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The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
Issue N°12
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Issue N°12 – Spring 2010
2 Editorial, by Stefania Del Zotto
2 Sexual Health and Homelessness: The experience of a specialist sexual health service in Glasgow, by
Maureen Kennedy 4 Understanding Traumatic Experiences of Homeless People and Treating Them through Narrative
Therapy, by Boróka Fehér 6 Social medical care before and during homelessness in Amsterdam, by Igor van Laere 12 Biomedical research in health outreach services: does it make sense? by Henrik Thiesen 14 Evaluation of a Proposal to Open a Hospice Ward at the Salvation Army Street Hospital in Oslo, by Evelyn
Dyb and Katja Johannessen
15 Inclusion health: bringing homeless health care into the mainstream? by Angela Jones 16 DETERMINE: Mobilising action for greater health equity in the EU, by Ingrid Stegeman 18 Mental Health and Addiction amongst the homeless population in the Paris region – report 18 Open Health Services and Policy Journal, volume 3, 2010 – articles of interest 19 Other: Support to PROGRESS participating countriesʹ strategies on health inequalities – call for proposals
19 Quelle(s) prévention(s) de la précarité? (FR), Paris, France, 15 June 2010 19 UCL Health and Society Summer School on Health inequalities, London, UK, 12 – 16 July 2010 19 Conference on Health Care Rationing, Rotterdam, the Netherlands, 9‐10 December 2010
European Network of Homeless Health Workers (ENHW)
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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Stefania Del Zotto, Policy Officer, FEANTSA Dear Readers, I am pleased to share with you the latest edition of the ENHW newsletter, which covers a wide range of topics. This time, articles include: the experience of a specialist sexual health service in Glasgow, which highlights the need for specific outreach services aimed at vulnerable populations; an overview of a research focusing on homelessness as a traumatic experience and on ways of overcoming it; the results of a research looking into the characteristics of people at risk of social and medical decline in Amsterdam, as well as into homelessness prevention and how to support patients once they are homeless; an article explaining the added value of biomedical data collection when treating homeless people and how this can be developed concretely; a reflection about the opening of a hospice ward providing care for marginalised people in Oslo. In the resources section, you will be able to read a review of an English initiative, whose goal is to make sure that primary care is delivered to a range of vulnerable groups, including homeless people; a summary of the DETERMINE project, which aimed at identifying concrete actions that can be taken in the EU to reduce health inequities; information on other reports and articles, which are related to health and homelessness and might be of interest to you. As you will notice, several contributions, including those relating to research and data collection, have been written by practitioners, who have been working with homeless people in the field for a number of years. This clearly shows how valuable linking theory and practice can be. We hope that this newsletter will stimulate further reflection and interaction, which could take the form of articles for the next issue. We would be pleased to receive information on any relevant research or events you might be aware of. I would like to extend my warmest thanks to everyone who has contributed to the current issue. Please do not hesitate to send your comments, questions and contributions to [email protected].
Sexual health and homelessness: the experience of a specialist sexual health service in Glasgow Maureen Kennedy, QNI’s Homeless Health Initiative, UK* Many community nurses working with people without a secure home may wish to support them in addressing their sexual health needs – yet may also find the issue challenging. This article gives an overview of the experiences of one dedicated sexual health nurse for homeless people working in Glasgow. Along with two case studies, it gives suggestions for how to carry this work forward in other areas. Introduction The homeless population in the UK is just as diverse as any other group in society. It is only by recognising the barriers and limitations imposed
upon them by mainstream society as a whole, and health services in particular, that their needs can be met. One issue is how homeless people present to, and are perceived or feel they are perceived by, health services. This client group has a high proportion of drug and alcohol users, as well as many who suffer from poor mental health. As a result they can often present while under the influence of substances and/or in some emotional distress. Sadly, a significant proportion of the client group have suffered from sexual abuse or been victims of domestic violence. Many have been involved in prostitution. Access to mainstream services Given the above, it is little surprise that homeless people feel excluded from mainstream services. Numerous barriers exist, real or perceived, which make it difficult for them to engage fully with these services. Many homeless people may also not
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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consider sexual health to be a priority. This in itself can make providing a sexual health service for this group a difficult task. However, there are a number of factors which inhibit access further:
• From the point of view of the heterosexual male homeless population, there is still a sense that sexual health services are the preserve of women and gay men
• Clients are often unaware of sexual health provision, how and where to access it
• There are a lack of short‐notice appointments and waiting times are often too long at drop‐in clinics
• There is a lack of sympathy for the client from health care professionals due to the way they present (see above)
• The transient/chaotic lifestyles of many homeless people means that they have often moved on before any follow‐up appointment or specialist referral can be made.
In order to address these barriers and to implement care, a dedicated sexual health service for homeless people is extremely useful. Access is made easier by allowing self‐referrals and referrals from housing support or social work etc. It is necessary to do outreach work to ensure that all agencies working with homelessness are aware of the availability and role of the service. In Glasgow, such a service became operational in 2004. This provides a model for the way in which sexual health care for the homeless can be implemented and encouraged. Given the transient nature of the client group, the Glasgow service seeks to offer a holistic, fast‐track service which comprises a one‐visit full sexual health screen, and recommendations for long‐term contraception. After discussing the client’s background and medical/sexual history, access to a GP, addictions workers, practice nurse and counsellors can be made without the need for the client to refer and re‐attend at a later date. This is done by having all of these in‐house as part of the dedicated service. In addition, outreach work is carried out by the lead nurse to accommodation providers etc. This is both to raise awareness of the service among the client group and to offer advice and awareness training to staff. This has been particularly effective in
promoting awareness among young homeless men of sexual health as a matter of concern. Our findings Working with the homeless population in Glasgow has shown, perhaps surprisingly, that there seems to be no higher incidence of sexually transmitted infection in Glasgow’s homeless population than the community at large. The main area of concern in homeless sexual health care is the contraction of blood‐borne viruses among IV drug users, where incidences of Hepatitis C are much greater. Prostitution within the homeless population is however a further area of concern and is often a result of IV drug usage and the need to fund this usage. Unfortunately, accommodation provision for the homeless population can be a part of these factors. Recovering addicts can often relapse when placed in residential units and, especially in women‐only hostels, prostitution can be prevalent. Homeless young men are the most difficult to engage. Consistent and repeated outreach and engagement with staff from different services is needed to help reach this group. Case Study K first presented to the lead nurse in 2006 when she was 16 years old and tested positive for Chlamydia. She was treated for this, and oral contraception was prescribed at this stage as K decided not to take up the offer of long‐acting reversible contraception (LARC). In July 2007 at the age of seventeen, K accessed the service after having been the victim of a sexual assault while she was working on the streets of Glasgow. K was given a full sexual health screen and referrals were made to counseling and support services. The Archway Project in Glasgow offers support to victims of sexual assault and has close links to the homeless sexual health service. In addition, K commenced a course of Twinrix vaccination and she agreed on this occasion to long term contraception and an IUD was inserted at a later date. In June 2008, K was diagnosed with Hepatitis C infection, the most likely source of which was sharing needles to administer heroin. At this time K’s PCR (Polymerase Chain Reaction) was negative, therefore infection was not ongoing, but the situation has been monitored through checks every
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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six months and the PCR remains negative to the present day. However, at the point of diagnosis, K stated that she was using three bags of heroin daily and was titrating on a Methadone prescription (40mls daily at that point). K spent periodic spells in rehab in order to deal with her addiction over the next 18 months and contact was maintained with the service through outreach appointments from the lead nurse. In 2009, K was again working on the streets and smoking heroin, telling the service that she was seeing two clients a night, seven nights a week in order to raise money to go to Wales where she had been offered respite. K did not go to Wales, however, and in several months later, she met with the lead nurse while resident at a residential project for vulnerable women. K was engaging with addiction services at this point and was maintaining a Methadone program, appearing content in her surroundings. On the 30th of the same month, K was again the victim of a sexual assault and attended the Project once again. She continues to remain in contact with the Lead Nurse of the Homeless service. Conclusion
The above case study serves to illustrate the transient/chaotic lives of many of the young women and men who find themselves homeless and the dangers inherent in this. It also shows the difficulty in offering a service to the client within a mainstream framework. Outreach is a vital component, as is a more flexible approach to appointments. The reality of providing such a service is that many clients will not attend arranged appointments and may disengage entirely for periods of time. In these stages the clients can be most vulnerable, and despite not looking for it, are often most in need of a sexual health service. It is therefore crucial to offer outreach and support to access sexual health services for those people who are most vulnerable and at risk. References • QNI’s Homeless Health Initiative website:
www.qni.org.uk/http://www.qni.org.uk/homeless‐health‐initiative/index.html
• Glasgow Sexual Health Service Website: www.sandyford.org
* The writer Maureen Kennedy is Lead Nurse for the Glasgow Homeless Sexual Health service, part of NHS Greater Glasgow and Clyde. For more information, call (+44) 07780 520862 or contact the Sandyford Clinic, 2‐6 Sandyford Place, Glasgow G3 7NB. Tel: 0141 211 8130.
