parce que les hommes

pensent qu'une femme libre signifie une

femme qui dominera et occupera une

position puissante

Translated from French to English

as:

x. “No one can accept a woman who assumes

freedom because men think that a free

woman means a woman who will dominate

and be in a powerful position”

y. « Il y a des gens qui acceptent une femme

libre et d'autres qui ne peuvent pas

l'accepter en disant que les femmes

devraient rester à la maison, faire le travail

de maison et servir l'icône masculine »

Translated from French to English

as:

z. “There are some people who accept a free

woman and they are others who cannot

accept her saying that women should stay

at home, do the house work and serve the

male icon”

aa. « Je pense que la société ne peut toujours

pas tolérer les femmes indépendantes et

libres. Certains pensent toujours que la

place des femmes est d'être chez elles et que

les femmes doivent se comporter d’une

manière modeste et soumise et s’occupent

des enfants »

Translated from French to English as:

bb. “I think that society still cannot tolerate

independent and free women…[pause]

People still hold those old believes that

women’s place is to be at home and that

women should behave in a modest and

submissive way”

cc. « Eh bien, je suis un homme et je dis que les

femmes devraient être libres de faire ce

qu'elles veulent, EMMM…[Murmurant],

nous sommes tous des êtres humains et

nous avons tous le droit de faire ce que nous

voulons »

Translated from French to English as:

dd. "Well, i am a man and I say that women

are free to comport as they will; EMMM...

[Murmuring], we are all human beings and

I suppose we have the right to act on our

free will”

ii. Interviews Analysisiii. Transcripts Coding

In order to go through the analytical steps of the interview, we follow the typical steps of analyzing interviews. That is, coding the transcripts and paroles of the respondents, categorizing these codes and organizing the categories themselves into common themes. For this purpose, three major structured questions were repeated during the interview process:

a. Does a woman have the full right to decideon her personal and educational life, marryor stay single?

b. What do you think about the reaction of thesociety when a woman assumes her fullfreedom to act as she wills?

c. Having a sister yourself, how would youtreat her?





Quotes of the interviewed people Code list “Right after my Baccalaureate year ,people were proposing marriage to

me but I didn’t feel I should get married at such early age because I thought

I was young and much more important to do was ahead of me” (Female ,26 years old)“I started university at the age of 18 and I was young and I didn’t think

about marriage not even after I graduated I didn’t still feel I should get

married immediately. I just thought that I should work and make some

money’’ (Female, 24 years old)“Some people believe getting married as the ultimate goal in life and they

feel proud about it. It is a taboo to stay unmarried in this society…

[meaning Morocco]’’(Female, 22 years old)“In fact, I had to fight against my parents, especially my father in order to

continue my university studies after baccalaureate, now I am in second year

and I proved good qualities of grades, now my parents are less intolerant

to me as two years ago, they thought that I will be only wasting time at the

university and it is rather better for me to wait a man to propose to me for

marriage” (female 20 years old)“I can as an educated boy admit the right of woman to continue her

education, but I can’t fight the majority of the society to accept the same

idea as mine, EHMM …[Murmuring] sometimes it is just how it is” (Male; 23 years old) ““…[reflecting for a while…], I don’t know what to say, but yes , woman

should assume her right to follow her education or marry , EHMM

…[Murmuring] yeah”(male 21 years old)“ …[reflecting on the question for a moment] In fact , I can’t deny that

women should assume their rights and freedom, especially nowadays and

under the pressure of international human rights and covenants,

EHMM…[Murmuring] But we shouldn’t forget that we are a Muslim

society and we have to work on a balance between this and that, for this or

that reason….[reflecting a moment], yeah that what I have to say, you know

what I mean here” (Male 24 years old)“It is very difficult for woman though I am woman to assume her full

freedom within a patriarchal community such as Morocco where man is

dominant, my parents are not satisfied on me and they believe that marriage

is better for me rather than education. They didn’t mind to continue my

studies but only because perhaps nobody has proposed to me yet, may be;

