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T ime and Mind: The Journal of  Archaeology, Consciousness and Culture  Volume 3—Issue 2 July 2010 pp. 125–134 DOI 10.2752/175169610X12632240392677 Reprints available directly from the publishers Photocopying permitted by licence only © Berg 2010 Introduction:  Anthropologies of Consciousness The issue of what are the “a nthropologies of consciousness” is complicated by both the many subelds of anthropology and  the diversity of perspectives regarding consciousness. This introduction provides a systems perspective on the elements of consciousness to provide a context for addressing explicit and implicit anthropologies of consciousness. Consciousness as a Neuroepistemolo gical System Linguistic and etymological perspectives illustrate that the  term “consciousness” is used to refer to a wide r ange of phenomena (Winkelman 1993, 1994, 2000). Denitions of being conscious include: not asleep; awake; awareness of one’s own existence, sensations, thoughts, and environment; subjectively known; capable of complex response to the environment; intentionally conceived or done; deliberate. The ancient Indo-European roots provide a broader view of consciousness’ original meanings and connotations. These meanings of consciousness are based upon the Latin root conscius, which means “knowing something with o ther s.” The roots of the Latin conscius include scire (to know) and con (with). The conventional interpretation is that the Indo- European root of consciousness is expressed in skei, the extended root of sek , which means to cut, split, or divide, implying knowing by making differentiations. The meaning of “con” in consciousness has been generally interpreted as referring to the communal dimension, as socially shared knowledge, reected in the Latin meanings of con- “with” and “jointly.” The c ommunal dimension of consciousness is illustrated in the alternative form conscience, which shares a common origin in the Indo- European root skei. The making of a differentiation is also implied by conscience—the faculty of knowing the difference between right and wrong. This communal dimension creates  the context suggested by the meaning of consciousness as critical awarene ss of one’s own identity and situation. Consciousness has its basis in the relationship between

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Time and Mind  Volume 3—Issue 2—July 2010, pp. 125–134

Time and Mind:The Journal of 

 Archaeology,Consciousness

and Culture Volume 3—Issue 2

July 2010

pp. 125–134

DOI 

10.2752/175169610X12632240392677

Reprints available directly from the publishers

Photocopying permitted by licence only 

© Berg 2010

Introduction: Anthropologies of 

ConsciousnessThe issue of what are the “anthropologies of consciousness” is

complicated by both the many subfields of anthropology and

 the diversity of perspectives regarding consciousness. This

introduction provides a systems perspective on the elements

of consciousness to provide a context for addressing explicit

and implicit anthropologies of consciousness.

Consciousness as a NeuroepistemologicalSystemLinguistic and etymological perspectives illustrate that the

 term “consciousness” is used to refer to a wide range of 

phenomena (Winkelman 1993, 1994, 2000). Definitions of 

being conscious include: not asleep; awake; awareness of 

one’s own existence, sensations, thoughts, and environment;

subjectively known; capable of complex response to the

environment; intentionally conceived or done; deliberate.

The ancient Indo-European roots provide a broader view of 

consciousness’ original meanings and connotations. These

meanings of consciousness are based upon the Latin root

conscius, which means “knowing something with others.” The

roots of the Latin conscius include scire (to know) and con 

(with). The conventional interpretation is that the Indo-

European root of consciousness is expressed in skei, the

extended root of sek , which means to cut, split, or divide,

implying knowing by making differentiations.

The meaning of “con” in consciousness has been

generally interpreted as referring to the communal

dimension, as socially shared knowledge, reflected in the

Latin meanings of con- “with” and “jointly.” The communal

dimension of consciousness is illustrated in the alternative

form conscience, which shares a common origin in the Indo-

European root skei. The making of a differentiation is alsoimplied by conscience—the faculty of knowing the difference

between right and wrong. This communal dimension creates

 the context suggested by the meaning of consciousness

as critical awareness of one’s own identity and situation.