Understanding Traumatic Experiences of Homeless People and Treating Them through Narrative Therapy ‐ PhD Thesis in Social Work Boróka Fehér Budapest Methodological Centre of Social Policy (BMSZKI), Hungary * In my thesis I set out to explore the possibility of understanding homelessness, and especially rough sleeping, as a traumatic experience in itself, and find ways in which being or becoming homeless as well as other traumatic experiences could be dealt with efficiently. I suggest that “chronic” (long‐term) rough sleepers could start sleeping, and then keep on staying on the streets because of the lack of treatment of various traumatic experiences they had encountered before, during or after homelessness. In my thesis I attempted to provide theoretical and practical guidelines for social workers (1) working with homeless people.
In Hungary, there is a strong tradition of conducting survey type of research with homeless people in order to find out more about their life, problems and habits (2). Being part of one of the research teams, I wanted to gain a deeper understanding, especially of the personal experiences of homeless people themselves. My main questions were how people get into a situation of street homelessness and why they cannot make their way out. I acknowledge the fact that the system of social housing in Hungary is very poor (if existent at all), but still, some people can use the support available and minimize their stay on the streets, while others stay on for longer (or repeated) periods of time. Still, these are not questions that can be answered through multiple‐choice questionnaires, thus the need for a more qualitative type of research.
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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After looking at the wide literature on psychological trauma (from hysteria, problems in the battlefield, all the way to the official recognition by the DSM as Post Traumatic Stress Disorder ‐ PTSD), and reading the stories and symptoms of “hysteric” people or “burnt‐out war veterans”, it was pointed out that very similar behaviour patterns could be observed among people experiencing street homelessness, such as despair, isolation, outbursts of anger or anguish, lack of a need for personal hygiene, melancholy, self‐destructive habits, etc (3). In many cases homelessness seems to have deeper roots than just a lack of housing (although in many cases available and affordable housing would be enough!) and those who are re‐housed often cannot keep their housing for long. My second question was: could this be a result of their unresolved trauma? For my research, I chose to turn to postmodernism and the narrative approach. I was fascinated by the Biographical Narrative Interview Method (4), which I found to be an innovative, informative and highly respectful tool in understanding how people think about their lives. In my own research, I did not only focus on the articulated facts and data, but also on the hidden meanings and possible interpretations. I analysed three interviews with former or current rough sleepers (5). In the first part of the analyses, I looked for possible traumatic experiences (those factual bits of information about their lived lives that they chose to talk about). In the second part, I tried to see if the way people talked about these events showed any sign of untreated trauma. Such signs could be any of the following (6):
• A higher presence of emotional or sensory words or descriptions,
• Incoherent, fragmented stories within the main story,
• An inconsistent time‐line, frequent changes between the past and present tenses,
• Lack of “I”‐reference: the storyteller is either not present or is shown as a passive, often victimized subject.
In all three interviews I found that becoming homeless proved to be a traumatic experience indeed (there were several of the above signs in each of the stories), and in all three cases I could see signs of other unresolved traumas as well. Being a social worker myself, I was not only interested in pinpointing a problem, but in trying to
find ways to help people overcome their problems. During my research I discovered narrative therapy, which offered a direct connection with the theoretical background of postmodernism, and the Biographical Narrative Interview Method used in the research itself. Narrative therapy is not widely used in Hungary yet, nor could I find any literature in other languages about it being applied in working with homeless people. Yet I think it is an ideal technique for this population as well as for anyone else. Narrative therapy treats people with problems with the same type of attitude as the Biographical Narrative Interview Method: it gives the power to direct therapy in the hands of the person themselves, and builds on their experiences, strengths and desires, dreams to help them realize a positive outcome. The therapist (or social worker) is a partner in this work, and has no power or authority over the other person – neither in judgement, nor in a moral way. This approach claims that it is the person who knows themselves best, and who knows what they need best as well. They just need a “helping hand” (or ear and brain) to overcome some difficulties in their lives. First, there has to be a separation between the person and his/her problems (externalizing). The person might be homeless (as an adjective in the present tense), but he/she should not think about themselves as homeless (as a noun, a constant attribute to their personality). Then we have to look for unique outcomes, such as events, moments, wishes or memories when the problem did not seem all powerful or was challenged, weakened by something. Thirdly, the carer and the person work together on alternative stories, for instance strengthening unique outcomes with fully developed narratives, maybe even working on some future stories, events that the person desires, wishes for. This approach can also be used in working with people faced with traumatic experiences. It can be used to help break old patterns, negative images of oneself (“I am not a good mother”, “I can never keep a job”, “I am an alcoholic”, “I have no luck with women/men”, “I am fat”, “I have always been the black sheep in my family”), to reconstruct painful and disturbing events and create alternative positive stories for the future. I think that in many cases a listening ear, a respectful and accepting
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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listening is all it needs for people to be able to cope with their past (7). This shows how much more us, social professionals, can help, even if we are not trained psychologists or psychiatrists! I do not claim that the narrative approach is the only way to help homeless people break some vicious patterns and allowing for them to be able to leave the streets. There need to be structural changes, affordable housing with strong onsite or offsite support as well. However, I do think it is a good framework for understanding people’s own perspectives about their lives and current situation, and it is something I would very much like to see implemented and used in the daily work with homeless people. References • BÉKÉS, Vera (2008): A trauma reprezentációjának
változásai holokauszt‐narratívákban, PhD Dissertation, University of Pécs, Department of Psychology
• DR. GYŐRI, Péter (2008): Fedél nélkül élők; IN: Győri P.‐Vida J. (szerk.): Utcák népe. Budapest, Otthontalanul könyvek.
• PENNEBAKER, James (1997): Opening Up ‐ The Healing Power of Expressing Emotions; Guilford Press, New York.
