Jazz Its Geographical Diffussion Throughout the U

8/19/2019 Jazz Its Geographical Diffussion Throughout the U

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Jazz: its geographical diffusion throughout the USA: (The story so far)

Introduction

In 1968 Peter Nash presented a paper at the International Geographic Union meeting

in New Delhi: that was to have a vital influence on the study of musical diffusion.

This was later published as ‘Music Regions and Regional Music’ (Deccan

Geographer, 1968). Although the subject of the discussion was an investigation into

the diffusion of the three dominant types of musical styles, it drew attention to how an

interdisciplinary approach to research could be a valuable tool in the examination in

what might be perceived as specialist areas. Nash’s work was seen as a new branch in

the field of cultural geography, and termed Music Geography. In this, emphasis wasgiven to a mapping of the worlds’ music under three general categories; as Nash

seems to suggest, divisions into smaller subgroups/categories would produce

complexities understandable only to the musicologists working in very detailed fields.

The mapping of musical styles was not new, however, this was usually undertaken by

ethnomusicologists or archaeologists. Nash’s contribution was to show linkages

between areas displaying similar traits in styles and suggesting possible explanations

as to probable causes for the findings (Nash & Carney 1996).

Among the factors specified as influential, trade, wars and migration are identified as

being of particular importance. In the instance of trade, although there would be some

element of cultural exchange, it is commodities of some type that are at the heart of

the process. War, by its nature, would lead to greater levels of cultural exchange as

the activity between conquerors and conquered occurs. However, outside the

communist states the modern world has seen little in the way of whole-scale cultural

replacement. Migration is therefore the most influential factor in cultural diffusion, in

that it is the movement of individuals or groups that are involved. This movement is

often undertaken by the more able and skilled individuals, and on reaching a new

destination, interaction between the residents and new comers should lead to an

exchange of ideas and so the development of innovations. A central tenet that

underpins the concept of cultural diffusion is the existence of an organised social elite

group concentrated in a central or core area from which those at the periphery benefit

as movements between the two points occurs.


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“Innovations usually tend to diffuse outwards from nodes of relatively intenseSocial and cultural interaction, usually from core areas where there is aconcentration of power, wealth and talent. Only in rare instances do new ideas

or inventions seep back from periphery to nucleus” (Zelinsky, 1973, p.34)

Within a decade of the Nash paper George Carney edited and produced a seminal

piece of work “The Sounds of people and places: readings in the geography of

American folk and popular music”. This was in collaboration with a number of

geographers with an interest in music geography. One of the contributors to this was

John Glasgow, who applied geographical techniques that analysed spatial diffusion to

explain how jazz music spread through the USA. To date this is the only attempt that

has been made to explain a subject where romantic myths and anecdotes often hold

sway over wisdom and facts. One of these myths describes jazz musicians migrating

northwards up the Mississippi river to Chicago, then New York followed by Kansas

city and all points west. Glasgow (1979) in an attempt to overcome this view used a

narrow range of data to show the more likely situation. The data used were based on

the date and birthplace of jazz musicians. The results were mapped and explanations

given. To date this is the only piece of research where an attempt has been made to

explain the diffusion of jazz through the application of modelling techniques.

This paper takes Glasgow’s initial work a step further to develop a more accurate set

of explanations for the diffusion process and the mechanisms involved. Where

Glasgow uses one variable this paper intend to use several, including date and place of

birth, and death, and live venues. A number of other variables will be included in

future studies.

The discussion in this paper will be conducted in three parts. The first briefly

examines general trends in population migration, settlement and diffusion patterns

within the USA as highlighted by Carney (1979; 1989; 1994) in his overview. A

central theme within this work is the way in which links between migration and

musical diffusion for each of the main European colonial groups is brought together

and explained. The second section focuses on past and current trends in research of

the diffusion of jazz in the USA. Central to the discussion is the work of Jon Glasgow,

where emphasis is on highlighting the strengths and weaknesses of his model and

findings.


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The final section is based on current research, in which the number of variables have

been increased. Missing from the discussion is data relating to migration patterns of

Black/African-Americans. This aspect of the research is significant and as such

requires a paper of its own to do the topic justice. The discussion undertaken in this

paper is intended to be the first of a triptych that looks at the different processes

through which jazz was experienced and their impact on the diffusion of jazz in the

USA. The first explores live music venues, the second examines recorded and the

third, transmitted (radio) music.

Diffusion of music through migration

Nash, in his discussion of diffusion identified migration and trade as conduits for

spreading culture and innovations. With particular reference to poetry and music and

their influence on language, and hence popular culture, he highlights the role of

troubadours and trouveres as agents for transmitting news and changes in cultural

styles in France during the 12th and 13th century (Nash, 1968. p.9). Carney in an

attempt to show how the transmission of musical styles would be affected by the

relationship between migration patterns and cultural diffusion, uses historical

information found in maps, census data, events recorded in songs and song types to

trace the origins or geographical path of a particular music style. This he achieves by

identifying musical styles of the major ethnic groups of Europeans and Africans who

settled in the USA their early areas of settlement and likely later migration patterns

(Figure 1a). Carney proceeds and suggests likely links between musical styles and

migration by highlighting the origin of musical instruments and probable routes of

diffusion where they were to be heard or used in popular music (Figure 1b-1d). In

conclusion Carney suggests that caution must be taken when researching the musical

style for a particular area; attempts must be made to understand the history of a region

or vicinity before accepting current wisdom. Carney emphasises that researchers using

a single source or narrow information base often overlook other valuable areas that

might bring to light other important issues. Hence, information accepted locally and

given in good faith should be scrutinised, and questions should be asked concerning

earlier periods. An example of this is highlighted in research of music in some areas

of the Ozarks region of the Midwest undertaken during the 1920s. The impression

given shows that the dominant style is based on British ballads. However, when


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historical factors are examined it is more likely that the dominant musical styles

would have been of French or German origin. Music of the British style was

introduced into the area by migrants from states east of the Mississippi river and

Appalachia around the 1860s (Carney 1994, pp.49-51).

Research trends in jazz: Past and Present.

Interest in jazz music as a research topic is not new; researchers like Goffin (1946)

and Blesh (1958) have tried to understand and explain aspects of its origin and that of

those musicians involved in its evolution. Like popular interest in jazz music,

academic research seems to follow a similar trend in having periods of great activity

followed by a decline in output. However, since the 1980s there seems to have been a

revival in interest in jazz\ music from both academics and the general public. The new

level of interest from the academic sector seems to have been influenced by a growth

in institutions developing departments dedicated to researching the evolution of jazz

music. An additional reason for this growth could be the influence of a number of

individuals who, over the years, have accumulated a considerable amount of

information and memorabilia on the subject. In a number of instances these have been

donated to research institutions, libraries, or foundations with an interest in jazz. The

contents of the donations, once catalogued, seem to have provided a new lease of life

to researchers. Whereas early research was concentrated on a narrow area, the new

information has highlighted new directions to those involved in the subject.

Jeff (2000, pp.39-52) draws attention to the changing focus of research in jazz as a

consequence of new material becoming available. Taylor highlights the limitations of

early research, whether undertaken by academic or amateur, including some of the

probable reasons for the misinterpretations of events and the role certain individuals

had in influencing the direction of the music. A trawl through the literature gives the

impression that early research tended to treat the subject as a number of isolated parts.

In the main, research topics were directed at answering questions of the music’s

origin, the main areas where it was heard (main cities and areas within cities) and its

prominent exponents (individuals and their ethnic background). Taylor (2000, pp.39-

52) makes the reader aware that the music later recognised as jazz was one of many

different types of music experienced in the USA. A common occurrence seems to be


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the rise in popularity of many musical styles and their demise as they became

unfashionable. An example of this is Ragtime. Although it was heard before the 1880s

(some would argue that early examples of a rudimentary form could be identified in

the 1840s in minstrel shows) this was in the seedier areas of some Midwestern towns

e.g. Sadalia and St. Louis (Blesh and Janis, 1971; Hasse, 1985). Following its airing at

the Chicago exposition of 1893, the general public became aware of the music leading

to its rise in popularity between the late 1890s and 1910s.