AHAHAAH [laughing]” (Female 23 years old)"I have a sister sincerely on whom I put restricts not to act as she wills

under the pretext of protection. I am conscious that I don’t have to do but

my parents expect me to protect my sister from harm because I am a man,

so EHMM …[Murmuring], it is just confusing” (male, 24 years old)“AHAHAAH [laughing]..., look, this is not the case with every girl though

it may be with the majority. Yeah sometimes I say that I m just lucky to have

educated openminded parents who allowed me to go far in education and

never been convinced that marriage could be a better choice for me

Early ageoccupations ratherthan marriage

Education, work andmaking money

Staying unmarriedare a taboo

Parents constraintson girls against theireducation pursuit

Admitting the rightof woman tocontinue educationbut believing thesociety to behavedifferently

Confessing the rightof woman to assumeher freedom

Women have theright to freedomwithin human rightsenhancement

Difficulty for womanto assuming fullfreedom where manis dominant

Restrictions onsisters by brothersfor protecting them

Educated openminded parents andchange probabilityover time

Women aresupposed to obeytheir parents andtheir husbands forwhatever choices putfor them.

Women can’t actfreely

Women are not freeand should actaccording to man’s





,especially when I hear what my female friends tell about the constraints

put on them by their parents. Yet I believe that this changing constantly and

it will be better and better in the coming years and girls will assume more

freedom EHMM …[Murmuring], yeah thank you for giving me the

opportunity to say this, [smiling]” (Female, 24 years old)“In our society women should always obey their parents and then their

husbands. It is the case everywhere, especially in rural areas. For

example if the girl wants to continue her studies in favour of getting

married and her father refused, this means that she will stop studying and

get married”(female, 23years old)

“Women do not have the total freedom to express themselves and do

whatever they like. This is because we live in a patriarchal society that

tolerates men’s deeds and discourage women’s deeds”(Female, 25 years

old)

“I think we still cannot talk about women’s freedom in Morocco…,women

cannot move or speak the way they want and if they did they will get

offended by people…they say since I am a female I should be well mannered

otherwise I will be accused of immorality and depravity”(Male, 24 years

old)

“Well, not all Moroccan women are free..but I can say that women’s

situation have changed as we see that females do continue their studies,

have their own jobs, and decide whether to get married or not…taking me

as an example, I am 30 years old, I will go abroad to look for a job, but my

parents didn’t object, on contrary, they encourage me to do what I like”

(female, 30 years old)

“Yeah I do have a sister..well, I treat her good, I encourage her to study

hard and have a nice job, but I cannot deny that I feel responsible for

her…for example she is not allowed to stay out late or talk with boys in the

street”( male,22 years old)

“Women have become now more emancipated, they can work and

study….but for many parents to have a husband is the best thing for their

daughters…to their minds even if the girl has a job and is independent

financially old people keep praying God to give her a husband AHAHAAH

[laughing]”

“No one can accept a woman who assumes freedom because men think

that a free woman means a woman who will dominate and be in a powerful

position”

“There are some people who accept a free woman and they are others

who cannot accept her saying that women should stay at home, do the

house work and serve the male icon”

“I think that society still cannot tolerate independent and free

women…[pause] People still hold those old believes that women’s place

is to be at home and that women should behave in a modest and submissive

way”

“Well, I am a man and I say that women are free to comport as they will;

EMMM... [Murmuring], we are all human beings and I suppose we have

the right to act on our free will”

expectation and God’s satisfaction

Some women cancontinue theireducation and haveeventually a job

Treating a sister wellbut puttingrestrictions on her inher relation with theopposite sex

Women nowadayscan study andworkbut she mayalways be in need ofa husband

Men can’t acceptwomen freedom soas not to dominate

Some men acceptwomen freedom andsome others relateher function merelyto home.