(1) In Hungary (key) staff working with homeless people need to have a degree (BA or MA) in social work. They are referred to as social workers. They do not have statutory rights over people, they carry out the same type of one‐on‐one support as key workers in other countries. (2) Since 1997, every year there is a survey conducted on 3 February among homeless people (in shelters, hostels and on the streets) in various cities and towns of Hungary. Some of the reports have are available in English at http://www.bmszki.hu/english. (3) See Győri 2008. (4) When using the Biographical Narrative Interview Method, the interviewer only asks one main question (for example: “Would you tell me the story of your life, how
did you end up sleeping rough?”), and then lets the person tell their story without interruptions. Once they are finished, the interviewer might ask questions for clarification, or for certain stories to be developed in more detail. However, it is the person telling their story who has control over what to say and in which order. They can freely create a narrative which best reflects their current experience. (5) I chose three people whose life‐stories illustrate well
the diversity of homeless people: • Margit is a young woman of 30. She comes from a
poor family in the countryside, her parents are divorced. She is not well educated, and has not had a stable job for most of her life. She had a lesbian relationship as a teenager, then got married to a man from a neighbouring village and had several children with him. She was a victim of domestic violence and fled her home several times. Now her children are with foster parents, and she lives in a hostel with her girlfriend.
• József is a middle‐aged man, with a high school education. He worked abroad several times, and was an affluent man at several points in his life. After his divorce he had severe problems with alcohol, but he recovered. His son from his first marriage died at the age of 11. He broke up with his second wife and has been living on the street, drinking heavily for some time.
• Lajos is a 28‐year‐old young man, who grew up in a State care institution. He had been homeless since the age of 18, when he had become an adult and was discharged from care. He is a homosexual, he is Roma, and he considers himself to be fat – all three making it difficult for him to break out from homelessness. He is fluent in English and speaks Italian fairly well.
(6) Békés 2008. (7) Pennebaker found that even speaking out loud (or writing) about problems, painful events can be helpful – see Pennebaker. * Boróka Fehér is a social worker. Her PhD thesis was submitted to the Eötvös Loránd University (ELTE), Budapest in June 2009 (to be defended in spring 2010). Boróka is a member of FEANTSA’s participation working group. Contact: [email protected].
Social medical care before and during homelessness in Amsterdam ‐ PhD Thesis Igor van Laere, MD PhD Doctors for Homeless Foundation Amsterdam, the Netherlands* Since 1995, I have been working as an outreach doctor for homeless people in Amsterdam. At work, I meet homeless
patients, colleagues, organisations, policy makers and politicians, and their problems. I have been trying to disentangle the complex processes of homelessness, problems and care provision, in order to get an overview of what is needed to improve social medical care for those in highest need. To me, our homeless patients, their problems and their journeys to find support, are a continuous source of inspiration and exploration. Therefore, my practice based knowledge and experience
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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with life and death in the streets of Amsterdam are the foundation of my academic research to better understand social medical care before and during homelessness. This thesis is a scientific account of my journey (1). Homelessness is a major public health problem. Little scientific evidence is available on how to help prevent people from becoming homeless and how to improve the health of homeless people. In Amsterdam, health professionals at the Outreach Dr. Valckenier‐Practice provide social medical care to homeless people. Based on the practical experience and several data collection exercises in the framework of my job and in addition to it over the last decade, this thesis explores strategies to help prevent people from experiencing social medical decline. Herein, we aim to identify:
1. What are the characteristics of people at risk of social medical decline?
2. How can we find and identify these individuals?
3. How can we help them before and during different phases of homelessness?
In order to find the answers, various phases of social medical decline were examined using five sub‐questions: 1. What are the characteristics and social medical
risk factors of households at risk of eviction in Amsterdam?
2. How effective is the signalling and referral system for households at risk of eviction in Amsterdam?
3. What are the characteristics, social medical problems and service contacts of people who became homeless recently before and during homelessness, related to their pathways into homelessness?
4. What are the characteristics, social medical problems and mortality of homeless people visiting the GGD Outreach Dr. Valckenier‐Practice?
5. What are the characteristics, social medical problems and mortality of homeless adults admitted in a shelter‐based convalescence care facility in Amsterdam?
Model of Social Medical Decline In chapter 1, in the introduction, a model is represented by subgroups of individuals who find themselves in a progressive state of social and medical decline. In the various stages, the housed at risk of eviction, the recently homeless, the long term homeless and mortality among homeless people,
were examined between 1997 and 2008. Of the different study groups, point prevalence information was collected at a variety of sites and from various data sets provided by the social housing associations, nuisance control care networks, popular street hang outs, day centres, social assistance centres, emergency shelters, general shelters, a shelter‐based convalescence care facility, Municipal Public Health Service patient records, and the Amsterdam Population Register. Households at risk of eviction In chapter 2, the magnitude of evictions and the households at risk of eviction were explored. In 2003, we sought information about social services that help clients with rent arrears and nuisance, major causes of evictions. Based on their own client records, case workers of 12 housing associations and 13 nuisance control care networks filled out questionnaires that provided information about characteristics and social medical problems among households at risk of eviction. In Amsterdam, over the last years, around 4 households per 1,000 rent dwellings were evicted. Among the 275 people housed at risk of eviction due to rent arrears, the majority were single living men in their late thirties of Dutch and Surinamese / Netherlands Antillean origin. More than half experienced social problems, a quarter reported medical problems, and it was found that drug addiction problems significantly increased the risk of eviction. Among the 190 people housed at risk of eviction due to housing related nuisance, it was found that most were single living and in their late thirties. One third had also financial mismanagement issues, two thirds had addiction problems and one third had mental health issues. Financial mismanagement was a significant risk factor for eviction. Among all households in this study information on physical problems was most likely underreported. In response to the findings above outlining the characteristics of those most threatened by rent arrears and/or nuisance, services should reach out and offer integrated social and medical care. In chapter 3, the effectiveness of the signalling and referral system for households at risk of eviction was studied. The signalling system used to identify those who were at risk of eviction was evaluated by
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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examining the extent of problems that were identified by the case workers for rent arrears and nuisance. The referral system was evaluated by comparing the identified problems with the assistance contacts. For 275 households with rent arrears, housing associations reported social problems in 71%, of whom 48% were in contact with social assistance, and medical problems in 23% of whom 29% were in contact with medical assistance. House visits by housing associations resulted in a much higher identification of problems and were associated with a reduced eviction risk. For 190 households, nuisance control care networks reported social problems in 54%, of which 13% were in contact with social assistance, and medical problems in 82%, of which 92% were in contact with medical assistance. It was concluded that a provision driven and fragmented approach of assistance led the households in highest need, who were unable, or refrained from asking for assistance, on a pathway towards evictions. In response to the ‘silent’ signal of rent arrears, housing associations should conduct more house visits to identify underlying social and also medical problems that should actively be addressed. In response to the ‘loud’ signal of nuisance, despite the high occurrence of medical assistance, financial support was insufficient. Only an integrated approach can keep more people off the streets. People who have recently become homeless In chapter 4, people who have recently become homeless were examined. To identify adults who had recently become homeless, defined as “last housing lost up to two years ago and legally staying in the Netherlands”, participants were recruited on the streets, day centres and night shelters in Amsterdam. In April and May 2004, social science students conducted interviews and collected data on demographics, self reported pathways into homelessness, social and medical problems, and service use, before and after becoming homeless. Among the 120 people who had recently become homeless, most were single men, around 40 years old of Dutch and Surinamese / Netherlands Antilles origin. Before and during homelessness a high prevalence was reported for financial debts (on average 5,000 Euros), gambling and other addiction problems, domestic violence, and mental and/or
physical health problems. During homelessness less gambling and addiction problems were reported. Forty percent of the recently homeless were homeless following an eviction due to rent arrears. Before homelessness, evictees were more often living single, belonged more often to a migrant group, and had more financial and more alcohol related problems than those who were homeless due to other reasons. Despite that four out of five evictees were having contact with debt control services, evictions were not prevented. Those who were homeless due to relationship problems (one third) reported more domestic violence and, often, cocaine problems. Before and during homelessness, contacts with services were fragmented and did not prevent homelessness. Both before and during the first phase of homelessness medical contacts were low. For households at high risk of homelessness and those in the early stages of homelessness underlying social and medical problems should systematically be identified and adequately supported by social and medical professionals. Therefore, outreach social medical care should be provided continuously before and during homelessness. Long term homeless patients In chapter 5, long term homeless patients were studied. To this end, three groups of homeless patients who visited the GGD Outreach Dr. Valckenier Practice at different sites during three time periods, were studied: group A (n=364) April 1997‐ Nov 1999; group B (n=124) Sept‐Dec 2000; and group C (n=137) Feb‐May 2005. Data were systematically collected and included the personal characteristics, pathways into homelessness, the medical problems for all three groups, and the reasons for visiting a doctor and mortality for group A only. The homeless patients (total n=625) were most commonly men, around 40 years old, of Dutch and Surinamese / Netherlands Antillean origin. The main pathways into homelessness were relationship problems, financial debts/evictions, and after being released from prison. Between the three groups, the average duration of homelessness varied from 2 to 7 years. In all groups, one quarter of the homeless patients reported alcohol dependency, one third drug dependency, one fifth to nearly two thirds reported mental health problems, and more than half reported physical problems.