Consciousness has its basis in the relationship between

individual and community. The fundamental social dimension

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126 Introduction: Anthropologies of Consciousness Michael Winkelman

Time and Mind  Volume 3—Issue 2—July 2010, pp. 125–134

of consciousness reflects the fact that human

survival and coordination necessitated

intensive social behavior and the ability to

attribute meaning and intentionality to others,

 to be able to predict their mental states

and future behavior, and to role-play. Con

also has additional root meanings of general

ability, skill, and power for action, learning, and

memory. The English root of can and con is

 gene, gno, or  gen, with meanings of “to know,”“to beget,” “to be able mentally,” “to commit

 to memory,” with a common original meaning

of “to know”—gnosis.

The meanings associated with the roots

and definitions of consciousness indicate

a broad semantic domain, ranging from

biologically based abilities and interactional

potentials for awareness, experience, andlearning, to culturally derived emotional,

personal, social, and mental awareness and

activities which create relationships with

and understandings of the environment

and self. These include: awake, aware,

feelings, thoughts, capacity or power,

capable of complex intentional responses,

self-awareness, internal knowledge or conviction, communal knowledge, social

awareness/conscience, to know, to learn,

 to teach, skill, and knowledge. These

meanings, as well as a range of other uses

of the term consciousness in the cognitive,

artificial intelligence, philosophical, and

other scientific traditions, indicate that

 the concept of consciousness refers to

a large number of interrelated behaviors

characteristic of complex systems which

respond to their environment. There is

not one consciousness, but many kind of 

consciousness.

A communality underlying the diverse

meanings of “consciousness” as constituting

“knowing systems” is explicit in the

etymological roots. The many meanings

of consciousness are all fundamentally 

concerned with an informational relationship

between an organism and its environment.

Consciousness involves the interaction

between knower and known, making

epistemology—the study of the nature

and processes of knowing—an essential

aspect of the science of consciousness.Laughlin et al. (1992) have suggested that

 the dependence of consciousness upon

both brain and experience necessitates a

neurophenomenological epistemology.

Genetic Epistemology as aNeurophenomenological Approach

to ConsciousnessThe genetic epistemology approaches to

consciousness integrate scientific knowledge

and phenomenal experience (see Winkelman

1996, 2000, 2004; Laughlin 1992a, b).

This genetic epistemological approach

shows consciousness to be the property 

of relations within a system. Concepts of 

consciousness are essential to epistemology,with both concerned with the nature

of knowing. This genetic epistemology 

approach to consciousness is exemplified in

Piaget’s concern with  the study of the nature,

origin, evolution, and validation of knowledge

and knowing. Piaget viewed cognition,

knowledge, and consciousness as having a

common basis in the epistemic relationships

constructed by the knower with the known.

Knowledge, cognition, and consciousness are

possible because of the necessary epistemic

structures which the subject constructs.

Piaget characterizes consciousness as

being constructed in the interaction between

subject and object, a relationship established

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Michael Winkelman Introduction: Anthropologies of Consciousness 127

Time and Mind  Volume 3—Issue 2—July 2010, pp. 125–134

by the knowing subject with that which is

known through epistemic structures which

contribute to the nature of the object known.

A number of structures and processes

mediate the organism’s relationship to

 the environment. Social relations play a

fundamental role in blocking the individual’s

personal goals, a frustration which forces a

reflective process to understand the source

of the blockage. Reflective abstraction,involving operation on and differentiation

from the preceding level, provides for the

emergence of a higher stage, mediated by 

symbolic structures that transform the mode

of consciousness. Consciousness requires

a conceptualization or representation

mediated by concepts operating on a higher 

level than the experience. The self plays acentral role in this process, identifying with

 that new emergent form of consciousness,

and dis-identifying with the previous

structure, permitting transcendence of the

structure and the ability to operate upon

it. These different selves mediate epistemic

relationships of the knower with the reality 

known, including physical, psychological,emotional, and social dimensions. This

dependence of consciousness upon the

brain, self, social experience, and goals

requires a systems approach to articulate

 their interrelations.