However, by the second decade of the century its popularity had declined. The reason

for this is not known, though in the wake of its demise there was a rise in popularity

of music from the South and in particular that originating around New Orleans. It is

interesting to note that this was a music perceived as wholesome, family orientated

and adept at being reproduced on the latest technological developments (piano rolls

and gramophone) that was superseded by something that was the total opposite and

despised by those in authority. Musical historians witnessing the rise of jazz must

have interpreted this as just a new style of music that would become fashionable

before fading. The recording of events and places of occurrences were not deemed

important, neither was the music considered to be of historical significance. It seems

likely that commentators felt that, like forerunners, jazz would loose its popularity and

be replaced by something else.

Early research areas

In the early years researchers did not give much attention to looking at jazz music as

the result of an integrated system, with its roots in a number of subject areas (music,

history, sociology, economics, politics, geography/demography, art and literature), yet

it seems unlikely the music will be understood unless attempts are made to explore

how these are interconnected. Early focus was on three distinct areas. Firstly, to draw

attention to its origin in New Orleans and later diffusion up the Mississippi river to

Chicago, New York and Kansas City. Emphasis is given to the musicians and places

identified as significant in the development of jazz. Secondly, to highlight the

perception that untrained or amateur musicians picked up an instrument played and

improvised by instinct. Thirdly, probable links between jazz and anti-social/illegal

activities (vice and crime) within the city. The extent to which this was an accurate

reflection of reality did not appear to be of significance but it contributed to the


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anecdotes embellishing the romantic ideas of untutored musicians playing by instinct

while danger was about in the area.

Taylor stresses that the story of jazz being invented in New Orleans and diffusing up

the Mississippi river to the three cities stated (Chicago, New York and Kansas City) is

inaccurate (Figure 1e), however, it gives the reader a view with neatly defined

boundaries. Music of that kind, or of a similar nature, could be heard throughout the

southern states in the red light (Tenderloin) district of many cities. New Orleans’

position as the premier place where all the pieces came together cannot be refuted.

Melly (1997), suggested that most of the jazz musicians who left New Orleans for the

northern cities travelled by rail or road. Those who performed on the river boats were

employed on excursion tours and although some went to the cities in this fashion, this

was a minority. Also, the myth of untrained musicians picking up an instrument and

playing by intuition should be considered as nothing but romantic nonsense. New

Orleans as a city in its formative years had developed along a different line to many

American cities, music and entertainment were central features in its social fabric.

This wasn’t solely confined to the upper social classes, but throughout the entire

population and ethnic groups. Ellison (1994), in her discussion of New Orleans’

African-American population prior to the civil war, emphasises that individuals from

this ethnic group played both classical and popular music. Many of these individuals

were trained musicians; however, since music couldn’t provide a full-time living it

was necessary to have an alternative income source. In many instances this was to

teach music or become adept at playing popular music, and the type of music played

reflected their surroundings. Many of the musicians who later became renowned in

the field of jazz, although they had not received formal training in music, were taught

the rudiments by either trained musicians or self-taught professors. Marquis (1978)

highlights that Buddy Bolden, often identified as the first man of jazz was taught

music during his formative years. The notion of Bolden picking up a trumpet and

playing those first notes in a jazz style is inaccurate. Louis Armstrong, was taught the

rudiments of music at the Reform School for Coloured Waifs during the period he

spent in that institution. Other jazz notables, Kid Ory and King Oliver to name two,

served their apprenticeship in many small brass bands before progressing to the

famous brass bands and later jazz bands.


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The constant association linking jazz and the vice industry within many cities is

tenuous. Whenever reference is made to jazz, Storyville, the infamous red light

district of New Orleans that existed between 1897-1917, is always cited as the area

showing the earliest links between jazz music and vice. Melly (1997) in a series of

programmes that explored the diffusion of jazz up the Mississippi river, stressed that

the last thing the owners of sporting houses needed was a jazz band. A good pianist

who could play classical and popular tunes was usually employed; a jazz band would

distract the customer’s attention from the reason he was there. Tom Anderson, the

local overlord of Storyville, seems to have made certain that most or none of the

musicians employed on premises were involved in any type of vice, as this would give

the civic authorities reasons to justify closing the premises (Shapiro and Hentoff 1966,

p.12).

Blesh and Janis (1971, pp.1-34), Bakan (1998, p.27), Kenney (1993, pp.3,14,64),

Nager (1998, pp.84-105), Ostransky (1978), (2000 p.39) and Collier (1998, p.3) in

their research of different cities where jazz was played all identify the red light district

as the area most likely to witness jazz music being played long before it became

popular with the general public. A common thread that links the areas within each city

is the social makeup of the residents. In each instance, the area was furthest away

from the more desirable parts of the city and often inhabited by those least well off.

These residents were often from an ethnic group (usually black) and occupied

premises that lacked many basic amenities. Ostransky’s example from Chicago

highlights the Levee district, on the south side of the city, as an area where jazz music

was heard. The population in this neighbourhood was predominantly black and was

the group which had most recently migrated from the southern states. However, there

were a small but noticeable number of working class immigrants from Europe. Both

the whites and blacks (middle class or those southern blacks who had migrated much

earlier) objected to clubs that played this type of music close to their community.

These venues and the type of music played was interpreted as encouraging the worst

elements of society and crime into residential areas, a self fulfilling prophecy as the

music became associated with the demimonde. If this examination was repeated for

the majority of cities where jazz was heard during its early years a similar pattern is

recognised, including New York (Harlem, pre 1930), Missouri (St. Louis, Kansas

City), Kansas (Kansas City), Tennessee (Memphis “Beale Street”), Texas (Fort

Worth), Pennsylvania (Philadelphia) and California (Los Angeles ‘Central Avenue’).


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A similar situation to this is identified by Blesh and Janis (1971, p.17) in their

discussion of ragtime and its existence in Sadalia and other mid-western locations

prior to the 1890s.

In addition to the three areas stated above, some early researchers seem to have been

preoccupied with arguments concerning the nature of the research being undertaken.

These arguments were often futile, with debate usually concerned with a difference in

approach to the research undertaken in Europe and the USA. Other arguments

concerned who were the originators of jazz, what is, or should be, classified as jazz

and which instruments should or should not be included in jazz bands. Examples of

the first case is to be seen in J.L. Collier’s (1998) response to works from both

American and European writers on the subject. Collier is critical of all writers. He

accuses some American writers’ work as being narrow: they appear to over-

emphasise the role of individuals from an ethnic group (blacks) and their contribution

to the development of jazz to the detriment of other groups. Collier further highlights

the way some authors tend to stress the level of segregation between ethnic groups,

during a performance or listening jazz. He argues that in both instances the authors

present a mis-representation of events. Collier draws attention to the work of Goffin

(1946) and other European critics of early American research on jazz. This and other

European work gives the impression that in the USA research on the subject is not

extensive or undertaken with enough seriousness. Whereas in Europe; though jazz

only arrived during and immediately following the First World War, the music is

treated with the respect and seriousness of some classical works of art in some

quarters.

Collier (1998) in something of a riposte to some early publications arguing the lack of

extensive literature from American sources on the music’s history, draws attention to

articles in newspapers (particularly those of New Orleans), containing lengthy debates

(by members of the public and civic leaders) on the subject in the USA, and in

particular New Orleans. The arguments undertaken put the case both for and against

the music and its association with the city. Those in favour saw the music as

something different and indigenous to New Orleans, and as such to be savoured.