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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In group A (n=364), the reasons for visiting a doctor primarily consisted of skin disorders as well as pulmonary, digestive and musculoskeletal conditions. Beside these conditions, one third presented a combination of chronic addictions, serious mental health problems and a frail physical condition (tri‐morbidity). In group A, 20% (n=74) had died in the ten‐year follow‐up period till 2008. These homeless patients died nearly seven times more often than their housed counterparts with comparable sex and age in Amsterdam. For homeless females and those in the 18‐34 age group, they were 13 and 18 times more likely, respectively. Multivariate analysis showed a significantly increased risk of death for individuals with problems related to HIV, alcohol addiction, asthma/COPD, drug addiction, and for liver cirrhosis and diabetes. It was concluded that a combination of homelessness and specific medical conditions resulted in excess mortality. With respect to homeless people entering the homeless circuit, predictors of early death should be identified and supported as early as possible. Shelter‐based convalescence for homeless patients In chapter 6, homeless patients admitted in a shelter‐based convalescence care facility were studied. Herein, data on the characteristics of ill homeless adults, underlying medical problems, referral pattern, length of stay, whereabouts after discharge and mortality, were collected during care provision in the facility, from January 2001 to October 2007. Among the convalescence care users (n=629), most were men, around 45 years old, of Dutch and Surinamese / Netherlands Antilles origin. Of 889 admissions, the physical problems primarily consisted of skin disorders as well as pulmonary, digestive and musculoskeletal conditions. Common chronic medical problems included addiction, mental health disorders, hypertension, HIV infection and liver cirrhosis. The major referral sources were general hospitals and GGD drug clinics. The median length of stay was 20 days. After (self)discharge, two thirds went back to previous circumstances (streets, overnight shelter, prison, including those suspended/arrested due to misconduct), one tenth improved their housing situation (general shelter and/or rent home), and
one fifth was transferred to a general hospital or nursing home. By March 2008, one in seven convalescence care users (13%) were known to have died. Most were men and aged around 50 years. Overall, the convalescence care users died seven and a half times more often than their housed counterparts with comparable sex and age characteristics in Amsterdam. Survival analysis, with correction for age and sex, showed an increased mortality risk for those with HIV, malignancy, cirrhosis of the liver, mental health disorders, and a combination of addictions and mental health problems. Over the years, fewer men were admitted with significantly more self neglect, personality disorders and cocaine use. Duration of the stay increased and less self discharge was noted during the study period. The shelter‐based convalescence care facility has been flexible and responsive to the needs of the users and services available. However, these findings confirm again the need for early identification and support for those homeless people with a high risk mortality profile. In chapter 7, the general discussion and conclusions, the following questions were addressed:
1. What are the characteristics of people at risk of social medical decline in Amsterdam?
2. How can we find and identify these individuals?
3. How can we help them before homelessness and during the different stages of homelessness?
In the general discussion, the results of the five studies are related to the current policies and projects to support people at risk of homelessness and homeless people, and the responsibilities and competence of the workforce in Amsterdam. Herein, policy documents and reports were used in regards the eviction prevention practice as offered by the Early Reach Out support networks for rent arrears (in Dutch: Vroeg Eropaf), the Care and Nuisance support networks for people housed with multiple support needs (in Dutch: meldpunten zorg en overlast), and the Homeless Safety Net and case management practice (in Dutch: GGD centrale intake en veldregie voor OGGZ cliënten).
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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Characteristics of people at risk of social medical decline in Amsterdam In Amsterdam, of the people at risk of social medical decline, the vast majority were found to be single men, aged 25‐54 years, of Dutch and Surinamese / Netherlands Antilles origin, with social medical problems. These problems concerned maintaining or obtaining housing due to financial mismanagement and/or conduct disorders that interact with medical problems of addiction, mental, and physical health (tri‐morbidity). Prior to becoming homeless and throughout the different phases of homelessness, the demographic profile remained the same, and social and medical problems tended to mount until causing early death. A significantly increased risk of death was observed among homeless individuals with problems related to alcohol addiction, drug addiction, mental illness, dual diagnosis, HIV, malignancies, chronic pulmonary conditions, liver cirrhosis and diabetes. How can we find and identify these individuals? In daily practice, identifying vulnerable people, their social medical profile and their pathways into social medical decline should be acknowledged. Consequently, defined warning signals of vulnerability should actively be picked up by professionals in housing, welfare, medical, correctional and homeless services. This means that professionals have to look beyond their own discipline and ‘core business’. Hereto, the workforce needs to be willing and competent to apply a systematic approach to identify their clients’ characteristics and social medical problems that lead to evictions, homelessness and early death. How can we help them before and during different stages of homelessness? In this thesis, medical problems were increasingly prevalent among people at risk of social medical decline, before and during different phases of homelessness, and resulted in excess mortality. In the eviction prevention practice and the recently homeless case management practice, medical doctors seemed to play a marginal role. In the outreach care practice, doctors were most commonly involved in tackling the health issues among the long term homeless, and including convalescence and palliative care, to reduce tri‐morbidity harm in the last phases of social medical decline.