Consciousness can be understood from

an epistemological perspective as a “Knowing

System,” entailing relationship between knower 

and known, a construct mediated self-object

relationship. Some of the most fundamental

characteristics of consciousness as a “Knowing

System” involve (Winkelman 2005):

Awareness, a capacity to process

meaningful information;

Relations with environment;

Representations in perceptions, thoughts

and memories that provide a template

for information;

Reference to the minds and values of 

others; and

Self—an organism’s identity and

awareness as knower.

These elements reflect a minimalistapproach to essential elements of a system

 that has consciousness, as other systems

posit dozens of elements involved in

consciousness. This perspective provides

us with a framework for understanding

 the diversity of forms of consciousness

which we must address in an effort to

provide a comprehensive framework for  the interactions between our inherited

potentials and the sociocultural context

in the formation of our collective and

common and individually unique aspects

of self and experience. It also provides a

system within which we can characterize the

differences among forms of consciousness,

particularly the differences with respect to those forms called trance, altered states, etc.

Their features in terms of these minimalist

elements include principal concerns with:

• Awareness of internally derived

information, a symbolic internal

environment which is interpreted

as relations with a spiritual or 

 transcendental world;

• Representations in visual presentational

symbolism with

• Reference to the minds and values of 

spiritual others, and with respect to

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128 Introduction: Anthropologies of Consciousness Michael Winkelman

Time and Mind  Volume 3—Issue 2—July 2010, pp. 125–134

• Self identities related to spirits,

archetypal representations and animals.

This engages an evaluation and development

of the self with respect to the social “others”

provided by animals and mythological

systems of interpretation. These are used

for activation of memories of central

emotional significance to self, particularly 

repressed emotional desires, identities, andcomplexes; and reprogramming neurognostic

structures of the self with spirit information

from mythological interpretative systems

(Winkelman 2010).

Anthropologies of ConsciousnessAnthropological approaches to

consciousness address various processes of knowing that are embedded in a wide range

of interdisciplinary concerns with human

nature and cognitive capacities, including

memory, representation, self, and others. This

interdisciplinary and multifaceted systemic

nature of consciousness involves both explicit

and implicit anthropologies of consciousness.

The explicit approach is directly concerned with consciousness studies and,

often, some concept of altered states of 

consciousness in particular. The implicit

approach addresses concerns relevant to

consciousness in other terms (perception,

cognition, thought, worldview, etc.) without

an awareness or consideration of the

relationship of these elements to broader 

questions of consciousness (e.g. separate

investigations of self, emotions, memory).

An “occult” anthropology of 

consciousness has explicitly focused upon

aspects of consciousness related to the

 transpersonal and spiritual dimensions, while

a mainstream anthropology of perception,

learning, memory, cognition, identity, and

self has engaged indirectly in the study 

of aspects of consciousness, neglecting

consciousness as a paradigm, but addressing

key aspects of consciousness. This more

direct engagement with consciousness is

addressed by Throop and Laughlin (2007).

There is a long history of anthropological

engagement with consciousness in concerns

with cultural influences on perception,cognition, learning, and memory, as well

as more recent concerns with political,

social, ethnic, cultural, and other forms of 

identity-based consciousness. Questions

regarding the biological bases of altered

states of consciousness associated with

religious rituals and their adaptive effects

(Winkelman 2000, 2010) has straddled theoccult and conventional anthropologies of 

consciousness.