Those in opposition identified its supposed links with crime and the less respected

areas of the city, arguing that it would be a corrupting influence on the younger

members of society. Blesh (1958, p.161) observes the attitude of some musicians that

could be recognised within the jazz community as some individuals still raked over


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arguments towards the inclusion of the saxophone in a jazz band, these were aired by

New Orleans jazz revivalists two decades earlier.

Research into the diffusion of jazz in the USA

Inquiries about jazz tend to revolve around ‘when’, where and how. While

commentaries reflect on the mythical/romantic and anecdotal aspects of the music.

The inquiring questions are most often concerned with where and when did it start,

and how did it spread throughout the USA? The answer to these questions however, is

determined by the parameters the individual or researcher wishes to set.

Glasgow (1979) published the results of his research into spatial diffusion using jazzas an example. At the time of this publication cultural geography and, in particular,

music geography, were receiving a considerable amount of attention from academics.

Glasgow used techniques developed in geography to find answers to the question of

how jazz diffused in the USA. One accomplishment of this was to highlight the

significance of a multi-disciplinary approach to research. In addition, Glasgow

highlighted limitations that might exist within accepted geographical thought, in this

instance this concerns the theory of cultural diffusion. One of the cornerstones of

cultural geography is the acceptance of the premise that culture is developed or

established at a core where exists the seats of power and wealth, and from here it

radiates outwards to the periphery. Also the assumption is made that culture is often

transmitted in a hierarchical manner from the higher social classes down to those at

the lower levels. Glasgow in his work shows that these assumptions are not always

correct.

New Orleans, the city most associated with jazz, is located towards the mouth of the

Mississippi river. Towards the end of the nineteenth century its primary function was

that of a naval base and a working port. In earlier years, it was also prominent as an

entertainment centre and wintering location for the rich wishing to participate in

sporting activity. However, by the 20th century New Orleans had lost its position as a

major port and industrial centre to northern cities where improvements in transport

systems and industrialisation had occurred to a greater extent. Within the city Jazz

music did not only evolve in specific area but diffused upwards, from the lower to

higher social classes.


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Glasgow brought to light the significance of adopting a geographical approach to

investigate data coming from history and music. The result of this was to produce

likely answers to important questions concerning the diffusion of jazz music in the

USA.

Glasgow’s research.

Glasgow begins by highlighting the knowledge that there is an association between

jazz diffusion and music being played on the riverboats of the Mississippi river. Prior

to, and even following, the introduction of the railways, the main method of

transporting goods from the Midwestern states was via riverboats along the

Mississippi river and its tributaries to New Orleans. With rest periods in some cities

extending between one day and one week, entertainment was a part of the journey.

Hence it was essential to have bands playing popular music on the trip. By the turn of

the century it seems that the music that would later be termed ‘jazz’ was being played

and heard from New Orleans to Pittsburgh on the Ohio river, Davenport, Iowa and St.

Paul Minnesota.

Glasgow’s work is based on data from a number of sources (Glasgow 1979, p.11),

from which he takes a sample of jazz musicians (317) and analyses aspects of their

life. The data focuses on two distinct areas: first, that relating to musicians birth date

and place; second, census data used to calculate the probable number of jazz

musicians born in each state for a given decade (Figure 2). In his discussion Glasgow

emphasises that many of the jazz musicians state that their earliest experiences of jazz

were obtained from hearing the music when they were young, hence knowing the date

and place of birth of musicians would give an insight into where and when the music

moved. With reference to the census data, again Glasgow’s aim is to assess the likely

number of jazz musicians born in each state during a particular decade. He achieves

this by calculating the ratios of musicians born in each state in a given decade to the

number of children 10 years or younger at the end of the decade, from this he assess

the likely probability of children for each state and decade that might become a jazz

musician. In both instances the aim is to observe changes in the pattern for jazz

existing in a particular state and how this might vary over a number of decades. The

results are produced in a series of maps, the first set (Figures 2a-2b) displays births of


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musicians by county. Figures 2c and 2d shows the likely differences in the proportion

of children (per million) born in a state who might become a jazz musician. A

comparison of Figures 2a and 2b show a number of differences in the location of jazz

musicians’ birthplace and hence diffusion during its two earliest decades. During the

1900s (1900-1910) jazz music seems to be confined to states bordering the Atlantic

coast and that east of the Rockies. However, within this certain patterns in the

locations can be observed. A line extending from the North Carolina/ Virginia border

to the Oklahoma pan handle seems to create a North/South divide. Within the

southern area, New Orleans is the dominant city as the birthplace for most of the early

jazz musicians. Nonetheless, five other states are shown as having greater numbers of

cities as the musicians’ birthplaces. Finally, a number of locations straddling the

Mississippi river are highlighted. The reasons for this is not clear. This pattern could

be the result of how the individuals are listed in the original data used or a reflection

of the period under observation, i.e. early 19th century when the Mississippi river still

influenced industrial location thus employment and transport.

In the northern sector, the cities of Chicago and New York are the dominant locations

where jazz musicians were born. Outside of these two cities the locations extend from

Massachusetts in the east to Kansas in the west. However, two states (Indiana and

Pennsylvania) show multiple cities, while a single point is easily recognised in the

other states. A final factor that seems to have an influence on jazz musicians’ place of

birth is the Ohio river. The points on the southern edge of Indiana, Ohio, and western

Pennsylvania are all on this river. Like the Mississippi river the Ohio river, had an

important role as a transport route.

Figure 2b highlights data for the 1920s. A number of marked differences are to be

observed when comparing this to Figure 2a. First, the birthplace of jazz musicians

now extends to the states on the west coast, although there is a gap in what might be

defined as the mountain states along the Rockies. Second, there’s a marked decline in

the number of cities in the southern sector as the birthplace of jazz musicians.

Additionally, the cluster of cities that straddle the Mississippi river cannot be

identified, suggesting that the old links between the river and jazz were being

loosened. The northern sector shows a similar general pattern of dispersal in

birthplace of jazz musicians. The old clusters that could have been recognised in

Indiana and Pennsylvania (Figure 2a) are no longer present and have been replaced by

newly evolved centres. A third observation is the development of what might be


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defined as mega-centres (points that dominate the area/state), Chicago, Pittsburgh,

Philadelphia, New York, New Jersey, Connecticut/Massachusetts/Rhode Island area

and Los Angeles on the West coast.

The second set of maps (Figures 2c and 2d) show that the probable ratio of children

born (per million) within a state during a decade who might become a jazz musician

reflects the patterns seen in the previous maps. The map (Figure 2c) for the period of

the 1900s show Louisiana (New Orleans 13.5) as the dominant state with four others

having levels ranging between 6.8 and 7.9. These four states are connected to either

the Mississippi river or the Ohio river, hence it might be accurate to infer that

migration or trade influenced the outcome observed. The remainder of states with

values between 1 and 5.5 show patterns of dispersal covered in the previous

discussion, highlighting the north/south and east of the Rockies dominance. The map

(Figure 2d) for the 1920s show jazz as being present on both coasts, however, there

are some pronounced changes in the number for each state. South of the border, as

highlighted in Figure 2b, Florida is now the dominant state (6.8) with the other states

showing a variation of 1 and 4.2, Louisiana experiencing a loss of 9.3 points. To the

north three states suffered a decline in numbers, however, this is compensated for by

increases in a number of states. For, example Massachusetts and Connecticut have

values of 12.2 and 10.5 respectively, while New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania

give further weight to the rise in the north-east as the area with the fastest growth in

jazz musicians. Apart from these states two others (Kansas and California) show a

significant growth in importance as the likely birthplace of jazz musicians.

In his analysis, Glasgow identified a number of factors as possible explanations for

producing these results, primary among which was black migration from some

southern states. The main destination points were the industrial cities of the northern

states, some along the Mississippi valley and others in the Midwest; often these were

locations that were transport junctions.