The marginal role of doctors before and during the early phases of homelessness reflects the absence of doctors’ role in the relevant policy documents and reports. Moreover, in daily practice, in the Early Reach Out support networks for rent arrears, the Care and Nuisance support networks for the housed with multiple support needs and the Homeless Safety Net and case management practice, medical involvement is not guaranteed, nor systematically provided. Consequently, people at risk of homelessness and homeless people depend on the social medical skills and tri‐morbidity knowledge of social and financial workers, and social (mental health) nurses. In response to the findings above, strategies to help prevent people from experiencing social medical decline should make explicit the position and responsibilities of medical doctors. Tackling the social determinants of health and the medical issues of people at risk of homelessness and homeless people requires involvement of medical doctors in practice, education, and research. Practice. It is recommended to integrate the Early Reach Out support services, Care and Nuisance support networks and the homeless case management networks. To integrate these networks, the GGD, as the central field director, could restore the fundaments of its safety net role in the community and reposition doctors as directors in the social medical care process before and during homelessness. Hereto, doctors should actively be involved in the social medical assessment, preventive and treatment actions, consultation with and referrals to medical doctors in the community healthcare network, and reporting the individual care needs for epidemiological and financial purposes. The development of the individual care plan and follow up should be performed in close cooperation with social nurses, social workers and administrative staff. Education. To identify problems related to deficiencies in patients’ social support systems and knowledge of referral possibilities outside the medical system, it is recommended to integrate social medical care in the medical curriculum. A comprehensive social medical care module and placements can be developed so that medical students, and general practitioners and social medicine specialists in training, can play an active role in providing care to people at risk of homelessness and homeless people in daily practice.
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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Research. Following the results in this thesis, it is evident that an overview of vulnerable people’ health status and their unmet support needs should be gathered, regardless of their situation. Much remains to be learned about how to effectively integrate and target services to find and help the most vulnerable people in early stages, when homelessness can be prevented. It is essential to collect longitudinal data relating to characteristics, social medical problems and mortality among the people at risk of homelessness and homeless people. Furthermore, data are to be related to the size, nature and costs of services, and the responsibilities and competences of the workforce. These dynamics are best understood by close observation in the framework of daily practice. The existing OGGZ monitors in the Netherlands are a first step for data collection on the most vulnerable people. However, the basis of these data collections could be adjusted according to a social medical perspective. Thus, a Social Medical Monitor might be used as an integral basis, see table 1. Such a monitoring system could be used as a tool for practitioners in daily practice, to learn how to perform a systematic social medical
assessment, and to collect data on the job. The data obtained could contribute to a global overview of vulnerable people, social medical problems and mortality, and the pathways into social medical decline. The knowledge gained in this thesis on social medical care before and during homelessness in Amsterdam should find its way through practice, education and research, and thus constitutes an effective public health intervention. Reference (1) Laere IR van, “Social medical care before and during homelessness in Amsterdam”, Academic Thesis, University of Amsterdam, 2009. See: http://dare.uva.nl/record/325935. *Igor van Laere, MD PhD, is Founder and Director of the Doctors for Homeless Foundation Amsterdam. The foundation aims to share international social medical knowledge and experience in practice, education, research and policy making, to better assist poor and underserved people in our communities. Contact details: [email protected].
Table 1: social medical monitor for people at risk of social medical decline DEMOGRAPHICS name sex address date of birth postal code place of birth place of residence country of birth Public Service Number (BSN) ethnic origin SOCIAL PROBLEMS MEDICAL PROBLEMS Housing Addiction independent (owner‐occupier / rent contract) alcohol guided living (hostel / residential clinic / prison) drugs (tobacco, cannabis, cocaine, heroin, speed, pills) homeless (duration and pathways:) gambling due to eviction for rent arrears by tenure (social housing / private) Mental health due to relationship problems leaving a home or being sent away confused, bizarre behaviour, psychotic due to (eviction for rent arrears during) stay in prison rude, aggressive, conduct disorder due to eviction for nuisance / behaviour lethargic, sad, always tired, depressed due to other reasons, such as leaving an institution / clinic cognitive impairment Income Physical health ID‐card, registration population register, (postal) address self neglect (body mass index) income from legal employment / illegal / none poor dental status benefits unemployment / disability (budget / financial debts) chronic pulmonary problems health insurance heart vessel disease / hypertension (blood pressure) Activities cirrhosis of the liver doubling primary school classes / drop out high school HIV, Hepatitis B, Hepatitis C, tuberculosis highest education level with diploma (low, middle, high) malignancies
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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work experience / daily activities / contacts police and jail diabetes
contacts social network family / friends (name, address, phone) epilepsy MORTALITY unnatural cause of death date of death overdose / intoxication day of the week of death suicide / homicide time of death accident / trauma place of death natural cause of death housing status at death heart vessel pulmonary cancer other To obtain an overview on vulnerable people and the dynamics between the different stages of social medical decline, a comprehensive data set should include: demographics, three social domains: housing ‐ related to settings and pathways into homelessness ‐, income and activities; and three medical domains: addiction, mental and physical health problems; and mortality by (un)natural causes. The medical problems chosen are those
in need of chronic and costly guidance and/or have a significantly increased risk of death. Guided by this social medical monitor, the amount and intensity of the problem oriented social medical care to be provided to the individual should be assessed, initiated, monitored and followed up by professionals skilled and experienced in social medical decline.
Biomedical research in health outreach services: does it make sense? Henrik Thiesen MD and GP, HealthTeam, Copenhagen, Denmark *
Randomized controlled trials Randomized controlled trials (RCT) are considered the gold‐standard in modern scientific research. In these studies patients are given a medication / treatment or placebo / old standard medication in a random fashion. Patients are selected very strictly to avoid competition or bias from other diseases or clinical conditions. The RCT thus tries to control factors in the two randomly chosen groups to get a clear picture of the effect of a new type of medicine when everything else is equal. The patients chosen for this kind of research are therefore quite uniform and equal in their disease pattern. Psychiatric disease, drug and alcohol abuse could be reasons for exclusion from such studies, as could the use of other medications for these conditions. Ethical problem might also arise when RCTs are made with people who are not totally aware of the problems that might come during a trial. Finally it can be a problem to control medication if the patients are socially unstable. At the same time most street outreach services for people who are homeless are concentrated on immediate clinical help for an array of medical problems like infections
and acute injuries, while more structured long‐term treatment is referred to clinic settings. Randomized controlled trials and homeless people For the most marginalized homeless people with several competing issues, this may be difficult as their basic problem can be to keep track of time and place and simply forget to go to the clinic. Some of that problem can be addressed by dedicating nurses or social workers to help the individual homeless patient to the health‐services, but it can be a very time‐consuming task to do. By addressing immediate health needs and initiating treatment where the patient is, the time‐keeping and help with transportation can be used for more specialized health‐services. By allocating healthcare to the immediate environment, more resources can be directed at coordination, long‐term development and prevention including harm‐reduction (1). Measuring alcohol misuse The HealthTeam for Homeless People in the Copenhagen Municipality, which was founded in May 2005, is organized as a clinical general practice with full access to the secondary health‐service including specialist services and clinical bio‐analytic laboratory. Over the years about 700 different patients have received health service and part of them has received long‐term health care. Since the beginning one of the missions of the HealthTeam has been to monitor the general health status of the Copenhagen homeless population and we therefore ask all our patients to take a blood‐
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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screen for infectious diseases like hepatitis and HIV and for general health issues. A full set of blood tests has been taken from about 300 patients and we begin to have now an overview of the dissemination of diseases and somatic health‐problems. Screening for liver problems is a natural part of the general health screening program but the usual liver enzyme counts tends to be somewhat inaccurate. We have therefore been looking for more precise parameters. At the same time we have been looking for the most precise and efficient alcohol use questionnaire. Clinical studies in a context of homelessness Being able to compare screening tools for alcohol use with biometric data became the objective for our first clinical study (2). The study tested the feasibility of the CAGE as a measure of drinking problems. The rationale was that if the CAGE (3) is to function as a screening tool, it should at least be able to identify the patients whose drinking is having an influence on liver function and thereby be able to identify the persons who are most in need of a targeted health intervention to prevent further deterioration of their health status. We found that the CAGE correlated strongly with years of heavy drinking. The CAGE did also correlate with range of biomarkers for liver disease. In contrast, years of drinking did not correlate with liver disease. Our conclusion to that study was that that the CAGE is a valuable tool to identify homeless people with heavy drinking and liver problems. Our next step was to look further into a problem that became evident in the first study, namely that the sensitivity of markers of liver damage seems to have a quite unstable correlation with the current level of drinking (4). Over a period of more than one year we tested all new patients systematically for liver markers regardless of alcohol use and at the same time applied the Fast Alcohol Screening Test (5). While the CAGE test is designed to test alcohol dependency over a lifetime the FAST test measures a personʹs hazardous drinking in the past year. Concentrations of all bio‐markers were significantly higher in the alcoholic patients than in other homeless patients but a novel combined index devised by Finnish scientist Petra Anttila (Antilla Index, AI), which combines already known liver markers (6) was found to correlate very precisely with actual alcohol use and when applied to our results and combined with the FAST questionnaire.
