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8/20/2019 Jean Francois Paul de Gondi, Cardinal de Retz ---- The Memoirs of Cardinal de Retz, Complete
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/jean-francois-paul-de-gondi-cardinal-de-retz-the-memoirs-of-cardinal 1/917
8/20/2019 Jean Francois Paul de Gondi, Cardinal de Retz ---- The Memoirs of Cardinal de Retz, Complete
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MEMOIRS OF JEAN FRANCOISPAUL de GONDI, CARDINAL DERETZ
ritten by Himself
Being Historic Court Memoirs of theGreat Events during the Minority of Louis XIV. and the Administration of Cardinal Mazarin.
CONTENTS
BOOK I.
BOOK II.
8/20/2019 Jean Francois Paul de Gondi, Cardinal de Retz ---- The Memoirs of Cardinal de Retz, Complete
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BOOK III.
BOOK IV.
BOOK V.
ILLUSTRATIONS Cardinal de RetzPhotogravure from an Old Painting
Turenne Photogravure from an Old
Painting
Richelieu Engraving by Lubin
Anne of Austria Original Etching by
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Mercier
Louis XIII Painting in the Louvre
Conde' Painting in Versailles Gallery
ORIGINAL PREFACE.
Our Author, John Francis Paul deGondi, Cardinal de Retz, Sovereign of Commercy, Prince of Euville, second
Archbishop of Paris, Abbot of SaintDenis in France, was born atMontmirail, in Brie, in October, 1614.
His father was Philippe Emanuel de
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Gondi, Comte, de Joigni, General of the Galleys of France and Knight of the King's Orders; and his mother was
Frances Marguerite, daughter of theComte de Rochepot, Knight of theKing's Orders, and of Marie de Lannoy,
sovereign of Commercy and Euville.
Pierre de Gondi, Duc de Retz, was hisbrother, whose daughter was theDuchesse de Lesdiguieres.
His grandfather was Albert de Gondi,
Duc de Retz, Marquis de Belle Isle, aPeer of France, Marshal and Generalof the Galleys, Colonel of the French
Horse, First Gentleman of theBedchamber, and Great Chamberlain to
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the Kings Charles IX. and Henri III.
This history was first printed in Paris in
1705, at the expense of the Duchessede Lesdiguieres, the last of this noblefamily, whose estate fell after her
decease to that of Villeroy.
His preceptor was the famous Vincentde Paul, Almoner to Queen Anne of Austria.
In 1627 he was made a Canon of the
Cathedral of Paris by his uncle, JeanFrancois de Gondi, first archbishop of that city, and was not long after created
a Doctor of the Sorbonne.
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In 1643 he was appointed Coadjutorof the archbishopric of Paris, with thetitle of Archbishop of Corinth, during
hich, such was his pastoral vigilancethat the most important affairs of theChurch were committed to his care.
As to his general character, if we take itfrom his own Memoirs, he had suchpresence of mind, and so dexterously improved all opportunities whichfortune presented to him, that itseemed as if he had foreseen or desired
them. He knew how to put a goodgloss upon his failings, and oftentimesverily believed he was really the man
hich he affected to be only inappearance. He was a man of bright
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parts, but no conduct, being violentand inconstant in his intrigues of loveas well as those of politics, and so
indiscreet as to boast of his successfulamours with certain ladies whom heought not to have named. He affected
pomp and splendour, though hisprofession demanded simplicity andhumility. He was continually shifting parties, being a loyal subject one day and the next a rebel, one time a swornenemy to the Prime Minister, and by and by his zealous friend; always
aiming to make himself formidable ornecessary. As a pastor he had engrossedthe love and confidence of the people,
and as a statesman he artfully playedthem off against their sovereign. He
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studied characters thoroughly, and noman painted them in truer coloursmore to his own purpose. Sometimes
he confesses his weaknesses, and atother times betrays his self-flattery.
It being his fate to be imprisoned by Mazarin, first at Vincennes and then atNantes, he made his escape to Rome,and in 1656 retired to Franche Comte,
here Cardinal Mazarin gave orders forhis being arrested; upon which heposted to Switzerland, and thence to
Constance, Strasburg, Ulm, Augsburg,Frankfort, and Cologne, to which latterplace Mazarin sent men to take him
dead or alive; whereupon he retired toHolland, and made a trip from one
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town to another till 1661, when,Cardinal Mazarin dying, our Cardinal
ent as far as Valenciennes on his way
to Paris, but was not suffered to comefurther; for the King and Queen-mother would not be satisfied without
his resignation of the archbishopric of Paris, to which he at last submittedupon advantageous terms for himself and an amnesty for all his adherents.But still the Court carried it so severely to the Cardinal that they would not lethim go and pay his last devoirs to his
father when on his dying bed. Atlength, however, after abundance of solicitation, he had leave to go and wait
upon the King and Queen, who, on thedeath of Pope Alexander VII., sent him
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to Rome to assist at the election of hissuccessor.
No wonder that King Charles II. of England promised to intercede for theCardinal's reestablishment; for when
the royal family were starving, as itere, in their exile at Paris, De Retz did
more for them than all the FrenchCourt put together; and, upon theKing's promise to take the RomanCatholics of England under hisprotection after his restoration, he sent
an abbot to Rome to solicit the Pope tolend him money, and to dispose theEnglish Catholics in his favour.
He would fain have returned his hat to
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the new Pope, but his Holiness, at thesolicitation of Louis XIV., ordered himto keep it. After this he chose a total
retirement, lived with exemplary piety,considerably retrenched his expenses,and hardly allowed himself common
necessaries, in order to save money topay off a debt of three millions, whichhe had the happiness to discharge, andto balance all accounts with the worldbefore his death, which happened atParis on the 24th of August, 1679, inthe 65th year of his age.
HISTORIC COURT MEMOIRS.
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CARDINAL DE RETZ.
BOOK I.
MADAME: Though I have a naturalaversion to give you the history of my own life, which has been chequered
ith such a variety of differentadventures, yet I had rather sacrifice my reputation to the commands of a lady for whom I have so peculiar a regard
than not disclose the most secretsprings of my actions and the inmostrecesses of my soul.
By the caprice of fortune many
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mistakes of mine have turned to my credit, and I very much doubt whetherit would be prudent in me to remove
the veil with which some of them arecovered. But as I am resolved to giveyou a naked, impartial account of even
the most minute passages of my lifeever since I have been capable of reflection, so I most humbly beg younot to be surprised at the little art, or,rather, great disorder, with which I
rite my narrative, but to consider that,though the diversity of incidents may
sometimes break the thread of thehistory, yet I will tell you nothing but
ith all that sincerity which the regard I
have for you demands. And toconvince you further that I will neither
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add to nor diminish from the plaintruth, I shall set my name in the frontof the work.
False glory and false modesty are thetwo rocks on which men who have
ritten their own lives have generally split, but which Thuanus among themoderns and Caesar among theancients happily escaped. I doubt notyou will do me the justice to believethat I do not pretend to comparemyself with those great writers in any
respect but sincerity, a virtue in whiche are not only permitted, but
commanded, to rival the greatest
heroes.
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I am descended from a family illustrious in France and ancient inItaly, and born upon a day remarkable
for the taking of a monstrous sturgeonin a small river that runs through thecountry of Montmirail, in Brie, the
place of my nativity.
I am not so vain as to be proud of having it thought that I was usheredinto the world with a prodigy or amiracle, and I should never havementioned this trifling circumstance
had it not been for some libels sincepublished by my enemies, wherein they affect to make the said sturgeon a
presage of the future commotions inthis kingdom, and me the chief author
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of them.
I beg leave to make a short reflection
on the nature of the mind of man. Ibelieve there never was a more honestsoul in the world than my father's; I
might say his temper was the very essence of virtue. For though he saw I
as too much inclined to duels andgallantry ever to make a figure as anecclesiastic, yet his great love for hiseldest son not the view of thearchbishopric of Paris, which was then
in his family made him resolve todevote me to the service of the Church.For he was so conscious of his reasons,
that I could even swear he would haveprotested from the very bottom of his
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heart that he had no other motive thanthe apprehension of the dangers to
hich a contrary profession might
expose my soul. So true it is thatnothing is so subject to delusion aspiety: all sorts of errors creep in and
hide themselves under that veil; it givesa sanction to all the turns of imagination, and the honesty of theintention is not sufficient to guardagainst it. In a word, after all I have toldyou, I turned priest, though it wouldhave been long enough first had it not
been for the following accident.
The Duc de Retz, head of our family,
broke at that time, by the King's order,the marriage treaty concluded some
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years before between the Duc deMercoeur [Louis, Duc de Mercoeur,since Cardinal de Vendome, father of
the Duc de Vendome, and Grand Prior,died 1669.] and his daughter, and nextday came to my father and agreeably
surprised him by telling him he wasresolved to give her to his cousin toreunite the family.
As I knew she had a sister worth above80,000 livres a year, I, that very instant,thought of a double match. I had no
hopes they would think of me,knowing how things stood, so I wasresolved to provide for myself.
Having got a hint that my father did
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not intend to carry me to the wedding,as, foreseeing, it may be, whathappened, I pretended to be better
pleased with my profession, to betouched by what my father had sooften laid before me on that subject,
and I acted my part so well that they believed I was quite another man.
My father resolved to carry me intoBrittany, for the reason that I hadshown no inclination that way. Wefound Mademoiselle de Retz at
Beaupreau, in Anjou. I looked on theeldest only as my sister, but immediately considered Mademoiselle de Scepaux
(so the youngest was called) as my mistress.
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I thought her very handsome, hercomplexion the most charming in the
orld, lilies and roses in abundance,admirable eyes, a very pretty mouth,and what she wanted in stature was
abundantly made up by the prospect of 80,000 livres a year and of the Duchy of Beaupreau, and by a thousandchimeras which I formed on these realfoundations.
I played my game nicely from the
beginning, and acted the ecclesiasticand the devotee both in the journey and during my stay there; nevertheless, I
paid my sighs to the fair one, sheperceived it. I spoke at last, and she
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heard me, but not with thatcomplacency which I could have
ished.
But observing she had a great kindnessfor an old chambermaid, sister to one
of my monks of Buzai, I did all Icould to gain her, and by the means of a hundred pistoles down, and vastpromises, I succeeded. She made hermistress believe that she was designedfor a nunnery, and I, for my part, toldher that I was doomed to nothing less
than a monastery. She could not endureher sister, because she was her father'sdarling, and I was not overfond of my
brother, [Pierre de Gondi, Duc de Retz,ho died in 1676.] for the same reason.
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This resemblance in our fortunescontributed much to the uniting of ouraffections, which I persuaded myself
ere reciprocal, and I resolved to carry her to Holland.
Indeed, there was nothing more easy,for Machecoul, whither we were comefrom Beaupreau, was no more thanhalf a league from the sea. But money
as the only thing wanting, for my treasury, was so drained by the gift of the hundred pistoles above mentioned
that I had not a sou left. But I found asupply by telling my father that, as thefarming of my abbeys was taxed with
the utmost rigour of the law, so Ithought myself obliged in conscience
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to take the administration of them intomy own hands. This proposal, thoughnot pleasing, could not be rejected,
both because it was regular and becauseit made him in some measure believethat I would not fail to keep my
benefices, since I was willing to takecare of them. I went the next day to letBuzai, [One of his abbeys.] which isbut five leagues from Machecoul. Itreated with a Nantes merchant, whosename was Jucatieres, who took advantage of my eagerness, and for
4,000 crowns ready money got abargain that made his fortune. Ithought I had 4,000,000, and was just
securing one of the Dutch pinks,hich are always in the road of Retz,
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hen the following accident happened,hich broke all my measures.
Mademoiselle de Retz (for she hadtaken that name after her sister'smarriage) had the finest eyes in the
orld, and they never were so beautifulas when she was languishing in love,the charms of which I never yet saw equalled. We happened to dine at alady's house, a league from Machecoul,
here Mademoiselle de Retz, looking in the glass at an assembly of ladies,
displayed all those tender, lively,moving airs which the Italians callmorbidezza', or the lover's languish.
But unfortunately she was not awarethat Palluau, since Marechal de
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Clerambaut, was behind her, whoobserved her airs, and being very muchattached to Madame de Retz, with
hom he had in her tender years beenvery familiar, told her faithfully what hehad observed.
Madame de Retz, who mortally hatedher sister, disclosed it that very night toher father, who did not fail to impart itto mine. The next morning, at thearrival of the post from Paris, all was ina hurry, my father pretending to have
received very pressing news; and, afterour taking a slight though public leaveof the ladies, my father carried me to
sleep that night at Nantes. I was, as youmay imagine, under very great surprise
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and concern; for I could not guess thecause of this sudden departure. I hadnothing to reproach myself with upon
the score of my conduct; neither had Ithe least suspicion that Palluau hadseen anything more than ordinary till I
arrived at Orleans, where the matter wascleared up, for my brother, to preventmy escape, which I vainly attemptedseveral times on my journey, seized my strong box, in which was my money,and then I understood that I wasbetrayed; in what grief, then, I arrived at
Paris, I leave you to imagine.
I found there Equilli, Vasse's uncle, and
my first cousin, who, I daresay, was oneof the most honest men of his time,
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and loved me from his very soul. Iapprised him of my design to run away
ith Mademoiselle de Retz. He heartily
approved of my project, not only because it would be a very advantageous match for me, but
because he was persuaded that a doublealliance was necessary to secure theestablishment of the family.
The Cardinal de Richelieu [Armandean du Plesais, Cardinal de Richelieu,as born in 1585, and died in 1642.]
(then Prime Minister) mortally hatedthe Princesse de Guemenee, because he
as persuaded she had crossed his
amours with the Queen, [Anne of Austria, eldest daughter of Philip II.,
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King of Spain, and wife of LouisXIII., died 1666.] and had a hand in thetrick played him by Madame du Fargis,
one of the Queen's dressing women,ho showed her Majesty (Marie de
Medicis) a love-letter written by his
Eminence to the Queen, her daughter-in-law. The Cardinal pushed hisresentment so far that he attempted toforce the Marechal de Breze, hisbrother-in-law, and captain of theKing's Life-guards, to expose Madamede Guemenee's letters, which were
found in M. de Montmorency's [Henride Montmorency was apprehended onthe 1st of September, 1632, and
beheaded in Toulouse in November of the same year.] coffer when he was
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arrested at Chateau Naudari. But theMarechal de Breze had so muchhonour and generosity as to return
them to Madame de Guemenee. Heas, nevertheless, a very extravagant
gentleman; but the Cardinal de
Richelieu, perceiving he had beenformerly honoured by some kind of relation to him, and dreading his angry excursions and preachments before theKing, who had some consideration forhis person, bore with him very patiently for the sake of settling peace in his
own family, which he passionately longed to unite and establish, but
hich was the only thing out of his
power, who could do whatever else hepleased in France. For the Marechal de
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Breze had conceived so strong anaversion to M. de La Meilleraye, who
as then Grand Master of the Artillery,
and afterwards Marechal de LaMeilleraye, that he could not endurehim. He did not imagine that the
Cardinal would ever look upon a manho, though his first cousin, was of a
mean extraction, had a mostcontemptible aspect, and, if fame saystrue, not one extraordinary goodquality.
The Cardinal was of another mind, andhad a great opinion indeed, withabundance of reason of M. de La
Meilleraye's courage; but he esteemedhis military capacity infinitely too
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much, though in truth it was notcontemptible. In a word, he designedhim for that post which we have since
seen so gloriously filled by M. deTurenne.
ou may, by what has been said, judgeof the divisions that were in Cardinalde Richelieu's family, and how much he
as concerned to appease them. Helaboured at them with great application,and for this end thought he could notdo better than to unite these two heads
of the faction in a close confidenceith himself, exclusive of all others. To
this end he used them jointly and in
common as the confidants of hisamours, which certainly were neither
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suitable to the lustre of his actions northe grandeur of his life; for Marion deLorme, one of his mistresses, was little
better than a common prostitute.Another of his concubines wasMadame de Fruges, that old
gentlewoman who was so often seensauntering in the enclosure. The firstused to come to his apartment in thedaytime, and he went by night to visitthe other, who was but the pitiful cast-off of Buckingham and Epienne. Thetwo confidants introduced him there in
coloured clothes; for they had made upa hasty peace, to which Madame deGuemenee nearly fell a sacrifice.
M. de La Meilleraye, whom they called
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the Grand Master, was in love withMadame de Guemenee, but she couldnot love him; and he being, both in his
own nature and by reason of his greatfavour with the Cardinal, the mostimperious man living, took it very ill
that he was not beloved. Hecomplained, but the lady wasinsensible; he huffed and bounced, but
as laughed to scorn. He thought hehad her in his power because theCardinal, to whom he had declared hisrage against her, had given him her
letters, as above mentioned, which wereritten to M. de Montmorency, and,
therefore, in his menaces he let fall
some hints with relation to those lettersto the disadvantage of Madame de
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Guemenee. She thereupon ridiculedhim no longer, but went almost raving mad, and fell into such an
inconceivable melancholy that youould not have known her, and retired
to Couperai, where she would let
nobody see her.
As soon as I applied my mind to study I resolved at the same time to take theCardinal de Richelieu for my pattern,though my friends opposed it as toopedantic; but I followed my first
designs, and began my course withgood success. I was afterwardsfollowed by all persons of quality of
the same profession; but, as I was thefirst, the Cardinal was pleased with my
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fancy, which, together with the goodoffices done me by the Grand Master
ith the Cardinal, made him speak well
of me on several occasions, wonderthat I had never made my court to him,and at the same time he ordered M. de
Lingendes, since Bishop of Magon, tobring me to his house.
This was the source of my firstdisgrace, for, instead of complying withthese offers of the Cardinal and withthe entreaties of the Grand Master,
urging me to go and make my court tohim, I returned the most trifling excuses and apologies; one time I
pretended to be sick and went into thecountry. In short, I did enough to let
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them see that I did not care to be adependent on the Cardinal deRichelieu, who was certainly a very
great man, but had this particular traitin his genius, to take notice of trifles.Of this he gave me the following
instance: The history of the conspiracy of Jean Louis de Fiesque, [Author of "The Conspiracy of Genoa." He wasdrowned on the 1st of January, 1557.]
hich I had written at eighteen years of age, being conveyed by Boisrobert intothe Cardinal's hands, he was heard to
say, in the presence of Marechald'Estrees and M. de Senneterre, "This isa dangerous genius." This was told my
father that very night by M. deSenneterre, and I took it as spoken to
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myself.
The success that I had in the acts of the
Sorbonne made me fond of that sortof reputation, which I had a mind topush further, and thought I might
succeed in sermons. Instead of preaching first, as I was advised, in thelittle convents, I preached onAscension, Corpus Christi Day, etc.,before the Queen and the whole Court,
hich assurance gained me a goodcharacter from the Cardinal; for, when
he was told how well I had performed,he said, "There is no judging of thingsby the event; the man is a coxcomb."
Thus you see I had enough to do forone of two-and-twenty years of age.
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M. le Comte, [Louis de Bourbon,Comte de soissons, killed in the battle
of Marfee, near Sedan, in 1641.] whohad a tender love for me, and to whoseservice and person I was entirely
devoted, left Paris in the night, in orderto get into Sedan, for fear of an arrest;and, in the meantime, entrusted me
ith the care of Vanbrock, the greatestconfidant he had in the world. I took care, as I was ordered, that he shouldnever stir out but at night, for in the
daytime I concealed him in a privateplace, between the ceiling and thepenthouse, where I thought it
impossible for anything but a cat or thedevil to find him. But he was not
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careful enough of himself, for onemorning my door was burst open, andarmed men rushed into my chamber,
ith the provost at their head, whocried, with a great oath, "Where isVanbrock " I replied, "At Sedan,
monsieur, I believe." He swore againmost confoundedly, and searched themattresses of all the beds in the house,threatening to put my domestics to therack if they did not make a disclosure;but there was only one that knew anything of the matter, and so they
ent away in a rage. You may easily imagine that when this was reportedthe Court would highly resent it. And
so it happened, for the license of theSorbonne being expired, and the
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competitors striving for the best places,I had the ambition to put in for thefirst place, and did not think myself
obliged to yield to the Abbe de LaMothe-Houdancourt, now Archbishopof Auch, over whom I had certainly
some advantage in the disputations. Icarried myself in this affair more wisely than might have been expected frommy youth; for as soon as I heard thatmy rival was supported by the Cardinal,
ho did him the honour to own himfor his kinsman, I sent the Cardinal
ord, by M. de Raconis, Bishop of Lavaur, that I desisted from my pretension, out of the respect I owed
his Eminence, as soon as I heard thathe concerned himself in the affair. The
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Bishop of Lavaur told me the Cardinalpretended that the Abby de La Mothe
ould not be obliged for the first place
to my cession, but to his own merit.This answer exasperated me. I gave asmile and a low bow, pursued my point,
and gained the first place by eighty-fourvoices. The Cardinal, who was fordomineering in all places and in allaffairs, fell into a passion much below his character, either as a minister or aman, threatened the deputies of theSorbonne to raze the new buildings he
had begun there, and assailed my character again with incrediblebitterness.
All my friends were alarmed at this, and
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ere for sending me in all haste to Italy.Accordingly, I went to Venice, stayedthere till the middle of August, and was
very near being assassinated; for Iamused myself by making an intrigue
ith Signora Vendranina, a noble
Venetian lady, and one of the mosthandsome I ever saw. M. de Maille, theKing's ambassador, aware of thedangerous consequences of suchadventures in this country, ordered meto depart from Venice; upon which I
ent through Lombardy, and towards
the end of September arrived at Rome,here the Marechal d'Estrees, who
resided there as ambassador, gave me
such instructions for my behaviour as Ifollowed to a tittle. Though I had no
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design to be an ecclesiastic, yet since Iore a cassock I was resolved to
acquire some reputation at the Pope's
Court. I compassed my design very happily, avoiding any appearance of gallantry and lewdness, and my dress
being grave to the last degree; but forall this I was at a vast expense, having fine liveries, a very splendid equipage,and a train of seven or eight gentlemen,
hereof four were Knights of Malta. Idisputed in the Colleges of Sapienza(not to be compared for learning with
those of the Sorbonne), and fortunecontinued still to raise me. For thePrince de Schomberg, the Emperor's
ambassador, sent me word one day,hile I was playing at 'balon' at the
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baths of Antoninus, to leave the placeclear for him. I answered that I couldhave refused his Excellency nothing
asked in a civil manner, but since it wascommanded, I would have him toknow that I would obey the orders of
no ambassador whatever, but that of the King, my master. Being urged asecond time by one of his attendants toleave the place, I stood upon my owndefence, and the Germans, more, in my opinion, out of contempt of the few people I had with me than out of any
other consideration, let the affair drop.This bold carriage of so modest anabbe, to an ambassador who never
ent abroad without one hundredmusketeers on horseback to attend him,
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made a great noise in Rome, and wasmuch taken notice of by CardinalMazarin.
The Cardinal de Richelieu's healthdeclining, the archbishopric of Paris
as now almost within my ken, which,together with other prospects of goodbenefices, made me resolve not to fling off the cassock but upon honourableterms and valuable considerations; buthaving nothing yet within my view thatI could be sure of, I resolved to
distinguish myself in my ownprofession by all the methods I could. Iretired from the world, studied very
hard, saw but very few men, and hadno more correspondence with any of
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the female sex, except Madame de -.
The devil had appeared to the Princesse
de Guemenee just a fortnight beforethis adventure happened, and was oftenraised by the conjurations of M.
d'Andilly, to frighten his votary, Ibelieve, into piety, for he was even morein love with her person than I myself;but he loved her in the Lord, purely and spiritually. I raised, in my turn, ademon that appeared to her in a morekind and agreeable form. In six weeks I
got her away from Port Royal; I wasvery diligent in paying her my respects,and the satisfaction I had in her
company, with some other agreeablediversions, qualified in a great measure
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the chagrin which attended my profession, to which I was not yetheartily reconciled. This enchantment
had like to have raised such a storm asould have given a new face to the
affairs of Europe if fortune had been
ever so little on my side.
M. the Cardinal de Richelieu lovedrallying other people, but could notbear a jest himself, and all men of thishumour are always very crabbed andchurlish; of which the Cardinal gave an
instance, in a public assembly of ladies,to Madame de Guemenee, when hethrew out a severe jest, which
everybody observed was pointed at me.She was sensibly affronted, but I was
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enraged. For at last there was a sort of an understanding between us, which
as often ill-managed, yet our interests
ere inseparable. At this time Madamede La Meilleraye, with whom, thoughshe was silly, I had fallen in love,
pleased the Cardinal to that degree thatthe Marshal perceived it before he setout for the army, and rallied his wife insuch a manner that she immediately found he was even more jealous thanambitious. She was terribly afraid of him, and did not love the Cardinal,
ho, by marrying her to his cousin, hadlessened his own family, of which he
as extremely fond. Besides, the
Cardinal's infirmities made him look agreat deal older than he was. And
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though all his other actions had notincture of pedantry, yet in his amorousintrigues he had the most of it in the
orld. I had a detail of all the steps hehad made therein, which wereextremely ridiculous. But continuing his
solicitation, and carrying her to hiscountry seat at Ruel, [The Cardinal deRichelieu's seat, three leagues fromParis.] where he kept her a considerabletime, I guessed that the lady had notbrains enough to resist the splendourof Court favour, and that her
husband's jealousy would soon giveay to his interest, but, above all, to his
blind side, which was an attachment to
the Court not to be equalled. When Ias in the hottest pursuit of this
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passion I proposed to myself the mostexquisite pleasures in triumphing overthe Cardinal de Richelieu in this fair
field of battle; but on a sudden I hadthe mortification to hear the wholefamily was changed. The husband
allowed his wife to go to Ruel as oftenas she pleased, and her behaviourtowards me I suspected to be false andtreacherous. In short, Madame deGuemenee's anger, for a reason I hintedbefore, my jealousy of Madame de LaMeilleraye, and an aversion to my own
profession, all joined together in a fatalmoment and were near producing oneof the greatest and most famous events
of our age.
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La Rochepot, my first cousin and dearfriend, was a domestic of the late Ducd'Orleans, [Gaston Jean Baptists de
France, born 1608, and died at Blois,1660.] and his great confidant. Hemortally hated the Cardinal de
Richelieu, who had persecuted hismother, and had her hung up in effigy,and kept his father still a prisoner in theBastille, and now refused the son aregiment, though Marechal de LaMeilleraye, who very highly esteemedhim for his courage, interceded for the
favour. You may imagine that when wecame together we did not forget theCardinal.