Following on from Glasgow’s (1979) suggestion of migration influencing jazz, a

second line of argument stresses the difference in acceptance of the new music by the

population of the Midwest compared to New York and other cities of the north-

eastern seaboard. In this, Glasgow infers that the white population along the

Mississippi river and its tributaries were used to the presence of black music and

musicians on the river boats, hence there was an available audience who found this

music acceptable. During this early period the lack of acceptance of jazz on the east


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coast and, in particular, New York seems to stem from both unfamiliarity with the

new type of music and a bias towards the theatre and more acceptable classical styles.

Floyd (1995, chpt.5) in his discussion of the period known as the “Harlem

Renaissance”, stresses that the influential middleclass of the black community

emphasised art, literature and classical/gospel music as measures of cultural

development. The other main styles of music (blues, ragtime and the new music

(jazz)), the choice music of the majority of the black populous, were interpreted as

crude and demeaning. This attitude towards jazz music was held not only by the white

influential sector of society but also by the black middle classes; who interpreted it as

culturally demeaning (Floyd, 1995). However, as Kenney (1993, p6.) highlights,

male members from the social elite could be found enjoying themselves in many

Chicago establishments where the music that would later be called jazz was being

played. In addition it seems that the music publishers of Tin Pan Alley created as

much restriction as possible in order to protect their position. Kenney (2003, p.140)

and Phillips and Owens (2004) in their examination of recorded music in the USA,

draw attention to this aspect of the argument and to how superficial restrictions were

created by the established music publishers, record producers and playing equipment

manufacturers.

Other aspects of Glasgow’s work that require exploration include the range and

quality of data used, their accuracy, and whether there are alternative sources that

might confirm or refute accepted views. The types of data used by Glasgow in the

body of his discussion are very narrow, and highlight a limited range of variables that

could be examined (Figure 2). The answers produced, although important, would be

telling only part of the story. The significance of the early musicians’ date and place

of birth cannot be overlooked, as many musicians seem to indicate the music was first

heard while quite young. However, equally important is the nature of the premises

where this occurred; were these premises established venue (theatre, social hall, club,

pool halls) or temporary/transitory facilities (circus, picnic, and travelling show or

river boat)? Factors outside this range would be ignored in spite of their importance to

the debate.


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Current Research

In the previous section emphasis was given to John Glasgow’s research and its

strengths, weaknesses and value were highlighted. The strength of Glasgow’s research

is to be found in its approach to explaining old issues. The long held view that jazz

went up the Mississippi River to Chicago contains some elements of truth, however,

the linear trend as often described is part of a more complicated process. Glasgow

introduced a template based on recording musicians’ date and place of birth and

death. From this he computed the likely patterns through which jazz might have

diffused in the USA.

The major weaknesses that could be identified in Glasgow’s work are to be found in

the narrow range of values used in his research sample. By relying on musicians’

place and date of birth as the main/sole factor to explain links between migration

patterns and the diffusion of jazz, other important issues are overlooked. Some of

these issues concern who was moving, when, their origin, and their destination. To

this could be added the different types of entertainment premises or venues where

music was played, the nature of the music and musicians involved. A knowledge of

these factors is important as many musicians state their first experience of jazz as

being when they were young (Glasgow, 1979; Shapiro and Hentoff, 1966; and

Tucker, 1993). A knowledge of the socio-political situation in the different cities is of

interest as these would have affects on influencing the direction of jazz in following

years.

Also, although Glasgow uses a number of sources to obtain data for his sample, the

majority was derived from Leonard Feather’s “The Encyclopedia of Jazz in the

Sixties” (Feather, 1966). This data might contain an element of inbuilt bias. First,

data might go unrecorded as some individuals’ date and place of birth are omitted.

Second, ‘As Glasgow’s sampling method was to take the first entry on each page’

surnames that are common or where the first letter occurs infrequently could distort

the results as some surnames may be more common in some locations than in others.

A final area that deserves some attention relates to other sources of information that

might provide data, which, when analysed, highlight other areas that are important to

the discussion. Kenney (2003) and Regester (2002) emphasise the existence of ethnic

newspapers that were to be found in the first half of the 20th

century in the USA, the

wealth of information that can be found within them and their demise. Access to these


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sources could be valuable in highlighting areas of data that bring new understanding

to the research area. Many of the early jazz musicians often played the vaudeville or

tent and travelling shows circuit. If dates for the existence of theatres or shows are

available, it might be possible to collate these and compare the results to those already

available.

The following section of this paper is based on research into the diffusion of jazz

between the years 1917 and 1945 in the USA. In this research the aim is to use

Glasgow’s research method as a template, it is further intend to develop and construct

a number of datasets based on information from the subject areas identified by Taylor

(2000, p. 41) concerning the increase in information coming to light from different

areas of academia and personal archive sources. The purpose of this is to expand the

analysis originally designed and used by Glasgow. This widens the range of variables

available and increases the detail of those variables, as in some cases a variable may

be expanded to include components that might have been overlooked (e.g. the

variable for musician’s name was expanded to include Akas). Other variables

encapsulate venues where live performances occurred. These were clubs and theatres,

“clubs” include Nightclubs, Cabaret and Dance halls. Theatres included are

predominantly those within the black/African-American community and identified as

places of significance during the period investigated, though there is not always

evidence that jazz musicians performed at these venues. The purpose of this approach

is to map the different variables and assess whether there are linkages that could be

drawn between occurrences. Figure 3, gives a fuller list of the datasets so far collected

and those yet to be located and collected (hence, the inclusion of “The story so far” in

the title of this paper). It should be explained that this is the first of what is intended to

be a triptych of discussions, the first focusing on live entertainment venues with the

second and third concentrating on recorded and broadcasted output respectively.

In his research Glasgow used a sample of 317 cases. In an attempt to reduce the level

of bias, recorded were the musicians whose date of birth preceded 1 st January 1946,

and who performed in the USA. This resulted in 3360 cases. To obtain this

information several sources were used (in order of importance: Kernfeld (1988, 2002),

Sadie (2001), Chilton (1989), Larkin (1999), Vail (1998) and the obituary page of The

Guardian Newspaper). Cross-referencing allowed error correction and additional input

(e.g. Joe Zawinul a member of the band Weather Report is not cited in Sadie, (2001)


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however, other artists in this band are recorded). In the first instance when there was

any conflict in the recorded data the most up to dated reference was used. This

problem was mostly encountered when different dates and places of birth and death

were given for some individuals. However, in a number of instances there was

additional uncertainty over an individual identification.

The datasets for venues where jazz was performed are of two types; clubs and

theatres. The dataset for clubs was accrued from a number of sources, including

Kernfeld’s (1988, 2002), and Sadie (2001), however, to these were added Bjorn &

Gallert (2001), the Chicago University Jazz Archive, and Club KayCee. Two

additional sources that were of immense value were the Writers Project

Administration (WPA (1938)) publication and “The Blue Book” (Tom Andersons’

(1936)), however, they were only useful when seeking information on New Orleans.

This dataset contains 1751 cases divided into three categories (Nightclubs, Cabaret

and Dance halls). Recorded are their location, the decade during which they first came

into operation, and changes in venue name. This dataset functions on several levels.

Where dates were available, it was possible to map the periods during which the

different cities witness jazz as a popular music by looking at the decade the clubs first

began operation. This in itself highlighted cities (Detroit, St. Louis and Memphis) that

are often overlooked as centres of significance in the development, evolution and

diffusion of the music. The four main cities often cited (New Orleans, Chicago, New

York and Kansas) cast a long shadow over all others. An additional option this dataset

offers is the possibility of looking at the social dimension to the diffusion process.

Kenney (1993, p.6) in his discussion of jazz in Chicago, highlights the role of some

premises as a common meeting place for different socio-economic and ethnic groups.