Society’s intoleranceto women’s self-independence

Women free actingwithin religion andculture conditions

Women as a humanbeing is supposed toact freely like man





iv. Code List and Category

Code list Category

o Early age occupations rather than marriage

o Education, work and making money

o Some women can continue their education

and have eventually a job

o Women nowadays can study and work but

they may always be in need of a husband

o Staying unmarried is a taboo

o Education and career priorities for womenbenefit

o Marriage value and importance in theMoroccan popular mindset

o Parents put constraints on girls against

their education pursuit

o Admitting the right of woman to continue

education but believing the society to

behave differently

o Restrictions on sisters by brothers for

protecting them

o Women are supposed to obey their parents

and their husbands for whatever choices put

for them.

o Treating a sister well but putting restrictions

on her in her relation with the opposite sex

o Parent’s censorship and culturalconstraints on their daughters

o The structure of society and the power ofculture in delimiting the life of women andher decisions

o Difficulty for woman to assume full freedom

where man is dominant

o Women can’t act freely

o Men can’t accept women freedom so as not

to dominate

o Society’s intolerance to women’s self-

independence

o The patriarchal nature of the society andmales dominance

o Women are not free and should act

according to man’s expectation and God’s

satisfaction

o Women free acting challenges within

religion and culture conditions

o Religion that relates wife’s obedience withgod’s obedience.

o Confessing the right of woman to assume

her freedom

o Women have the right to freedom within

human rights enhancement

o Educated open minded parents and change

probability over time

o Woman as a human being is supposed to act

freely like man

o Education and open-mindedness and thefreedom of woman

o Tendency towards gender relations change





v. Interviews’ Implied Themes:a. The influence of religion, culture and the

patriarchal structure of the society on thelife of woman and her freedom.

b. The increasing tendency towards genderrelations improvements and open-mindedness, thanks to education andHuman rights enhancements.

From the interview analysis, it is evident at first glance how education could lead to singleness. Clearly, education could be a long process that usually postpones marriage thoughts. Moreover, once it seems over though education is always ongoing, a woman may think about a job, not marriage. Looking for a job after a long process of education is justified by one’s ongoing ambitions to be realized. Women, in this regard, neglect the marital side in search of a satisfying work and in hope of achieving economic independence. Yet it is equally clear from the interviews analysis how parents put constraints on the freedom of their daughters though this is not the case with boys. That is an evident sign on the patriarchal and male dominance structure. As demonstrated above, culture and society have an impact on the individuals of the community, particularly, on women and the spinsters. Moreover, religion holds the final word as it is obvious how several times the expression ‘we are Muslims, and Islam’ is repeated in the interviews. Religion has a clear vision on woman status and limits her freedom. However, we can’t totally omit the supposition that there are exceptions and there are educated parents who work on the equal rise of their kids, daughters and boys and teach them equality and equity as manifested in the last box of interview analysis.

6. Conclusion

After a process of investigation, theoretically and practically, we reach that spinsterhood is, by most accounts, a socio-cultural phenomenon. Both, the theoretical and practical part were in agreement about the weight of culture and how large it contributes in determining and judging the spinsters image. Obviously, there are several variables that influence Moroccan women choices in daily life and their being imprisoned or their

assuming of full freedom. These variables are by large: religion, culture and tradition, educational background, international and national human rights issuing and women education. As demonstrated in the theoretical and practical part of this paper, these variables could influence women decisions to marry or stay single on a large scale. Among these factors, religion could be the most influencing. Yet this is being changing due to international impact on the level of human rights and the national legislating for the benefit of women on the other hand. Along the modern history, there were a number of international human rights covenants and legal documents that legalize and defend women rights such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Program of Action of the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development and the Millennium Development Goals issued by the United Nations… etc.

These international procedures, added to national ones such as the “National Action Plan for Women Integration in Development in 1999” and the “Personal Code Reforms in 2004”, all together work for the defense of women’s rights and for women empowerment. In this regard, one of the most important steps towards women empowerment and their emancipation is education. Yet education in Morocco doesn’t cover most of the regions to achieve a collective female consciousness as statistics above shows the percent of illiteracy, especially in rural areas. Moreover, education sometimes is programmed to reinforce the socio-cultural structure of the community, rather than working on changing it. The Moroccan socio-cultural structure so far is a patriarchal one, male dominated per excellence. The structure of the community, as investigated in the review of literature and the findings results, reduce the role of woman to housekeeping, house chore doing, and child rearing. Thus, when a woman fails to meet these roles as Flah (2012) highlighted in the theoretical background of this paper, she is negatively stereotyped. In other words, this failure is related to the failure of finding a husband and getting married. Therefore, this woman becomes a spinster or a “Bayra”; henceforth; the perception of





stigma and spinsters marginalization perpetuates towards underdeveloped countries.