I being crossed in my designs, as I told
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you, and as full of resentment as LaRochepot was for the affronts putupon his person and family, we chimed
in our thoughts and resolutions, whichere, dexterously to manage theeakness of the Duc d'Orleans and to
put that in execution which theboldness of his domestics had almosteffected at Corbie.
The Duc d'Orleans was appointedGeneral, and the Comte de SoissonsLieutenant-General of the King's
forces in Picardy, but neither of themstood well with the Cardinal, who gavethem those posts only because the
situation of affairs was such that hecould not help it. L'Epinai, Montresor,
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and La Rochepot made use of all thearguments they could think of to raiseealousies and fears in the Duc
d'Orleans, and to inspire him withresolution and courage to rid himself of the Cardinal. Others laboured to
persuade the Comte de Soissons torelish the same proposal, but thoughresolved upon, it was never put intoexecution. For they had the Cardinal intheir power at Amiens, but did him noharm. For this every one blamed theCount's companion, but I could never
yet learn the true cause; only this iscertain, that they were no sooner cometo Paris than they were all seized with a
panic, and retired, some one way, someanother.
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The Comte de Guiche, since Marechalde Grammont, and M. de Chavigni,
Secretary of State and the Cardinal'smost intimate favourite, were sent by the King to Blois. Here they frightened
the Duc d'Orleans and made himreturn to Paris, where he was moreafraid than ever; for such of hisdomestics as were not gained by theCourt made use of his pusillanimoustemper, and represented to him thenecessity he was under to provide for
his own, or rather their, security. LaRochepot and myself endeavoured toheighten his fears as much as possible,
in order to precipitate him into ourmeasures. The term sounds odd, but it
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is the most expressive I could find of acharacter like the Duke's. He weighedeverything, but fixed on nothing; and if
by chance he was inclined to do onething more than another, he wouldnever execute it without being pushed
or forced into it.
La Rochepot did all he could to fixhim, but finding that the Duke wasalways for delays, and for perplexing allexpedients with groundless fears of invincible difficulties, he fell upon an
expedient very dangerous to allappearance, but, as it usually happensin extraordinary cases, much less so
than at first view.
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Cardinal de Richelieu having to standgodfather at the baptism of Mademoiselle, La Rochepot's proposal
as to continue to show the Duke thenecessity he lay under still to get rid of the Cardinal, without saying much of
the particulars, for fear of hazarding the secret, but only to entertain him
ith the general proposal of that affair,thereby to make him the better in love
ith the measures when proposed; andthat they might, at a proper time andplace, tell him they had concealed the
detail to the execution from hisHighness upon no other account butthat they had experienced on several
occasions that there was no other way of serving his Highness, as he himself
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had told La Rochepot several times;that nothing, therefore, remained but toget some brave fellows fit for such a
resolute enterprise, and to hold post-horses ready upon the road of Sedanunder some other pretext, and to so
execute the design in the presence andin the name of his Royal Highnessupon the day of the intendedsolemnity, that his Highness shouldcheerfully own it when it was done, andthat then we would carry him off by those horses to Sedan. Meanwhile the
distraction of the inferior ministers andthe joy of the King to see himself delivered from a tyrant would dispose
the Court rather to invite than topursue him. This was La Rochepot's
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scheme, and it seemed exceedingly plausible.
La Rochepot and I had, it may be,blamed the inactivity of the Ducd'Orleans and the Comte de Soissons
in the affair of Amiens a hundredtimes; yet, no sooner was the schemesufficiently matured for execution, theidea of which I had raised in thememory of La Rochepot, than my mind was seized with I know not whatfear; I took it then for a scruple of
conscience, I cannot tell whether it wasin truth so or not, but, in short, thethought of killing a priest and a
cardinal deeply affected my mind. LaRochepot laughed at my scruples, and
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bantered me thus: "When you are in thefield of battle I warrant you will notbeat up the enemy's quarters for fear of
assassinating men in their sleep." I wasashamed of my scruples, and againhugged the crime, which I looked upon
as sanctified by the examples of greatmen, and justified and honoured by themighty danger that attended itsexecution. We renewed ourconsultations, engaged someaccomplices, took all the necessary precautions, and resolved upon the
execution. The danger was indeed very great, but we might reasonably hope tocome off well enough; for the Duke's
guard, which was within, would nothave failed to come to our assistance
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against that of the Cardinal's, whichas without. But his fortune, and not
his guards, delivered him from the
snare; for either Mademoiselle orhimself, I forget which, fell suddenly ill,and the ceremony was put off to
another time, so that we lost ouropportunity. The Duke returned toBlois, and the Marquis de Boissiprotested he would never betray us, butthat he would be no longer concerned,because he had just received somefavour or other from the Cardinal's
own hands.
I confess that this enterprise, which,
had it succeeded, would have crownedus with glory, never fully pleased me. I
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as not so scrupulous in thecommitting of two other transgressionsagainst the rules of morality, as you
may have before observed; but I wish,ith all my heart, I had never been
concerned in this. Ancient Rome,
indeed, would have counted ithonourable; but it is not in this respectthat I honour the memory of oldRome.
There is commonly a great deal of folly in conspiracies; but afterwards there is
nothing tends so, much to make menise, at least for some time. For, as the
danger in things of this nature
continues, even after the opportunitiesfor doing them are over, men are from
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that instant more prudent andcircumspect.
Having thus missed our blow, theComte de La Rochepot and the rest of them retired to their several seats in the
country; but my engagements detainedme at Paris, where I was so retired that Ispent all my time in my study; and if ever I was seen abroad, it was with allthe reserve of a pious ecclesiastic; we
ere all so true to one another inkeeping this adventure secret, that it
never got the least wind while theCardinal lived, who was a minister thathad the best intelligence in the world;
but after his death it was discovered by the imprudence of Tret and Etourville.
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I call it imprudence, for what greatereakness can men be guilty of than to
declare themselves to have been capable
of what is dangerous in the firstinstance
To return to the history of the Comtede Soissons, I observed before that hehad retired to Sedan for safety, whichhe could not expect at Court. He wroteto the King, assuring his Majesty of hisfidelity, and that while he stayed in thatplace he would undertake nothing
prejudicial to his service. He was mostmindful of his promise; was not to bebiassed by all the offers of Spain or the
Empire, but rejected with indignationthe overtures of Saint-Ibal and of
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Bardouville, who would havepersuaded him to take up arms.Campion, one of his domestics, whom
he had left at Paris to mind his affairs atCourt, told me these particulars by theCount's express orders, and I still
remember this passage in one of hisletters to Campion: "The men youknow are very urgent with me to treat
ith the enemy, and accuse me of eakness because I fear the examples
of Charles de Bourbon and Robertd'Artois." He was ordered to show me
this letter and desire my opinionthereupon. I took my pen, and, at alittle distance from the answer he had
already begun, I wrote these words:
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"And I do accuse them of folly." Thereasons upon which my opinion wasgrounded were these: The Count was
courageous in the highest degree of hat is commonly called valour, and
had a more than ordinary share in that
boldness of mind which we callresolution. The first is common and tobe frequently met with among thevulgar, but the second is rarer than canbe imagined, and yet abundantly morenecessary for great enterprises; and isthere a greater in the world than
heading a party The command of anarmy is without comparison of lessintricacy, for there are wheels within
heels necessary for governing theState, but then they are not near so
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brittle and delicate. In a word, I am of opinion there are greater qualitiesnecessary to make a good head of a
party than to make an emperor who isto govern the whole world, and thatresolution ought to run parallel with
udgment, I say, with heroic judgment,hich is able to distinguish the
extraordinary from what we call theimpossible.
The Count had not one grain of thisdiscerning faculty, which is but seldom
to be met with in the sublimest genius.His character was mean to a degree, andconsequently susceptible of
unreasonable jealousies and distrusts,hich of all characters is the most
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opposite to that of a good partisan,ho is indispensably obliged in many
cases to suppress, and in all to conceal,
the best-grounded suspicions.
This was the reason I could not be of
the opinion of those who were forengaging the Count in a civil war; andVaricarville, who was the man of thebest sense and temper of all thepersons of quality he had about him,told me since that when he saw what I
rote in Campion's letter the day I set
out for Italy, he very well knew by whatmotives I was, against my inclination,persuaded into this opinion.
The Count held out all this year and the
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next against every solicitation of theSpaniards and the importunities of hisown friends, much more by the wise
counsels of Varicarville than by theforce of his own resolution; butnothing could secure him from the
teasings of the Cardinal de Richelieu,ho poured into his ears every day in
the King's name his many dismaldiscoveries and prognostications. Forfear of being tedious I shall only tellyou in one word that the Cardinal,contrary to his own interest, hurried the
Count into a civil war, by such arts of chicanery as those who are fortune'sfavourites never fail to play upon the
unfortunate.
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The minds of people began now to bemore embittered than ever. I was sentfor by the Count to Sedan to tell him
the state of Paris. The account I gavehim could not but be very agreeable;for I told him the very truth: that he
as universally beloved, honoured, andadored in that city, and his enemy dreaded and abhorred. The Duc deBouillon, who was urgent for war, bethe consequence what it would,improved upon these advantages, andmade them look more plausible, but
Varicarville strongly opposed him.
I thought myself too young to declare
my opinion; but, being pressed to do soby his Highness, I took the liberty to
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tell him that a Prince of the bloodought to engage himself in a civil warrather than suffer any diminution of
his reputation or dignity, yet thatnothing but these two cases could justloblige him to it, because he hazards
both by a commotion whenever theone or the other consideration does notmake it necessary; that I thought hisHighness far from being under any such necessity; that his retreat to Sedansecured him from the indignity he musthave submitted to, among others, of
taking the left hand, even in theCardinal's own house; that, in themeantime, the popular hatred of the
Cardinal gained his Highness thegreater share of the public favour,
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hich is always much better secured by inaction than action, because the glory of action depends upon success, for
hich no one can answer; whereasinaction is sure to be commended asbeing founded upon the hatred which
the public will always bear to theminister. That, therefore, I should think it would be more glorious for hisHighness, in the view of the world, tosupport himself by his own weight,that is, by the merit of his virtue,against the artifices of so powerful a
minister as the Cardinal de Richelieu, Isay, more glorious to support himself by a wise and regular conduct than to
kindle the fire of war, the flagrantconsequences whereof no man is able
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to foresee; that it was true that theminister was universally cursed, but thatI could not yet see that the people's
minds were exasperated enough for any considerable revolution; that theCardinal was in a declining state of
health, and if he should not die thistime, his Highness would have theopportunity of showing the King andthe public that though, by his ownpersonal authority and his importantpost at Sedan, he was in a capacity todo himself justice, he sacrificed his
own resentments to the welfare andquiet of the State; and that if theCardinal should recover his health, he
ould not fail, by additional acts of tyranny and oppression, to draw upon
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himself the redoubled execrations of the people, which would ripen, theirmurmurings and discontents into a
universal revolution.
This is the substance of what I said to
the Count, and he seemed to besomewhat affected by it. But the Ducde Bouillon was enraged, and told me,by way of banter, "Your blood is very cold for a gentleman of your age." To
hich I replied in these very words:"All the Count's servants are so much
obliged to you, monsieur, that they ought to bear everything from you; but
ere it not for this consideration alone,
I should think that your bastionsould not be always strong enough to
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protect you." The Duke soon came tohimself, and treated me with all thecivilities imaginable, such as laid a
foundation for our future friendship. Istayed two days longer at Sedan, during
hich the Count changed his mind five
different times, as I was told by M.Saint-Ibal, who said little was to beexpected from a man of his humour.At last, however, the Duc de Bouillon
on him over. I was charged to do all Icould to convince the people of Paris,had an order to take up money and to
lay it out for this purpose, and Ireturned from Sedan with letters morethan enough to have hanged two
hundred men.
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As I had faithfully set the Count's trueinterest before him, and dissuaded himfrom undertaking an affair of which he
as by no means capable, I thought ithigh time to think of my own affairs. Ihated my profession now more than
ever; I was at first hurried into it by theinfatuation of my kindred. My destiny had bound me down to it by the chainsboth of duty and pleasure, so that Icould see no possibility to set myself free. I was upwards of twenty-five yearsof age, and I saw it was now too late to
begin to carry a musket; but that whichtortured me most of all was this fatalreflection, that I had spent so much of
my time in too eager a pursuit of pleasure, and thereby riveted my own
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chains; so that it looked as if fate wasresolved to fasten me to the Church,
hether I would or no. You may
imagine with what satisfaction suchthoughts as these were accompanied,for this confusion of affairs gave me
hopes of getting loose from my profession with uncommon honourand reputation. I thought of ways todistinguish myself, pursued them very diligently, and you will allow thatnothing but destiny broke my measures.
The Marechaux de Vitri andBassompierre, the Comte de Cremail,M. du Fargis, and M. du Coudrai
Montpensier were then prisoners in theBastille upon different counts. But, as
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length of time makes confinement lessirksome, they were treated very civilly,and indulged with a great share of
freedom. Their friends came to seethem, and sometimes dined with them.By means of M. du Fargis, who had
married my aunt, I got acquainted withthe rest, and by conversing with themdiscovered very remarkable emotions insome of them, upon which I could nothelp reflecting. The Marechal de Vitri
as a gentleman of mean parts, butbold, even to rashness, and his having
been formerly employed to kill theMarechal d'Ancre had given him in thecommon vogue, though I think
unjustly, the air of a man of businessand expedition. He appeared to me
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enraged against the Cardinal, and Iconcluded he might do service in thepresent juncture, but did not address
myself directly to him, and thought itthe wisest way first to sift the Comte deCremail, who was a man of sound
sense, and could influence theMarechal de Vitri as he pleased. Heapprehended me at half a word, andimmediately asked me if I had mademyself known to any of the prisoners.I answered, readily:
"No, monsieur; and I will tell you my reasons in a very few words.Bassompierre is a tattler; I expect to do
nothing with the Marechal de Vitri butby your means. I suspect the honesty of
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Du Coudrai, and as for my uncle, DuFargis, he is a gallant man, but has noheadpiece."
"Whom, then, do you confide in atParis " said the Comte de Cremail.
"I dare trust no man living," said I,"but yourself."
"It is very well," said he, briskly; "youare the man for me. I am above eighty years old, and you but twenty-five; I
ill qualify your heat, and you my chilliness."
e went upon business, drew up ourplan, and at parting he said these very
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ords: "Let me alone one week, andafter that I will tell you more of my mind, for I hope to convince the
Cardinal that I am good for something more than writing the 'Jeu del'Inconnu.'"
ou must know that the "Jeu del'Inconnu" was a book, indeed, very ill
ritten, which the Comte de Cremailhad formerly published, and which theCardinal had grossly ridiculed. You willbe surprised, without doubt, that I
should think of prisoners for an affairof this importance, but the nature of it
as such that it could not be put into
better hands, as you will see by and by.
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A week after, going to visit theprisoners, and Cremail and myself being accidentally left alone, we took a
alk upon the terrace, where, after athousand thanks for the confidence Ihad put in him, and as many
protestations of his readiness to servethe Comte de Soissons, he spoke thus:"There is nothing but the thrust of asword or the city of Paris that can ridus of the Cardinal. Had I been at theenterprise of Amiens, I think I shouldnot have missed my blow, as those
gentlemen did. I am for that of Paris; itcannot miscarry; I have considered it
ell. See here what additions I have
made to our plan." And thereupon heput into my hand a paper, in substance
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as follows: that he had conferred withthe Marechal de Vitri, who was as welldisposed as anybody in the world to
serve the Count; that they would bothanswer for the Bastille, where all thegarrison was in their interest; that they
ere likewise sure of the arsenal; andthat they would also declare themselvesas soon as the Count had gained abattle, on condition that I made itappear beforehand, as I had told him(the Comte de Cremail), that they should be supported by a considerable
number of officers, colonels of Paris,etc. For the rest, this paper containedmany particular observations on the
conduct of the undertaking, and many cautions relating to the behaviour to be
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observed by the Count. That whichsurprised me most of all was to seehow fully persuaded these gentlemen
ere of carrying their point with ease.
Though it came into my head to
propose this project to the persons inthe Bastille, yet nothing but the perfectknowledge I had of their dispositionand inclination could have persuadedme that it was practicable. And Iconfess, upon perusal of the planprepared by M. de Cremail, a man of
great experience and excellent sense, Ias astonished to find a few prisoners
disposing of the Bastille with the same
freedom as the Governor, the greatestauthority in the place.
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As all extraordinary circumstances areof wonderful weight in popular
revolutions, I considered that thisproject, which was even ripe forexecution, would have an admirable
effect in the city. And as nothing animates and supports commotionsmore than the ridiculing of thoseagainst whom they are raised, I knew it
ould be very easy for us to expose theconduct of a minister who had tamely suffered prisoners to hamper him, as
one may say, with their chains. I lost notime; afterwards I opened myself to M.d'Estampes, President of the Great
Council, and to M. l'Ecuyer, Presidentof the Chamber of Accounts, both
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colonels, and in great repute among thecitizens, and I found them every way answering the character I had of them
from the Count; that is, very zealous forhis interest, and fully persuaded that theinsurrection was not only practicable,
but very easy. Pray observe that thesetwo gentlemen, who made no greatfigure, even in their own profession,
ere, perhaps, two of the mostpeaceable persons in the kingdom. Butthere are some fires which burn allbefore them. The main thing is to know
and seize the critical moment.
The Count had charged me to disclose
myself to none in Paris besides thesetwo, but I ventured to add two more:
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Parmentier, substitute to the Attorney-General; and his brother-in-law, Epinai,auditor of the Chamber of Accounts,
ho was the man of the greatest credit,though but a lieutenant, and the other acaptain. Parmentier, who, both by his
it and courage, was as capable of agreat action as any man I ever knew,promised me that he would answer forBrigalier, councillor in the Court of Aids, captain in his quarter, and very powerful among the people, but toldme at the same time that he must not
know a word of the matter, because heas a mere rattle, not to be trusted with
a secret.
The Count made me a remittance of
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12,000 crowns, which I carried to my aunt De Maignelai, telling her that it
as a restitution made by one of my
dying friends, who made me trustee of it upon condition that I shoulddistribute it among decayed families
ho were ashamed to make theirnecessities known, and that I had takenan oath to distribute it myself, persuantto the desire of the testator, but that I
as at a loss to find out fit objects formy charity; and therefore I desired herto take the care of it upon her. The
good woman was perfectly transported,and said she would do it with all herheart; but because I had sworn to make
the distribution myself, she insistedupon it that I must be present, not only
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for the sake of my promise, but toaccustom myself to do acts of charity.This was the very thing I aimed at, an
opportunity of knowing all the poorof Paris. Therefore I suffered myself tobe carried every day by my aunt into the
outskirts, to visit the poor in theirgarrets, and I met very often in herhouse people who were very well clad,and many whom I once knew, thatcame for private charity. My good auntcharged them always to pray to God forher nephew, who was the hand that
God had been pleased to make use of for this good work. Judge you of theinfluence this gave me over the
populace, who are without comparisonthe most considerable in all public
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disturbances. For the rich never comeinto such measures unless they areforced, and beggars do more harm than
good, because it is known that they aimat plunder; those, therefore, who arecapable of doing most service are such
as are not reduced to common beggary,yet so straitened in their circumstancesas to wish for nothing more than ageneral change of affairs in order torepair their broken fortunes. I mademyself acquainted with people of thisrank for the course of four months
ith uncommon application, so thatthere was hardly a child in the chimney-corner but I gratified with some small
token. I called them by their familiarnames. My aunt, who always made it
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her business to go from house to houseto relieve the poor, was a cloak for all. Ialso played the hypocrite, and
frequented the conferences of SaintLazarus.
Varicarville and Beauregarde, my correspondents at Sedan, assured methat the Comte de Soissons was as wellinclined as one could wish, and that hehad not wavered since he had formedhis last resolution. Varicarville said that
e had formerly done him horrible
injustice, and that they were now evenobliged to restrain him, because heseemed to be too fond of the counsels
of Spain and the Empire. Please toobserve that these two Courts, which
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had made incredible solicitations tohim while he wavered, began, as soonas his purpose was fixed, to draw back,
a fatality due to the phlegmatic temperof the Spaniard, dignified by the nameof prudence, joined to the astute
politics of the house of Austria. Youmay observe at the same time that theCount, who had continued firm andunshaken three months together,changed his mind as soon as hisenemies had granted what he asked;
hich exactly comes up to the character
of an irresolute man, who is alwaysmost unsteady the nearer the work comes to its conclusion. I heard of this
convulsion, as one may call it, by anexpress from Varicarville, and took post
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the same night for Sedan, arriving therean hour after Aretonville, an agentdespatched from the Count's brother
in-law, M. de Longueville. [Henrid'Orleans, the second of that name,died 1663.] He came with some
plausible but deceitful terms of accommodation which we all agreed tooppose. Those who had been always
ith the Count pressed him strongly ith the remembrance of what he
himself thought or said was necessary to be done ever since the war had been
resolved on. Saint-Ibal, who had beennegotiating for him at Brussels, pressedhim with his engagements, advances,
and solicitations, insisted on the steps Ihad, by his order, already taken in Paris,
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on the promises made to De Vitri andCremail, and on the secret committedto two persons by his own command,
and to four others for his service andith his consent. Our arguments,
considering his engagements, were very
ust and clear. We carried our pointith much ado after a conflict of four
days. Aretonville was sent back with avery smart answer. M. de Guise, whohad joined the Count, and was a well-
isher to a rupture, went to Liege toorder the levies, Varicarville and I
returned to Paris, but I did not care totell my fellow conspirators of theirresolution of our principal. Some
symptoms of it appeared afterwards,but they very soon vanished.
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Being assured that the Spaniards hadeverything in readiness, I went for the
last time to Sedan to take my finalinstructions. There I found Meternic,colonel of one of the oldest regiments
of the Empire, despatched by GeneralLamboy, who had advanced with agallant army under his command,composed for the most part of veterantroops. The Colonel assured the Countthat he was ordered to obey hiscommands in everything, and to give
battle to the Marechal de Chatillon,ho commanded the army of France
upon the Meuse. As the undertaking at
Paris depended entirely on the successof such a battle, the Count thought it
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fitting that I should go along withMeternic to Givet, where I found thearmy in a very good condition. Then I
returned to Paris, and gave an accountof every particular to the Marechal dePitri, who drew up the order for the
enterprise. The whole city of Parisseemed so disposed for an insurrectionthat we thought ourselves sure of success. The secret was kept even to amiracle. The Count gave the enemy battle and won it. You now believe,
ithout doubt, the day was our own.
Far from it; for the Count was killed inthe very crisis of the victory, and in themidst of his own men; but how and by
hom no soul could ever tell.
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ou may guess what a condition I wasin when I heard this news; M. deCremail, the wisest of us all, thought
of nothing else now but how toconceal the secret, which, thoughknown to only six in all Paris, was
known to too great a number; but thegreatest danger of discovery was fromthe people of Sedan, who, being out of the kingdom, were not afraid of punishment. Nevertheless, everybody privy to it religiously kept it secret, andstood their ground, which, with
another accident I shall mentionhereafter, has made me often think, andsay too, that secrecy is not so rare a
thing as we imagine with men versed inmatters of State.
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The Count's death settled me in my profession, for I saw no great things to
be done, and I found myself too old toleave it for anything trifling. Besides,Cardinal de Richelieu's health was
declining, and I already began to think myself Archbishop of Paris. I resolvedthat for the future I would devotemyself to my profession. Madame deGuemenee had retired to Port Royal,her country-seat. M. d'Andilly had gother from me. She neither powdered nor
curled her hair any longer, and haddismissed me solemnly with all theformalities required from a sincere
penitent. I discovered, by means of avalet de chambre, that, captain of the
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Marshal's Guards, had as free access toMeilleraye's lady as myself. See what it isto be a saint! The truth is, I grew much
more regular, at least affected to bethought so, led a retired life, stuck tomy profession, studied hard, and got
acquainted with all who were famouseither for learning or piety. I convertedmy house almost into an academy, buttook care not to erect the academy intoa rigid tribunal. I began to be pretty free
ith the canons and curates, whom Ifound of course at my uncle's house. I
did not act the devotee, because I couldnot be sure how long I should be ableto play the counterfeit, but I had a high
esteem for devout people, which withsuch is the main article of religion. I
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suited my pleasures to my practice, and,finding I could not live without someamorous intrigue, I managed an amour
ith Madame de Pommereux, a young coquette, who had so many sparks, notonly in her house but at her devotions,
that the apparent business of othersas a cover for mine, which was, at
least, some time afterwards, more to thepurpose. When I had succeeded, Ibecame a man in such request among those of my profession that thedevotees themselves used to say of me
ith M. Vincent, "Though I had notpiety enough, yet I was not far from thekingdom of heaven."
Fortune favoured me more than usual
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at this time. I was at the house of Madame de Rambure, a notable andlearned Huguenot, where I met with
Mestrezat, the famous minister of Charento. To satisfy her curiosity sheengaged us in a dispute; we had nine
different disputations. The Marechal dela Forde and M. de Turenne werepresent at some of them, and agentleman of Poitou, who was at all of them, became my proselyte. As I wasthen but twenty-six years of age, thismade a great deal of noise, and among
other effects, was productive of onethat had not the least connection withits cause, which I shall mention after I
have done justice to a civility I receivedfrom my antagonist in one of the
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conferences. I had the advantage of him in the fifth meeting, relating to thespiritual vocation; but in the sixth,
treating of the Pope's authority, I wasconfounded, because, to avoidembroiling myself with the Court of
Rome, I answered him on principleshich are not so easy to be maintained
as those of the Sorbonne. My opponent perceived the concern I wasunder, and generously forebore to urgesuch passages as would have obligedme to explain myself in a manner
disagreeable to the Pope's Nuncio. Ithought it extremely obliging, and as we
ere going out thanked him in the
presence of M. de Turenne; to whichhe answered, very civilly, that it would
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have been a piece of injustice to hinderthe Abbe de Retz from being made acardinal. This was such complaisance as
you are not to expect from every Geneva pedant. I told you before thatthis conference produced one effect
very different from its cause, and it isthis: Madame de Vendome, of whomyou have heard, without doubt, took such a fancy to me ever after, that amother could not have been moretender. She had been at the conferencetoo, though I am very well assured she
understood nothing of the matter; butthe favourable opinion she had of me
as owing to the Bishop of Lisieux,
her spiritual director, who, finding Ias disposed to follow my profession,
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hich out of his great love to me hemost passionately desired, made it hisbusiness to magnify the few good
qualities I was master of; and I amthoroughly persuaded that whatapplause I had then in the world was
chiefly owing to his encouragement, forthere was not a man in France whoseapprobation could give so muchhonour. His sermons had advancedhim from a very mean and foreignextraction (which was Flemish) to theepiscopal dignity, which he adorned
ith solid and unaffected piety. Hisdisinterestedness was far beyond thatof the hermits or anchorites. He had
the courage of Saint Ambrose, and atCourt and in the presence of the King
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he so maintained his usual freedomthat the Cardinal de Richelieu, who hadbeen his scholar in divinity, both
reverenced and feared him. This goodman had that abundant kindness forme that he read me lectures thrice a
eek upon Saint Paul's Epistles, and hedesigned also the conversion of M. deTurenne and to give me the honour of it.