An example of this is the Peking Theatre (Chicago) one of the early venues in

Chicago to stage jazz music. This venue, though either black owned or managed, was

frequented by different racial and socio-economical groups. Kenney (2003), and

Phillips & Owens (2004) highlight the way in which the record companies targeted

recorded music towards specific ethnic groups, however, the Chicago example shows

that when live performance is being discussed a more complex situation is in

existence.

A final dataset was constructed to examine the period of establishment and location of

theatres, in particular those owned by or where black/African-Americans entertainers

performed, or cities with a sizeable population for this ethnic group. The biographies


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of many of the early jazz musicians and much of the literature on jazz and black

music in the USA identify the theatre as central to the music’s development. Many of

the entertainers who became prominent in the world of jazz are often cited as having

appeared or performed in these venues prior to becoming established jazz musicians.

The information for the dataset was derived from Peterson (1997) and consisted of

217 cases. However, this list must not be perceived to be conclusive; both Kenney

(2003) and Regester (2002) draw attention to the demise of the ethnic newspaper

industry and the loss of these as significant historical data sources and theatre listing

will have suffered heavily under this. The results of the three datasets are presented in

Figures 3.1a-3.1d.

Place of birth and live music venues as indices to diffusion

Figure 3.1, shows the place of birth (where given) for all jazz musicians born in the

USA and covered in the dataset. On first observation the researcher’s attention is

drawn to the widespread distribution in places of birth. However, there are areas that

show concentration in the numbers originating from a particular point or location. The

main areas of concentration are New Orleans, Chicago, Detroit, along the Mississippi

river valley and Ohio river valley, the North-eastern seaboard from Massachusetts to

Pennsylvania and on the West coast the Los Angeles and San Francisco areas. To

identify whether there are any underlying patterns it is useful to examine the data on a

decade level, as undertaken by Glasgow in his research. Glasgow emphasises that

many of the jazz musicians recall their earliest experience of jazz music was when

they were young. To assess whether the existence of a permanent venue was

responsible for this or if there are other possible explanations, a comparison between

location of birth and the occurrence of jazz venues was undertaken. The reason for

this approach is: that if there’s a venue of some nature within the vicinity, the

assumption could be made with conviction that there is a likelihood that the musician

might have heard the music in that area and probably that source. If a venue cannot be

identified there are three probable explanations; first: the music was heard at a public

place (festival, street parade, picnic, or travelling show). Second, the evolution of the

rent party (Kenney, 1993, p.12-14; Oliver (1997); and Ostransky, (1978). This seems

to occur in urban (mainly Chicago and New York) black/African-American working

class neighbourhoods or rooming areas. The rent party was organised in the room of a

house with local musicians providing the entertainment, guests would pay an entry fee


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in this way individuals out of employment of lacking finance found a means to

obtaining the rent.

Third, as Bjorn with Gallibert (2001), Ostransky (1978), Regester (2002) and Oliver

(1997) affirm, the recording of jazz venues in the black/ African-American

neighbourhoods usually identified the famous or better known establishment. Many of

the so called experts often didn’t venture beyond a certain physical boundary within

the area, either for self safety or other reasons (discrimination (Oliver, 1997, p.83)). In

addition, the unavailability/destruction/under use of many potential sources means the

list is a subset of all venues, albeit a substantial one.

The data used in the discussion are for four decades (pre-1900-1930), however, two

periods (1900s “1901-1910” and 1920s “1921-1930”) can be used to compare

Glasgow’s findings to results derived from the new data. Figure 3.1a shows the

distribution for place of birth during the prior to 1900, (this includes those musicians

who were classified as players of ragtime and syncopated music). The general pattern

of distribution shows some similarity with that described by Glasgow (Figure 2a) for

the period of the 1900s. These highlight a bias towards the southern states with both

the Mississippi and Ohio river valleys featuring prominently. During this period

there’s only one dominant city (New Orleans); both Chicago and New York seem to

be of less significance when place of birth is used as an indicator. Two locations

appear to be anomalies; Butte (Montana) and Denver (Colorado). With reference to

the former the individual became part of the vaudeville circuit and hence the

assumption could be made that he became introduced to jazz music while on that. The

latter case is that of Paul Wightman who though trained as a classical musician,

learned to play the new syncopated style. If Glasgow’s estimates of likely number of

jazz musicians per million (Figure 2c) to be born in the different states during this

period are taken, only Louisiana (New Orleans) fits the predicted level.

When venues are included to assess if there are any relationships in the incidence of

place of birth and venues, a far more complex picture emerges. The dominant type of

venue is the theatre followed by jazz clubs, dance halls and cabarets. The map shows

that far earlier than often stated (pre-1900), musicians who in the future became

renowned in the field of jazz were performing as far south and west as Arizona and

California (Los Angeles). Gushee (1989) in his examination of New Orleans born

musicians, explains that by 1908 many had travelled the country and played the West

Coast as part of the vaudeville circuit or travelling shows playing novelty music (New


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Orleans type/ Syncopated/ ragtime or early jazz). Nevertheless, in the main these

venues are found east of the Rocky Mountains and generally mirror the place of birth

pattern. Assuming that jazz was usually heard in the less celebrated sections of the

cities, often populated by the poorer Europeans and newer groups of immigrants and

the black/African-Americans the place most likely to stage these events would be

premises (saloons, bars or other establishments of a similar type) to which these

groups had access (Bakan, 1998; Blesh and Janis, 1971; Kenney, 1993, p.62; Nager,

1998; and Taylor, 2000).

Bakan (1998) gives an account of black migration and settlement in California and the

development of its entertainment industry. Bakan further highlights the lack of

attention given to the cities in the area from researchers who focused on the area

between the east coast and the mid-western states. San Francisco with the Barbary

Coast (redlight district) and Los Angeles (Central Avenue) were areas where jazz

existed at a similar period to Chicago and other northern cities, however, few

references are to be found to indicate these areas had quite an active jazz scene. One

possible reason could be there was not any jazz musician born in the state, those who

appeared were from other areas working the circuit, or itinerant musicians. Gushee

(1989) highlighted that the Original Creole Band was formed in Los Angeles in 1908.

Eastman (1998), commenting on Los Angeles, highlighted the areas within which the

black community was concentrated, the circumstances that dictated this and the

evolution of the entertainment industry that catered to their needs. The situation that

developed on the west coast is as old as that for any of the other cities of the USA.

However, it seems that a number of factors influenced the lack of research on the area

during the early periods. First, the areas’ distance from the other places active in the

field. Second, the absence of state born musicians, who were influential during the

early years of jazz music. Finally, researchers seem to have concentrated on a specific

period (1950s onwards) and ignored earlier events.

The venue that appears most frequently for the period is the theatre. In this instance

the term theatre relates to premises that are of multi-purpose use and not restricted to

the performance of dramatic arts. These theatres would often be on an entertainment

circuit that linked several cities, hence there was a constant rotation of entertainers

performing both serious (classical) plays, musicals (operetta), comedy sketches and

minstrel acts. However, apart from these acts there was the provision of popular music

by leading singers and musicians. The theatres highlighted are those identified by


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Peterson (1997) as being locations where many black entertainers appeared, and were

either black controlled or orientated towards the provision of black entertainment,

therefore at the heart of the community’s entertainment and events. The majority of

theatres are located in the cities or urban areas, suggesting that entertainers providing

jazz might be catering to specific ethnic or social groups. It must be accepted that the

data around which these maps are constructed are skewed in favour of black/ African-

American performers and theatres as, to date, this is the most complete list indicating

who from the jazz world appeared where and when. Also, the numerous times jazz

musicians identified these premises as the first place they performed or experienced

the music leads the researcher in this direction. In totality it might be accurate to argue

that the evidence in the map supports the views linking the occurrences of jazz

musicians being born in a place and the existence of theatres where the music was

played. What cannot be said with certainty is whether there are other venues that

became musical access points in those locations that are musicians’ birthplaces but

have no theatre.