A Mainstream Anthropology of ConsciousnessThroop and Laughlin (2007) detail a

mainstream anthropology of consciousness

across more than a century, including Adolf Bastian’s engagement with the psychic unity 

of mankind; Franz Boas’ study of culture and

perception; Emile Durkheim’s understandings

of the elementary forms of consciousness;

Lucien Lévy-Bruhl’s notion of different modes

of consciousness; Edward Sapir and Benjamin

 Whorf ’s linguistic relativity hypothesis; and

Irving Hallowell’s concern with the behavioral

environment and cultural construction of 

perception. More recent concerns are also

found in Clifford Geertz’s interpretivist

approach, Pierre Bourdieu’s concerns with

consciousness in terms of embodiment and

habitus; and Victor and Edith Turner’s focus on

 the anthropology of experience. In addition,

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Michael Winkelman Introduction: Anthropologies of Consciousness 129

Time and Mind  Volume 3—Issue 2—July 2010, pp. 125–134

a wide range of concerns in cognitive

anthropology, psychological anthropology,

and transpersonal anthropology also address

consciousness under the guise of cognition,

 thought, perception, and other elements

necessary for consciousness.

The anthropology of consciousness is also

about the ways in which the social context

drives our development of consciousness,

providing the social forces that drive our awareness. As illustrated by the contributors

 to Bronson and Fields (2009) So What? Now 

What? The Anthropology of Consciousness

Responds to a World in Crisis, an anthropology 

of consciousness is also an anthropology of 

conscience. This reflects an awareness of 

 the numerous effects of our engagement

with the planet, one in which we need to take responsibility for collective well-being.

Clearly anthropologists of many backgrounds

have been leaders in this process of 

“conscientization” that leads us to a sense

of personal and collective responsibility for 

 the planet on which we live. This collective

conscience is heightened by the millennial

 transition through which we are passingwhich has made us more aware of the voices

and consciousness of the ancient, non-

western “others.”

The Implications of an OccultAnthropology of ConsciousnessDifferent, ancestral ways of knowing have

provided a virtually separate subdiscipline of 

 the anthropology of consciousness involving

 the study of occult phenomena. These

included experiential approaches to mystical,

spiritualist, and psychic phenomena that long

predated Carlos Castaneda infamy. Early 

anthropologists such as Andrew Lang and

 W.Y. Evans-Wentz (1967) engaged in a variety 

of studies of occult traditions, providing a

deep basis for the anthropological opening

 to the basic assumptions of the worldview

of the non-Western “other” by engaging

in experiential studies of consciousness

alteration. These practices have remained

at the margins of anthropology because a

materialist bias interferes with appropriate

interpretations of non-Western religions.

These rationalist influences are quitedifferent from the views of religion found

across human history. All too often the

 Western perspective discounts the claims and

statements made by religious practitioners as

non-factual, irrational, and deluded.

The anthropological encounter with

 the epistemology of the “other” demands

an acceptance of animism, a mentality of causality that is automatically excluded in

 the materialist ethos of Western science.

 Whether conceptualized as spirit, mana,

or magic, the “other” has persistent sets

of assumptions about causal actors and

forces that fall outside of the domains of 

scientific theory. Winkelman and Peek 

(2004) explore divination as alternativeepistemological systems regarding the nature

of knowledge. Concepts of the spirit world

and psi/psychic powers claimed as aspects of 

reality in much of the world are still generally 

neglected—even tabooed—in mainstream

considerations of interpretation of the

behaviors of the past.

Ethnographic, Ethnologicaland Biological Approaches toInterpretation of the PastInterpretation of the past has been

hampered by Western biases inherent to the

archaeological enterprise. As Fogelin (2007)

notes in the Annual Review of Anthropology ,

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130 Introduction: Anthropologies of Consciousness Michael Winkelman

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archaeologists’ approach to interpretation of 

religious beliefs of the past often has been in

 terms of the assumption that a set of myths

and beliefs were to be explained. In contrast

many religions emphasize the importance of 

some incredible altered experience involving

an engagement with mythical and spiritual

powers.