M. de Turenne had a great respect forhim, whereof he gave him very,
distinguishing marks. The Comte deBrion, whom, I believe, you may remember under the title of Duc
d'Amville, was deeply in love withMademoiselle de Vendome, since
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Madame de Nemours; and, besides, heas a great favourite of M. de Turenne,ho, to do him a pleasure and to give
him the more opportunities to seeMademoiselle de Vendome, affected tobe a great admirer of the Bishop of
Lisieux and to hear his exhortationsith a world of attention. The Comte
de Brion, who had twice been aCapuchin, and whose life was acontinual medley of sin and devotion,pretended likewise to be muchinterested in M. de Turenne's
conversion, and was present at all theconferences held at Mademoiselle deVendome's apartment. De Brion had
very little wit, but was a clever talker,and had a great deal of assurance,
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hich not very seldom supplies theroom of good sense. This and thebehaviour of M. de Turenne, together
ith the indolence of Mademoiselle deVendome, made me think all was fair,so that I never suspected an amour at
the bottom.
The Bishop of Lisieux being a greatadmirer of Corneille's writings, andmaking no scruple to see a goodcomedy, provided it was in the country among a few friends, the late Madame
de Choisy proposed to entertain himith one at Saint Cloud. Accordingly
Madame took with her Madame and
Mademoiselle de Vendome, M. deTurenne, M. de Brion, Voiture, and
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myself. De Brion took care of thecomedy and violins, and I looked aftera good collation. We went to the
Archbishop's house at Saint Cloud,here the comedians did not arrive till
very late at night. M. de Lisieux admired
the violins, and Madame de Vendomeas hugely diverted to see her daughter
dance alone. In short, we did not setout till peep of day (it being summer-time), and the days at the longest, and
ere got no further than the bottom of the Descent of Bonshommes, when all
on a sudden the coach stopped. I,being next the door opposite toMademoiselle de Vendome, bade the
coachman drive on. He answered, asplain as he could speak for his fright,
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"What! would you have me drive overall these devils here " I put my head outof the coach, but, being short-sighted
from my youth, saw nothing at all.Madame de Choisy, who was at theother door with M. de Turenne, was the
first in the coach who found out thecause of the coachman's fright. I say inthe coach, for five or six lackeys behindit were already crying "Jesu Maria" andquaking with fear.
Madame de Choisy cried out, upon
hich M. de Turenne threw himself out of the coach, and I, thinking we
ere beset by highwaymen, leaped out
on the other side, took one of thefootmen's hangers, drew it, and went to
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the other aide to join M. de Turenne,hom I found with his eyes fixed on
something, but what I could not see. I
asked him what it was, upon which hepulled me by the sleeve, and said, with alow voice, "I will tell you, but we must
not frighten the ladies," who, by thistime, screamed most fearfully. Voiturebegan his Oremus, and prayed heartily.
ou, I suppose, knew Madame deChoisy's shrill tone; Mademoiselle deVendome was counting her beads;Madame de Vendome would fain have
confessed her sins to the Bishop of Lisieux, who said to her, "Daughter, beof good cheer; you are in the hands of
God." At the same instant, the Comtedo Brion and all the lackeys were upon
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their knees very devoutly singing theLitany of the Virgin Mary.
M. de Turenne drew his sword, andsaid to me, with the calm andundisturbed air he commonly puts on
hen he calls for his dinner, or givesbattle, "Come, let us go and see whothey are."
"Whom should we see " said I, for Ibelieved we had all lost our senses.
He answered, "I verily think they aredevils."
hen we had advanced five or six stepsI began to see something which I
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thought looked like a long processionof black phantoms. I was frightened atfirst, because of the sudden reflection
that I had often wished to see a spirit,and that now, perhaps, I should pay formy incredulity, or rather curiosity. M. de
Turenne was all the while calm andresolute. I made two or three leapstowards the procession, upon whichthe company in the coach, thinking we
ere fighting with all the devils, criedout most terribly; yet it is a question
hether our company was in a greater
fright than the imaginary devils that putus into it, who, it seems, were a parcelof barefooted reformed Augustine
friars, otherwise called the Black Capuchins, who, seeing two men
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advancing towards them with drawnswords, one of them, detached fromthe fraternity, cried out, "Gentlemen,
e are poor, harmless friars, only cometo bathe in this river for our healths."M. de Turenne and I went back to the
coach ready to die with laughing at thisadventure.
Upon the whole we could not helpmaking this reflection, that what weread in the lives of most people is false.
e were both grossly mistaken, I, for
supposing him to be frightened; he, forthinking me calm and undisturbed.
ho, therefore, can write truth better
than the man who has experienced itThe President de Thou is very just in
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his remark when he says that "There isno true history extant, nor can be everexpected unless written by honest men
ho are not afraid or ashamed to tellthe truth of themselves." I do notpretend to make any merit of my
sincerity in this case, for I feel so great asatisfaction in unfolding my very heartand soul to you, that the pleasure iseven more prevalent than reason withme in the religious regard I have to theexactness of my history.
Mademoiselle de Vendome had everafter an inconceivable contempt for thepoor Comte de Brion, who in this
ridiculous adventure had disclosed aeakness never before imagined; and as
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soon as we were got into the coach shebantered him, and said, particularly tome:
"I fancy I must be Henri IV.'sgranddaughter by the esteem I have for
valour. There's nothing can frightenyou, since you were so undaunted onthis extraordinary occasion."
I told her I was afraid, but being not sodevout as M. de Brion, my fears did notturn to litanies.
"You feared not," said she, "and I fancy you do not believe there are devils, for
M. de Turenne, who is very brave, wasmuch surprised, and did not march on
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so briskly as you."
I confess the distinction pleased me
mightily and made me think of venturing some compliments. I thensaid to her, "One may believe there is a
devil and yet not fear him; there arethings in the world more terrible."
"And what are they " said she.
"They are so strong," said I, "that onedare not so much as name them."
She interpreted my meaning rightly, asshe told me since, though she seemed
at that time not to understand me.
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Mademoiselle was not what they call agreat beauty, yet she was very handsome, and I was complimented for
saying of her and of Mademoiselle deGuise that they were beauties of quality
ho convinced the beholders at first
sight that they were born Princesses.Mademoiselle de Vendome had nogreat share of wit, but her folly lay asyet concealed; her air was grave,tinctured with stateliness, not the effectof good sense, but the consequence of a languid constitution, which sort of
gravity often covers a multitude of defects. In the main, take her altogether,she was really amiable.
Let me beseech you, madame, with all
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submission, to call now to mind thecommands you were pleased to honourme with a little before your departure
from Paris, that I should give you aprecise account of every circumstanceand accident of my life, and conceal
nothing. You see, by what I havealready related, that my ecclesiasticaloccupations were diversified andrelieved, though not disfigured, by other employments of a more diverting nature. I observed a decorum in all my actions, and where I happened to make
a false step some good fortune or otheralways retrieved it. All the ecclesiasticsof the diocese wished to see me
succeed my uncle in the archbishopricof Paris, but Cardinal de Richelieu was
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of another mind; he hated my family,and most of all my person, for thereasons already mentioned, and was still
more exasperated for these two whichfollow.
I once told the late President deMesmes what seems now to me very probable, though it is the reverse of
hat I told you some time ago, that Iknew a person who had few or nofailings but what were either the effector cause of some good qualities. I then
said, on the contrary, to M. de Mesmes,that Cardinal de Richelieu had not onegreat quality but what was the effect or
cause of some greater imperfection.This, which was only 'inter nos', was
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carried to the Cardinal, I do not know by whom, under my name. You may udge of the consequences. Another
thing that angered him was because Ivisited the President Barillon, thenprisoner at Amboise, concerning
remonstrances made to the Parliament,and that I should do it at a juncture
hich made my journey the morenoticeable. Two miserable hermits andfalse coiners, who had some secretcorrespondence with M. de Vendome,did, upon some discontent or other,
accuse him very falsely of having proposed to them to assassinate theCardinal, and to give the more weight
to their depositions they named allthose they thought notorious in that
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country; Montresor and M. Barillonere of the number. Early notice of
this being given me, the great love I had
for the President Barillon made me takepost that night to acquaint him with hisdanger and get him away from
Amboise, which was very feasible; buthe, insisting upon his innocence,rejected my proposals, defied both theaccusers and their accusations, and wasresolved to continue in prison. Thisourney of mine gave a handle to theCardinal to tell the Bishop of Lisieux
that I was a cordial friend to all hisenemies.
"True enough," said the Bishop;"nevertheless you ought to esteem him;
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you have no reason to complain of him, because those men whom youmean were all his true friends before
they became your enemies."
"If it be so," replied the Cardinal, "then
I am very much misinformed."
The Bishop at this juncture did me allthe kind offices imaginable, and if theCardinal had lived he wouldundoubtedly have restored me to hisfavour; for his Eminence was very well
disposed, especially when the Bishopassured him that, though I knew myself ruined at Court to all intents
and purposes, yet I would never comeinto the measures of M. le Grand. [M.
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de Cinq-Mars, Henri Coeffier,otherwise called Ruze d'Effial, Masterof the Horse of France; he was
beheaded September 12, 1642.] I wasindeed importuned by my friend M. deThou to join in that enterprise, but I
saw the weakness of their foundation,as the event has shown, and thereforerejected their proposals.
The Cardinal de Richelieu died in 1642,before the good Bishop had made my peace with him, and so I remained
among those who had renderedthemselves obnoxious to the Ministry.At first this character was very
prejudicial to my interest. Although theKing was overjoyed at his death, yet he
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carefully observed all the appearancesof respect for his deceased minister,confirmed all his legacies, cared for his
family, kept all his creatures in theMinistry, and affected to frown uponall who had not stood well with the
Cardinal; but I was the only exceptionto this general rule. When theArchbishop of Paris presented me tothe King, I was treated with suchdistinguishing marks of royal favour assurprised all the Court. His Majesty talked of my studies and sermons,
rallied me with an obliging freedom,and bade me come to Court once every
eek. The reasons of these
extraordinary civilities were utterly unknown to us until the night before
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his death, when he told them to theQueen. I passed them by in silencebefore as having no bearing on my
history, but I am obliged to insert themhere because they have been, in theirconsequences, more fortunate than I
seemed to have any just claim to expect.
A short time after I left the college, my governor's valet de chambre found, at apoor pin-maker's house, a niece of hersbut fourteen years old, who wassurprisingly beautiful. After I had seen
her he bought her for me for 150pistoles, hired a little house for her, andplaced her sister with her; when I went
to see her I found her in greatheaviness of mind, which I attributed
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to her modesty. I next day found whatas yet more surprising and
extraordinary than her beauty; she
talked wisely and religiously to me, andyet without passion. She cried only
hen she could not help it. She feared
her aunt to a degree that made me pity her. I admired her wit first, and thenher virtue, for trial of which I pressedher as far as was necessary, until I waseven ashamed of myself. I waited tillnight to get her into my coach, andthen carried her to my aunt De
Maignelai, who put her into a convent,here she died eight or ten years after,
in great reputation for piety. My aunt,
to whom this young creature confessedthat the menaces of the pin-maker had
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terrified her so much that she wouldhave done whatsoever I wished, was soaffected with my behaviour that she
ent to tell it to the Bishop of Lisieux,ho told it to the King.
This second adventure was not of thesame nature, but it made as great animpression on the King's mind. It was aduel I had with Coutenau, captain of acompany of the King's Light-horse,brave, but wild, who, riding post fromParis as I was going there, made the
ostler take off my saddle and put onhis. Upon my telling him I had hiredthe horse, he gave me a swinging box
on the ear, which fetched blood. Iinstantly drew my sword, and so did he.
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hile making our first thrusts his footslipped, and his sword dropped out of his hand as he fell to the ground. I
retired a little and bade him pick it up,hich he did, but it was by the point,
for he presented me the handle and
begged a thousand pardons. He toldthis little story afterwards to the King,
ith whom he had great freedom. HisMajesty was pleased with it, andremembered both time and place, asyou will see hereafter.
The good reception I found at Courtgave my relatives some grounds tohope that I might have the
coadjutorship of Paris. At first they found a great deal of difficulty in my
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uncle's narrowness of spirit, which isalways attended with fears andealousies; but at length they prevailed
upon him, and would have then carriedour point, if my friends had not givenit out, much against my judgment, that
it was done by the consent of theArchbishop of Paris, and if they hadnot suffered the Sorbonne, the cures,and chapter to return him their thanks.This affair made too much noise in the
orld for my interest. For CardinalMazarin, De Noyers, and De Chavigni
thwarted me, and told his Majesty thatthe chapter should not be entrusted
ith the power of nominating their
own archbishop. And the King washeard to say that I was yet too young.
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But we met with a worse obstacle thanall from M. de Noyers, Secretary of
State, one of the three favouriteministers, who passed for a religiousman, and was suspected by some to be
a Jesuit in disguise. He had a secretlonging for the archbishopric of Paris,
hich would shortly be vacant, andtherefore thought it expedient toremove me from that city, where he saw I was extremely beloved, and provideme with some post suitable to my years.
He proposed to the King by hisconfessor to nominate me Bishop of Agde. The King readily granted the
request, which confounded me beyondall expression. I had no mind to go to
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Languedoc, and yet so great are theinconveniences of a refusal that not aman had courage to advise me to it. I
became, therefore, my own counsellor,and having resolved with myself whatcourse to take, I waited upon his
Majesty, and thanked him for hisgracious offer, but said I dreaded the
eight of so remote a see, and that my years wanted advice, which it is difficultto obtain in provinces so distant. Iadded to this other arguments, whichyou may guess at. I was in this
adventure also more happy than wise.The King continued to treat me very kindly. This circumstance, and the
retreat of M. de Noyers, who fell intothe snare that Chavigni had laid for
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him, renewed my hopes of thecoadjutorship of Paris. The King diedabout this time, in 1643. M. de
Beaufort, who had been always devotedto the Queen's interest, and even passedfor her gallant, pretended now to
govern the kingdom, of which he wasnot so capable as his valet de chambre.The Bishop of Beauvais, the greatestidiot you ever knew, took upon himself the character of Prime Minister, and onthe first day of his administrationrequired the Dutch to embrace the
Roman Catholic religion if they desiredto continue in alliance with France. TheQueen was ashamed of this ridiculous
minister, and sent for me to offer my father [Philippe Emmanuel de Gondi,
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Comte de Joigni; he retired to theFathers of the Oratory, and becamepriest; died 1662, aged eighty-one.] the
place of Prime Minister; but herefusing peremptorily to leave his celland the Fathers of the Oratory, the
place was conferred upon CardinalMazarin.
ou may now imagine that it was nogreat task for me to obtain what Idesired at a time that nothing wasrefused, which made Feuillade say that
the only words in the French tongueere "La Reine est si bonne."
Madame de Maignelai and the Bishopof Lisieux desired the Queen to grant
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me the coadjutorship of Paris, but they ere repulsed, the Queen assuring
them that none should have it but my
father, who kept from Court; andould never be seen at the Louvre,
except once, when the Queen told him
publicly that the King, the very nightbefore he died, had ordered herexpressly to have it solicited for me, andthat he said in the presence of theBishop of Lisieux that he had mealways in his thoughts since theadventures of the pinmaker and
Captain Coutenau. What relation hadthese trifling stories to thearchbishopric of Paris Thus we see that
affairs of the greatest moment oftenowe their rise and success to
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insignificant trifles and accidents. Allthe companies went to thank theQueen. I sent 16,000 crowns to Rome
for my bull, with orders not to desireany favour, lest it should delay thedespatch and give the ministers time to
oppose it. I received my bullaccordingly; and now you will see meascending the theatre of action, whereyou will find scenes not indeed worthy of yourself, but not altogetherunworthy of your attention.
BOOK II.
MADAME: I lay it down as a maxim,
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that men who enter the service of theState should make it their chief study to set out in the world with some
notable act which may strike theimagination of the people, and causethemselves to be discussed. Thus I
preached first upon All Saints' Day,before an audience which could notbut be numerous in a populous city,
here it is a wonder to see theArchbishop in the pulpit. I began now to think seriously upon my futureconduct. I found the archbishopric
sunk both in its temporals andspirituals by the sordidness, negligence,and incapacity of my uncle. I foresaw
infinite obstacles to its reestablishment,but perceived that the greatest and most
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insuperable difficulty lay in myself. Iconsidered that the strictest morals arenecessarily required in a bishop. I felt
myself the more obliged to be strictly circumspect as my uncle had been very disorderly and scandalous. I knew
likewise that my own corruptinclinations would bear down all beforethem, and that all the considerationsdrawn from honour and conscience
ould prove very weak defences. At lastI came to a resolution to go on in my sins, and that designedly, which without
doubt is the more sinful in the eyes of God, but with regard to the world iscertainly the best policy, because he that
acts thus always takes care beforehandto cover part of his failings, and
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thereby to avoid the jumbling togetherof sin and devotion, than whichnothing can be more dangerous and
ridiculous in a clergyman. This was my disposition, which was not the mostpious in the world nor yet the
ickedest, for I was fully determined todischarge all the duties of my profession faithfully, and exert my utmost to save other souls, though Itook no care of my own.
The Archbishop, who was the weakest
of mortals, was, nevertheless, by acommon fatality attending such men,the most vainglorious; he yielded
precedence to every petty officer of theCrown, and yet in his own house
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ould not give the right-hand to any person of quality that came to himabout business. My behaviour was the
reverse of his in almost everything; Igave the right-hand to all strangers inmy own house, and attended them even
to their coach, for which I wascommended by some for my civility and by others for my humility. Iavoided appearing in public assembliesamong people of quality till I hadestablished a reputation. When Ithought I had done so, I took the
opportunity of the sealing of amarriage contract to dispute my rank
ith M. de Guise. I had carefully
studied the laws of my diocese and gotothers to do it for me, and my right was
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indisputable in my own province. Theprecedence was adjudged in my favourby a decree of the Council, and I
found, by the great number of gentlemen who then appeared for me,that to condescend to men of low
degree is the surest way to equal thoseof the highest.
I dined almost every day with CardinalMazarin, who liked me the betterbecause I refused to engage myself inthe cabal called "The Importants,"
though many of the members were my dearest friends. M. de Beaufort, a manof very mean parts, was so much out
of temper because the Queen had puther confidence in Cardinal Mazarin,
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that, though her Majesty offered himfavours with profusion, he wouldaccept none, and affected to give
himself the airs of an angry lover. Heheld aloof from the Duc d'Orleans,insulted the late Prince, and, in order to
support himself against the Queen-regent, the chief minister, and all thePrinces of the blood, formed a cabalof men who all died mad, and whom Inever took for conjurers from the firsttime I knew them. Such were Beaupre,Fontrailles, Fiesque, Montresor, who
had the austerity of Cato, but not hissagacity, and M. de Bethune, whoobliged M. de Beaufort to make me
great overtures, which I received very respectfully, but entered into none. I
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told Montresor that I was indebted tothe Queen for the coadjutorship of Paris, and that that was enough to keep
me from entering into any engagementthat might be disagreeable to herMajesty. Montresor said I was not
obliged for it to the Queen, it having been ordered before by the late King,and given me at a crisis when she wasnot in a condition to refuse it. I replied,"Permit me, monsieur, to forgeteverything that may diminish my gratitude, and to remember that only
hich may increase it." These wordsere afterwards repeated to Cardinal
Mazarin, who was so pleased with me
that he repeated them to the Queen.
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The families of Orleans and Conde,being united by interest, made a jest of that surly look from which Beaufort's
cabal were termed "The Importants,"and at the same time artfully made useof the grand appearance which
Beaufort (like those who carry moresail than ballast) never failed to assumeupon the most trifling occasions. Hiscounsels were unseasonable, hismeetings to no purpose, and even hishunting matches became mysterious. Inshort, Beaufort was arrested at the
Louvre by a captain of the Queen'sGuards, and carried on the 2d of September, 1643, to Vincennes. The
cabal of "The Importants" was put toflight and dispersed, and it was
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reported over all the kingdom that they had made an attempt against theCardinal's life, which I do not believe,
because I never saw anything inconfirmation of it, though many of thedomestics of the family of Vendome
ere a long time in prison upon thisaccount.
The Marquis de Nangis, who wasenraged both against the Queen andCardinal, for reasons which I shall tellyou afterwards, was strongly tempted to
come into this cabal a few days beforeBeaufort was arrested, but I dissuadedhim by telling him that fashion is
powerful in all the affairs of life, butmore remarkably so as to a man's being
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in favour or disgrace at Court. Thereare certain junctures when disgrace, likefire, purifies all the bad qualities, and
sets a lustre on all the good ones, andalso there are times when it does notbecome an honest man to be out of
favour at Court. I applied this to thegentlemen of the aforesaid cabal.
I must confess, to the praise of Cardinal de Richelieu, that he hadformed two vast designs worthy of aCaesar or an Alexander: that of
suppressing the Protestants had beenprojected before by Cardinal de Retz,my uncle; but that of attacking the
formidable house of Austria was neverthought of by any before the Cardinal.
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He completed the first design, and hadmade great progress in the latter.
That the King's death made noalteration in affairs was owing to thebravery of the Prince de Conde and the
famous battle of Rocroi, in 1643,hich contributed both to the peace
and glory of the kingdom, and coveredthe cradle of the present King withlaurels. Louis XIV.'s father, who neitherloved nor esteemed his Queen,provided him a Council, upon his
death-bed, for limiting the authority of the Regency, and named the CardinalMazarin, M. Seguier, M. Bouthillier, and
M. de Chavigni; but being allRichelieu's creatures, they were so hated
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by the public that when the King wasdead they were hissed at by all thefootmen at Saint Germain, and if De
Beaufort had had a grain of sense, or if De Beauvais had not been a disgracefulbishop, or if my father had but entered
into the administration, these collateralRegents would have been undoubtedly expelled with ignominy, and thememory of Cardinal de Richelieu beenbranded by the Parliament with shoutsof joy.
The Queen was adored much more forher troubles than for her merit. Heradmirers had never seen her but under
persecution; and in persons of herrank, suffering is one of the greatest
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virtues. People were apt to fancy thatshe was patient to a degree of indolence. In a word, they expected
onders from her; and Bautru used tosay she had already worked a miraclebecause the most devout had forgotten
her coquetry. The Duc d'Orleans, whomade a show as if he would havedisputed the Regency with the Queen,
as contented to be Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom. The Princede Conde was declared President of the Council, and the Parliament
confirmed the Regency to the Queenithout limitation. The exiles were
called home, prisoners set at liberty, and
criminals pardoned. They who hadbeen turned out were replaced in their
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respective employments, and nothing that was asked was refused. Thehappiness of private families seemed to
be fully secured in the prosperity of theState. The perfect union of the royalfamily settled the peace within doors;
and the battle of Rocroi was such ablow to the Spanish infantry that they could not recover in an age. They saw atthe foot of the throne, where the fierceand terrible Richelieu used to thunderrather than govern, a mild and gentlesuccessor, [Cardinal Julius Mazarin,
Minister of State, who died atVincennes in 1661.] who was perfectly complacent and extremely troubled that
his dignity of Cardinal did not permithim to be as humble to all men as he
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desired; and who, when he wentabroad, had no other attendants thantwo footmen behind his coach. Had
not I, then, reason for saying that it didnot become an honest man to be onbad terms with the Court at that time
of day
ou will wonder, no doubt, thatnobody was then aware of theconsequence of imprisoning M. deBeaufort, when the prison doors wereset open to all others. This bold stroke
at a time when the Government was somild that its authority was hardly felthad a very great effect. Though nothing
as more easy, as you have seen, yet itlooked grand; and all acts of this
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nature are very successful because they are attended with dignity without any odium. That which generally draws an
unaccountable odium upon even themost necessary actions of statesmen, isthat, in order to compass them, they are
commonly obliged to struggle withvery great difficulties, which, when they are surmounted, are certain to renderthem objects both of envy and hatred.
hen a considerable occasion offers,here there is no victory to be gained
because there is no difficulty to
encounter, which is very rare, it gives alustre to the authority of ministers
hich is pure, innocent, and without a
shadow, and not only establishes it, butcasts upon their administration the
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merit of actions which they have nohand in, as well as those of which they have.
hen the world saw that the Cardinalhad apprehended the man who had
lately brought the King back to Parisith inconceivable pride, men's
imaginations were seized with anastonishing veneration. People thoughtthemselves much obliged to theMinister that some were not sent to theBastille every week; and the sweetness
of his temper was sure to becommended whenever he had not anopportunity of doing them harm. It
must be owned that he had the art of improving his good luck to the best
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advantage. He made use of all theoutward appearances necessary tocreate a belief that he had been forced
to take violent measures, and that thecounsels of the Duc d'Orleans and thePrince de Conde had determined the
Queen to reject his advice; the day following he seemed to be moremoderate, civil, and frank than before;he gave free access to all; audiences
ere easily had, it was no more to dineith him than with a private gentleman.
He had none of that grand air so
common to the meaner cardinals. Inshort, though he was at the head of everybody, yet he managed as if he
ere only their companion. That whichastonishes me most is that the princes
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and grandees of the kingdom, who,one might expect, would be morequick-sighted than the common people,
ere the most blinded.