The relationship between the early jazz musicians and the theatre is best explained in

the works of Riis (1989), Kenney (1986) and Shipton (2001). Towards the end of the

nineteenth century vaudeville was the avenue through which the majority of the

population experienced some form of popular entertainment. This was conducted

through a number of theatres based in cities, mainly in the Midwest and the southern

states, and operated on a circuit system. Riis (1989) highlights the many

Black/African-American composers who presented numerous musicals, sketches,

plays, operettas and music (novelty) on the stages of New York (Broadway) and other

cities of the northeast. Kenney (1986) and Taylor (2000, pp.44-45) take this argument

further by emphasising that vaudeville and tent shows were the training grounds for

jazz musicians. Being on the vaudeville circuit these musicians had to be flexible in

what they did as both musical improvisation and novelty sounds were a necessity to

create atmosphere. The result of this association is the musicians developed as

entertainers. The significance of these composers and songwriters is, they were the

forerunners of the jazz era, laying down the basic foundations of the music. Many of

these composers and songwriters later became prominent in the jazz world.

Unlike the situation for theatres, which shows a widely dispersed pattern, clubs where

jazz was played are mainly located in the urban centres of the northern states,

although a number are to be found in some urban centres of the South (New Orleans),


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Mid-west (Kansas) and the South-west (Arizona and California). Kenney (1993,

pp.61-69) highlights the existence of clubs and dance halls in Chicago during the first

three decades of the 20th century. In the main these commercial dance halls and

ballrooms were racially exclusive, mainly catering to the white sector. The first

commercial dance hall in a Chicago black/African-American neighbourhood was built

late in the 1920s. There are a number of possible explanations for this occurrence,

first; the music played at commercial dance halls and ballrooms varied and although

jazz was included this was of a melodic watered down nature. Second, racial

exclusivity in entertainment venues resulted in the black/African-American sector

having to develop having to look elsewhere. Those from this ethnic group seeking

their preferred form of entertainment were attracted to smaller venues also favoured

by jazz musicians and their close listeners. These venues seem to be those that

developed into clubs and also suited the majority of musicians who played the

real/purer form of jazz. During the early years of these venues, emphasis was on the

nature of the music and racial or social status of the clientele seemed unimportant, a

situation that was to change with time (Kenney, 1993 p.7).

The “Blue Book” (Tom Anderson’s) gives an insight into how the Storyville area of

New Orleans was segregated at both social and ethnic levels. The different ethnic

groups, though they often interacted with each other, had set parameters within which

they operated. However, when entertainment and popular music were involved some

of these constraints became relaxed. This point, relating to different ethnic groups

coming together to enjoy popular music, is reflected in the works of Kenney (1993)

[Chicago], Nager (1998) and Lee (1934) [Memphis], Eastman (1998, p.80) [Los

Angeles], and Ostransky (1978) [New Orleans, Kansas city, Chicago and New York].

It must be clarified that in some instances the venues offering jazz and located in the

black neighbourhoods often had specific nights set-aside for white clientele, (Eastman

1998, p.80; and Ostransky, 1978, pp.101-121). Alternatively, the theatre would be

segregated, with the white section of the audience located in one area and the blacks

in another.

An alternative view is that the development of clubs might be reflecting the reaction

towards the drive for social and moral reform witnessed in the pre-prohibition period

in many urban centres of the USA. Commercial dance halls (large and small) were

being cleaned up, with dancing and behaviour strictly regulated (Kenney, 1993 pp.63-

66). Those seeking entertainment outside these areas might find it in these venues.


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The other two variables, cabaret and dance halls, are to be found in seven locations.

These two types of venues are variations of kinds described in the above paragraphs,

cabarets are found in two cities (Detroit and New Orleans). Cabarets as described by

Kenney (1993, pp.62-63) presented mixture of entertainment similar to that of the

clubs presenting jazz, vaudeville acts and serving alcohol with dining and dancing

facilities. Though the clientele were usually from the white sector of the population,

one additional aspect of this was the absence of interference from the urban or moral

reformers. In the case of New Orleans this was a sporting town for gentlemen and

home to a naval base, and so entertainment would be of great importance. For the

discriminating patron or those of a certain social standing, cabarets would suffice as

the main entertainment attraction. The situation in Detroit would conform to that in

Chicago.

The other five locations (Boston, New York, Pittsburgh, Kansas and Phoenix) are

cities with dance halls, with the exception of (Phoenix/Arizona) these are areas with

heavy industry or transport nodes. The extent to which the appearance of dance halls

in these locations was related to social or population change is difficult to establish,

however, the assumption must be that these factors were of relevance. Towards the

end of the 19th century and early years of the 20th century there was substantial growth

in levels of migration from northern European countries to the USA. The main areas

of attraction were the industrial cities of the Midwest, northern states or north-eastern

seaboard. Within the USA, migration of the black population from the southern states

to the industrial cities of the north had been in progress since the end of the civil war;

however, this has been at a relatively slow rate with minor peaks each decade. Merrill

and Donaldson (1976, p25) in their examination of black population changes (1880-

1940) highlight the level of growth in some cities. Many of these cities can be

recognised in the maps as locations of jazz venues, suggesting migration is an

influential factor. An alternative opinion focuses on the working class section of the

wider (white), population who might be seeking new forms of entertainment as

suggested by (Kenney, 1993, Chapter3; 2003, p.14). What is observed is the result of

either, or both, of these factors.

The first decade of the twentieth century (Figure 3.1b), shows a greater level of

diffusion in the birthplace of jazz musicians. The new data shows some similarity

with Glasgow’s findings (Figure 2a), in that the general pattern for birthplace (New


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Orleans, the Mississippi river valley and its tributaries and the north-eastern seaboard)

still retain some element of concentration. Nonetheless, a number of marked

differences are to be observed. Stated above is the greater level of diffusion. Whereas

during the previous period only Colorado and Montana could claim to be locations

outside of the area extending from the Midwest to the eastern seaboard to have jazz

musicians born in the state, five new states are now included, some (California and

Washington) with multiple points. The concentration along the Mississippi river and

its tributaries shows a marked decrease in numbers of musicians born in these areas.

Glasgow highlights the prominence of New Orleans, the Mississippi river valley,

Chicago and the north-eastern seaboard (Boston-Baltimore) areas although other

states are included these seem to be of lesser importance.

The new data show an increase in numbers for musicians born in the states west of the

Mississippi river (Texas, Oklahoma, Kansas, Missouri, Iowa and Indiana). The reason

for this occurrence isn’t quite clear, however, Blesh (1958), Blesh and Janis (1971),

Nager (1998), Marquis (1978), Oliver (1997) and Shipton (2001, p.9) draw attention

to the frequency with which early musicians (ragtime, syncopated, jazz and blues)

moved between towns. Additionally the movement of migrant workers, mainly

employed on the levies of the Mississippi river, steel mills, stockyards and slaughter

houses of the Midwest or the docks of New York and other cities of the north-eastern

seaboard had an influence on the styles of music experienced in these areas. Blesh

(1958), Blesh and Janis (1971), and Nager (1998), writing about ragtime and jazz in

the early stages of their development, bring to light how the two groups (musicians

and audience) were brought together.

The earlier sections of this paper (part 2), highlighted the origins of both ragtime and

jazz music in the seedier areas within some cities. The entertainment provided was

suited towards specific types of clientele, mainly workers employed on the levee,

heavy industries or menial tasks, gamblers and anyone wishing to have a good time.