The religions of our own complex

societies have been the inevitable modelfor inquiry into the unknown, but this has

been fraught with many problems. Cultural

variation in religious beliefs—even with

constant forms—should make us cautions

about interpreting beliefs of those in the past

with reference to our own practices. Where

religion has an arbitrary cultural aspect, it

may mislead our interpretation.Interpretation of apparent religious

behaviors of those in the past has generally 

been based on ethnographic analogies. This

analogy poses some parallels between those

practices presumed to have occurred in

 the past and those of some directly known

near-contemporary culture. This approach

is embodied in the use of hunter-gatherer societies as a general model for human

life in the past. But the application of the

hunter-gatherer model has often been

more based on intuition than on cross-

cultural data on the actual similarities in

such societies. Valid interpretations of the

past cannot be justified on selective cultural

examples; rather, it requires an ethnological 

model based in empirically determined

cross-cultural patterns, as illustrated in the

 Winkelman article in this issue on shamanism.

Ethnological analogies, based on the patterns

revealed by cross-cultural research, provide

sounder bases for interpretation.

Biological Approaches to Religion

The nature of religion has been

misunderstood by archaeologists in part

because of the presumed incompatibly 

of religion’s ideological nature with the

materialist approaches to explanation

characteristic of archaeology. Assuming

 that religion was an arbitrary mental

phenomenon, archaeologists have been slow

 to give attention to materialist approaches to religion, specifically the biologically 

based approaches to religion as a natural

phenomenon. Yet the universality of many 

aspects of our religious impulses leads us to

 the inevitable conclusion that it is part of our 

biological nature and evolved characteristics.

The concept of an evolved religious capacity 

with a biological basis has taken severaldifferent foci, including the behavioral bases

of religion in ritual and in the cognitive

aspects of religious belief and experience,

particularly altered states of consciousness.

Here we find a new model in which

evolution and religion are not irreconcilable

alternatives, but rather partners in a co-

evolutionary process linking the mental and the material (Winkelman and Baker 2008).

These biological approaches have

emphasized cognitive interpretations

based on the assumption of inherent

psychophysiological aspects of the human

brain that provide a neurological paradigm

for interpreting the past. These approaches

include concerns with the stages of evolution

of human consciousness which cross-cut

 the subdisciplines of anthropology and a

vast interdisciplinary field that grapples with

 the ability of the human brain and mind to

understand their own origins. Key questions

include the different forms of consciousness

across the animal kingdom, and how our own

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Michael Winkelman Introduction: Anthropologies of Consciousness 131

Time and Mind  Volume 3—Issue 2—July 2010, pp. 125–134

human past led to the evolution of uniquely 

human forms of consciousness. A central

feature about interpretation of religion in the

past involves a biological capacity for altered

states of consciousness associated with

religious rituals and their adaptive effects

(Winkelman 2000, 2010). These cognitive

approaches also include a significant focus

on the specific aspects in the evolution

of our uniquely human consciousness, aconcern with the evolutionary stages in the

emergence of our modern consciousness.

Biogenetic Structuralism and

NeurophenomenologyProminent biological approaches in the

anthropology of consciousness are based

on biogenetic structuralism (Laughlin andd’Aquili 1974; d’Aquili et al. 1979; Laughlin

et al. 1992; Winkelman 2000; Winkelman

and Baker 2008). Laughlin and Loubser’s

article here in this issue illustrates the deep

scientific and intellectual basis for addressing

consciousness in biological terms.

The behavioral approaches exemplified

in biogenetic structuralism examine humanritual dynamics in the relationship to the

broader functions of ritualized displays in

 the animal world. This reveals a common

dynamic of ritual across all species, the

coordination of social groups for common

good. This biological and functional dynamic

of ritual is complemented in the domains of 

experience, where a neurophenomenological

approach examines the ways in which

neurological foundations of knowing— 

neurognosis—are the basis for a variety 

of cross-cultural patterns of shamanic

and mystical and shamanic experiences.