The Duc d'Orleans and the Prince de
Conde the latter attached to the Courtby his covetous temper thoughtthemselves above being rivalled; theDuke [Henri de Bourbon, Ducd'Enghien, born 1646, died 1686. Weshall often speak of him in thishistory.] was old enough to take his
repose under the shadow of his laurels;M. de Nemours [Charles Amadeus of Savoy, killed in a duel by M. de
Beaufort, 1650.] was but a child; M. deGuise, lately returned from Brussels,
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as governed by Madame de Pons, andthought to govern the whole Court; M.de Schomberg complied all his life long
ith the humour of those who were atthe helm; M. de Grammont was a slaveto them. The Parliament, being
delivered from the tyranny of Richelieu, imagined the golden age wasreturning, being daily assured by thePrime Minister that the Queen wouldnot take one step without them. Theclergy, who are always great examplesof slavish servitude themselves,
preached it to others under theplausible title of passive obedience.Thus both clergy and laity were, in an
instant, become the devotees of Mazarin.
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Being ordered by my Lord Archbishopof Paris to take care of his diocese in
his absence, my first business was, by the Queen's express command, to visitthe Nuns of the Conception, where,
knowing that there were abovefourscore virgins, many of whom werevery pretty and some coquettes, I wasvery loth to go for fear, of exposing my virtue to temptation; but I could not beexcused, so I went, and preserved my virtue, to my neighbour's edification,
because for six weeks together I did notsee the face of any one of the nuns,nor talked to any of them but when
their veils were down, which gave me avast reputation for chastity. I continued
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to perform all the necessary functionsin the diocese as far as the jealousy of my uncle would give me leave, and,
forasmuch as he was generally sopeevish that it was a very hard matter toplease him, I at length chose to sit still
and do nothing. Thus I made the bestuse imaginable of my uncle's ill-nature,being sure to convince him of my honest intentions upon all occasions;
hereas had I been my own master, therules of good conduct would haveobliged me to confine myself to things
in their own nature practicable.
The Cardinal Mazarin confessed to me,
many years afterwards, that this conductof mine in managing the affairs of the
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diocese, though it did him no injury,as the first thing that made him
ealous of my growing greatness in
Paris. Another thing alarmed him withas little reason, and that was my undertaking to examine the capacity of
all the priests of my diocese, a thing of inconceivable use and importance. Forthis end I erected three tribunals,composed of canons, curates, and menof religious orders, who were to reduceall the priests under three differentclasses, whereof the first was to consist
of men well qualified, who weretherefore to be left in the exercise of their functions; the second was to
comprehend those who were not atpresent, but might in time prove able
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men; and the third of such men as wereneither now nor ever likely to becomeso. The two last classes, being separated
from the first, were not to exercise theirfunctions, but were lodged in separatehouses; those of the second class were
instructed in the doctrine, but the thirdonly in the practice of piety. As thiscould not but be very expensive, thegood people opened their purses andcontributed liberally. The Cardinal wasso disturbed when he heard of it thathe got the Queen to send for my uncle
upon a frivolous occasion, who, forreasons as frivolous, ordered me todesist. Though I was very well
informed, by my good friend theAlmoner, that the blow came from
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Court, I bore it with a great deal morepatience than was consistent with aman of my spirit, for I did not seem to
take the least notice of it, but was asgracious to the Cardinal as ever. But I
as not so wary in another case which
happened some time after, for honestMorangis telling me I was tooextravagant, which was but too true, Ianswered him rashly, "I have made acalculation that Caesar, when at my age,owed six times as much." This remark
as carried, unluckily, by a doctor then
present, to M. Servien, who told itmaliciously to the Cardinal, who madea jest of it, as he had reason to do, but
he took notice of it, for which I cannotblame him.
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In 1645 I was invited, as a diocesan, tothe assembly of the clergy, which, I ma
truly say, was the rock whereon the littleshare of favour I had at Court was castaway. Cardinal de Richelieu had given a
cruel blow to the dignity and liberty of the clergy in the assembly of Mantes,and, with very barbarous circumstances,had banished six of his mostconsiderable prelates. It was resolved inthis assembly of 1645 to make themsome amends for their firmness on that
occasion by inviting them to come andtake their places though they were notdeputed among their brethren. When
this was first, proposed in the assembly,nobody dreamt that the Court would
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take offence at it, and it falling to my turn to speak first, I proposed the saidresolution, as it had been concerted
betwixt us before in privateconversation, and it was unanimously approved of by the assembly.
At my return home the Queen's purse-bearer came to me with an order toattend her Majesty forthwith, which Iaccordingly obeyed. When I came intoher presence she said she could nothave believed I would ever have been
anting in my duty to that degree as toound the memory of the late King,
her lord. I had such reasons to offer as
she could not herself confute, andtherefore referred me to the Cardinal,
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but I found he understood those thingsno better than her Majesty. He spoke tome with the haughtiest air in the world,
refused to hear my justification, andcommanded me in the King's name toretract publicly the next day in full
assembly. You may imagine how difficult it was for me to resolve whatto do. However, I did not break outbeyond the bounds of modest respect,and, finding that my submission madeno impression upon the Cardinal, I gotthe Bishop of Arles, a wise and
moderate gentleman, to go to himalong with me, and to join with me inoffering our reasons. But we found his
Eminence a very ignoramus inecclesiastical polity. I only mention this
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to let you see that in my firstmisunderstanding with the Court I wasnot to blame, and that my respect for
the Cardinal upon the Queen's accountas carried to an excess of patience.
Some months after, his profoundignorance and envenomed malicefurnished me with a fresh occasion toexercise patience. The Bishop of
armia, one of the ambassadors thatcame to fetch the Queen of Poland,
as very desirous to celebrate the
marriage in the Church of Notre-Dame. Though the archbishops of Paris never suffered solemnities of this
kind to be celebrated in their churchesby any but cardinals of the royal family,
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and though my uncle had been highly blamed by all his clergy for permitting the Cardinal de La Rochefoucault to
marry the Queen of England,[Henriette Marie of France, daughterof Henri IV., died 1669.] nevertheless I
as ordered by a 'lettre de cachet' toprepare the said Church of NotreDame for the Bishop of Warmia,
hich order ran in the same style asthat given to the 'prevot des marchands'
hen he is to prepare the Hotel de Villefor a public ball. I showed the letter to
the deans and canons, and said I didnot doubt but it was a stratagem of oneor other of the Secretary of State's
clerks to get a gift of money.
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I thereupon went to the Cardinal,pressed him with both reasons andprecedents, and said that, as I was his
particular humble servant, I hoped heould be pleased to lay them before
her Majesty, making use of all other
persuasion which I thought woulddispose him to a compliance. It wasthen that I learned that he only wantedan opportunity to embroil me with theQueen, for though I saw plainly that he
as sorry he had given such ordersbefore he knew their consequence, yet,
after some pause, he reassumed hisformer obstinacy to the very last degree;and, because I spoke in the name of
the Archbishop and of the wholeChurch of Paris, he stormed as much
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as if a private person upon his ownauthority had presumed to make aspeech to him at the head of fifty
malcontents. I endeavoured with allrespect to show him that our case wasquite different; but he was so ignorant
of our manners and customs that hetook everything by the wrong handle.He ended the conversation very abruptly and rudely, and referred me tothe Queen. I found her Majesty in afretful mood, and all I could get out of her was a promise to hear the chapter
upon this affair, without whose consentI had declared I could not concludeanything.
I sent for them accordingly, and having
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introduced them to the Queen, they spoke very discreetly and to thepurpose. The Queen sent us back to the
Cardinal, who entertained us only withimpertinences, and as he had but asuperficial knowledge of the French
language, he concluded by telling methat I had talked very insolently to himthe night before. You may imagine thatthat word was enough to vex me, buthaving resolved beforehand to keep my temper, I smiled, and said to thedeputies, "Gentlemen, this is fine
language." He was nettled at my smile,and said to me in aloud tone, "Do youknow whom you talk to I will teach
you how to behave." Now, I confess,my blood began to boil. I told him that
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the Coadjutor of Paris was talking toCardinal Mazarin, but that perhaps hethought himself the Cardinal de
Lorraine, and me the Bishop of Metz,his suffragan.
Then we went away and met theMarechal d'Estrees coming up to us,
ho came to advise me not to break ith the Court, and to tell me that
things might be arranged; and when hefound I was of another opinion, hetold me in plain terms that he had
orders from the Queen to oblige me tocome to her. I went without more ado,accompanied by the deputies, and
found her more gracious and betterhumoured than I am able to express.
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She told me that she had a mind to seeme, not so much in relation to ouraffair, which might be easily
accommodated, as to reprimand me forusing such language to the poorCardinal, who was as meek as a lamb,
and loved me as his own son. Sheadded all the kind things possible, andordered the dean and deputies to goalong with me to the Cardinal's house,that we might consult together whatcourse to take. This was so muchagainst my inclination that I gave the
Queen to understand that no person inthe world but her Majesty could havepersuaded me to it.
e found the Minister even milder
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than his mistress. He made a world of excuses for the word "insolent," by
hich he said, and perhaps it may be
true, that he meant no more thaninsolito', a word signifying "somewhatuncommon." He showed me all the
civility imaginable, but, instead of coming to any determination, put usoff to another opportunity. A few daysafter, a letter was brought me atmidnight from the Archbishop,commanding me to let the Bishop of
armia perform the marriage without
any more opposition.
Had I been wise I should have stopped
there, because a man ought in prudenceto make his peace with the Court upon
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any terms consistent with honour. But Ias young, and the more provoked
because I perceived that all the fair
ords given me at Fontainebleau werebut a feint to gain time to write aboutthe affair to my uncle, then at Angers.
However, I said nothing to themessenger, more than that I was gladmy uncle had so well brought me off.The chapter being likewise served withthe same order, we sent the Court thisanswer: That the Archbishop might do
hat he listed in the nave of the
church, but that the choir belonged tothe chapter, and they would yield it tono man but himself or his coadjutor.
The Cardinal knew the meaning of this,and thereupon resolved to have the
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marriage solemnised in the ChapelRoyal, whereof he said the GreatAlmoner was bishop. But this being a
yet more important question than theother, I laid the inconveniences of itbefore him in a letter. This nettled him,
and he made a mere jest of my letter. Igave the Queen of Poland tounderstand that, if she were married inthat manner, I should be forced, evenagainst my will, to declare the marriagevoid; but that there remained oneexpedient which would effectually
remove all difficulties, that the marriagemight be performed in the King'sChapel, and should stand good
provided that the Bishop of Warmiacame to me for a license.
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The Queen, resolving to lose no moretime by awaiting new orders from
Angers, and fearing the least flaw in hermarriage, the Court was obliged tocomply with my proposal, and the
ceremony was performed accordingly.
Not long after this marriage I wasunhappily embroiled with the Ducd'Orleans, upon an occasion of nogreater importance than my foot-clothin the Church of Notre-Dame, which
as by mistake removed to his seat. Icomplained of it to him, and heordered it to be restored. Nevertheless
the Abby de la Riviere made himbelieve I had put an affront upon him
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that was too public to be pardoned.The Duke was so simple as to believe it,and, while the courtiers turned all into
banter, he swore he would receiveincense before me at the said churchfor the future. In the meantime the
Queen sent for me, and told me thatthe Duke was in a terrible passion, for
hich she was very sorry, but thatnevertheless she could not help being of his opinion, and therefore insistedupon it that I ought to give himsatisfaction in the Church of Notre-
Dame the Sunday following. Upon thehole she referred me to Cardinal
Mazarin, who declared to me at first
that he was very sorry to see me in somuch trouble, blamed the Abby for
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having incensed the Duke to such adegree, and used all the arguments hecould to wheedle me to give my
consent to being degraded. And whenhe saw I was not to be led, heendeavoured to drive me into the snare.
He stormed with an air of authority,and would fain have bullied me intocompliance, telling me that hitherto hehad spoken as a friend, but that I hadforced him henceforth to speak as aminister. He also began to threaten, andthe conversation growing warm, he
sought to pick a quarrel by insinuating that if I would do as Saint Ambrosedid, I ought to lead a life like him. As
he spoke this loud enough to be heardby some bishops at the other end of
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the room, I likewise raised my voice,and told him I would endeavour tomake the best use of his advice, but he
might assure himself I was fully resolved so to imitate Saint Ambrose inthis affair that I might, through his
means, obtain grace to be able toimitate him in all others.
I had not been long gone home whenthe Marechal d'Estrees and M.Senneterre came, furnished with all theflowers of rhetoric, to persuade me that
degradation was honourable; andfinding me immovable, they insinuatedthat my obstinacy might oblige his
Highness to use force, and order hisguards to carry me, in spite of myself,
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to Notre-Dame, and place me there ona seat below his. I thought thissuggestion too ridiculous to mind it at
first, but being forewarned of it thatvery evening by the Duke's Chancellor,I put myself upon the defensive, which
I think is the most ridiculous piece of folly I was ever guilty of, considering it
as against a son of France, and whenthere was a profound tranquillity in theState, without the least appearance of any commotion. The Duke, to whom Ihad the honour of being related, was
pleased with my boldness. Heremembered the Abby de la Riviere forhis insolence in complaining that the
Prince de Conti was marked down for acardinal before him; besides, the Duke
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knew I was in the right, having made itvery evident in a statement I hadpublished upon this head. He
acquainted the Cardinal with it, said heould not suffer the least violence to
be offered to me; that I was both his
kinsman and devoted servant, and thathe would not set out for the army tillhe saw the affair at an end.
All the Court was in consternation forfear of a rupture, especially when thePrince de Conde had been informed by
the Queen of what his son had said;and when he came to my house andfound there sixty or eighty gentlemen,
this made him believe that a league wasalready made with the Duke, but there
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as nothing in it. He swore, hethreatened, he begged, he flattered, andin his transports he let fall some
expressions which showed that theDuke was much more concerned formy interest than he ever yet owned to
me. I submitted that very instant, andtold the Prince that I would doanything rather than the royal family should be divided on my account. ThePrince, who hitherto found meimmovable, was so touched at my sudden surrender in complaisance to
his son, at the very time, too, when hehimself had just assured me I was toexpect a powerful protection from him,
that he suddenly changed his temper, sothat, instead of thinking as he did at
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first, that there was no satisfaction greatenough for the Duc d'Orleans, he now determined plainly in favour of the
expedient I had so often proposed, thatI should go and declare to him, in thepresence of the whole Court, that I
never designed to be wanting in therespect I owed him, and that the ordersof the Church had obliged me to act asI did at Notre-Dame. The Cardinal andthe Abby de la Riviere were enraged tothe last degree, but the Prince put theminto such fear of the Duke that they
ere fain to submit. The Prince took me to the Duc d'Orleans's house, whereI gave them satisfaction before the
hole Court, precisely in the wordsabove mentioned. His Highness was
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quite satisfied with my reasons, carriedme to see his medals, and thus endedthe controversy.
As this affair and the marriage of theQueen of Poland had embroiled me
ith the Court, you may easily conceivehat turn the courtiers gave to it. But
here I found by experience that all thepowers upon earth cannot hurt thereputation of a man who preserves itestablished and unspotted in the societ
hereof he is a member. All the
learned clergy took my part, and I soonperceived that many of those who hadbefore blamed my conduct now
retracted. I made this observation upona thousand other occasions. I even
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obliged the Court, some time after, tocommend my proceedings, and took anopportunity to convince the Queen
that it was my dignity, and not any wantof respect and gratitude, that made meresist the Court in the two former cases.
The Cardinal was very well pleasedith me, and said in public that he
found me as much concerned for theKing's service as I was before for thehonour of my character.
It falling to my turn to make the speech
at the breaking up of the assembly of the clergy at Paris, I had the good luck to please both the clergy and the Court.
Cardinal Mazarin took me to supperith him alone, seemed to be clear of
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all prejudices against me, and I verily believe was fully persuaded that he hadbeen imposed upon. But I was too
much beloved in Paris to continue long in favour at Court. This was a crimethat rendered me disagreeable in the
eyes of a refined Italian statesman, andhich was the more dangerous from
the fact that I lost no opportunity of aggravating it by a natural andunaffected expense, to which my air of negligence gave a lustre, and by my great alms and bounty, which, though
very often secret, had the louder echo;hereas, in truth, I had acted thus at
first only in compliance with
inclination and out of a sense of duty.But the necessity I was under of
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supporting myself against the Courtobliged me to be yet more liberal. I dobut just mention it here to show you
that the Court was jealous of me, whenI never thought myself capable of giving them the least occasion, which
made me reflect that a man is oftenerdeceived by distrusting than by being overcredulous.
Cardinal Mazarin, who was born andbred in the Pope's dominions, wherepapal authority has no limits, took the
impetus given to the regal power by histutor, the Cardinal de Richelieu, to benatural to the body politic, which
mistake of his occasioned the civil war,though we must look much higher for
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its prime cause.
It is above 1,200 years that France has
been governed by kings, but they werenot as absolute at first as they are now.Indeed, their authority was never
limited by written laws as are the Kingsof England and Castile, but only moderated by received customs,deposited, as I may say, at first in thehands of the States of the kingdom,and afterwards in those of theParliament. The registering of treaties
ith other Crowns and the ratificationsof edicts for raising money are almostobliterated images of that wise medium
between the exorbitant power of theKings and the licentiousness of the
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people instituted by our ancestors. Wiseand good Princes found that thismedium was such a seasoning to their
power as made it delightful to theirpeople. On the other hand, weak andvicious Kings always hated it as an
obstacle to all their extravagances. Thehistory of the Sire de Joinville makes itevident that Saint Louis was an admirerof this scheme of government, and the
ritings of Oresme, Bishop of Lisieux,and of the famous Juvenal des Ursins,convince us that Charles V., who
merited the surname of Wise, neverthought his power to be superior to thelaws and to his duty. Louis XI., more
cunning than truly wise, broke his faithupon this head as well as all others.
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Louis XII. would have restored thisbalance of power to its ancient lustre if the ambition of Cardinal Amboise,
[George d'Amboise, the first of thename, in 1498 Minister to Louis XII.,deceased 1510.] who governed him
absolutely, had not opposed it.
The insatiable avarice of ConstableMontmorency [Anne de Montmorency,Constable of France in 1538, died1567.] tended rather to enlarge thanrestrain the authority of Francois I. The
extended views and vast designs of M.de Guise would not permit them tothink of placing bounds to the
prerogative under Francois II. In thereigns of Charles IX. and Henri III. the
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Court was so fatigued with civil broilsthat they took everything for rebellion
hich was not submission. Henri IV.,
ho was not afraid of the laws,because he trusted in himself, showedhe had a high esteem for them. The
Duc de Rohan used to say that LouisXIII. was jealous of his own authority because he was ignorant of its fullextent, for the Marechal d'Ancrel andM. de Luynes were mere dunces,incapable of informing him. Cardinalde Richelieu, who succeeded them,
collected all the wicked designs andblunders of the two last centuries toserve his grand purpose. He laid them
down as proper maxims forestablishing the King's authority, and,
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fortune seconding his designs by thedisarming of the Protestants in France,by the victories of the Swedes, by the
eakness of the Empire and of Spain,he established the most scandalous anddangerous tyranny that perhaps ever
enslaved a State in the best constitutedmonarchy under the sun.
Custom, which has in some countriesinured men even to broil as it were inthe heat of the sun, has made thingsfamiliar to us which our forefathers
dreaded more than fire itself. We nolonger feel the slavery which they abhorred more for the interest of their
King than for their own. Cardinal deRichelieu counted those things crimes
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hich before him were looked upon asvirtues. The Mirons, Harlays, Marillacs,Pibracs, and the Fayes, those martyrs of
the State who dispelled more factionsby their wholesome maxims than wereraised in France by Spanish or British
gold, were defenders of the doctrinefor which the Cardinal de Richelieuconfined President Barillon in theprison of Amboise. And the Cardinalbegan to punish magistrates foradvancing those truths which they wereobliged by their oaths to defend at the
hazard of their lives.
Our wise Kings, who understood their
true interest, made the Parliament thedepositary of their ordinances, to the
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end that they might exempt themselvesfrom part of the odium that sometimesattends the execution of the most just
and necessary decrees. They thought itno disparagement to their royalty to bebound by them, like unto God, who
himself obeys the laws he haspreordained. ['A good government:
here the people obey their king andthe king obeys the law' Solon. D.W.]Ministers of State, who are generally soblinded by the splendour of theirfortune as never to be content with
hat the laws allow, make it theirbusiness to overturn them; andCardinal de Richelieu laboured at it
more constantly than any other, andith equal application and imprudence.
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God only is self-existent andindependent; the most rightful
monarchs and established monarchiesin the world cannot possibly besupported but by the conjunction of
arms and laws, a union so necessary that the one cannot subsist without theother. Laws without the protection of arms sink into contempt, and arms
hich are not tempered by laws quickly turn a State into anarchy. The Romancommonwealth being set aside by Julius
Caesar, the supreme power which wasdevolved upon his successors by forceof arms subsisted no longer than they
ere able to maintain the authority of the laws; for as soon as the laws lost
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their force, the power of the RomanEmperors vanished, and the very menthat were their favourites, having got
possession of their seals and their arms,converted their masters' substance intotheir own, and, as it were, sucked them
dry under the shelter of those repealedlaws. The Roman Empire, formerly sold by auction to the highest bidder,and the Turkish emperors, whose necksare exposed every day to the bowstring,show us in very bloody characters theblindness of those men that make
authority to consist only in force.
But why need we go abroad for
examples when we have so many athome Pepin, in dethroning the
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Merovingian family, and Capet, indispossessing the Carlovingians, madeuse of nothing else but the same power
hich the ministers, their predecessors,had acquired under the authority of their masters; and it is observable that
the mayors of the Palace and thecounts of Paris placed themselves onthe thrones of kings exactly by thesame methods that gained them theirmasters' favours, that is, by weakening and changing the laws of the land,
hich at first always pleases weak
princes, who fancy it aggrandises theirpower; but in its consequence it gives apower to the great men and motives to
the common people to rebel againsttheir authority. Cardinal de Richelieu
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as cunning enough to have all theseviews, but he sacrificed everything tohis interest. He would govern
according to his own fancy, whichscorned to be tied to rules, even incases where it would have cost him
nothing to observe them. And he actedhis part so well that, if his successorhad been a man of his abilities, I doubtnot that the title of Prime Minister,
hich he was the first to assume, wouldhave been as odious in France in a littletime as were those of the Maire du
Palais and the Comte de Paris. But by the providence of God, CardinalMazarin, who succeeded him, was not
capable of giving the State any jealousy of his usurpation. As these two
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ministers contributed chiefly, though ina different way, to the civil war, I judgeit highly necessary to give you the
particular character of each, and todraw a parallel between them.
Cardinal de Richelieu was welldescended; his merit sparkled even inhis youth. He was taken notice of atthe Sorbonne, and it was very soonobserved that he had a strong geniusand a lively fancy. He was commonly happy in the choice of his parties. He
as a man of his word, unless greatinterests swayed him to the contrary,and in such a case he was very artful to
preserve all the appearances of probity.He was not liberal, yet he gave more
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than he promised, and knew admirably ell how to season all his favours. Heas more ambitious than was
consistent with the rules of morality,although it must be owned that,
henever he dispensed with them in
favour of his extravagant ambition, hisgreat merit made it almost excusable.He neither feared dangers nor yetdespised them, and prevented more by his sagacity than he surmounted by hisresolution. He was a hearty friend, andeven wished to be beloved by the
people; but though he had civility, agood aspect, and all the otherqualifications to gain that love, yet he
still wanted something I know nothat to call it which is absolutely
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necessary in this case. By his power androyal state he debased and swallowedup the personal majesty of the King.
He distinguished more judiciously thanany man in the world between bad and
orse, good and better, which is a great
qualification in a minister. He was tooapt to be impatient at mere trifles whenthey had relation to things of moment;but those blemishes, owing to his lofty spirit, were always accompanied withthe necessary talent of knowledge tomake amends for those imperfections.
He had religion enough for this world.His own good sense, or else hisinclination, always led him to the
practice of virtue if his self-interest didnot bias him to evil, which, whenever
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he committed it, he did so knowingly.He extended his concern for the Stateno further than his own life, though no
minister ever did more than he to makethe world believe he had the sameregard for the future. In a word, all his
vices were such that they received alustre from his great fortune, becausethey were such as could have no otherinstruments to work with but greatvirtues. You will easily conceive that aman who possessed such excellentqualities, and appeared to have as many
more, which he had not, found it nohard task to preserve that respectamong mankind which freed him from
contempt, though not from hatred.
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Cardinal Mazarin's character was thereverse of the former; his birth wasmean, and his youth scandalous. He
as thrashed by one Moretto, agoldsmith of Rome, as he was going out of the amphitheatre, for having
played the sharper. He was a captain ina foot regiment, and Bagni, his general,told me that while he was under hiscommand, which was but threemonths, he was only looked upon as acheat. By the interest of CardinalAntonio Barberini, he was sent as
Nuncio Extraordinary to France, whichoffice was not obtained in those daysby fair means. He so tickled Chavigni
by his loose Italian stories that he wasshortly after introduced to Cardinal de
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Richelieu, who made him Cardinal withthe same view which, it is thought,determined the Emperor Augustus to
leave the succession of the Empire toTiberius. He was still Richelieu'sobsequious, humble servant,
notwithstanding the purple. The Queenmaking choice of him, for want of another, his pedigree was immediately derived from a princely family. The raysof fortune having dazzled him andeverybody about him, he rose, and they glorified him for a second Richelieu,
hom he had the impudence to ape,though he had nothing of him; for
hat his predecessor counted
honourable he esteemed scandalous.He made a mere jest of religion. He
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promised everything without scruple; atthe same time he intended to performnothing. He was neither good-natured
nor cruel, for he never rememberedeither good offices or bad ones. Heloved himself too well, which is natural
to a sordid soul; and feared himself toolittle, the true characteristic of thosethat have no regard for their reputation.He foresaw an evil well enough,because he was usually timid, but neverapplied a suitable remedy, because hehad more fear than wisdom. He had
it, indeed, together with a mostinsinuating address and a gay, courtly behaviour; but a villainous heart
appeared constantly through all, tosuch a degree as betrayed him to be a
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fool in adversity and a knave inprosperity. In short, he was the firstminister that could be called a complete
trickster, for which reason hisadministration, though successful andabsolute, never sat well upon him, for
contempt the most dangerous diseaseof any State crept insensibly into theMinistry and easily diffused its poisonfrom the head to the members.
ou will not wonder, therefore, thatthere were so many unlucky cross rubs
in an administration which so soonfollowed that of Cardinal de Richelieuand was so different from it. It is
certain that the imprisonment of M. deBeaufort impressed the people with a
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respect for Mazarin, which the lustre of his purple would never have procuredfrom private men. Ondedei (since
Bishop of Frejus) told me that theCardinal jested with him upon thelevity of the French nation on this
point, and that at the end of fourmonths the Cardinal had set himself up in his own opinion for a Richelieu,and even thought he had greaterabilities. It would take up volumes torecord all his faults, the least of which
ere very important in one respect
hich deserves a particular remark. Ashe trod in the steps of Cardinal deRichelieu, who had completely
abolished all the ancient maxims of government, he went in a path
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surrounded with precipices, whichRichelieu was aware of and took careto avoid. But Cardinal Mazarin made
no use of those props by whichRichelieu kept his footing. For instance,though Cardinal de Richelieu affected
to humble whole bodies and societies,yet he studied to oblige individuals,
hich is sufficient to give you an ideaof all the rest. He had indeed someunaccountable illusions, which hepushed to the utmost extremity. Themost dangerous kind of illusion in
State affairs is a sort of lethargy thatnever happens without showing pronounced symptoms. The abolishing
of ancient laws, the destruction of thatgolden medium which was established
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between the Prince and the people, andthe setting up a power purely andabsolutely despotic, were the original
causes of those political convulsionshich shook France in the days of our
forefathers.