Conclusion The answer to the initial question is ”yes”, on several levels. The results from the HealthTeam’s experience show that basic clinical research is possible, provided that basic clinical necessities are met, and that it can provide the individual homeless person with a more detailed picture of the actual health problems he or she faces. For outreach health organizations without the possibility of blood screening, a tight connection between quite simple alcohol questionnaires has been demonstrated. This makes it simpler for a nurse or social worker to assess the degree of health risk for the individual homeless person and gives a stronger emphasis on the need for health intervention and prevention of further harm. Further clinical research might give a stronger evidence base for prevention and treatment in outreach context and thereby give a better focus on what to concentrate on in the treatment of people with multiple and severe health problems. References (1) Harm‐reduction is understood as the prevention of harms done by substance or alcohol use. (2) The CAGE as a Measure of Hazardous Drinking in the Homeless, Hesse & Thiesen, American Journal on Addictions 2007, Vol. 16, No. 6, 475‐478. (3) The CAGE is a four‐item self‐report measure of alcoholism. CAGE is an acronym for the four questions in the instrument: ‘‘Have you ever felt you should Cut down on your drinking?’’. ‘‘Have people annoyed you by criticizing your drinking?’’. ‘‘Have you ever felt bad or Guilty about your drinking?’’. ‘‘Have you ever had a drink first thing in the morning (Eye‐opener) to steady your nerves or to get rid of a hangover?’’ (4) Biological markers of problem drinking in homeless patients, Thiesen & Hesse, Addictive Behaviors, Vol. 35, Iss. 3, March 2010, 260‐262 (5) The FAST Test: 1. How often do you have eight or more drinks on one occasion? 2. How often during the last year have you been unable to remember what happened the night before because you had been drinking? 3. How often during the last year have you failed to do what was normally expected of you because of your drinking? 4. Has a relative or friend, a doctor or other health worker been concerned about your drinking or suggested you cut down? (6) Carbohydrate‐deficient transferrin and γ glutamyl transferase.
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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* Henrik Thiesen is MD, GP, Manager and staff specialist at the HealthTeam in Copenhagen. He is also member of the FEANTSA Health and social protection working group on behalf of the Danish SBH (www.sbh‐boformer.dk ).
If you would like to receive the studies mentioned in the article, please send an e‐mail to Henrik Thiesen: [email protected].
Evaluation of a Proposal to Open a Hospice Ward at the Salvation Army Street Hospital in Oslo Evelyn Dyb and Katja Johannessen Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research (NIBR), Oslo, Norway * The Norwegian Salvation Army Street Hospital, which is a service catering for the needs of people with heavy addiction problems and people who are homeless, opened in the autumn of 2004. Spring 2009 saw the Street Hospital open a ward for women. In light of the experience with this patient group, the Salvation Army asked the Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research (NIBR) to assess the idea of setting up a hospice ward at the Street Hospital and what such a ward should offer in terms of care. The results of the assessment are published in the report “The Last Days”. Data derive from interviews with six users of homeless services and/or services for drug addicts and 15 staff employed in the health service, services for homeless people and alcohol and drug addiction service, as well as secondary literature. The hospice is a service for the very ill in the last phase of their life. A hospice as a provision of care spans several levels of the health service and is based on an integrated philosophy. A central component of the hospice philosophy is palliative treatment: end‐of‐life pain management and care. Pain in dying or the suffering of extremely ill patients is described in terms of physical, mental, social and spiritual suffering. The report focused on people with addiction problems who are left in the limbo, the impoverished ones who live at the margins of society and don’t “fit in” with the standard scheme in the health service or other social institutions. A significant proportion of these are homeless or have experienced homelessness at one or several point in time, alternating between temporary accommodation (previously shelters), sofas at friends and acquaintances and sleeping rough. Many experience another and more fundamental form of homelessness, which relates to the lack of
social network, insofar as they have few or no close family relations. Based on interviews and other sources, a bleak picture emerges of the health situation of people with heavy addiction problems. One aspect is the so‐called life style illnesses, the immediate consequences of heavy substance abuse and living rough. Other health problems and illnesses are the indirect result of a hard life. Some diseases can become serious and, ultimately, untreatable, because they are not treated or treatment is given when the disease has progressed too far. One group which falls between all possible stools comprises persons suffering from both substance abuse and mental illness. These can present a challenge even to places that are used to dealing with people with addiction problems. Another vulnerable group is people with addiction problems from Asia and Africa, as they are more likely than ethnic Norwegians to experience a sense of shame and guilt in relation to substance abuse and the diseases it can give rise to. This investigation and other studies show that people with addiction problems, and especially those who are homeless, are more at risk of early death and sudden death. On the other hand, we find nothing to support the hypothesis that this group has a higher frequency of self‐induced death, caused for instance by more or less deliberately injecting an overdose. Nor that they want more than others to die before their time. A hospice ward for this group could provide a form of care which takes into account the fact that the patients are heavy addicts and terminally ill. Setting up a new health service for a vulnerable group raises the question of extending specialised care to this group. There are arguments in favour and against this option. A powerful argument in support of setting up a hospice ward for people with heavy addiction problems and homeless is the need for expertise on addiction and the complex pathologies experienced by this group of patients, which will need to be combined with expertise in palliative care and treatment. The group doesn’t fit
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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into the standard health service. Hospital staff has a tendency to dislike working with this group, which makes the patients feel uncomfortable as well. The social stigma associated with addiction and physical deterioration from a life in the street is also felt by the users. The hospice philosophy is described as boundless, among other things. Boundlessness could collide, on the one hand, with the disorganised life style of the patient group and, on the other, the need to set clear limits. Tying up loose ends in a practical and, above all, inter‐personal sense is important. It can be particularly difficult for this group, whose relationships are often difficult, with many matters
left unresolved. There is a challenge in preserving a quiet atmosphere in the ward and keeping it drug and alcohol free, something the users themselves wish for, while at the same time acting as a bridge between patient and relations. The latter entails, among other things, enabling contact and visits.
Reference
To read the full report (available in Norwegian and containing a summary in English), see the NIBR web site: http://www.nibr.no/nyheter/andre/siste‐dager/ (the pdf is available on the right).