The neurophenomenological approach

illustrates how cross-cultural uniformity to

 the phenomenological nature of spiritual

experiences reflects the dynamics of 

functional biological systems that support

overall consciousness. As biology and brain

processes develop in interaction with cultural

factors, both universal patterns and social

patterns emerge in the structuring of human

consciousness. These reciprocal relationships

between biology and experience are at

 the basis of the neurophenomenologicalapproaches which attempt to explain

 the regularities in spiritual and mystical

experiences in terms of the underlying

biological structures.

The methodologies of the biogenetic

and neurophenomenological approaches

are deliberately interdisciplinary, not merely 

engaging biology and culture, body and mind,but also other comparative perspectives

based in phylogenetic, ontogenetic, and

sociogenetic development (Laughlin et

al. 1992). These comparative approaches

examining cross-species, cross-cultural, and

developmental regularities help to establish

 the neurognostic paradigm of consciousness

(Winkelman 1996, 2000, 2010).Consciousness encompasses a wide

range of subsystems that together 

manage organisms’ relationships with the

environment through epistemological

and self systems. The multiple aspects of 

 the systems underlying the production

of consciousness permit a multiplicity of 

forms of consciousness. These include

developmental levels, cross-cultural

differences, and phasic differences, such

as spontaneous and deliberate entry into

alternate mental states. Explaining these

diverse manifestations of consciousness

requires a systems perspective based in the

approaches of genetic epistemology. This

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132 Introduction: Anthropologies of Consciousness Michael Winkelman

Time and Mind  Volume 3—Issue 2—July 2010, pp. 125–134

approach provides a general theoretical

framework for consciousness that reveals the

biological bases of diverse phenomenological

experiences associated with the

anthropologies of consciousness.

Altered States and the PastThese biological and cognitive approaches

 to the past of religion have a perennial

concern with the nature of the alteredconsciousness that is central to shamanism,

possession, and mystical phenomena. A

central feature of understanding altered

states of consciousness is the shaman.

Variously conceptualized, the shaman

represents a complex of ancient human

institutions that engaged in ritual alterations

of consciousness. A growing recognition of  this common primordial form of human

spirituality and consciousness has come from

many disciplines. This notion of a cross-

culturally valid concept of the shaman is well

grounded in cross-cultural (Winkelman 1986,

1990, 1992), psychobiological (Winkelman

2000, 2002; Winkelman and Baker 2008),

and evolutionary findings (Winkelman 2009,2010). This implicit shamanic paradigm

has been a central feature of the works

of Clottes’s, Dawson’s, Lewis-Williams’s

and Whitley’s numerous publications on

shamanism.

The roles of shamanism in interpreting

human consciousness and the past are

addressed in this issue in the articles by 

 Winkelman and Loubser. Winkelman

outlines the shamanic paradigm as a

biopsychosocial framework for understanding

 the nature, origins, and functions of 

shamanism, while Loubser considers the use

of such frameworks to interpret religious

activities in African and aboriginal America.

A “Five-field” Anthropology of 

ConsciousnessA comprehensive view of the anthropology 

of consciousness must take a “five-

field” perspective of the discipline of 

anthropology, explicitly examining the

roles of consciousness within the fields of 

paleontology, archaeology, and linguistic,

cultural, and applied anthropology. A set of 

primary concerns as well as a diversity of  topics exists within each of the subfields:

Paleontology : the evolution of 

consciousness in general, and human

consciousness in particular; stages in the

evolution of consciousness; changes in

consciousness across hominid evolution;

and factors in the emergence of uniquely human consciousness

Linguistic: the role of language in the

evolution of consciousness, the role of 

language in the formation of experience,

perception, and consciousness

 Archaeology : different forms of consciousness in the past of modern

humans; the role of an etic concept of 

shamanism in guiding interpretation of 

 the human past

Cultural: explaining the cultural roles

of shamanistic traditions for altering

consciousness; ethnic, social, class, political,

historical, and other variant forms

of consciousness; and the nature of 

consciousness

 Applied : using ethnographic knowledge of 

 technologies for altering consciousness

 to address modern problems, such as the

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Michael Winkelman Introduction: Anthropologies of Consciousness 133