Cardinal de Richelieu managed thekingdom as mountebanks do theirpatients, with violent remedies whichput strength into it; but it was only aconvulsive strength, which exhaustedits vital organs. Cardinal Mazarin, like a
very unskilful physician, did notobserve that the vital organs weredecayed, nor had he the skill to support
them by the chemical preparations of his predecessor; his only remedy was to
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let blood, which he drew so plentifully that the patient fell into a lethargy, andour medicaster was yet so stupid as to
mistake this lethargy for a real state of health. The provinces, abandoned tothe rapine of the superintendents, were
stifled, as it were, under the pressure of their heavy misfortunes, and the effortsthey made to shake them off in thetime of Richelieu added only to their
eight and bitterness. The Parliaments,hich had so lately groaned under
tyranny, were in a manner insensible to
present miseries by a too fresh andlively remembrance of their pasttroubles. The grandees, who had for the
most part been banished from thekingdom, were glad to have returned,
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and therefore took their fill of ease andpleasure. If our quack had buthumoured this universal indolence with
soporifics, the general drowsiness mighthave continued much longer, butthinking it to be nothing but natural
sleep, he applied no remedy at all. Thedisease gained strength, grew worse and
orse, the patient awakened, Parisbecame sensible of her condition; shegroaned, but nobody minded it, so thatshe fell into a frenzy, whereupon thepatient became raving mad.
But now to come to particulars. Emeri,Superintendent of the Finances, and in
my opinion the most corrupt man of the age, multiplied edicts as fast as he
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could find names to call them by. Icannot give you a better idea of theman than by repeating what I heard
him say in full Council, that faith wasfor tradesmen only, and that theMasters of Requests who urged faith to
be observed in the King's affairsdeserved to be punished. This man,
ho had in his youth been condemnedto be hanged at Lyons, absolutely governed Mazarin in all the domesticaffairs of the kingdom. I mention this,among many other instances which I
could produce of the same nature, tolet you see that a nation does not feelthe extremity of misery till its
governors have lost all shame, becausethat is the instant when the subjects
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throw off all respect and awakeconvulsively out of their lethargy.
The Swiss seemed, as it were, crushedunder the weight of their chains, whenthree of their powerful cantons
revolted and formed themselves into aleague. The Dutch thought of nothing but an entire subjection to the tyrantDuke of Alva, when the Prince of Orange, by the peculiar destiny of greatgeniuses, who see further into thefuture than all the world besides,
conceived a plan and restored theirliberty. The reason of all this is plain:that which causes a supineness in
suffering States is the duration of theevil, which inclines the sufferers to
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believe it will never have an end; assoon as they have hopes of getting outof it, which never fails when the evil
has arrived at a certain pitch, they are sosurprised, so glad, and so transported,that they run all of a sudden into the
other extreme, and are so far fromthinking revolutions impossible thatthey suppose them easy, and such adisposition alone is sometimes able tobring them about; witness the laterevolution in France. Who could haveimagined, three months before the
critical period of our disorders, thatsuch a revolution could have happenedin a kingdom where all the branches of
the royal family were strictly united,here the Court was a slave to the
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Prime Minister, where the capital city and all the provinces were in subjectionto him, where the armies were
victorious, and where the corporationsand societies seemed to have no power
hoever, I say, had said this would have
been thought a madman, not only inthe judgment of the vulgar, but in theopinion of a D'Estrees or a Senneterre.
In August, 1647, there was a mighty clamour against the tariff edictimposing a general tax upon all
provisions that came into Paris, whichthe people were resolved to bear nolonger. But the gentlemen of the
Council being determined to supportit, the Queen consulted the members
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deputed from Parliament, whenCardinal Mazarin, a mere ignoramus inthese affairs, said he wondered that so
considerable a body as they wereshould mind such trifles, an expressiontruly worthy of Mazarin. However, the
Council at length imagining theParliament would do it, thought fit tosuppress the tariff themselves by adeclaration, in order to save the King'scredit. Nevertheless, a few days after,they presented five edicts even moreoppressive than the tariff, not with any
hopes of having them received, but toforce the Parliament to restore the tariff.Rather than admit the new ones, the
Parliament consented to restore the oldone, but with so many qualifications
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that the Court, despairing to find theiraccount in it, published a decree of theSupreme Council annulling that of the
Parliament with all its modifications.But the Chamber of Vacationsanswered it by another, enjoining the
decree of Parliament to be put inexecution. The Council, seeing they could get no money by this method,acquainted the Parliament that, sincethey would receive no new edicts, they could do no less than encourage theexecution of such edicts as they had
formerly ratified; and thereupon they trumped up a declaration which hadbeen registered two years before for the
establishment of the Chamber of Domain, which was a terrible charge
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upon the people, had very perniciousconsequences, and which theParliament had passed, either through a
surprise or want of better judgment.The people mutinied, went in crowdsto the Palace, and used very abusive
language to the President de Thore,Emeri's son. The Parliament wasobliged to pass a decree against themutineers.
The Court, overjoyed to see theParliament and the people together by
the ears, supported the decree by aregiment of French and Swiss Guards.The Parisians were alarmed, and got
into the belfries of three churches inthe street of Saint Denis, where the
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guards were posted. The Provost ran toacquaint the Court that the city was justtaking arms. Upon which they ordered
the troops to retire, and pretended they ere posted there for no other end
than to attend the King as he went to
the Church of Notre Dame; and thebetter to cover their design, the King
ent next day in great pomp to the saidchurch, and the day after he went toParliament, without giving notice of hiscoming till very late the night before,and carried with him five or six edicts
more destructive than the former. TheFirst President spoke very boldly against bringing the King into the
House after this manner, to surprise themembers and infringe upon their
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liberty of voting. Next day the Mastersof Requests, to whom one of theseedicts, confirmed in the King's
presence, had added twelve colleagues,met and took a firm resolution not toadmit of this new creation. The Queen
sent for them, told them they were very pretty gentlemen to oppose the King's
ill, and forbade them to come toCouncil. Instead of being frightened,they were the more provoked, and,going into the Great Hall, demandedthat they might have leave to enter their
protest against the edict for creating new members, which was granted.
The Chambers being assembled thesame day to examine the edicts which
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the King had caused to be ratified inhis presence, the Queen commandedthem to attend her by their deputies in
the Palais Royal, and told them she wassurprised that they pretended to meddle
ith what had been consecrated by the
presence of the King. These were thevery words of the Chancellor. The FirstPresident answered that it was thecustom of Parliament, and showed thenecessity of it for preserving the liberty of voting. The Queen seemed to besatisfied; but, finding some days after
that the Parliament was consulting as toqualifying those edicts, and so renderthem of little or no use, she ordered
the King's Council to forbid theParliament meddling with the King's
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edicts till they had declared formally hether they intended to limit the
King's authority. Those members that
ere in the Court interest artfully took advantage of the dilemma theParliament was in to answer the
question, and, in order to mollify them,tacked a clause to the decrees whichspecified the restrictions, namely, thatall should be executed according to thegood pleasure of the King. This clausepleased the Queen for a while, but
hen she perceived that it did not
prevent the rejecting of almost any other edict by the common suffrage of the Parliament, she flew into a passion,
and told them plainly that she wouldhave all the edicts, without exception,
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fully executed, without any modifications whatsoever.
Not long after this, the Court of Aids,the Chamber of Accounts, the GrandCouncil, and the Parliament formed a
union which was pretended to be forthe reformation of the State, but wasmore probably calculated for theprivate interest of the officers, whosesalaries were lessened by one of thesaid edicts. And the Court, being alarmed and utterly perplexed by the
decree for the said union, endeavoured,as much as in them lay, to give it thisturn, to make the people have a mean
opinion of it. The Queen acquaintedthe Parliament by some of the King's
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Council that, seeing this union wasentered into for the particular interestof the companies, and not for the
reformation of the State, as they endeavoured to persuade her, she hadnothing to say to it, as everybody is at
liberty to represent his case to the King,but never to intermeddle with thegovernment of the State.
The Parliament did not relish thisensnaring discourse, and because they
ere exasperated by the Court's
apprehending some of the members of the Grand Council, they thought of nothing but justifying and supporting
their decree of union by finding outprecedents, which they accordingly met
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ith in the registers, and were going toconsider how to put it in execution
hen one of the Secretaries of State
came to the bar of the house, and putinto the hands of the King's Council adecree of the Supreme Council which,
in very truculent terms, annulled thatof the union. Upon this the Parliamentdesired a meeting with the deputies of the other three bodies, at which theCourt was enraged, and had recourse tothe mean expedient of getting the very original decree of union out of the
hands of the chief registrar; for thatend they sent the Secretary of State anda lieutenant of the Guards, who put
him into a coach to drive him to theoffice, but the people perceiving it,
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ere up in arms immediately, and boththe secretary and lieutenant were gladto get off.
After this there was a great division inthe Council, and some said the Queen
as disposed to arrest the Parliament;but none but herself was of thatopinion, which, indeed, was not likely to be acted upon, considering how thepeople then stood affected. Therefore amore moderate course was taken. TheChancellor reprimanded the Parliament
in the presence of the King and Court,and ordered a second decree of Council to be read and registered
instead of the union decree, forbidding them to assemble under pain of being
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treated as rebels. They met, nevertheless,in defiance of the said decree, and hadseveral days' consultation, upon which
the Duc d'Orleans, who was very sensible they would never comply,proposed an accommodation.
Accordingly Cardinal Mazarin and theChancellor made some proposals,
hich were rejected with indignation.The Parliament affected to be altogetherconcerned for the good of the public,and issued a decree obliging themselvesto continue their session and to make
humble remonstrances to the King forannulling the decrees of the Council.
The King's Council having obtainedaudience of the Queen for the
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Parliament, the First Presidentstrenuously urged the great necessity of inviolably preferring that golden mean
between the King and the subject;proved that the Parliament had been formany ages in possession of full
authority to unite and assemble;complained against the annulling of their decree of union, and concluded
ith a very earnest motion forsuppressing decrees of the SupremeCouncil made in opposition to theirs.The Court, being moved more by the
disposition of the people than by theremonstrances of the Parliament,complied immediately, and ordered the
King's Council to acquaint theParliament that the King would permit
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the act of union to be executed, andthat they might assemble and act inconcert with the other bodies for the
good of the State.
ou may judge how the Cabinet was
mortified, but the vulgar were muchmistaken in thinking that the weaknessof Mazarin upon this occasion gave theleast blow to the royal authority. In thatconjuncture it was impossible for himto act otherwise, for if he hadcontinued inflexible on this occasion
he would certainly have been reckoneda madman and surrounded withbarricades. He only yielded to the
torrent, and yet most people accusedhim of weakness. It is certain this affair
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brought him into great contempt, andthough he endeavoured to appease thepeople by the banishment of Emeri, yet
the Parliament, perceiving whatascendancy they had over the Court,left no stone unturned to demolish the
power of this overgrown favourite.
The Cardinal, made desperate by thefailure of his stratagems to createealousy among the four bodies, andalarmed at a proposition which they
ere going to make for cancelling all
the loans made to the King uponexcessive interest, the Cardinal, I say,being quite mad with rage and grief at
these disappointments, and set on by courtiers who had most of their stocks
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in these loans, made the King go onhorseback to the Parliament House ingreat pomp, and carry a wheedling
declaration with him, which containedsome articles very advantageous to thepublic, and a great many others very
ambiguous. But the people were soealous of the Court that he wentithout the usual acclamations. The
declaration was soon after censured by the Parliament and the other bodies,though the Duc d'Orleans exhortedand prayed that they would not meddle
ith it, and threatened them if they did.
The Parliament also passed a decree
declaring that no money should beraised without verified declarations,
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hich so provoked the Court that they resolved to proceed to extremities, andto make use of the signal victory which
as obtained at Lens on the 24th of August, 1648, to dazzle the eyes of thepeople and gain their consent to
oppressing the Parliament.
All the humours of the State were sodisturbed by the great troubles at Paris,the fountainhead, that I foresaw a fever
ould be the certain consequence,because the physician had not the skill
to prevent it. As I owed thecoadjutorship of the archbishopric tothe Queen, I thought it my duty in
every circumstance to sacrifice my resentment, and even the probability of
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glory, to gratitude; and notwithstanding all the solicitations of Montresor andLaigues, I made a firm resolution to
stick close to my own business and notto engage in anything that was eithersaid or done against the Court at that
time. Montresor had been brought upfrom his youth in the faction of theDuc d'Orleans, and, having more witthan courage, was so much the moredangerous an adviser in great affairs;men of this cast only suggest measuresand leave them to be executed by
others. Laigues, on the other hand, whoas entirely governed by Montresor,
had not much brains, but was all
bravery and feared nothing; men of this character dare do anything they are
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set upon by those who confide in them.
Finding that my innocence and
integrity gained me no friends at Court,and that I had nothing to expect fromthe Minister, who mortally hated me, I
resolved to be upon my guard, by acting in respect to the Court with asmuch freedom as zeal and sincerity; andin respect to the city, by carefully preserving my friends, and doing everything necessary to get, or, rather, tokeep, the love of the people. To
maintain my interest in the city, I laidout 36,000 crowns in alms and otherbounties, from the 26th of March to
the 25th of August, 1648; and to pleasethe Court I told the Queen and
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Cardinal how the Parisians then stoodaffected, which they never knew before,through flattery and prejudice. I also
complained to the Queen of theCardinal's cunning and dissimulation,and made use of the same intimations
hich I had given to the Court to show the Parliament that I had done all in my power to clearly inform the Ministry of everything and to disperse the cloudsalways cast over their understandingsby the interest of inferior officers andthe flattery of courtiers. This made the
Cardinal break with me and thwart meopenly at every opportunity, insomuchthat when I was telling the Queen in his
presence that the people in general wereso soured that nothing but lenitives
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could abate their rancour, he answeredme with the Italian fable of the wolf
ho swore to a flock of sheep that he
ould protect them against all hiscomrades provided one of them wouldcome every morning and lick a wound
he had received from a dog. Heentertained me with the like witticismsthree or four months together, of
hich this was one of the mostfavourable, whereupon I made thesereflections that it was moreunbecoming a Minister of State to say
silly things than to do them, and thatany advice given him was criminal.
The Cardinal pretended that the successof the King's arms at Lens had so
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mortified the Court that the Parliamentand the other bodies, who expectedthey would take a sharp revenge on
them for their late conduct, would havethe great satisfaction of being disappointed. I own I was fool enough
to believe him, and was perfectly transported at the thought; but with
hat sincerity the Cardinal spoke willappear by and by.
On the 26th of August, 1648, theorthy Broussel, councillor of the
Grand Chamber, and Rene Potier, Sieurde Blancmenil, President of theInquests, were both arrested by the
Queen's officers. It is impossible toexpress the sudden consternation of all
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men, women, and children in Paris atthis proceeding. The people stared atone another for awhile without saying a
ord. But this profound silence wassuddenly attended with a confusednoise of running, crying, and shutting
up of shops, upon which I thought itmy duty to go and wait upon theQueen, though I was sorely vexed tosee how my credulity had been abusedbut the night before at Court, when I
as desired to tell all my friends inParliament that the victory of Lens had
only disposed the Court more andmore to leniency and moderation.
hen I came to the New Market, on
my way to Court, I was surroundedith swarms of people making a
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frightful outcry, and had great difficulty in getting through the crowd till I hadtold them the Queen would certainly
do them justice. The very boys hissedthe soldiers of the Guard and peltedthem with stones. Their commander,
the Marechal de La Meilleraye,perceiving the clouds began to thickenon all sides, was overjoyed to see me,and would go with me to Court andtell the whole truth of the matter to theQueen. The people followed us in vastnumbers, calling out, "Broussel,
Broussel!"
The Queen, whom we found in her
Cabinet Council with Mazarin andothers, received me neither well nor ill,
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as too proud and too much out of temper to confess any shame for whatshe had told me the night before, and
the Cardinal had not modesty enoughto blush. Nevertheless he seemed very much confused, and gave some
obscure hints by which I could perceivehe would have me to believe that there
ere very sudden and extraordinary reasons which had obliged the Queento take such measures. I simulatedapproval of what he said, but all theanswer I returned was that I had come
thither, as in duty bound, to receive theQueen's orders and to contribute all inmy power to restore the public peace
and tranquillity. The Queen gave agracious nod, but I understood
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afterwards that she put a sinisterinterpretation upon my last speech,
hich was nevertheless very inoffensive
and perfectly consonant to my characteras Coadjutor of Paris; but it is a truesaying that in the Courts of princes a
capacity of doing good is as dangerousand almost as criminal as a will to domischief.
The Marechal de La Meilleraye, finding that the Abbe de la Riviere and othersmade mere jest and banter of the
insurrection, fell into a great passion,spoke very sharply, and appealed to me.I freely gave my testimony, confirmed
his account of the insurrection, andseconded him in his reflections upon
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the future consequences. We had noother return from the Cardinal than amalicious sneer, but the Queen lifted
up her shrill voice to the highest noteof indignation, and expressed herself to this effect: "It is a sign of
disaffection to imagine that the peopleare capable of revolting. These areridiculous stories that come frompersons who talk as they would have it;the King's authority will set mattersright."
The Cardinal, perceiving that I was alittle nettled, endeavoured to soothe meby this address to the Queen: "Would
to God, madame, that all men did buttalk with the same sincerity as the
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Coadjutor of Paris. He is greatly concerned for his flock, for the city,and for your Majesty's authority, and
though I am persuaded that the dangeris not so great as he imagines, yet hisscruples in this case are to be
commended in him as laudable andreligious." The Queen understood themeaning of this cant, recovered herself all of a sudden, and spoke to me very civilly; to which I answered withprofound respect and so innocent acountenance that La Riviere said,
hispering to Beautru, "See what it isnot to be always at Court! TheCoadjutor knows the world and is a
man of sense, yet takes all the Queenhas said to be in earnest."
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The truth is, the Cabinet seemed toconsist of persons acting the several
parts of a comedy. I played theinnocent, but was not so, at least in thataffair. The Cardinal acted the part of
one who thought himself secure, butas much less confident than he
appeared. The Queen affected to begood-humoured, and yet was nevermore ill-tempered. M. de Longuevilleput on the marks of sorrow andsadness while his heart leaped for joy,
for no man living took a greaterpleasure than he to promote all broils.The Duc d'Orleans personated hurry
and, passion in speaking to the Queen,yet would whistle half an hour together
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ith the utmost indolence. TheMarechal de Villeroy put on gaiety, thebetter to make his court to the Prime
Minister, though he privately owned tome, with tears in his eyes, that he saw the State was upon the brink of ruin.
Beautru and Nogent acted the part of buffoons, and to please the Queen,personated old Broussel's nurse (for he
as eighty years of age), stirring up thepeople to sedition, though both of them knew well enough that their farcemight perhaps soon end in a real
tragedy.
The Abby de la Riviere was the only
man who pretended to be fully persuaded that the insurrection of the
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people was but vapour, and hemaintained it to the Queen, who was
illing to believe him, though she had
been satisfied to the contrary; and theconduct of the Queen, who had thecourage of a heroine, and the temper
of La Riviere, who was the mostnotorious poltroon of his time,furnished me with this remark: That ablind rashness and an extravagant fearproduce the same effects while thedanger is unknown.
The Marechal de La Meilleraye assumedthe style and bravado of a captain
hen a lieutenant-colonel of the
Guards suddenly came to tell theQueen that the citizens threatened to
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force the Guards, and, being naturally hasty and choleric, was transportedeven with fury and madness. He cried
out that he would perish rather thansuffer such insolence, and asked leaveto take the Guards, the officers of the
Household, and even all the courtiershe could find in the antechambers, with
hom he would engage to rout thehole mob. The Queen was greatly in
favour of it, but nobody else, andevents proved that it was well they didnot come into it. At the same time
entered the Chancellor, a man who hadnever spoken a word of truth in his
hole life; but now, his complaisance
yielding to his fear, he spoke directly according to what he had seen in the
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streets. I observed that the Cardinal wasstartled at the boldness of a man in
hom he had never seen anything like
it before. But Senneterre, coming in justafter him, removed all theirapprehensions in a trice by assuring
them that the fury of the people beganto cool, that they did not take arms, andthat with a little patience all would be
ell again.
There is nothing so dangerous asflattery at a juncture where he that is
flattered is in fear, because the desire hehas not to be terrified inclines him tobelieve anything that hinders him from
applying any remedy to what he isafraid of. The news that was brought
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every moment made them trifle away that time which should have beenemployed for the preservation of the
State. Old Guitaut, a man of no greatsense, but heartily well affected, wasmore impatient than all the rest, and
said that he did not conceive how itas possible for people to be asleep in
the present state of affairs; he mutteredsomething more which I could not wellhear, but it seemed to bear very hardupon the Cardinal, who owed him nogoodwill.
The Cardinal answered, "Well, M.Guitaut, what would you have us do "
Guitaut said, very bluntly, "Let the old
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rogue Broussel be restored to thepeople, either dead or alive."
I said that to restore him dead wasinconsistent with the Queen's piety andprudence, but to restore him alive
ould probably put a stop to thetumult.
At these words the Queen reddened,and cried aloud, "I understand you, M.le Coadjutor. You would have me setBroussel at liberty; but I will strangle
him sooner with these hands,"throwing her head as it were into my face at the last word, "and those who "
The Cardinal, believing that she was
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going to say all to me that rage couldinspire, advanced and whispered in herear, upon which she became composed
to such a degree that, had I not knownher too well, I should have thought herat her ease. The lieutenant de police
came that instant into the Cabinet witha deadly pale aspect. I never saw fear so
ell and ridiculously represented in any Italian comedy as the fright which heappeared in before the Queen. How admirable is the sympathy of fearfulsouls! Neither the Cardinal nor the
Queen were much moved at what M.de La Meilleraye had strongly urged onthem, but the fears of the lieutenant
seized them like an infection, so thatthey were all on a sudden
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metamorphosed. They ridiculed me nolonger, and suffered it to be debated
hether or no it was expedient to
restore Broussel to the people beforethey took arms, as they had threatenedto do. Here I reflected that it is more
natural to the passion of fear to consultthan to determine.
The Cardinal proposed that I, as thefittest person, should go and assure thepeople that the Queen would consentto the restoration of Broussel,
provided they would disperse. I saw thesnare, but could not get away from it,the rather because Meilleraye dragged
me, as it were, to go along with him,telling her Majesty that he would dare
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to appear in the streets in my company,and that he did not question but weshould do wonders. I said that I did
not doubt it either, provided the Queenould order a promise to be drawn in
due form for restoring the prisoners,
because I had not credit enough withthe people to be believed upon my bare
ord. They praised my modesty,Meilleraye was assured of success, andthey said the Queen's word was betterthan all writings whatsoever. In a word,I was made the catspaw, and found
myself under the necessity of acting the most ridiculous part that perhapsever fell to any man's share. I
endeavoured to reply; but the Ducd'Orleans pushed me out gently with
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both hands, saying, "Go and restorepeace to the State;" and the Marshalhurried me away, the Life-guards
carrying me along in their arms, andtelling me that none but myself couldremedy this evil. I went out in my
rochet and camail, dealing outbenedictions to the people on my rightand left, preaching obedience, exerting all my endeavours to appease thetumult, and telling them the Queen hadassured me that, provided they woulddisperse, she would restore Broussel.
The violence of the Marshal hardly gave me time to express myself, for he
instantly put himself at the head of theHorse-guards, and, advancing sword in
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hand, cried aloud, "God bless the King,and liberty to Broussel!" but being seenmore than he was heard, his drawn
sword did more harm than hisproclaiming liberty to Broussel didgood. The people took to their arms
and had an encounter with the Marshal,upon which I threw myself into thecrowd, and expecting that both sides
ould have some regard to my robesand dignity, the Marshal ordered theLight-horse to fire no more, and thecitizens with whom he was engaged
held their hands; but others of themcontinued firing and throwing stones,by one of which I was knocked down,
and had no sooner got up than acitizen was going to knock me down
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ith a musket. Though I did not know his name, yet I had the presence of mind to cry out, "Forbear, wretch; if
thy father did but see thee " Hethereupon concluded I knew his fathervery well, though I had never seen him;
and I believe that made him the morecurious to survey me, when, taking particular notice of my robes, he askedme if I was the Coadjutor. Upon whichI was presently made known to the
hole body, followed by the multitudehich way soever I went, and met with
a body of ruffians all in arms, whom,ith abundance of flattery, caresses,
entreaties, and menaces, I prevailed on
to lay down their weapons; and it wasthis which saved the city, for had they
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continued in arms till night, the city had certainly been plundered.
I went accompanied by 30,000 or40,000 men without arms, and met theMarechal de La Meilleraye, who I
thought would have stifled me withembraces, and who said these very
ords: "I am foolhardy and brutal; Ihad like to have ruined the State, andyou have saved it; come, let us go to theQueen and talk to her like true, honestFrenchmen; and let us set down the day
of the month, that when the King comes of age our testimony may be themeans of hanging up those pests of
the State, those infamous flatterers,ho pretended to the Queen that this
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affair was but a trifle." To the Queen hepresently hurried me, and said to her,"Here is a man that has not only saved
my life, but your Guards and the wholeCourt."