Briefly, the findings proved that the majority of respondents, 51% believes that the society considers spinsters as those who had never been proposed to. Moreover, 52% of respondents believe that spinsters are old women who had never been married. Since one of the restricting laws of women in Morocco is al Mudawana, the struggle was always headed to this personal code. The pressure on authorities to reform al Mudawana came finally successful and brought substantive changes in 2004 Personal Code. The latter brought amendments in favor of women on the level of marriage, divorce, polygamy and inheritance. Yet much opposition was manifested against these changes and any reforms that intend to empower women and led to her liberation.It is evident that the issue of woman liberation in the Muslim societies creates much polemic and becomes subject of attack from different angles of references, especially from Islamic conservative jurisprudence. The reaction was emitted mainly from Islamists, conservatives and traditionalists. This was reinforced in our conducted field work by the views and notes of the respondents. Similarly, history witnesses on many opposed movements and reactions from the right wing against women assumed liberation.

All together stand against women development and resist it under various pretexts of religion, identity justifications, western conspiracy theory …etc. Because of the historical patriarchal structure inherited and the privileges man joined for long time at the expense of women, they fear woman’s liberation and progress which will push these segments to re-consider her status and admit her dignity and strong position. On the contrary, such traditional community expects woman to be married, submissive, serve her man and be obedient. That is why an unmarried woman, single or spinster is negatively perceived within the lived community as it is demonstrated through the field work data and the analysis. Despite the variations in answers provided; a general look and comparison prove and agree to the society’s

pressure and control of the individual; henceforth, an unbearable pressure on spinsters. In fact, not only are respondents aware of society’s burden on the individual, but some of them also confess the fact that society should be respected and there should be conform to society’s norms and rules. However, the respondent’s background as tackled in the methodology part may underlie their attitudes and judgments on a large scale.

Yet change seems to impose itself against the various reactions from the sects of the community that works on keeping the status quo and preserving the long assumed privileges. This was highlighted in the last section of the review of literature that demonstrates the extent of change being witnessed since 2004 up the present time. The statistics demonstrated that 60 percent of Moroccan women are single. Added to this, Morocco is classified among the countries with bold steps to challenge the societal norms that imprison women freedom and judge their singlehood and spinsterhood negatively. In a word, such progress can be an encouraging step towards the achievement and acceptance of women freedom and emancipation on in different fields, mainly on the social level. As man is being inclined, along with such progress, to less judging the woman assuming of her own choices of whatsoever nature; there is an apparent decrease in held judgments of spinsters.

7. Appendix

1. Introduction

2. Theoretical Background2.1 Contextualization 2.2. Gender and Patriarchy in Morocco 2.2.1 Human Rights and the importance of

Women Education

2.2.2 Spinsterhood Socio-cultural Implications

3. Gender and Social Change

3.1 Marriage Legislation in Morocco

3.2 Significant Gender Relation Changes since 2004

4. Methodology

4.1 Variables Description





4.2 Statistics and Graphs

4.1.1 Statistics

4.1.2 Graphs

4.2.2 Variables description

5 Field Work, Findings and Analysis

5.1 Field Work Findings and Analysis 5.1.1 Figures and Tables i. The Profiles of Spinstersii. The Socio-Cultural Mindset on Spinsters

iii. Factors behind spinsterhood

iv. Factors behind conservative genderperception

5.1.2 Interviews and Analysis 5.2.2 Interview Guide i. Interviews

ii. Interviews Analysisiii. Transcripts Codingiv. Code List and Categoryv. Interviews’ Implied Themes:6 Conclusion

Bibliography: 1. Amrani, M. A. (2012). Gender Roles in

Morocco: Is It the Decline of Patriarchy andthe Rise of Matriarchy? Morocco World

News .2. Amrani, M. A. (2012, January 10). Gender

Roles in Morocco: Is It the Decline of

Patriarchy and the Rise of Matriarchy?