* Evelyn Dyb is Senior Researcher. Conctact details: [email protected].
Inclusion health: bringing homeless health care into the mainstream? Dr Angela Jones Inclusive Health, Oxford, UK* With the universal provision of health care under the National Health Service, homeless people in England should theoretically have had an advantage over those in some other countries where healthcare is predicated on an insurance‐based system, in that access to healthcare should be easier and therefore better. The theory does not always operate in practice however, as access is a more complex issue than simply having an insurance policy or the money to pay for care. Access can be denied, or be perceived to be denied by a host of other factors such as the knowledge, skills and attitudes of frontline staff and the physical and organisational environment in which the service is offered. In England, as in other countries of the EU and beyond, dedicated health care is delivered to people experiencing homelessness largely by individual small organisations, who operate “despite, rather than because” of mainstream healthcare. These services are often marginalised, mirroring the plight of their patients, and vulnerable to changes in health policy or funding. Like their patients, they find themselves having to continuously justify and re‐justify their existence to the authorities who feel they are unnecessary, too expensive, an easy target for cuts in these times of fiscal stress.
That may be about to change. In 2009, an initiative of the Cabinet Office in England, a group at the very centre of the UK Government, meant that the way in which primary health care is and should be delivered to a range of vulnerable groups, was studied. Among the groups were homeless people, as well as Gypsy, Roma and Travellers, refugees and asylum seekers, and people with learning disabilities. A report was written and has been published in February 2010. The resulting initiative, entitled “Inclusion Health: improving primary care for socially excluded people”, means that, for the first time, provision of health care for these groups will be recognised and will be overseen by an Inclusion Health Board within the government’s Department of Health, headed up by a senior primary care physician, Dr Steve Field, the outgoing Chairman of the Royal College of General Practitioners. All this is very encouraging, given that it will be the first time that clinicians dedicated to provision of healthcare to people experiencing homelessness will have a relationship with a government department that is set up to enable their work. Prior to this, it has been very difficult to find anyone in central government to listen to the issues and difficulties of homeless healthcare. However, ultimately, the power to purchase healthcare and therefore make it happen, is in the hands of local boards called primary care trusts. Here, the needs of homeless people compete with those of the general population, and it can be very hard to protect budgets and services, let alone start up new ones. It is encouraging therefore that commissioning
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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guidance has been provided alongside the Inclusion Health report. Ultimately though, those of us who have been doing this for a long time, are wary of celebrating too early. There are (at least two) reasons for scepticism as to the ultimate power of these initiatives to change anything. Firstly, they have come at the end of a period of political power, just prior to our general election and, as such, are very vulnerable to being ‘swept away’ in the wave of change that inevitably follows the establishment of a new administration. Secondly, the ongoing world financial crisis means that no‐one really knows how deeply health expenditure is going to be ‘cut’ in the coming years. Not a good time to establish an initiative aimed at the marginalised. Nonetheless, having once been recognised by central government in this Inclusion Health structure, it should be easier for us to carry on ‘banging the drum’ in defence of
out patient’s huge and pressing needs, and perhaps easier for that drum to be heard where it counts. References • Cabinet Office Social Exclusion Task Force web page:
http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/+/http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/social_exclusion_task_force/short_studies/health‐care.aspx
• Department of Health web page from where the “Inclusion Health: improving primary care for socially excluded people” can be downloaded: http://www.dh.gov.uk/en/Publicationsandstatistics/Publications/PublicationsPolicyAndGuidance/DH_114067
* Angela Jones is MD. She works with homeless people in London and the Oxforshire and is the co‐founder of Inclusive Health, a social enterprise organisation. Contact: [email protected]
DETERMINE: Mobilising action for greater health equity in the EU Ingrid Stegeman EuroHealthNet * Throughout all EU countries there is a very systematic correlation between health status and socio‐economic status (measured by income, educational level, or occupational level). This means that our health still very much depends on where we stand on the socio‐economic scale. This ‘health gradient’ is caused by a wide range of conditions to which we are exposed on a daily basis. These conditions can foster or undermine health, including access to quality health care. It is the result of the cumulative differences in the quality of the neighbourhoods and the houses that we live in, the quality of the schools that we attend, our conditions of employment, and the extent to which we feel able to control of our work and our lives. Faced with this “health gradient”, can we claim that we all have equal opportunities to health, and that our health systems are ‘fair’?
“There is no reason why poor people in Europe should live in poor health.” John Dalli, EC Commissioner for Health and Consumer Protection, at his EU Parliamentary Hearing
Much evidence has been gathered over recent decades pointing to the existence of health gradients and describing their causes. Awareness is growing that this is a “remedial injustice” and attention has turned to the question of what can be done. How can we secure more equal opportunities for good health for everyone? How can we safeguard people’s right to health and social protection? The answer lies mostly in creating more equitable societies, as Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett demonstrate in their book, “The Spirit Level – why more equal societies always do better” (1). Creating more equal societies is a tough political challenge. However, there are a lot of measures that can be taken, beginning within the health sector, to ensure that everyone has more equal opportunities to good health. DETERMINE DETERMINE (June 2007‐ May 2010) is part of the effort to encourage joint responsibility for good population health. It builds on the work of the WHO Commission on the Social Determinants of Health (CSDH) (2), which aimed at improving health by addressing the broader societal conditions that affect health. This means improving health in everyday life and reducing health inequalities. DETERMINE has brought together a Consortium of 50 partners from public health and health
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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promotion institutes, governments and various other non‐governmental professional and academic organisations from 24 European countries. It is receiving co‐funding by DG SANCO, under the European Public Health Action Programme. “The crisis in the curative side of health” is a warning sign that “the health sector has to redefine itself to address the needs of the 21st century … which means promoting health in everyday life, through social and political processes.” Professor Ilona Kickbush, Senior Health Policy Advisor, at the DETERMINE final Conference ‘Health Across Policies’, 25 March 2010 The DETERMINE Consortium has taken a three‐pronged approach to identifying concrete actions that can be taken in the EU to reduce health inequities. These three approaches consisted of: 1. contributing to our understanding of the
problem, 2. identifying and highlighting potential solutions
and 3. stimulating action to ensure progress for health
equity. Given the different political, economic and historical contexts that exist in EU Member States, a variety of policies and interventions were identified. The Scottish Government, for example, has established ambitious overall objectives to make Scotland “Wealthier & Fairer; Smarter; Healthier; Safer and Stronger; Greener” (3). Progress on these objectives will lead to a significant decrease in health inequalities. Other governments have established cross‐sector strategies to invest in health, or apply specific policy tools, such as environment, equity or the use of health impact assessments. Since the most effective measures to improve health equity require cross‐governmental approaches, it is key to convince politicians and policy makers of the ethical, but also the economic imperative of fairer health. Many DETERMINE partners therefore tried to identify studies that point to the economic rationale of investing in health, in order to contribute to the evidence base supporting this argument. Some good examples were identified, such as the finding that every euro invested in early childhood education yields a two‐to‐seven fold return. Nevertheless, there is a lack of evidence of this sort, since these kinds of assessments are difficult to provide. More studies of this sort are
needed to build up the evidence base, but initial findings reveal economic gains from action on the social determinants of health. Fairer health requires improving the health of the more vulnerable at a faster rate than the rest of the population. One of the DETERMINE work‐strands investigated “innovative approaches” to improve the health of the less well off. DETERMINE selected and provided funding to three small scale pilot projects with promising approaches, such as social marketing and private‐public partnerships, to improve the health of disadvantaged groups. One of the pilot projects was the “Improving Homeless Health” initiative in Slovenia, run by the ‘Kings of the Street’. Its activities enabled homeless people to help themselves and improve their access to health services, as well as improving public awareness of homelessness. This project contained all of the elements considered most effective in addressing the wider determinants of health. It was citizen‐centred, adopted a participatory approach in defining its aims and harnessed the assets of the community. DETERMINE partners also engaged in capacity building actions to strengthen their ability to work with other sectors. Each partner organisation undertook at least one ‘consultation’ with a policy maker from another sector, to learn about their understanding of health inequalities. While other sectors do collaborate with the health sector, they do not see the latter as the initiators of these partnerships. In addition, a number of those consulted felt that they would need government mandates to work with other sectors and that partnerships would be greatly strengthened by legislation and national guidelines which can be readily implemented. During the final year of the project, partners also chose at least one specific action to improve their capacity to work with other sectors. Partners drew on information available to them through participation in the Consortium. They organised conferences to raise awareness, exchanged practical tools for working in partnerships across sectors, engaged in further consultations with other policy areas, identified good practices and designed and implemented training courses.