The Queen gave an odd smile which Idid not very well like, but I would notseem to take any notice of it, and tostop Meilleraye in his encomium uponme, I assumed the discourse myself,and said, "Madame, we are not comeupon my account, but to tell you that
the city of Paris, disarmed andsubmissive, throws herself at yourMajesty's feet."
"Not so submissive as guilty," replied
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the Queen, with a face full of fire; "if the people were so raging as I wasmade to believe, how came they to be
so soon subdued "
The Marshal fell into a passion, and
said, with an oath, "Madame, an honestman cannot flatter you when things arecome to such an extremity. If you donot set Broussel at liberty this very day,there will not be left one stone uponanother in Paris by tomorrow morning."
I was going to support what theMarshal had said, but the Queen
stopped my mouth by telling me, withan air of banter, "Go to rest, sir; you
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have done a mighty piece of work."
hen I returned home, I found an
incredible number of people expecting me, who forced me to get upon the topof my coach to give them an account
of what success I had had at Court. Itold them that the Queen had declaredher satisfaction in their submission, andthat she told me it was the only methodthey could have taken for thedeliverance of the prisoners. I addedother persuasives to pacify the
commonalty, and they dispersed thesooner because it was supper-time; foryou must know that the people of
Paris, even those that are the busiest inall such commotions, do not care to
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lose their meals.
I began to perceive that I had engaged
my reputation too far in giving thepeople any grounds to hope for theliberation of Broussel, though I had
particularly avoided giving them my ord of honour, and I apprehended
that the Court would lay hold of thisoccasion to destroy me effectually inthe opinion of the people by making them believe that I acted in concert
ith the Court only, to amuse and
deceive them.
hile I was making these and the like
reflections, Montresor came and toldme that I was quite mistaken if I
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thought to be a great gainer by the lateexpedition; that the Queen was notpleased with my proceedings, and that
the Court was persuaded that I didhat lay in my power to promote the
insurrection. I confess I gave no credit
to what Montresor said, for though Isaw they made a jest of me in theQueen's Cabinet, I hoped that theirmalice did not go so far as to diminishthe merit of the service I had rendered,and never imagined that they could becapable of turning it into a crime.
Laigues, too, came from Court and toldme that I was publicly laughed at, andcharged with having fomented the
insurrection instead of appeasing it;that I had been ridiculed two whole
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hours and exposed to the smart raillery of Beautru, to the buffoonery of Nogent, to the pleasantries of La
Riviere, to the false compassion of theCardinal, and to the loud laughter of the Queen.
ou may guess that I was not a littlemoved at this, but I rather felt a slightannoyance than any transport of passion. All sorts of notions came intomy mind, and all as suddenly passedaway. I sacrificed with little or no
scruple all the sweetest and brightestimages which the memory of pastconspiracies presented in crowds to my
mind as soon as the ill-treatment I now publicly met with gave me reason to
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think that I might with honour engagemyself in new ones. The obligations Ihad to her Majesty made me reject all
these thoughts, though I must confess Ias brought up in them from my
infancy, and Laigues and Montresor
could have never shaken my resolutioneither by insinuating motives or making reproaches, if Argenteuil, a gentlemanfirmly attached to my interest, had notcome into my room that moment witha frightened countenance and said:
"You are undone; the Marechal de LaMeilleraye has charged me to tell youthat he verily thinks the devil is in the
courtiers, who has put it into theirheads that you have done all in your
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power to stir up the sedition. TheMarechal de La Meilleraye has labouredearnestly to inform the Queen and
Cardinal of the truth of the wholematter, but both have ridiculed him forhis attempt. The Marshal said he could
not excuse the injury they did you, butcould not sufficiently admire thecontempt they always had for thetumult, of which they foretold theconsequence as if they had the gift of prophecy, always affirming that it
ould vanish in a night, as it really has,
for he hardly met a soul in the streets."
He added that fires so quickly
extinguished as this were not likely tobreak out again; that he conjured me to
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provide for my own safety; that theKing's authority would shine out thenext day with all the lustre imaginable;
that the Court seemed resolved not tolet slip this fatal conjuncture, and that I
as to be made the first public
example.
Argenteuil said: "Villeroy did not tellme so much, because he durst not; buthe so squeezed my hand 'en passant'that I am apt to think he knows a greatdeal more, and I must tell you that they
have very good reason for theirapprehensions, because there is not asoul to be seen in the streets, and to-
morrow they may take up whom they list."
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Montresor, who would be thought toknow all things beforehand, said that
he was assured it would be so and thathe had foretold it. Laigues bewailed my conduct, which he said had raised the
compassion of all my friends, althoughit had been their ruin. Upon this Idesired to be left about a quarter of anhour to myself, during which, reflecting how I had been provoked and thepublic threatened, my scruplesvanished; I gave rein to all my thoughts,
recollected that all the glorious ideashich have ever entered my
imagination were most concerned with
vast designs, and suffered my mind tobe regaled with the pleasing hopes of
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being the head of a party, a positionhich I had always admired in
Plutarch's "Lives." The inconsistency of
my scheme with my character made metremble. A world of incidents may happen when the virtues in the leader
of a party may be vices in anarchbishop. I had this view a thousandtimes, and it always gave place to theduty I thought I owed to her Majesty,but the remembrance of what hadpassed at the Queen's table, and theresolution there taken to ruin me with
the public, having banished all scruples,I joyfully determined to abandon my destiny to all the impulses of glory. I
said to my friends that the whole Courtas witness of the harsh treatment I
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had met with for above a year in theKing's palace, and I added: "The publicis engaged to defend my honour, but
the public being now about to besacrificed, I am obliged to defend itagainst oppression. Our circumstances
are not so bad as you imagine,gentlemen, and before twelve o'clock to-morrow I shall be master of Paris."
My two friends thought I was mad, andbegan to counsel moderation, whereasbefore they always incited me to action;
but I did not give them hearing. Iimmediately sent for Miron,Accountant-General, one of the city
colonels, a man of probity and courage,and having great interest with the
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people. I consulted with him, and heexecuted his commission with so muchdiscretion and bravery that above four
hundred considerable citizens wereposted up and down in platoons withno more noise and stir than if so many
Carthusian novices had been assembledfor contemplation. After having givenorders for securing certain gates andbars of the city, I went to sleep, and
as told next morning that no soldiershad appeared all night, except a few troopers, who just took a view of the
platoons of the citizens and thengalloped off. Hence it was inferred thatour precautions had prevented the
execution of the design formed againstparticular persons, but it was believed
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there was some mischief hatching atthe Chancellor's against the public,because sergeants were running
backwards and forwards, and Ondedeient thither four times in two hours.
Being informed soon after that theChancellor was going to the Palace withall the pomp of magistracy, and thattwo companies of Swiss Guardsapproached the suburbs, I gave my orders in two words, which wereexecuted in two minutes. Miron
ordered the citizens to take arms, andArgenteuil, disguised as a mason, with arule in his hand, charged the Swiss in
flank, killed twenty or thirty, dispersedthe rest, and took one of their colours.
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The Chancellor, hemmed in on every side, narrowly escaped with his life tothe Hotel d'O, which the people broke
open, rushed in with fury, and, as Godould have it, fell immediately to
plundering, so that they forgot to force
open a little chamber where both theChancellor and his brother, the Bishopof Meaux, to whom he was confessing,lay concealed. The news of thisoccurrence ran like wild-fire throughthe whole city. Men and women wereimmediately up in arms, and mothers
even put daggers into the hands of their children. In less than two hoursthere were erected above two hundred
barricades, adorned with all thestandards and colours that the League
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had left entire. All the cry was, "Godbless the King!" sometimes, "God blessthe Coadjutor!" and the echo was, "No
Mazarin!"
The Queen sent her commands to me
to use my interest to appease thetumult. I answered the messenger, very coolly, that I had forfeited my credit
ith the people on account of yesterday's transactions, and that I didnot dare to go abroad. The messengerhad heard the cry of "God bless the
Coadjutor!" and would fain havepersuaded me that I was the favouriteof the people, but I strove as much to
convince him of the contrary.
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The Court minions of the two lastcenturies knew not what they did whenthey reduced that effectual regard
hich kings ought to have for theirsubjects into mere style and form; forthere are, as you see, certain
conjunctures in which, by a necessary consequence, subjects make a mereform also of the real obedience whichthey owe to their sovereigns.
The Parliament hearing the cries of thepeople for Broussel, after having
ordered a decree against Cominges,lieutenant of the Queen's Guards, whohad arrested him, made it death for all
ho took the like commissions for thefuture, and decreed that an information
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should be drawn up against those whohad given that advice, as disturbers of the public peace. Then the Parliament
ent in a body, in their robes, to theQueen, with the First President at theirhead, and amid the acclamations of the
people, who opened all their barricadesto let them pass. The First Presidentrepresented to the Queen, withbecoming freedom, that the royal wordhad been prostituted a thousand timesover by scandalous and even childishevasions, defeating resolutions most
useful and necessary for the State. Hestrongly exaggerated the mighty dangerof the State from the city being all in
arms; but the Queen, who fearednothing because she knew little, flew
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into a passion and raved like a fury,saying, "I know too well that there is anuproar in the city, but you
Parliamentarians, together with yourives and children, shall be answerable
for it all;" and with that she retired into
another chamber and shut the doorafter her with violence. The members,
ho numbered about one hundred andsixty, were going down-stairs; but theFirst President persuaded them to goup and try the Queen once more, andmeeting with the Duc d'Orleans, he,
ith a great deal of persuasion,introduced twenty of them into thepresence-chamber, where the First
President made another effort with theQueen, by setting forth the terrors of
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the enraged metropolis up in arms, butshe would hear nothing, and went intothe little gallery.
Upon this the Cardinal advanced andproposed to surrender the prisoner,
provided the Parliament would promiseto hold no more assemblies. They weregoing to consider this proposal uponthe spot, but, thinking that the people
ould be inclined to believe that theParliament had been forced if they gavetheir votes at the Palais Royal, they
resolved to adjourn to their ownHouse.
The Parliament, returning and saying nothing about the liberation of
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Broussel, were received by the peopleith angry murmurs instead of with
loud acclamations. They appeased those
at the first two barricades by telling them that the Queen had promisedthem satisfaction; but those at the third
barricade would not be paid in thatcoin, for a journeyman cook, advancing
ith two hundred men, pressed hishalberd against the First President,saying, "Go back, traitor, and if thouhast a mind to save thy life, bring usBroussel, or else Mazarin and the
Chancellor as hostages."
Upon this five presidents 'au mortier'
and about twenty councillors fell back into the crowd to make their escape; the
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First President only, the mostundaunted man of the age, continuedfirm and intrepid. He rallied the
members as well as he could,maintaining still the authority of amagistrate, both in his words and
behaviour, and went leisurely back tothe King's palace, through volleys of abuse, menaces, curses, andblasphemies. He had a kind of eloquence peculiar to himself, knew nothing of interjections, was not very exact in his speech, but the force of it
made amends for that; and being naturally bold, never spoke so well as
hen he was in danger, insomuch that
hen he returned to the Palace he evenoutdid himself, for it is certain that he
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moved the hearts of all present exceptthe Queen, who continued inflexible.The Duc d'Orleans was going to throw
himself at her feet, which four or fivePrincesses, trembling with fear, actually did. The Cardinal, whom a young
councillor jestingly advised to go outinto the streets and see how the peoplestood affected, did at last join with thebulk of the Court, and with much adothe Queen condescended to bid themembers go and consult what wasfitting to be done, agreed to set the
prisoners at liberty, restored Broussel tothe people, who carried him upon theirheads with loud acclamations, broke
down their barricades, opened theirshops, and in two hours Paris was more
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quiet than ever I saw it upon a GoodFriday.
As to the primum mobile of thisrevolution, it was owing to no othercause than a deviation from the laws,
hich so alters the opinions of thepeople that many times a faction isformed before the change is so much asperceived.
This little reflection, with what hasbeen said, may serve to confute those
ho pretend that a faction without ahead is never to be feared. It grows upsometimes in a night. The commotion I
have been speaking of, which was soviolent and lasting, did not appear to
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have any leader for a whole year; but atlast there rose up in one moment amuch greater number than was
necessary for the party.
The morning after the barricades were
removed, the Queen sent for me,treated me with all the marks of kindness and confidence, said that if she had hearkened to me she would nothave experienced the late disquietness;that the Cardinal was not to blame forit, but that Chavigni had been the sole
cause of her misfortunes, to whosepernicious counsels she had paid moredeference than to the Cardinal. "But;
good God!" she suddenly exclaimed,"will you not get that rogue Beautru
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soundly thrashed, who has paid so littlerespect to your character The poorCardinal was very near having it done
the other night." I received all this withmore respect than credulity. Shecommanded me to go to the poor
Cardinal, to comfort him, and to advisehim as to the best means of quieting the populace.
I went without any scruple. Heembraced me with a tenderness I amnot able to express, said there was not
an honest man in France but myself,and that all the rest were infamousflatterers, who had misled the Queen in
spite of all his and my good counsels.He protested that he would do nothing
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for the future without my advice,showed me the foreign despatches, and,in short, was so affable, that honest
Broussel, who was likewise presentupon his invitation, for all his harmlesssimplicity, laughed heartily as we were
going out, and said that it was all merebuffoonery.
There being a report that the King wasto be removed by the Court from Paris,the Queen assured the 'prevot desmarchands' that it was false, and yet the
very next day carried him to Ruel. Fromthere I doubted not that she designedto surprise the city, which seemed really
astonished at the King's departure, andI found the hottest members of the
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Parliament in great consternation, andthe more so because news arrived at thesame time that General Erlac [He was
Governor of Brisac, and commandedthe forces of the Duke of Weimar afterthe Duke's death] had passed the
Somme with 4,000 Germans. Now, asin general disturbances one piece of bad news seldom comes singly, five orsix stories of this kind were publishedat the same time, which made me think I should find it as difficult a task toraise the spirits of the people as I had
before to restrain them. I was never sononplussed in all my life. I saw the fullextent of the danger, and everything
looked terrible. Yet the greatest perilshave their charms if never so little glory
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is discovered in the prospect of ill-success, while the least dangers havenothing but horror when defeat is
attended with loss of reputation.
I used all the arguments I could to
dissuade the Parliament from making the Court desperate, at least till they had thought of some expedients todefend themselves from its insults, to
hich they would inevitably have beenexposed if the Court had taken time by the forelock, in which, perhaps, they
ere prevented by the unexpectedreturn of the Prince de Conti. Ihereupon formed a resolution which
gave me a great deal of uneasiness, buthich was firm, because it was the only
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resolution I had to take. Extremities arealways disagreeable, but are the wisestmeans when absolutely necessary; the
best of it is that they admit of nomiddle course, and if peradventurethey are good, they are always decisive.
Fortune favoured my design. TheQueen ordered Chavigni to be sentprisoner to Havre-de-Grace. Iembraced this opportunity to stir upthe natural fears of his dear friendViole, by telling him that he was a
ruined man for doing what he haddone at the instigation of Chavigni;that it was plain the King left Paris with
a view to attack it, and that he saw asell as I how much the people were
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dejected; that if their spirits should bequite sunk they could never be raised;that they must be supported; that I
ould influence the people; and that heshould do what he could with theParliament, who, in my opinion, ought
not to be supine, but to be awakened ata juncture when the King's departurehad perfectly drowned their senses,adding that a word in season wouldinfallibly produce this good effect.
Accordingly Viole struck one of the
boldest strokes that has perhaps beenheard of. He told the Parliament that it
as reported Paris was to be besieged;
that troops were marching for that end,and the most faithful servants of his
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late Majesty, who, it was suspected,ould oppose designs so pernicious,ould be put in chains; that it was
necessary for them to address theQueen to bring the King back to Paris;and forasmuch as the author of all
these mischiefs was well known, hemoved further that the Duc d'Orleansand the officers of the Crown shouldbe desired to come to Parliament todeliberate upon the decree issued in1617, on account of Marechal d'Ancre,forbidding foreigners to intermeddle in
the Government. We thought ourselvesthat we had touched too high a key, buta lower note would not have awakened
or kept awake men whom fear hadperfectly stupefied. I have observed that
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this passion of fear has seldom thatinfluence upon individuals that itgenerally has upon the mass.
Viole's proposition at first startled, thenrejoiced, and afterwards animated those
that heard it. Blancmenil, who beforeseemed to have no life left in him, hadnow the courage to point at theCardinal by name, who hitherto hadbeen described only by the designationof Minister; and the Parliamentcheerfully agreed to remonstrate with
the Queen, according to Viole'sproposition, not forgetting to pray herMajesty to remove the troops further
from Paris, and not to send for themagistrates to take orders for the
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security of the city.
The President Coigneux whispered to
me, saying, "I have no hopes but inyou; we shall be undone if you do not
ork underground." I sat up
accordingly all night to prepareinstructions for Saint-Ibal to treat withthe Count Fuensaldagne, and obligehim to march with the Spanish army, incase of need, to our assistance, and wasust going to send him away to Brusselshen M. de Chatillon, my friend and
kinsman, who mortally hated theCardinal, came to tell me that the Princede Conde would be the next day at
Ruel; that the Prince was enragedagainst the Cardinal, and was sure he
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ould ruin the State if he were letalone, and that the Cardinal held acorrespondence in cipher with a fellow
in the Prince's army whom he hadcorrupted, to be informed of everything done there to his prejudice.
By all this I learnt that the Prince hadno great understanding with the Court,and upon his arrival at Ruel I venturedto go thither.
Both the Queen and the Cardinal wereextremely civil, and the latter took
particular notice of the Prince'sbehaviour to me, who embraced me 'enpassant' in the garden, and spoke very
low to me, saying that he would be atmy house next day. He kept his word,
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and desired me to give him an accountof the state of affairs, and when I haddone so we agreed that I should
continue to push the Cardinal by means of the Parliament; that I shouldtake his Highness by night incognito to
Longueil and Broussel, to assure themthey should not want assistance; thatthe Prince de Conde should give theQueen all the marks of his respect forand attachment to her, and make allpossible reparation for thedissatisfaction he had shown with
regard to the Cardinal, that he mightthereby insinuate himself into theQueen's favour, and gradually dispose
her to receive and fallow his counselsand hear truths against which she had
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always stopped her ears, and that by thus letting the Cardinal dropinsensibly, rather than fall suddenly, the
Prince would find himself master of the Cabinet with the Queer'sapprobation, and, with the assistance
of his humble servants in Council,arbiter of the national welfare.
The Queen, who went away from Paristo give her troops an opportunity tostarve and attack the city, told thedeputies sent by Parliament to entreat
her to restore the King to Paris that sheas extremely surprised and astonished;
that the King used every year at that
season to take the air, and that hishealth was much more to be regarded
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than the imaginary fears of the people.The Prince de Conde, coming in at thisuncture, told the President and
councillors, who invited him to take hisseat in Parliament, that he would notcome, but obey the Queen though it
should prove his ruin. The Ducd'Orleans said that he would not bethere either, because the Parliament hadmade such proposals as were too boldto be endured, and the Prince de Contispoke after the same manner.
The next day the King's Council carriedan order of Council to Parliament toput a stop to their debates against
foreigners being in the Ministry. This soexcited the Parliament that they made a
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remonstrance in writing, instructed theprevot des marchands' to provide forthe safety of the city, ordered all other
governors to keep the passages free,and resolved next day to continue thedebate against foreign ministers. I
laboured all night to ward off the fatalblow, which I was afraid would hurry the Prince, against his will, into thearms of the Court. But when next day came, the members inflamed oneanother before they sat, through thecursed spirit of formality, and the very
men who two days ago were all fearand trembling were suddenly transported, they knew not why, from a
ell-grounded fear to a blind rage, sothat without reflecting that the General
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had arrived whose very name madethem tremble, because they suspectedhim to be in the interest of the Court,
they issued the said decree, whichobliged the Queen to send the Ducd'Anjou, [Philippe of France, only
brother to King Louis XIV., afterwardsDuc d'Orleans, died suddenly at St.Cloud, in 1701.] but just recoveredfrom the smallpox, and the Duchessed'Orleans, much indisposed, out of town.
This would have begun a civil war nextday had not the Prince de Conde takenthe wisest measures imaginable, though
he had a very bad opinion of theCardinal, both upon the public account
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and his own, and was as little pleasedith the conduct of the Parliament,ith whom there was no dealing, either
as a body or as private persons. ThePrince kept an even pace between theCourt and country factions, and he said
these words to me, which I can neverforget:
"Mazarin does not know what he isdoing, and will ruin the State if care benot taken; the Parliament really goes ontoo fast, as you said they would; if they
did but manage according to ourscheme, we should be able to settle ourown business and that of the public,
too; they act with precipitation, andere I to do so, it is probable I should
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gain more by it than they. But I amLouis de Bourbon, and will notendanger the State. Are those devils in
square caps mad to force me either tobegin a civil war tomorrow or to ruinevery man of them, and set over our
heads a Sicilian vagabond who willdestroy us all at last "
In fine, the Prince proposed to set outimmediately for Ruel to divert theCourt from their project of attacking Paris, and to propose to the Queen that
the Duc d'Orleans and himself shouldrite to the Parliament to send deputies
to confer about means to relieve the
necessities of the State. The Prince saw that I was so overcome at this proposal
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that he said to me with tenderness,"How different you are from the manyou are represented to be at Court!
ould to God that all those rogues inthe Ministry were but as well inclinedas you!"
I told the Prince that, considering how the minds of the Parliament wereembittered, I doubted whether they
ould care to confer with the Cardinal;that his Highness would gain aconsiderable point if he could prevail
ith the Court not to insist upon thenecessity of the Cardinal's presence,because then all the honour of the
arrangement, in which the Ducd'Orleans, as usual, would only be as a
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cipher, would redound to him, and thatsuch exclusion of the Cardinal woulddisgrace his Ministry to the last degree,
and be a very proper preface to theblow which the Prince designed to givehim in the Cabinet.
The Prince profited by the hint, so thatthe Parliament returned answer thatthey would send deputies to confer
ith the Princes only, which last wordsthe Prince artfully laid hold of andadvised Mazarin not to expose himself
by coming to the conference against theParliament's consent, but rather, like a
ise man, to make a virtue of the
present necessity. This was a cruel blow to the Cardinal, who ever since the
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decease of the late King had beenrecognised as Prime Minister of France;and the consequences were equally
disastrous.
The deputies being accordingly
admitted to a conference with the Ducd'Orleans, the Princes de Conde andConti and M. de Longueville, the FirstPresident, Viole, who had moved inParliament that the decree might berenewed for excluding foreigners fromthe Ministry, inveighed against the
imprisonment of M. de Chavigni; whoas no member, yet the President
insisted upon his being set at liberty,
because, according to the laws of therealm, no person ought to be detained
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in custody above twenty-four hoursithout examination. This occasioned a
considerable debate, and the Duc
d'Orldans, provoked at this expression,said that the President's aim was tocramp the royal authority. Nevertheless
the latter vigorously maintained hisargument, and was unanimously seconded by all the deputies, for whichthey were next day applauded inParliament. In short, the thing waspushed so far that the Queen wasobliged to consent to a declaration that
for the future no man whatever shouldbe detained in prison above three days
ithout being examined. By this means
Chavigni was set at liberty. Several otherconferences were held, in which the
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Chancellor treated the First Presidentof the Parliament with a sort of contempt that was almost brutal.
Nevertheless the Parliament carried allbefore them.
In October, 1648, the Parliamentadjourned, and the Queen soon afterreturned to Paris with the King.
The Cardinal, who aimed at nothing more than to ruin my credit with thepeople, sent me 4,000 crowns as a
present from the Queen, for theservices which she said I intended heron the day of the barricade; and who,
think you, should be the messenger tobring it but my friend the Marechal de
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La Meilleraye, the man who beforearned me of the sinister intentions of
the Court, and who now was so
credulous as to believe that I was theirfavourite, because the Cardinal waspleased to say how much he was
concerned for the injustice he had doneme; which I only mention to remark that those people over whom the Courthas once got an ascendency cannothelp believing whatever they wouldhave them believe, and the ministersonly are to blame if they do not deceive
them. But I would not be persuaded by the Marshal as he had been by theCardinal, and therefore I refused the
said sum very civilly, and, I am sure,ith as much sincerity as the Court
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offered it.
But the Cardinal laid another trap for
me that I was not aware of, by tempting me with the proffer of theGovernment of Paris; and when I had
shown a willingness to accept it, hefound means to break off the treaty I
as making for that purpose with thePrince de Guemende, who had thereversion of it, and then representedme to the people as one who only sought my own interest. Instead of
profiting by this blunder, which I mighthave done to my own advantage, Iadded another to it, and said all that
rage could prompt me against theCardinal to one who told it to him
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again.
To return now to public affairs. About
the feast of Saint Martin the peopleere so excited that they seemed as if
they had been all intoxicated with
gathering in the vintage; and you arenow going to be entertained withscenes in comparison to which the pastare but trifles.
There is no affair but has its criticalminute, which a bold statesmanship
knows how to lay hold of, and which,if missed, especially in the revolutionof kingdoms, you run the great risk of
losing altogether.
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Every one now found their advantagein the declaration, that is, if they understood their own interest. The
Parliament had the honour of reestablishing public order. The Princes,too, had their share in this honour, and
the first-fruits of it, which were respectand security. The people had aconsiderable comfort in it, by being eased of a load of above sixty millions;and if the Cardinal had had but thesense to make a virtue of necessity,
hich is one of the most necessary
qualifications of a minister of State, hemight, by an advantage alwaysinseparable from favourites, have
appropriated to himself the greatestpart of the merit, even of those things
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he had most opposed.
But these advantages were all lost
through the most trivial considerations.The people, upon the discontinuationof the Parliamentary assemblies,
resumed their savage temper, and werescared by the approach of a few troopsat which it was ridiculous to take theleast umbrage. The Parliament was tooapt to give ear to every groundless taleof the non-execution of theirdeclarations. The Duc d'Orleans saw all
the good he was capable of doing andpart of the evil he had power toprevent, but neither was strong enough
to influence his fearful temper; he wasunconscious of the coming and fatal
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blow. The Prince de Conde, who saw the evil to its full extent, was toocourageous by nature to fear the
consequences; he was inclined to dogood, but would do it only in his own
ay. His age, his humour, and his
victories hindered him from associating patience with activity, nor was heacquainted, unfortunately, with thismaxim so necessary for princes, "alwaysto sacrifice the little affairs to thegreater;" and the Cardinal, being ignorant of our ways, daily confounded
the most weighty with the most trifling.