Retrieved July 15, 2020, from Morocco'sWorld News:http://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2012/01/22310/gender-roles-in-morocco-is-it-the-decline-of-patriarchy-and-the-rise-of-matriarchy/

3. Berend, Z. (2000). The Best or None!Spinsterhood in Nineteenth-Century NewEngland. Journal of Social History , 935-957.

4. Cavatorta, F. (2009). Liberal outcomesthrough undemocratic means: the reform ofthe Code de statut personnel in Morocco.The Journal of Modern African Studies ,487-506.

5. Chizomam, F., Lorretta, N., & Abanihe, I.(2013). Determinants of Singlehood: aretrospective account by older singlewomen in Lagos, Nigeria. African

Population Studies , 386-397.6. Dictionary, C. (2019, July 3). Spinster.

Retrieved July 15, 2020, from CambridgeDictionary:https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/spinster

7. Douglas, F. M. (2007). Encyclopedia of sex

and gender. Detroit: Macmillan.8. Elliott, K. Z. (2016). Modernizing

Patriarchy: The Politics of Women's Rights

in Morocco. Texas: University of TexasPress.

9. Engelen, T., & Kok, J. (2003). PermanentCelibacy and Late Marriage in theNetherlands, 1890-1960. Population , 67-96.

10. Flah, L. (2012, August 12). ‘Bayrat’ or

‘Spinsters’, Single Women Trapped in

Social Stigma. Retrieved July 15, 2020,from Morocco's World News:https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2012/08/52406/bayrat-or-spinsters-single-women-trapped-in-social-stigma/

11. Gebhard, C. (1991). The Spinster in theHouse of American Criticism. Tulsa Studies

in Women's Literature , 79-91.12. Holden, K., & al. (2008). Winners or

Losers, Single Women in History. Women's

History Review: Introduction , 313-326.13. Hursh, J. (2012). Advancing Women’s

Rights Through Islamic Law: The Exampleof Morocco. Berkeley Journal of Gender,

Law & Justice , 252-306.14. Ibrahim, E., & Hassan, Z. (2009).

Understanding Singlehood from theExperiences of Never-Married MalayMuslim Women in Malaysia: PreliminaryFindings. European Journal of Social

Sciences .15. Jeffreys, S. (1985). The Spinster and Her

Enemies: Feminism and Sexuality. London:Pandora Press.

16. Koundouno, T. F. (2018, April 4). Study

Sofian Herouach / Patriarchy and Spinsterhood in Morocco Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences, Dher el Mehrez, Fes as a Case Study




Finds a Growing Trend of Single Women in

Morocco. Retrieved July 15, 2020, from Morocco's World News: https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2018/04/244492/study-finds-growing-trend-single-women-morocco/

17. Laskaridis, L. E. (2011, September 6).Moroccan Women in the Workplace.Retrieved July 15, 2020, from Morocco'sWorld News:https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2011/09/8883/moroccan-women-in-the-workplace/

18. Maher, V. (2009). Women and Property In

Morocco: Their Changing Relation to the

Process of Social Stratification in the

Middle East. New York: CambridgeUniversity Press.

19. Malti-Douglas, F. (2007). Encyclopedia of

Sex and Gender. Detroit: Macmillan. 20. Nations, U. (2005). The Millennium

Development Goals Report. London:United Nations.

21. Samar, K. (2002). Arab Human

Development Report. New York: UnitedNations Publications UNDP.

22. Statistics, W. B. (2017). Literacy Rate,

Adult Total of people ages 15 and above.

Washington: World Bank Group.23. Study Finds a Growing Trend of Single

Women in MoroccoMorocco24. Wikipedia. (2020, July 4). Spinster.

Retrieved July 14, 2020, from Wikipedia,The Free Encyclopedia:https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Spinster&oldid=966044336




Documents

International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review