The type of music provided was therefore popular within these areas, though not so

within the family home, elegant theatres or concert halls. Rudimentary forms of

ragtime were heard in the bars and saloons of the Midwest before Scott Jopling

became renowned as its composer (Blesh and Janis, 1971, pp.16-17, 24), however,

these early exponents of this musical form were often itinerant musicians exchanging

ideas. Marquis (1978) in his discussion of Buddy Bolden’s life draws emphasis to the

life of a musician in New Orleans. What becomes apparent in this is the


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unpredictability of this as an occupation and the need to have alternative means to

generate an income. A study of appendix (A) of musicians in whose band Bolden

played, or who were a member of his band, highlights numerous part-time musicians.

Furthermore, these bands and musicians were not confined to a town or city but

travelled throughout the southern states earning money when and where they were in

demand. These observations of the itinerant musicians is supported by Gushee (1989)

who finds New Orleans born musicians appearing as part of travelling shows or

vaudeville in the northern states and the west coast before 1910. Oliver (1997, pp.85-

87), though writing about the blues, draws attention to the numbers of itinerant

musicians travelling throughout the states playing at lumber and turpentine camps.

Highlighted is the existence of two interdependent groups of mobile people, a

workforce and musicians, the former needing entertainment and the latter an income.

When the venues factor is introduce a number of changes can be observed. First, there

is an increase in number of theatre locations throughout the USA east of the Rocky

mountains. Though the data are based on venues tailored towards the needs of a

specific ethnic group or entertainers from that community, the reasons for this trend is

most likely to have been influenced by economic factors.

Since the end of the civil war there has been a slow but steady drift of black workers

to other states of the USA (Henri, 1976). The period often referred to as the great

migration is only a phase in this sequence and differed from earlier periods only by

the numbers involved. This, in turn, was stimulated by other factors, chiefly World

War I and a decline in the number of male migrant workers from Europe. The

reduction in this employment pool and the number of US-born males joining the army

resulted in employment gaps in the northern industrial cities. In an attempt to fill this

gap, many blacks were recruited from the southern states. The destination of many of

these economic migrants had settled communities with all the facilities needed to

function, however, the arrival of new migrants not only increased the level of demand

on what existed but stimulated changes to cater for their own taste. Ostransky (1978,

p.82-101) in his examination of Chicago and its black community highlighted the

umbrage taken by the settled middle class to the new comers from the south and their

demand for what was perceived as crude forms of behaviour along with the styles of

music they brought with them.

An additional factor that might have contributed to the growth in the number of

theatres used as venues is the introduction of the TOBA (Theatres Owners Booking


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Association) on the vaudeville circuit in about 1907 (Shipton, 2001. p.9). Shipton

emphasises that many academics often date the TOBA circuit to around 1920,

however, this is inaccurate. TOBA was part of the vaudeville circuit mentioned earlier

where the theatres were black owned or managed. The organisation of the TOBA

circuit despite all its limitations, offered black artists the opportunity to earn an

income. This was necessary because on the white vaudeville circuit a quota system

operated that limited black acts on the billing to one. Under this system, black acts

were hired and presented to mainly audience, in locations within that community.

With the exception of New Orleans and Los Angeles, dance halls, jazz clubs and

cabarets seems to be located in the northern and mid-western cities. Currently there

isn’t an exact explanation for this pattern that could be put forward, apart from that

given for the previous period.

Conversely, Kenney (1993, chpt3) put forward a set of conditions that existed at that

time in Chicago. At the turn of the century there was a growth in social dancing

amongst the young people of the working class and immigrant groups. The dance

halls that existed were in saloons often places with a fair level of danger, not only

from the individuals who frequented the premises, but also in the fabric of their

construction. The realisation that there was a demand for dance halls brought about a

rapid increase in the numbers as it was recognised there were commercial benefits to

be gained.

By the second decade of the century (1911-20), the increase in locations for

musicians’ birthplaces had continued; only three states west of the Mississippi river

had no jazz musicians being born within their boundaries. From this, the assumption

could be made that jazz was now being heard throughout the USA. However, when

the venues variable is examined a new picture is presented. In the discussions for the

two earlier periods the main venue types were theatres, extending from the eastern

seaboard to the Rocky mountains, with a few locations indicating the presence of jazz

clubs, dance halls and cabarets. The map for 1911-1920 shows a shift in venue type

location. Theatres are concentrated in what might be defined as the southern states

and extend from the eastern seaboard to Texas. Apart from these venues there are five

places with jazz clubs and three with dance halls. The cities of the northern states are

dominated by jazz clubs, followed by dance halls, theatres and cabaret. On the west

coast there are three locations: Los Angeles (jazz clubs, theatre and cabaret), San

Francisco (jazz clubs and dance halls) and Seattle (jazz clubs).The exact reason for


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this development is not clear, however, a number of probable suggestions could be put

forward. The north/south divide in venue type could have been determined by

migration factors, as Kenney (1993) highlighted and referred to in the previous

paragraph, internal migration and that from international areas were attracted to the

industrial cities on the Midwest, northern and north-eastern states. One outcome of

this growth in migration was to change the population structure of the receiving cities

towards a diverse and younger age sector, this resulted in a demand for entertainment

and of a nature desired by this group.

A driving force that influenced the growth in numbers of jazz clubs, dance halls,

theatres and cabaret as discussed with reference to Figure 3.1c, was the desire to

accrue financial benefits from the provision of these venues. The lack of greater

diversity in venue types in the southern states might be explained by two probable

reasons. First, the absence of immigrants from Europe or young white migrants

heading for the industrial cities of the Midwest and northern states as stated earlier.

Second, with reference to the black/African-American population; though this period

is often referred to as the great migration with emphasis on the south-north

movement; there was a considerable amount of movement from rural to urban areas

within the southern states. The destination for these migrants were locations with

established communities and entertainment venues. The need to develop new facilities

were unnecessary as such this might contribute to the lack of diversity in

entertainment venues. Third, World War1 must have had some effect on the

population pool (general and musical); New Orleans being a naval base would have

experienced some population loss as individuals either migrated north or joined the

ranks. This should not be interpreted as the entire body of musicians going north,

many stayed behind and some who had migrated returned at later dates.

An alternative reason for the general distribution pattern could be that given by

Kenney (1993), Stearns (1970), Glasgow (1979) and Taylor (2000). Kenney,

commented “that society in the USA seems to undergo periodic changes and that this

is often reflected in changes in styles of music and dance. The ending of World War 1

could be such an instance. Returning service men, who had been exposed to the new

music abroad, would be interested in acquiring it for entertainment. Furthermore, the

period of austerity endured during the Edwardian period was over and the younger

members of society were going to enjoy themselves in part by embracing the new

music. Other factors that are of significance but not included in this study as the


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information is not currently available relate to prohibition (“speakeasies”), juke joints

and clubs in ethnic neighbourhoods. Taylor (2000, pp. 44-45), highlights changes in

the dance styles in the USA from the mid nineteenth century and the contribution this

might have made to development and diffusion of jazz. During the early period

dances favoured “open couples” with a progression of time and the introduction of the

waltz and polka this became “closed couple” dances. By the turn of the century, the

new closed couple dances (two-step and turkey trot) not only reflected the popular

music of the day but laid the path for later styles and venues. Both Ostransky (1978,

p.102) and Oliver (1997, pp.81-93) make references to this area, hence the assumption

must be made that these venues would have some effect on the data displayed if they

were mapped.

Figure 3.1d shows the data for the final decade (1921-30) included in this discussion.

The pattern of dispersal for musicians’ place of birth continues as shown in the other,

earlier, periods, though the numbers born in states west of the great plains have

increased. However, a new pattern of clustering can be observed. New Orleans had

lost its position as the premier location where most jazz musicians were born, and the

area with the highest concentration was the north-east around Massachusetts followed

by Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana and Florida on the eastern

side of the country and, to the west, California. Glasgow, in his research, calculated

that these states were amongst those most likely to be the place of birth of future jazz

musicians.