The Parliament, who met on the 2d of
anuary, 1649, resolved to enforce theexecution of the declaration, which,
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they pretended, had been infringed inall its articles; and the Queen wasresolved to retire from Paris with the
King and the whole Court. The Queenas guided by the Cardinal, and the
Duc d'Orleans by La Riviere, the most
sordid and self-interested man of theage in which he lived. As for the Princede Conde, he began to be disgusted
ith the unseasonable proceedings of the Parliament almost as soon as he hadconcerted measures with Broussel andLongueil, which distaste, joined to the
kindly attentions of the Queen, theapparent submission of the Cardinal,and an hereditary inclination received
from his parents to keep well with theCourt, cramped the resolutions of his
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great soul. I bewailed this change in hisbehaviour both for my own and thepublic account, but much more for his
sake. I loved him as much as Ihonoured him, and clearly saw theprecipice.
I had divers conferences with him, inhich I found that his disgust was
turned into wrath and indignation. Heswore there was no bearing with theinsolence and impertinence of thosecitizens who struck at the royal
authority; that as long as he thoughtthey aimed only at Mazarin he was ontheir side; that I myself had often
confessed that no certain measurescould be concerted with men who
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changed their opinions every quarter of an hour; that he could nevercondescend to be General of an army
of fools, with whom no wise manould entrust himself; besides that, heas a Prince of the blood, and would
not be instrumental in giving a shock to the Throne; and that the Parliamentmight thank themselves if they wereruined through not observing themeasures agreed on.
This was the substance of my answer:
"No men are more bound by interestthan the Parliament to maintain theroyal authority, so that they cannot be
thought to have a design to ruin theState, though their proceedings may
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have a tendency that way. It must beowned, therefore, that if the sovereignpeople do evil, it is only when they are
not able to act as well as they would. Askilful minister, who knows how tomanage large bodies of men as well as
individuals, keeps up such a duebalance between the Prince's authority and the people's obedience as to makeall things succeed and prosper. But thepresent Prime Minister has neitherudgment nor strength to adjust thependulum of this State clock, the
springs of which are out of order. Hisbusiness is to make it go slower, which,I own, he attempts to do, but very
awkwardly, because he has not thebrains for it. In this lies the fault of our
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machine. Your Highness is in the rightto set about the mending of it, becausenobody else is capable of doing it; but
in order to do this must you join withthose that would knock it in pieces
"You are convinced of the Cardinal'sextravagances, and that his only view isto establish in France a form of government known nowhere but inItaly. If he should succeed, will theState be a gainer by it, according to itsonly true maxims Would it be an
advantage to the Princes of the bloodin any sense But, besides, has he any likelihood of succeeding Is he not
loaded with the odium and contemptof the public and is not the Parliament
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the idol they revere I know you despisethem because the Court is so wellarmed, but let me tell you that they are
so confident of their power that they feel their importance. They are come tothat pass that they do not value your
forces, and though the evil is that atpresent their strength consists only intheir imagination, yet a time may come
hen they may be able to do whateverthey now think it in their power to do.
"Your Highness lately told me that this
disposition of the people was only smoke; but be assured that smoke sodark and thick proceeds from a brisk
fire, which the Parliament blows, and,though they mean well, may blaze up
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into such a flame as may consumethemselves and again hazard thedestruction of the State, which has
been the case more than once. Bodiesof men, when once exasperated by aMinistry, always aggravate their failures,
and scarcely ever show them any favour, which, in some cases, is enoughto ruin a kingdom.
"If, when the proposition was formerly made to the Parliament by the Cardinalto declare whether they intended to set
bounds to the royal authority, if, I say,they had not wisely eluded theridiculous and dangerous question,
France would have run a great risk, inmy opinion, of being entirely ruined;
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for had they answered in theaffirmative, as they were on the pointof doing, they would have rent the veil
that covers the mysteries of State. Every monarchy has its peculiar veil; that of France consists in a kind of religious
and sacred silence, which, by thesubjects generally paying a blindobedience to their Kings, muffles upthat right which they think they have todispense with their obedience in cases
here a complaisance to their Kingsould be a prejudice to themselves. It is
a wonder that the Parliament did notstrip off this veil by a formal decree.This has had much worse consequences
since the people have taken the liberty to look through it.
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"Your Highness cannot by the force of arms prevent these dangerous
consequences, which, perhaps, arealready too near at hand. You see thateven the Parliament can hardly restrain
the people whom they have roused;that the contagion is spread into theprovinces, and you know that Guienneand Provence are entirely governed by the example of Paris. Every thing shakes and totters, and it is yourHighness only that can set us right,
because of the splendour of your birthand reputation, and the generally received opinion that none but you can
do it.
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"The Queen shares with the Cardinal inthe common hatred, and the Ducd'Orleans with La Riviere in the
universal contempt of the people. If,out of mere complaisance, you abettheir measures, you will share in the
hatred of the public. It is true that youare above their contempt; but then theirdread of you will be so great that it willgrievously embitter the hatred they willthen bear to you, and the contemptthey have already for the others, so that
hat is at present only a serious wound
in the State will perhaps becomeincurable and mortal. I am sensible youhave grounds to be diffident of the
behaviour of a body consisting of above two hundred persons, who are
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neither capable of governing nor being governed. I own the thought isperplexing; but such favourable
circumstances seem to offer themselvesat this juncture that matters are muchsimplified.
"Supposing that manifestoes werepublished, and your Highness declaredGeneral of the Parliamentary Army,
ould you, monseigneur, meet withgreater difficulties than yourgrandfather and great-grandfather did,
in accommodating themselves to thecaprice of the ministers of Rochelleand the mayors of Nimes and
Montauban And would your Highnessfind it a greater task to manage the
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"You have consulted but two membersof the whole Parliament, and them onl
upon their promise to disclose yourintentions to no man living. How thencan your Highness think it possible that
your sentiments, locked up so closely inthe breasts of two members, can haveany influence upon the whole body of the Parliament I dare answer for it,monseigneur, that if you will butdeclare yourself openly the protectorof the public and of the sovereign
companies, you might govern them atleast, for a considerable time with anabsolute and almost sovereign
authority. But this, it seems, is not whatyou have in view; you are not willing to
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embroil yourself with the Court. Youhad rather be of the Cabinet than of aparty. Do not take it ill, then, that men
ho consider you only in this light donot conduct themselves as you wouldlike. You ought to conform your
measures to theirs, because theirs aremoderate; and you may safely do it, forthe Cardinal can hardly stand under theheavy weight of the public hatred, andis too weak to oblige you against your
ill to any sudden and precipitaterupture. La Riviere, who governs the
Duc d'Orleans, is a most dangerousman. Continue, then, to introducemoderate measures, and let them take
their course, according to your firstplan. Is a little more or less heat in
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Parliamentary proceedings sufficientreason to make you alter it For
hatever be the consequence, the worst
that can happen is that the Queen may believe you not zealous enough for herinterest; but are there not remedies
enough for that Are there not excusesand appearances ready at hand, andsuch as cannot fail
"And now, I pray your Highness to giveme leave to add that there never was soexcellent, so innocent, so sacred, and so
necessary a project as this formed by your Highness, and, in my humbleopinion, there never were such weak
reasons as those you have now urged tohinder its execution; for I take this to
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be the weakest of all, which, perhaps,you think a very strong one, namely,that if Mazarin miscarries in his designs
you may be ruined along with him; andif he does succeed he will destroy youby the very means which you took to
raise him."
It had not the intended effect on thePrince, who was already prepossessed,and who only answered me in generalterms. But heroes have their faults as
ell as other men, and so had his
Highness, who had one of the finestgeniuses in the world, but little or noforethought. He did not seek to
aggravate matters in order to renderhimself necessary at Court, or with a
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view to do what he afterwards did forthe Cardinal, nor was he biassed by themean interests of pension, government,
and establishment. He had mostcertainly great hopes of being arbiterof the Cabinet. The glory of being
restorer of the public peace was hisfirst end in view, and being theconservator of the royal authority thesecond. Those who labour under suchan imperfection, though they see clearly the advantages and disadvantages of both parties, know not which to
choose, because they do not weighthem in the same balance, so that thesame thing appears lightest today which
they will think heaviest to-morrow.This was the case of the Prince, who, it
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must be owned, if he had carried onhis good design with prudence,certainly would have reestablished the
Government upon a lasting foundation.
He told me more than once, in anangry mood, that if the Parliament
ent on at the old rate he would teachthem that it would be no great task toreduce them to reason. I perceived by his talk that the Court had resumed thedesign of besieging Paris; and to be the
more satisfied of it I told him that theCardinal might easily be disappointedin his measures, and that he would find
Paris to be a very tough morsel.
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"It shall not be taken," he said, "likeDunkirk, by mines and storming; butsuppose its bread from Gonesse should
be cut off for eight days only "
I took this statement then for granted,
and replied that the stopping of thatpassage would be attended withdifficulties.
"What difficulties " asked the Prince,very briskly. "The citizens Will they come out to give battle "
"If it were only citizens, monseigneur,"I said, "the battle would not be very
sharp."
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"Who will be with them " he replied;"will you be there yourself "
"That would be a very bad omen," Isaid; "it would look too much like theproceedings of the League."
After a little pause, he said, "But now,to be serious, would you be so foolishas to embark with those men "
"You know, monseigneur," I said, "thatI am engaged already; and that,
moreover, as Coadjutor of Paris, I amconcerned both by honour and interestin its preservation. I shall be your
Highness's humble servant as long as Ilive, except in this one point."
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I saw he was touched to the quick, buthe kept his temper, and said these very
ords: "When you engage in a badcause I will pity you, but shall have noreason to complain of you. Nor do you
complain of me; but do me that justiceyou owe me, namely, to own that all Ipromised to Longueil and Broussel issince annulled by the conduct of theParliament."
He afterwards showed me many
personal favours, and offered to makemy peace with the Court. I assured himof my obedience and zeal for his
service in everything that did notinterfere with the engagements I had
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entered into, which, as he himself owned, I could not possibly avoid.
After we parted I paid a visit toMadame de Longueville, who seemedenraged both against the Court and the
Prince de Conde. I was pleased tothink, moreover, that she could do
hat she would with the Prince deConti, who was little better than a child;but then I considered that this child
as a Prince of the blood, and it wasonly a name we wanted to give life to
that which, without one, was a mereembryo. I could answer for M. deLongueville, who loved to be the first
man in any public revolution, and I wasas well assured of Marechal de La
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Mothe, [Philippe de La Mothe-Houdancourt, deceased 1657.] who
as madly opposed to the Court, and
had been inviolably attached to M. deLongueville for twenty years together. Isaw that the Duc de Bouillon, through
the injustice done him by the Courtand the unfortunate state of hisdomestic affairs, was very muchannoyed and almost desperate. I had aneye upon all these gentlemen at adistance, but thought neither of themfit to open the drama. M. de
Longueville was only fit for the secondact; the Marechal de La Mothe was agood soldier, but had no headpiece,
and was therefore not qualified for thefirst act. M. de Bouillon was my man,
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had not his honesty been moreproblematic than his talents. You willnot wonder that I was so wavering in
my choice, and that I fixed at last uponthe Prince de Conti, of the blood of France.
As soon as I gave Madame deLongueville a hint of what part she wasto act in the intended revolution, she
as perfectly transported, and I took care to make M. de Longueville as greata malcontent as herself. She had wit and
beauty, though smallpox had takenaway the bloom of her pretty face, in
hich there sat charms so powerful
that they rendered her one of the mostamiable persons in France. I could have
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placed her in my heart betweenMesdames de Gudmenee andPommereux, and it was not the despair
of succeeding that palled my passion,but the consideration that the benefice
as not yet vacant, though not well
served, M. de La Rochefoucault was inpossession, yet absent in Poitou. I senther three or four billets-doux every day,and received as many. I went very oftento her levee to be more at liberty to talk of affairs, got extraordinary advantagesby it, and I knew that it was the only
ay to be sure of the Prince de Conti.
Having settled a regular
correspondence with Madame deLongueville, she made me better
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acquainted with M. de LaRochefoucault, who made the Princede Conti believe that he spoke a good
ord for him to the lady, his sister, withhom he was in, love. And the two so
blinded the Prince that he did not
suspect anything till four years after.
hen I saw that the Court would actupon their own initiative, I resolved todeclare war against them and attack Mazarin in person, because otherwise
e could not escape being first attacked
by him.
It is certain that he gave his enemies
such an advantage over him as no otherPrime Minister ever did. Power
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commonly keeps above ridicule, buteverybody laughed at the Cardinalbecause of his silly sayings and doings,
hich those in his position are seldomguilty of. It was said that he had lately asked Bougeval, deputy of the Grand
Council, whether he did not think himself obliged to have no buttons tothe collar of his doublet, if the King should command it, a grave argumentto convince the deputies of animportant company of the obediencedue to kings, for which he was severely
lampooned both in prose and verse.
The Court having attempted to legalise
excessive usury, I mean with respect tothe affair of loans, my dignity would
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not permit me to tolerate so public andscandalous an evil. Therefore I held anassembly of the clergy, where, without
so much as mentioning the Cardinal'sname in the conferences, in which Irather affected to spare him, yet in a
eek's time I made him pass for one of the most obstinate Jews in Europe.
At this very time I was sent for, by acivil letter under the Queen's ownhand, to repair to Saint Germain, themessenger telling me the King was just
gone thither and that the army wascommanded to advance. I made himbelieve I would obey the summons, but
I did not intend to do so.
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I was pestered for five hours with aparcel of idle rumours of ruin anddestruction, which rather diverted than
alarmed me, for though the Prince deConde, distrusting his brother thePrince de Conti, had surprised him in
bed and carried him off with him toSaint Germain, yet I did not questionbut that, as long as Madame deLongueville stayed in Paris, we shouldsee him again, the rather because hisbrother neither feared nor valued himsufficiently to put him under arrest, and
I was assured that M. de Longuevilleould be in Paris that evening by
having received a letter from himself.
The King was no sooner gone than the
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Parliament met, frightened out of theirsenses, and I know not what they couldhave done if we had not found a way
to change their fears into a resolutionto make a bold stand. I have observed athousand times that there are some
kinds of fear only to be removed by higher degrees of terror. I caused it tobe signified to the Parliament that there
as in the Hotel de Ville a letter fromhis Majesty to the magistrates,containing the reasons that had obligedhim to leave his good city of Paris,
hich were in effect that some of theofficers of the House held acorrespondence with the enemies of
the Government, and had conspired toseize his person.
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The Parliament, considering this letterand that the President le Feron, 'prevot
des marchands', was a creature of theCourt, ordered the citizens to arms, thegates to be secured, and the 'prevot des
marchands' and the 'lieutenant depolice' to keep open the necessary passages for provisions.
Having thought it good policy that thefirst public step of resistance should betaken by the Parliament to justify the
disobedience of private persons, I theninvented this stratagem to render methe more excusable to the Queen for
not going to Saint Germain. Having taken leave of all friends and rejected
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all their entreaties for my stay in Paris, Itook coach as if I were driving toCourt, but, by good luck, met with an
eminent timber-merchant, a very goodfriend of mine, at the end of Notre-Dame Street, who was very much out
of humour, set upon my postilion, andthreatened my coachman. The peoplecame and overturned my coach, andthe women, shrieking, carried me back to my own house.
I wrote to the Queen and Prince,
signifying how sorry I was that I hadmet with such a stoppage; but theQueen treated the messenger with
scorn and contempt. The Prince, at thesame time that he pitied me, could not
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help showing his anger. La Riviereattacked me with railleries andinvectives, and the messenger thought
they were sure of putting the ropeabout all our necks on the morrow.
I was not so much alarmed at theirmenaces as at the news I heard thesame day that M. de Longueville,returning from Rouen, had turned off to Saint Germain. Marechal de LaMothe told me twenty times that he
ould do everything to the letter that
M. de Longueville would have him dofor or against the Court. M. deBouillon quarrelled with me for
confiding in men who acted socontrary to the repeated assurances I
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had given him of their good behaviour.And besides all this, Madame deLongueville protested to me that she
had received no news from M. de LaRochefoucault, who went soon afterthe King, with a design to fortify the
Prince de Conti in his resolution and tobring him back to Paris. Upon this Isent the Marquis de Noirmoutier toSaint Germain to learn what we had totrust to.
On the 7th of January, 1649, an order
as sent from the King to theParliament to remove to Montargis, tothe Chamber of Accounts to adjourn
to Orleans and to the Grand Council toretire to Mantes. A packet was also sent
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to the Parliament, which they wouldnot open, because they guessed at thecontents and were resolved beforehand
not to obey. Therefore they returned itsealed up as it came, and agreed to sendassurances of their obedience to the
Queen, and to beg she would give themleave to clear themselves from theaspersion thrown upon them in theletter above mentioned sent to thechief magistrate of the city. And tosupport the dignity of Parliament it
as further resolved that her Majesty
should be petitioned in a most humblemanner to name the calumniators, thatthey might be proceeded against
according to law. At the same timeBroussel, Viole, Amelot, and seven
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others moved that it might bedemanded in form that CardinalMazarin should be removed; but they
ere not supported by anybody else, sothat they were treated as enthusiasts.Although this was a juncture in which
it was more necessary than ever to actith vigour, yet I do not remember the
time when I have beheld so muchfaintheartedness.
The Chamber of Accounts immediatelset about making remonstrances; but
the Grand Council would have obeyedthe King's orders, only the city refusedthem passports. I think this was one of
the most gloomy days I had as yet seen.I found the Parliament had almost lost
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all their spirit, and that I should beobliged to bow my neck under themost shameful and dangerous yoke of
slavery, or be reduced to the direnecessity of setting up for tribune of the people, which is the most uncertain
and meanest of all posts when it is notvested with sufficient power.
The weakness of the Prince de Conti,ho was led like a child by his brother,
the cowardice of M. de Longueville,ho had been to offer his service to the
Queen, and the declaration of MM. deBouillon and de La Mothe had mightily disfigured my tribuneship. But the folly
of Mazarin raised its reputation, for hemade the Queen refuse audience to the
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King's Council, who returned thatnight to Paris, fully convinced that theCourt was resolved to push things to
extremity.
I was informed from Saint Germain
that the Prince had assured the Queenhe would take Paris in a fortnight, andthey hoped that the discontinuance of two markets only would starve the city into a surrender. I carried this news tomy friends, who began to see that there
as no possibility, of accommodation.
The Parliament was no sooneracquainted that the King's Council had
been denied audience than with onevoice Bernai excepted, who was fitter
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for a cook than a councillor they passedthat famous decree of January 8th,1649, whereby Cardinal Mazarin was
declared an enemy to the King andGovernment, a disturber of the publicpeace, and all the King's subjects were
enjoined to attack him without mercy.
In the afternoon there was a generalcouncil of the deputies of Parliament,of the Chamber of Accounts, of theCourt of Aids, the chief magistrates of Paris, and the six trading companies,
herein it was resolved that themagistrates should issue commissionsfor raising 4,000 horse and 10,000 foot.
The same day the Chamber of Accounts, the Court of Aids, and the
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city sent their deputies to the Queen, tobeseech her Majesty to bring the King back to Paris, but the Court was
obdurate. The Prince de Conde flew out against the Parliament in theQueen's presence; and her Majesty told
them all that neither the King norherself would ever come again withinthe walls of the city till the Parliament
as gone out of it.
The next day the city received a letterfrom the King commanding them to
oblige the Parliament to remove toMontargis. The governor, one of thesheriffs, and four councillors of the cit
carried the letter to Parliament,protesting at the same time that they
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ould obey no other orders than thoseof the Parliament, who that very morning settled the necessary funds for
raising troops. In the afternoon thereas a general council, wherein all the
corporations of the city and all the
colonels and captains of the severalquarters entered into an association,confirmed by an oath, for their mutualdefence. In the meantime I wasinformed by the Marquis deNoirmoutier that the Prince de Contiand M. de Longueville were very well
disposed, and that they stayed at Courtthe longer to have a safer opportunity of coming away. M. de La
Rochefoucault wrote to the samepurpose to Madame de Longueville.
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The same day I had a visit from theDuc d'Elbeuf, [Charles de Lorraine, the
second of that name, who died 1657.]ho, as they said, having missed a
dinner at Court, came to Paris for a
supper. He addressed me with all thecajoling flattery of the House of Guise, and had three children with him,
ho were not so eloquent, but seemedto be quite as cunning as himself. Hetold me that he was going to offer hisservice to the Hotel de Ville; but I
advised him to wait upon theParliament. He was fixed in his firstresolution, yet he came to assure me he
ould follow my advice in everything. Ias afraid that the Parisians, to whom
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the very name of a Prince of Lorraineis dear, would have given him thecommand of the troops. Therefore I
ordered the clergy over whom I hadinfluence to insinuate to the peoplethat he was too influential with the
Abbe de La Riviere, and I showed theParliament what respect he had forthem by addressing himself to theHotel de Ville in the first place, andthat he had not honour enough to betrusted. I was shown a letter which he
rote to his friend as he came into
town, in which were these words: "Imust go and do homage to theCoadjutor now, but in three days' time
he shall return it to me." And I knew from other instances that his affection
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for me was of the feeblest.
hile I was reflecting what to do, news
as brought to me before daylight thatthe Prince de Conti and M. deLongueville were at the gate of Saint
Honord and denied entrance by thepeople, who feared they came to betray the city. I immediately fetched honestBroussel, and, taking some torches tolight us, we posted to the said gatethrough a prodigious crowd of people;it was broad daylight before we could
persuade the people that they mightsafely let them in.
The great difficulty now was how tomanage so as to remove the general
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distrust of the Prince de Conti thatexisted among the people. That which
as practicable the night before was
rendered impossible and even ruinousthe next day, and this same Ducd'Elbeuf, whom I thought to have
driven out of Paris on the 9th, was in afair way to have compelled me to leaveon the 10th if he had played his game
ell, so suspected was the name of Conde by the people. As there wanted alittle time to reconcile them, I thoughtit was our only way to keep fair with M.
d'Elbeuf and to convince him that itould be to his interest to join with the
Prince de Conti and M. de Longueville.
I accordingly sent to acquaint him thatI intended him a visit, but when I
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arrived he was gone to the Parliament,here the First President, who was
against removing to Montargis and at
the same time very averse to a civil war,embraced him, and, without giving themembers time to consider what was
urged by Broussel, Viole, and others tothe contrary, caused him to be declaredGeneral, with a design merely to divideand weaken the party.
Upon this I made haste to the Palace of Longueville to persuade the Prince de
Conti and M. de Longueville to go thatvery instant to the Parliament House.The latter was never in haste, and the
Prince having gone tired to bed, it wasith much ado I prevailed on him to
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rise. In short, he was so long in setting out that the Parliament was up and M.d'Elbeuf was marching to the Hotel de
Ville to be sworn and to take care of the commissions that were to be issued.I thereupon persuaded the Prince de
Conti to go to the Parliament in theafternoon and to offer them his service,
hile I stayed without in the hall toobserve the disposition of the people.
He went thither accordingly in my coach and with my grand livery, by
hich he made it appear that hereposed his confidence entirely in thepeople, whom there is a necessity of
managing with a world of precautionbecause of their natural diffidence and
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instability. When we came to the Housee were saluted upon the stairs with
"God bless the Coadjutor!" but, except
those posted there on purpose, not asoul cried, "God bless the Prince deConti!" from which I concluded that
the bulk of the people were not yetcured of their diffidence, and thereforeI was very glad when I had got thePrince into the Grand Chamber. Themoment after, M. d'Elbeuf came in
ith the city guards, who attended himas general, and with all the people
crying out, "God bless his Highness M.d'Elbeuf!" But as they cried at the sametime "God save the Coadjutor!" I
addressed myself to him with a smileand said, "This is an echo, monsieur,
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hich does me a great deal of honour.""It is very kind of you," said he, and,turning to the guards, bade them stay at
the door of the Grand Chamber. I took the order as given to myself, and stayedthere likewise, with a great number of
my friends. As soon as the House wasformed, the Prince de Conti stood upand said that, having been madeacquainted at Saint Germain with thepernicious counsels given to theQueen, he thought himself obliged, asPrince of the blood, to oppose them.
M. d'Elbeuf, who was proud andinsolent, like all weak men, because hethought he had the strongest party, said
he knew the respect due to the Princede Conti, but that he could not forbear
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telling them that it was himself whofirst broke the ice and offered hisservice to the Parliament, who, having
conferred the General's baton uponhim, he would never part with it but
ith his life.
The generality of the members, whoere as distrustful of the Prince de
Conti as the people, applauded thisdeclaration, and the Parliament passed adecree forbidding the troops on painof high treason to advance within
twenty miles of Paris. I saw that all Icould do that day was to reconduct thePrince de Conti in safety to the palace
of Longueville, for the crowd was sogreat that I was fain to carry him, as it
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ere, in my arms out of the GrandChamber.
M. d'Elbeuf, who thought the day wasall his own, hearing my name joined
ith his in the huzzas of the people,
said to me by way of reprisal, "This,monsieur, is an echo which does me agreat deal of honour," to which Ireplied, as he did to me before,"Monsieur, it is very kind of you."Meantime he was not wise enough toimprove the opportunity, and I foresaw
that things would soon take anotherturn, for reputation of long standing among the people never fails to blast
the tender blossoms of public good-ill which are forced out of due
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season.
I had news sent to me from Madame de
Lesdiguieres at Saint Germain, that M.d'Elbeuf, an hour after he heard of thearrival of the Prince de Conti and M.
de Longueville at Paris, wrote a letter tothe Abbe de la Riviere with these
ords: "Tell the Queen and the Ducd'Orleans that this diabolical Coadjutoris the ruin of everything here, and thatin two days I shall have no power at all,but that if they will be kind to me I will
make them sensible. I am not comehither with so bad a design as they imagine." I made a very good use of
this advice, and, knowing that thepeople are generally fond of everything
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that seems mysterious, I imparted thesecret to four or five hundred persons.I had the pleasure to hear that the
confidence which the Prince hadreposed in the people by going aboutall alone in my coach, without any
attendance, had won their hearts.
At midnight M. de Longueville,Marechal de La Mothe, and myself
ent to M. de Bouillon, whom wefound as wavering as the state of affairs, but when we showed him our
plan, and how easily it might beexecuted, he joined us immediately. Weconcerted measures, and I gave out
orders to all the colonels and captainsof my acquaintance.