Time and Mind  Volume 3—Issue 2—July 2010, pp. 125–134

 therapeutic applications of psychedelics

and the potential roles of shamanic

ritual in addressing drug addiction,

contemporary soul loss, and other 

modern conditions

All that can be done within the space

limits of one issue of this journal is to offer 

a preliminary exploration of some of the

explicit aspects of the anthropologies of consciousness. As the topics listed above

illustrate, there is a much broader set

of concerns about consciousness within

anthropology. These topics generally are

not recognized as explicitly concerned

with consciousness because of the lack 

of a paradigm for linking these disparate

areas together. This shortcoming of theanthropologies of consciousness can be

addressed with an explicit paradigmatic

approach based in biogenetic structuralist

and neurophenomenological approaches.

Michael Winkelman

ReferencesBronson, M. and Fields, T. (eds), 2009. So What? Now 

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Evans-Wentz, W.Y., 1967. Tibetan Yoga and Secret Doctrines. New York : Oxford University Press.

Fogelin, L., 2007. “The Archaeology of Religious

Ritual.” Annual Reviews of Anthropology 36: 55–71.

Laughlin, C., 1992a. “Consciousness in Biogenetic

Structural Theory.” Anthropology of Consciousness 3(1

and 2): 17–22.

Laughlin, C., 1992b. Scientific Explanation and the Life-

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Arizona State University.

 Winkelman, M., 1993. “The Evolution of 

Consciousness: Transpersonal Theories in Light of Cultural Relativism.” Anthropology of Consciousness 

4(3): 3–9.

 Winkelman, M., 1994. “Multidisciplinary Perspectives

on Consciousness.” Anthropology of Consciousness

5(2): 16–25.

 Winkelman, M., 1996. “Neurophenomenology and

Genetic Epistemology as a Basis for the Study of 

Consciousness.” Journal of Social and Evolutionary Systems 19(3): 217–36.

 Winkelman, M., 2000. Shamanism the Neural Ecology 

of Consciousness and Healing . Westport: Bergin and

Garvey.

 Winkelman, M., 2002. “Shamanism and Cognitive

Evolution.” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 12(1):

71–101.

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134 Introduction: Anthropologies of Consciousness Michael Winkelman

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 Winkelman, M., 2004. “Spirits as Human Nature and

 the Fundamental Structures of Consciousness.” in J. Houran (ed.), From Shaman to Scientist: Essays on

Humanity’s Search for Spir its. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow

Press.

 Winkelman, M., 2005. “Understanding Consciousness

Using Systems Approaches and Lexical Universals.”

 Anthropology of Consciousness 15(2): 24–38.

 Winkelman, M., 2009. “Shamanism and the Origins of 

Spirituality and Ritual Healing.” Journal for the Study of 

Religion, Nature and Culture (forthcoming).

 Winkelman, M., 2010. Shamanism: A Biopsychosocial

Paradigm of Consciousness and Healing . Oxford: ABC

CLIO (forthcoming).

 Winkelman, M. and Baker, J., 2008. Supernatural as

Natural: A Biocultural Theory of Religion. New Jersey:

Prentice Hall.

 Winkelman, M. and Peek, P. (eds), 2004. Divination

and Healing: Potent Vision . Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press.

 Winkelman, M., and White, D., 1987. “A Cross-cultural

Study of Magico-religious Practitioners and Trance

States: Data Base.” in D. Levinson and R. Wagner 

(eds), Human Relations Area Files Research Series in

Quantitative Cross-cultural Data, Vol. 3. New Haven,

CT: HRAF Press.

This is a Special Issue of Time & Mind ,

edited by Michael Winkelman, focusing

on the theme of “Anthropologies of 

Consciousness,” a comprehensive overview

of which has yet to be written.