The data for venues shows that there has been a profound change in their locations.

The predominance of theatres as the main venue type is gone. There are only four

locations with this venue type, one in New York, two in Georgia and one in North

Carolina. The main venue type is jazz clubs, followed by dance halls and cabarets.

With the exception of Texas and Louisiana (New Orleans) these are to be found in

either northern states or on the west coast. The exact reasons for the demise of the

theatre as a venue throughout the country and in particular the southern states is

unclear, however, a number of probable causes could be put forward as likely

explanations.

In the immediate post World War1 period the economy of the USA began to

experience considerable rates of growth. An off-shoot of this was an increase in

demand for entertainment to suit the former servicemen and younger generation. In


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1917, the recording of the Original Dixieland Jazz Band proved such a commercial

success that the record companies who had previously shied away from this area

became active in setting up secondary labels under which releases could be made.

Jazz music was popular and had become an income generating sector to the music

industry. Not only was it profitable to produce the records, but, more importantly, the

units on which they were to be played. This opportunity to tap into a rich vein of

income was not lost to the music recording industry, as it operated on several levels.

First, there was a young population eager for entertainment of a sort different to that

of their parents, and jazz fitted this criteria. There were two ways that this could be

achieved: attend the venues where the music was performed, or buy the records and

units on which they were to be played. Secondly, demand from the black urban

population proved that there was a market for recordings by popular black artists, a

sector the record companies had not only overlooked but whose existence they seem

to deny. Stearns (1970, p.167) highlights that by the mid 1920s record companies who

had been selling blues records in black neighbourhoods extended the range of artists

covered and sales locations on the realisation of the potential market size. However, to

the young white listeners access to this source was not available in their

neighbourhood, unless they had contacts who could arrange this.

In the early 1920s commercial radio became part of the American way of life, and this

period witnessed the beginning of what eventually developed into the organisation of

a national radio network where jazz could be heard. Again within this system the need

to visit live venues was reduced as individuals could listen to music through radios.

Kenney (1993, pp.156-7) emphasised how the concentration of the radio stations

under fewer large companies and the organisation of national networks removed the

influence of musicians on local stations, and so acted to undermine live musical

entertainment in many areas. Stearns (1970, p.168) refers to the rumour of Bessie

Smith’s value as an artist contracted to Columbia records. It seems that demand for

her records by the black urban population contributed to the company’s healthy

financial status, however, with the advent of the radio this rapidly declined. Gioia

(1997, p.136) shows how the development in commercial radio could have affected

live performances. In 1920 the first commercial radio station was established in

Pittsburgh; by 1921 radio equipment sales were estimated to have been $11million

dollars, while by the end of the decade they had amounted to over $850million.

Whether the development of commercial radio was the cause for the demise of the


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theatre in the southern states is difficult to verify. Kenney (1986, p.233) introduces

what might be considered an alternative argument: he suggests that many of the black

owned theatres often operated at the margins of the financial scale, hence, at the onset

of the depression, the majority went bust. The jazz clubs, dance halls and cabarets,

mainly located in the urban areas of the northern cities, Midwest and west coast were

well equipped to survive this downturn.

Conclusion

The purpose of this paper was to investigate the diffusion pattern of jazz in the USA,

its likely routes, and to provide explanations of the factors that were influential in

determining the results presented. The discussion was undertaken in three parts. The

first is a brief examination of early settlement and migration patterns of the three main

colonial groups in the USA from the sixteenth century onwards. The data used to

examine these patterns were taken from a number of sources and used in conjunction

with the overview in Carney (1987,1994) as discussed in the first section of this

paper.

The second section is based on Glasgow’s (1979) research in spatial diffusion, in

which jazz music in the USA is used as an example. In this he applies theoretical

techniques from one subject area (geography) to data derived from another (music).

However, from the outset Glasgow emphasises that jazz and its diffusion do not

conform to the accepted concept of cultural diffusion as defined by Zelinsky. In this

situation diffusion flows in a top down system. At the top there is an influential socio-

economic group usually residing in a core area, and cultural traits and changes flow

from this heartland to the periphery. In the case of jazz the reverse seems to have

occurred; New Orleans was not perceived as a financial or cultural centre in the USA.

Furthermore the people most associated with the music’s development came from the

lower social and ethnic groups.

The results produced cast new light on a subject area that is not only under-researched

but also surrounded to myths and anecdotes as to its origin and diffusion. As stated,

the main criticism that could be made of Glasgow’s research concerns the narrow

range of variables used and the sample of individuals covered. The narrow range of

variables ensures that factors outside this frame, though they might make an important

contribution to the debate, are not included. The sample of individuals included in the


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research could bias the results, as those omitted might cast light on new areas.

However, despite these criticisms of the limitations of Glasgow’s research, there is

much to be gained from it. Glasgow provides a template that future researchers with

an interest in the area can use. The manner in which historical facts are drawn into the

discussion show how migration along the Mississippi river had a marked influence on

musical styles during the periods before jazz. This makes the researcher aware that

what is being observed is not a new phenomena but a process being repeated. Finally,

the maps produced from the limited data do cast light on new areas: if attention is

given to the musician’s place of birth, how diffuse are the origins of jazz? It must

also be considered that at the time of Glasgow’s research the computing capacity and

power available would be considerably limited compared to the present time. As to

where and when changes in areas of popularity occur, some, notion of this could be

obtained from the maps presented though Glasgow does not identify each individual

place.

The data gathered and presented in the latest research is an attempt to bring together

information from different subject areas, the aim is when fused they should provide

a better understanding of the diffusion process of jazz in the USA. A comparison of

Glasgow’s findings and those from the analysis data highlight some similarities in

general patterns. In both instances New Orleans, the Mississippi, and Ohio river

valleys, Chicago, and the north-eastern seaboard cities are prominent. However, the

maps generated from the latter data reveals a greater level of diffusion. When the

variables for venues are included the maps produced bring to light some interesting

features. The main areas of venue concentration coincide with the cities where many

musicians were born. Nonetheless, there are areas where musicians are born but no

venues are located. This raises the question of whether there are venues in these

places, and if so what are their nature? In addition, there are venues in the south-west

and Los Angeles but no musician identified as being born there before 1911. This

occurrence leads to the assumption that there was an audience for this music prior to

the date given by Glasgow but that the musicians were either itinerant or unrecorded.

When the element of time is introduced a number of differences in the variables

appear. Though there are some similarities in the general patterns for place of birth in

the two pieces of research, there are some marked differences. The similarities are to

be identified in the general patterns of concentration in musicians’ birthplace and how

this changes over time to different locations. The observed differences are in levels of


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Bibliography

Bakan, M.B. (1998) Way out West on Central: Jazz in the African-American

Community in Los Angeles before 1930. in Djedje, J.C. & Meadows, E.S.(eds)

California Soul. Music of African Americans in the West. University of California.

Berkley.

Bjorn, L. with Gallert, J. (2001) Before Motown: A History of jazz in Detroit, 1920-

1960. University of Michigan Press.

Blesh, R. (1958) Shining Trumpets: A History of jazz. Cassell & Company. London

Blesh, R and Janis, L (1971) They all played ragtime. Oak Publications. New York.

Carney, G.O. (1979) The Sounds of people and places: readings in the geography ofAmerican folk and popular music. University Press of America. Washington.

Carney, G.O. (1987) The Sounds of people and places: readings in the geography ofAmerican folk and popular music. University Press of America. Lanham. Maryland.

Carney, G.O. (1994) The Sounds of people and places: A geography of American folkand popular music. Third Edition. Rowman & Littlefield Inc. Lanham. Maryland.

Chicago University Jazz Archive.http://www.lib.uchicago.edu/e/su/cja/jaz

Documents

Jazz Its Geographical Diffussion Throughout the U