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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DETERMINE has made a significant contribution to improving our understanding of what needs to be done to improve health equity. More needs to be done to maintain this momentum and enhance countries’ capacities to take action themselves. At the final DETERMINE Conference Robert Madelin, former Director General of DG SANCO, stated that “people who think they own the solutions [to broader societal problems] don’t know that there are answers in health”. Mr Madelin stressed that the health sector needs to reach out beyond its own community. “It is not enough for us to shout louder, it is important for us to find a new voice”, he said, emphasizing the importance of finding the right arguments. The DETERMINE project ends at the end of May 2010. Partners will continue to develop their activities and their work with other sectors, in order to bring about genuine health equity in the EU.
DETERMINE in figures
Time frame: June 2007 – June 2010 Coordinator: EuroHealthNet Contract holder: Czech National Institute of Public Health Co‐funder: DG SANCO under the EU Public Health Action Programme Other Work Package leaders: Finnish Centre for Health Promotion, German Federal Centre for Health Education (BZgA), Institute for Public Health in Ireland, Social
Marketing Centre (England), International Union for Health Promotion and Education (IUHPE) Countries involved: 24 Outcomes: • www.health‐inequalities.eu • DETERMINE film www.youtube.com/eurohealthnet
• 6 Working documents • Final Publication • 120 good practices in website database • 4 Consortium Meetings in Lisbon, Ljubljana, and Prague and Brussels, plus a Capacity Building event in Paris
• 40 Consultations with Policy Makers • Action Summary in 14 languages • Interactive ‘Menu of Capacity Building Actions’ • 22 capacity building actions in 20 countries. References (1) Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett, “The Spirit Level – why more equal societies always do better” (2009) (2) See WHO web site: http://www.who.int/social_determinants/thecommission/finalreport/en/index.html (3) See Scottish government web site: http://www.scotland.gov.uk/About/scotPerforms/objectives For more information, all DETERMINE publications and an exclusive short film, see www.health‐inequalities.eu * Ingrid Stegeman is Project Coordinator at EuroHealthNet (www.eurohealthnet.eu), a Brussels based not‐for‐profit network of regional and national health agencies. Contact: [email protected]
Mental Health and Addiction amongst the homeless population in the Paris region ‐ report The Observatoire du SamuSocial de Paris and ISERM (Institut national de la santé et de la recherché médicale) have issued a report on mental health and addiction problems faced by homeless people in the Paris Region (original title « SAMENTA, Rapport sur la santé mentale et les addictions chez les personnes sans logement personnel d’île‐de‐France »). The report, which is the result of a survey and has been written under the supervision of Anne Laporte and Pierre Chauvin, is available in French and can be downloaded from the web site of the Samusocial
de Paris: http://www.samusocial‐75.fr/enquete‐samenta.html Open Health Services and Policy Journal, volume 3, 2010 ‐ articles of interest In the latest issue of this open access online journal published by Bentham Science Publishers, there is a section devoted to homelessness in North America, which includes the following health related articles: Shelter from the Storm: Trauma‐Informed Care in Homelessness Services Settings, by Elizabeth K. Hopper, Ellen L. Bassuk and Jeffrey Olivet. The article is available for download from the following
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
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page: http://bentham.org/open/tohspj/openaccess2.htm Recovery and Homeless Services: New Directions for the Field, by Laura Gillis, Gloria Dickerson and Justine Hanson. The article is available for download from the following page: http://bentham.org/open/tohspj/openaccess2.htm Support to PROGRESS participating countriesʹ strategies on health inequalities – call for proposals VP/2010/006, deadline: 02/07/2010 This call, which is financed under the EU PROGRESS programme, aims at providing support
to national/regional authorities to strengthen policies to address health inequalities. National and regional authorities may submit an application for the following activities: raising awareness, improving data availability, developing policies/strategies aimed at addressing health inequalities. Relevant information, including eligibility and selection criteria, is available on the EC Employment, Social Affairs and Equal Opportunities web section, see under “current calls for proposals”: http://ec.europa.eu/social/main.jsp?catId=630&langId=en&callId=254&furtherCalls=yes
Quelle(s) prévention(s) de la précarité ? (FR) Paris, France 15 June 2010 Seminar organised by the Centre Hospitalier Sainte Anne and Service d’appui « Santé Mentale et Exclusion Sociale » (S.M.E.S.). Information and registrations: c.migeon@ch‐sainte‐anne.fr. UCL Health and Society Summer School on Health inequalities London, UK 12 – 16 July 2010 The University College London (UCL) International Institute for Society and Health organises a Health and Society Summer School focusing on health inequalities. Relevant information, including the
related leaflet, can be found at the following address: http://www.ucl.ac.uk/iish/. Contact Catherine Conroy (course administrator): [email protected]. Conference on Health Care Rationing Rotterdam, the Netherlands 9‐10 December 2010 This conference is organized by the Erasmus Observatory on Health Law, which is is part of the Institute of Health Policy & Management, Erasmus University Rotterdam. Relevant details, including a conference outline, can be found at the following address: http://www.erasmusobservatoryonhealthlaw.nl/healthcarerationing/
The articles do not necessarily reflect the views of FEANTSA. Articles from this publication can be quoted as long as the source is acknowledged.
Issue N°12
20
The FEANTSA ENHW Newsletter is supported by the European Community Programme for Employment and Social Solidarity (2007‐2013).
This programme was established to financially support the implementation of the objectives of the European Union in the employment and social affairs area, as set out in the Social Agenda, and thereby contribute to the achievement of the Lisbon Strategy goals in these fields. The seven‐year Programme targets all stakeholders who can help shape the development of appropriate and effective employment and social legislation and policies, across the EU‐27, EFTA and EU candidate and pre‐candidate countries. To that effect, PROGRESS purports at: • providing analysis and policy advice on employment, social solidarity and gender equality policy areas; • monitoring and reporting on the implementation of EU legislation and policies in employment, social solidarity and
gender equality policy areas; • promoting policy transfer, learning and support among Member States on EU objectives and priorities; and • relaying the views of the stakeholders and society at large.
For more information see: http://ec.europa.eu/social/main.jsp?catId=327&langId=en.