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zealous as they were for M. d'Elbeuf, Ias for mincing the matter no longer,
and thought that ostentation would be
as proper to-day as reserve wasyesterday. The Prince de Conti took M.de Longueville to the Parliament
House, where he offered them hisservices, together with all Normandy,and desired they would accept of his
ife, son, and daughter, and keep themin the Hotel de Ville as pledges of hissincerity. He was seconded by M. deBouillon, who said he was exceedingly
glad to serve the Parliament under thecommand of so great a Prince as thePrince de Conti. M. d'Elbeuf was
nettled at this expression, and repeatedhat he had said before, that he would
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not part with the General's staff, and heshowed more warmth than judgment inthe whole debate. He spoke nothing to
the purpose. It was too late to dispute,and he was obliged to yield, but I haveobserved that fools yield only when
they cannot help it. We tried hispatience a third time by the appearanceof Marechal de La Mothe, who passedthe same compliment upon thecompany as De Bouillon had done. Wehad concerted beforehand that thesepersonages should make their
appearance upon the theatre one afterthe other, for we had remarked thatnothing so much affects the people,
and even the Parliament, among whomthe people are a majority, as a variety of
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scenes.
I took Madame de Longueville and
Madame de Bouillon in a coach by way of triumph to the Hotel de Ville. They
ere both of rare beauty, and appeared
the more charming because of acareless air, the more becoming to bothbecause it was unaffected. Each heldone of her children, beautiful as themother, in her arms. The place was sofull of people that the very tops of thehouses were crowded; all the men
shouted and the women wept for joy and affection. I threw five hundredpistoles out of the window of the
Hotel de Ville, and went again to theParliament House, accompanied by a
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vast number of people, some witharms and others without. M. d'Elbeuf'scaptain of the guards told his master
that he was ruined to all intents andpurposes if he did not accommodatehimself to the present position of
affairs, which was the reason that Ifound him much perplexed anddejected, especially when M. deBellievre, who had amused himhitherto designedly, came in and asked
hat meant the beating of the drums. Ianswered that he would hear more very
soon, and that all honest men werequite out of patience with those thatsowed divisions among the people. I
saw then that wisdom in affairs of moment is nothing without courage. M.
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d'Elbeuf had little courage at thisuncture, made a ridiculous explanationof what he had said before, and
granted more than he was desired todo, and it was owing to the civility andgood sense of M. de Bouillon that he
retained the title of General and theprecedence of M. de Bouillon and M.de La Mothe, who were equally Generals with himself under the Princede Conti, who was from that instantdeclared Generalissimo of the King'sforces under the direction of the
Parliament.
There happened at this time a comical
scene in the Hotel de Ville, which Imention more particularly because of
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its consequence. De Noirmoutier, whothe night before was made lieutenant-general, returning by the Hotel de Ville
from a sally which he had made intothe suburbs to drive away Mazarin'sskirmishers, as they were called, entered
ith three officers in armour into thechamber of Madame de Longueville,
hich was full of ladies; the mixture of blue scarfs, ladies, cuirassiers, fiddlers,and trumpeters in and about the hall
as such a sight as is seldom met withbut in romances. De Noirmoutier, who
as a great admirer of Astrea, said heimagined that we were besieged inMarcilli. "Well you may," said I;
"Madame de Longueville is as fair asGalatea, but Marsillac (son of M. de La
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Rochefoucault) is not a man of somuch honour as Lindamore." I fancy I
as overheard by one in a
neighbouring window, who might havetold M. de La Rochefoucault, forotherwise I cannot guess at the first
cause of the hatred which heafterwards bore me.
Before I proceed to give you the detailof the civil war, suffer me to lead youinto the gallery where you, who are anadmirer of fine painting, will be
entertained with the figures of thechief actors, drawn all at length in theirproper colours, and you will be able to
udge by the history whether they arepainted to the life. Let us begin, as it is
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but just, with her Majesty.
Character of the Queen.
The Queen excelled in that kind of withich was becoming her circle, to the
end that she might not appear silly before strangers; she was more ill-natured than proud, had more pridethan real grandeur, and more show than substance; she loved money too
ell to be liberal, and her own interesttoo well to be impartial; she was more
constant than passionate as a lover,more implacable than cruel, and moremindful of injuries than of good
offices. She had more of the piousintention than of real piety, more
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obstinacy than well-groundedresolution, and a greater measure of incapacity than of all the rest.
Character of the Duc d' Orleans.
The Duc d'Orleans possessed all thegood qualities requisite for a man of honour except courage, but having notone quality eminent enough to makehim notable, he had nothing in him tosupply or support the weakness which
as so predominant in his heart
through fear, and in his mind throughirresolution, that it tarnished the wholecourse of his life. He engaged in all
affairs, because he had not power toresist the importunities of those who
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drew him in for their own advantage,and came off always with shame for
ant of courage to go on. His
suspicious temper, even from hischildhood, deadened those lively, gay colours which would have shone out
naturally with the advantages of a fine,bright genius, an amiable gracefulness, avery honest disposition, a perfectdisinterestedness, and an incredibleeasiness of behaviour.
Character of the Prince de Conde.
The Prince de Conde was born ageneral, an honour none could ever
boast of before but Caesar andSpinola; he was equal to the first, but
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superior to the second. Intrepidity wasone of the least parts of his character.Nature gave him a genius as great as his
heart. It was his fortune to be born inan age of war, which gave him anopportunity to display his courage to
its full extent; but his birth, or rathereducation, in a family submissively attached to the Cabinet, restrained hisnoble genius within too narrow bounds. There was no care takenbetimes to inspire him with those greatand general maxims which form and
improve a man of parts. He had nottime to acquire them by his ownapplication, because he was prevented
from his youth by the unexpectedrevolution, and by a constant series of
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successes. This one imperfection,though he had as pure a soul as any inthe world, was the reason that he did
things which were not to be justified,that though he had the heart of Alexander so he had his infirmities, that
he was guilty of unaccountable follies,that having all the talents of Francoisde Guise, he did not serve the Stateupon some occasions as well as heought, and that having the parts of Henri de Conde, his namesake, he didnot push the faction as far as he might
have done, nor did he discharge all theduties his extraordinary meritdemanded from him.
Character of the Duc de Longueville.
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M. de Longueville, though he had thegrand name of Orleans, together with
vivacity, an agreeable appearance,generosity, liberality, justice, valour, andgrandeur, yet never made any
extraordinary figure in life, because hisideas were infinitely above his capacity.If a man has abilities and great designs,he is sure to be looked upon as a manof some importance; but if he doesnot carry them out, he is not muchesteemed, which was the case with De
Longueville.
Character of the Duc de Beaufort.
M. de Beaufort knew little of affairs of
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moment but by hearsay and by what hehad learned in the cabal of "TheImportants," of whose jargon he had
retained some smattering, which,together with some expressions he hadperfectly acquired from Madame de
Vendome, formed a language thatould have puzzled a Cato. His speechas short and stupidly dull, and the
more so because he obscured it by affectation. He thought himself very sufficient, and pretended to a great dealmore wit than came to his share. He
as brave enough in his person, andoutdid the common Hectors by being so upon all occasions, but never more
mal a propos' than in gallantry. And hetalked and thought just as the people
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did whose idol he was for some time.
Character of the Dice d'Elbeuf.
M. d'Elbeuf could not fail of courage,as he was a Prince of the house of
Lorraine. He had all the wit that a manof abundantly more cunning and goodsense could pretend to. He was amedley of incoherent flourishes. He
as the first Prince debased by poverty;and, perhaps, never man was more at aloss than he to raise the pity of the
people in misery. A comfortablesubsistence did not raise his spirits; andif he had been master of riches he
ould have been envied as a leader of aparty. Poverty so well became him that
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it seemed as if he had been cut out fora beggar.
Character of the Duc de Bouillon.
The Duc de Bouillon was a man of
experienced valour and profound sense.I am fully persuaded, by what I haveseen of his conduct, that those who cry it down wrong his character; and it may be that others had too favourablenotions of his merit, who thought himcapable of all the great things which he
never did.
Character of M. de Turenne.
M. de Turenne had all the good
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qualities in his very nature, andacquired all the great ones very early,those only excepted that he never
thought of. Though almost all thevirtues were in a manner natural tohim, yet he shone out in none. He was
looked upon as more proper to be atthe head of an army than of a faction,for he was not naturally enterprising.He had in all his conduct, as well as inhis way of talking, certain obscurities
hich he never explained but onparticular occasions, and then only for
his own honour.
Character of Marechal de La Mothe.
The Marechal de La Mothe was a
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captain of the second rank, full of mettle, but not a man of much sense.He was affable and courteous in civil
life, and a very useful man in a factionbecause of his wonderful complacency.
Character of the Prince de Conti.
The Prince de Conti was a secondZeno as much as he was a Prince of theblood. That is his character with regardto the public; and as to his privatecapacity, wickedness had the same
effect on him as weakness had on M.d'Elbeuf, and drowned his otherqualities, which were all mean and
tinctured with folly.
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Character of M. de La Rochefoucault.
M. de La Rochefoucault had something
so odd in all his conduct that I know not what name to give it. He loved tobe engaged in intrigues from a child.
He was never capable of conducting any affair, for what reasons I could notconceive; for he had endowments
hich, in another, would have madeamends for imperfections . . . . He hadnot a long view of what was beyondhis reach, nor a quick apprehension of
hat was within it; but his sound sense,very good in speculation, his good-nature, his engaging and wonderfully
easy behaviour, were enough to havemade amends more than they did for
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his want of penetration. He wasconstantly wavering in his resolution,but what to attribute it to I know not,
for it could not come from his fertileimagination, which was lively. Nor can Isay it came from his barrenness of
thought, for though he did not excel asa man of affairs, yet he had a goodfund of sense. The effect of thisirresolution is very visible, though wedo not know its cause. He never was a
arrior, though a true soldier. He neveras a courtier, though he had always a
good mind to be one. He never was agood party man, though his whole life
as engaged in partisanship. He was
very timorous and bashful inconversation, and thought he always
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stood in need of apologies, which,considering that his "Maxims" showednot great regard for virtue, and that his
practice was always to get out of affairsith the same hurry as he got into
them, makes me conclude that he
ould have done much better if he hadcontented himself to have passed, as hemight have done, for the politestcourtier and the most cultivatedgentlemen of his age.
Character of Madame de Longueville.
Madame de Longueville had naturally agreat fund of wit, and was, moreover, a
oman of parts; but her indolenttemper kept her from making any use
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of her talents, either in gallantries or inher hatred against the Prince de Conde.Her languishing air had more charms in
it than the most exquisite beauty. Shehad few or no faults besides what shecontracted in her gallantry. As her
passion of love influenced her conductmore than politics, she who was theAmazon of a great party degeneratedinto the character of a fortune-hunter.But the grace of God brought her back to her former self, which all the world
as not able to do.
Character of Madame de Chevreuse.
Madame de Chevreuse had not somuch as the remains of beauty when I
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knew her; she was the only person Iever saw whose vivacity supplied the
ant of judgment; her wit was so
brilliant and so full of wisdom that thegreatest men of the age would not havebeen ashamed of it, while, in truth, it
as owing to some lucky opportunity.If she had been born in time of peaceshe would never have imagined therecould have been such a thing as war. If the Prior of the Carthusians had butpleased her, she would have been a nunall her lifetime. M. de Lorraine was the
first that engaged her in State affairs.The Duke of Buckingham [GeorgeVilliers, Duke of Buckingham,
assassinated when preparing to succourRochelle.] and the Earl of Holland (an
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English lord, of the family of Rich,and younger son of the Earl of
arwick, then ambassador in France)
kept her to themselves; M. deChateauneuf continued theamusement, till at last she abandoned
herself to the pleasing of a personhom she loved, without any choice,
but purely because it was impossiblefor her to live without being in love
ith somebody. It was no hard task togive her one to serve the turn of thefaction, but as soon as she accepted
him she loved him with all her heartand soul, and she confessed that, by thecaprice of fortune, she never loved best
here she esteemed most, except in thecase of the poor Duke of Buckingham.
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Notwithstanding her attachment inlove, which we may, properly call hereverlasting passion, notwithstanding
the frequent change of objects, she waspeevish and touchy almost todistraction, but when herself again, her
transports were very agreeable; neveras anybody less fearful of real danger,
and never had woman more contemptfor scruples and ceremonies.
Character of Mademoiselle deChevreuse.
Mademoiselle de Chevreuse was morebeautiful in her person than charming
in her carriage, and by nature extremely silly; her amorous passion made her
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seem witty, serious, and agreeable only to him whom she was in love with, butshe soon treated him as she did her
petticoat, which to-day she took intoher bed, and to-morrow cast into thefire out of pure aversion.
Character of the Princess Palatine.
The Princess Palatine' had just as muchgallantry as gravity. I believe she had asgreat a talent for State affairs asElizabeth, Queen of England. I have
seen her in the faction, I have seen herin the Cabinet, and found hereverywhere equally sincere.
Character of Madame de Montbazon.
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Madame de Montbazon was a very great beauty, only modesty was visibly
anting in her air; her grand air and heray of talking sometimes supplied herant of sense. She loved nothing more
than her pleasures, unless it was herprivate interest, and I never knew avicious person that had so little respectfor virtue.
Character of the First President.
If it were not a sort of blasphemy tosay that any mortal of our times hadmore courage than the great Gustavus
Adolphus and the Prince de Conde, Iould venture to affirm it of M. Mole,
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the First President, but his wit was farinferior to his courage. It is true that hisenunciation was not agreeable, but his
eloquence was such that, though itshocked the ear, it seized theimagination. He sought the interest of
the public preferably to all things, notexcepting the interest of his own family,
hich yet he loved too much for amagistrate. He had not a genius to seeat times the good he was capable of doing, presumed too much upon hisauthority, and imagined that he could
moderate both the Court andParliament; but he failed in both, madehimself suspected by both, and thus,
ith a design to do good, he did evil.Prejudices contributed not a little to
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this, for I observed he was prejudicedto such a degree that he always judgedof actions by men, and scarcely ever of
men by their actions.
To return to our history. All the
companies having united and settledthe necessary funds, a complete army
as raised in Paris in a week's time. TheBastille surrendered after five or sixcannon shots, and it was a pretty sightto see the women carry their chairs intothe garden, where the guns were
stationed, for the sake of seeing thesiege, just as if about to hear a sermon.
M. de Beaufort, having escaped fromhis confinement, arrived this very day
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in Paris. I found that his imprisonmenthad not made him one jot the wiser.Indeed, it had got him a reputation,
because he bore it with constancy andmade his escape with courage. It wasalso his merit not to have abandoned
the banks of the Loire at a time when itabsolutely required abundance of skilland courage to stay there. It is an easy matter for those who are disgraced atCourt to make the best of their ownmerit in the beginning of a civil war.He had a mind to form an alliance with
me, and knowing how to employ himadvantageously, I prepossessed thepeople in his favour, and exaggerated
the conspiracy which the Cardinal hadformed against him by means of Du
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Hamel.
As my friendship was necessary to him,
so his was necessary to me; for my profession on many occasions being arestraint upon me, I wanted a man
sometimes to stand before me. M. de LaMothe was so dependent on M. deLongueville that I could not rely onhim; and M. de Bouillon was not a manto be governed.
e went together to wait on the Prince
de Conti; we stopped the coach in thestreets, where I proclaimed the name of M. de Beaufort, praised him and
showed him to the people; upon whichthe people were suddenly fired with
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enthusiasm, the women kissed him, andthe crowd was so great that we hadmuch ado to get to the Hotel de Ville.
The next day he offered a petition tothe Parliament desiring he might haveleave to justify himself against the
accusation of his having formed adesign against the life of the Cardinal,
hich was granted; and he wasaccordingly cleared next day, and theParliament issued that famous decreefor seizing all the cash of the Crown inall the public and private receipt offices
of the kingdom and employing it in thecommon defence.
The Prince de Conde was enraged atthe declaration published by the Prince
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de Conti and M. de Longueville, whichcast the Court, then at Saint Germain,into such a despair that the Cardinal
as upon the point of retiring. I wasabused there without mercy, asappeared by a letter sent to Madame de
Longueville from the Princess, hermother, in which I read this sentence:"They rail here plentifully against theCoadjutor, whom yet I cannot forbearthanking for what he has done for thepoor Queen of England." Thiscircumstance is very curious. You must
know that a few days before the King left Paris I visited the Queen of England, whom I found in the
apartment of her daughter, sinceMadame d'Orleans. "You see,
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monsieur," said the Queen, "I comehere to keep Henriette company; thepoor child has lain in bed all day for
ant of a fire." The truth is, theCardinal having stopped the Queen'spension six months, tradesmen were
unwilling to give her credit, and thereas not a chip of wood in the house.ou may be sure I took care that a
Princess of Great Britain should not beconfined to her bed next day, for wantof a fagot; and a few days after Iexaggerated the scandal of this
desertion, and the Parliament sent theQueen a present of 40,000 livres.Posterity will hardly believe that the
Queen of England, granddaughter of Henri the Great, wanted a fagot to light
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a fire in the month of January, in theLouvre, and at the Court of France.
There are many passages in history lessmonstrous than this which make usshudder, and this mean action of the
Court made so little impression uponthe minds of the generality of thepeople at that time that I have reflecteda thousand times since that we are farmore moved at the hearing of oldstories than of those of the presenttime; we are not shocked at what we see
ith our own eyes, and I questionhether our surprise would be as great
as we imagine at the story of Caligula's
promoting his horse to the dignity of aconsul were he and his horse now
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living.
To return to the war. A cornet of my
regiment being taken prisoner andcarried to Saint Germain, the Queenimmediately ordered his head to be cut
off, but I sent a trumpeter to acquaintthe Court that I would make reprisalsupon my prisoners, so that my cornet
as exchanged and a cartel settled.
As soon as Paris declared itself, all thekingdom was in a quandary, for the
Parliament of Paris sent circular lettersto all the Parliaments and cities in thekingdom exhorting them to join against
the common enemy; upon which theParliaments of Aix and Rouen joined
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ith that of Paris. The Princed'Harcourt, now Duc d'Elbeuf, and thecities of Rheims, Tours, and Potiers,
took up arms in its favour. The Duc deLa Tremouille raised men for thempublicly. The Duc de Retz offered his
service to the Parliament, together withBelle Isle. Le Mans expelled its bishopand all the Lavardin family, who were inthe interest of the Court.
On the 18th of January, 1649, I wasadmitted to a seat and vote in
Parliament, and signed an alliance withthe chief leaders of the party: MM. deBeaufort, de Bouillon, de La Mothe, de
Noirmoutier, de Vitri, de Brissac, deMaure, de Matha, de Cugnac, de
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Barnire, de Sillery, de La Rochefoucault,de Laigues, de Sevigny, de Bethune, deLuynes, de Chaumont, de Saint-
Germain, d'Action, and de Fiesque.
On the 9th of February the Prince de
Conde attacked and took Charenton.All this time the country people wereflocking to Paris with provisions, notonly because there was plenty of money, but to enable the citizens tohold out against the siege, which wasbegun on the 9th of January.
On the 12th of February a herald cameith two trumpeters from the Court to
one of the city gates, bringing threepackets of letters, one for the
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Parliament, one for the Prince de Conti,and the third for the Hotel de Ville. It
as but the night before that a person
as caught in the halls dropping libelsagainst the Parliament and me; upon
hich the Parliament, Princes, and city
supposed that this State visit wasnothing but an amusement of CardinalMazarin to cover a worse design, andtherefore resolved not to receive themessage nor give the herald audience,but to send the King's Council to theQueen to represent to her that their
refusal was out of pure obedience andrespect, because heralds are never sentbut to sovereign Princes or public
enemies, and that the Parliament, thePrince de Conti, and the city were
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neither the one nor the other. At thesame time the Chevalier de Lavalette,
ho distributed the libels, had formed
a design to kill me and M. de Beaufortupon the Parliament stairs in the greatcrowd which they expected would
attend the appearance of the herald.The Court, indeed, always denied hishaving any other commission than todrop the libels, but I am certain that theBishop of Dole told the Bishop of Aire, but a night or two before, thatBeaufort and I should not be among
the living three days hence.
The King's councillors returned with a
report how kindly they had beenreceived at Saint Germain. They said
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the Queen highly approved of thereasons offered by the Parliament forrefusing entrance to the herald, and that
she had assured them that, though shecould not side with the Parliament inthe present state of affairs, yet she
received with joy the assurances they had given her of their respect andsubmission, and that she woulddistinguish them in general and inparticular by special marks of hergood-will. Talon, Attorney-General,
ho always spoke with dignity and
force, embellished this answer of theQueen with all the ornaments he couldgive it, assuring the Parliament in very
pathetic terms that, if they should bepleased to send a deputation to Saint
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Germain, it would be very kindly received, and might, perhaps, be a greatstep towards a peace.
hen I saw that we were besieged, thatthe Cardinal had sent a person into
Flanders to treat with the Spaniards,and that our party was now so wellformed that there was no danger that Ialone should be charged with courting the alliance of the enemies of the State,I hesitated no longer, but judged that,as affairs stood, I might with honour
hear what proposals the Spaniardsould make to me for the relief of
Paris; but I took care not to have my
name mentioned, and that the firstovertures should be made to M.
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d'Elbeuf, who was the fittest person,because during the ministry of Cardinal de Richelieu he was twelve or
fifteen years in Flanders a pensioner of Spain. Accordingly Arnolfi, a Bernardinfriar, was sent from the Archduke
Leopold, Governor of the SpanishNetherlands for the King of Spain, tothe Duc d'Elbeuf, who, upon sight of his credentials, thought himself themost considerable man of the party,invited most of us to dinner, and toldus he had a very important matter to lay
before us, but that such was histenderness for the French name that hecould not open so much as a small
letter from a suspected quarter, which,after some scrupulous and mysterious
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circumlocutions, he ventured to name,and we agreed one and all not to refusethe succours from Spain, but the great
difficulty was, which way to get them.Fuensaldagne, the general, was inclinedto join us if he could have been sure
that we would engage with him; but asthere was no possibility of theParliaments treating with him, nor any dependence to be placed upon thegenerals, some of whom were wavering and whimsical, Madame de Bouillonpressed me not to hesitate any longer,
but to join with her husband, adding that if he and I united, we should sofar overmatch the others that it would
not be in their power to injure us.
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M. de Bouillon and I agreed to use ourinterest to oblige the Parliament to hear
hat the envoy had to say. I proposed it
to the Parliament, but the first motionof it was hissed, in a manner, by all thecompany as much as if it had been
heretical. The old President LeCoigneux, a man of quick apprehension, observing that Isometimes mentioned a letter from theArchduke of which there had been notalk, declared himself suddenly to beof my opinion. He had a secret
persuasion that I had seen someritings which they knew nothing of,
and therefore, while both sides were in
the heat of debate, he said to me:
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"Why do you not disclose yourself toyour friends They would come intoyour measures. I see very well you
know more of the matter than theperson who thinks himself yourinformant." I vow I was terribly
ashamed of my indiscretion. I squeezedhim by the hand and winked at MM. deBeaufort and de La Mothe. At lengthtwo other Presidents came over to my opinion, being thoroughly convincedthat succours from Spain at this time
ere a remedy absolutely necessary to
our disease, but a dangerous andempirical medicine, and infallibly mortal to particular persons if it did
not pass first through the Parliament'salembic.
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The Bernardin, being tutored by usbeforehand what to say when he came
before the Parliament, behaved like aman of good sense.
hen he desired audience, or ratherhen the Prince de Conti desired it for
him, the President de Mesmes, a manof great capacity, but by fear andambition most slavishly attached to theCourt, made an eloquent and patheticharangue, preferable to anything I ever
met with of the kind in all themonuments of antiquity, and, turning about to the Prince de Conti, "Is it
possible, monsieur," said he, "that aPrince of the blood of France should
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propose to let a person deputed fromthe most bitter enemy of the fleurs-de-lis have a seat upon those flowers "
Then turning to me, he said, "What,monsieur, will you refuse entrance toyour sovereign's herald upon the most
trifling pretexts " I knew what wascoming, and therefore I endeavoured tostop his mouth by this answer:"Monsieur, you will excuse me fromcalling those reasons frivolous whichhave had the sanction of a decree." Thebulk of the Parliament was provoked at
the President's unguarded expression,baited him very fiercely, and then Imade some pretence to go out, leaving
Quatresous, a young man of thearmest temper, in the House to
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skirmish with him in my stead, ashaving experienced more than oncethat the only way to get anything of
moment passed in Parliamentary orother assemblies is to exasperate theyoung men against the old ones.
In short, after many debates, it wascarried that the envoy should beadmitted to audience. Being accordingly admitted, and bidden to be covered andsit down, he presented the Archduke'scredentials, and then made a speech,
hich was in substance that his masterhad ordered him to acquaint thecompany with a proposal made him by
Cardinal Mazarin since the blockade of Paris, which his Catholic Majesty did
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not think consistent with his safety orhonour to accept, when he saw that, onthe one hand, it was made with a view
to oppress the Parliament, which washeld in veneration by all the kingdomsin the world, and, on the other, that all
treaties made with a condemnedminister would be null and void,forasmuch as they were made withoutthe concurrence of the Parliament, to
hom only it belonged to register andverify treaties of peace in order to makethem authoritative; that the Catholic
King, who proposed to take noadvantage from the present state of affairs, had ordered the Archduke to
assure the Parliament, whom he knew to be in the true interest of the most
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Christian King, that he heartily acknowledged them to be the arbitersof peace, that he submitted to their
udgment, and that if they thoughtproper to be judges, he left it to theirchoice to send a deputation out of
their own body to what place they pleased. Paris itself not excepted, andthat his Catholic Majesty would also,
ithout delay, send his deputies thitherto meet and treat with them; that,meanwhile, he had ordered 18,000 mento march towards their frontiers to
relieve them in case of need, withorders nevertheless to commit nohostilities upon the towns, etc., of the
most Christian King, though they werefor the most part abandoned; and it
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being his resolution at this juncture toshow his sincere inclination for peace,he gave them his word of honour that
his armies should not stir during thetreaty; but that in case his troops mightbe serviceable to the Parliament, they
ere at their disposal, to becommanded by French officers; andthat to obviate all the reasonableealousies generally, attending theconduct of foreigners, they, were atliberty to take all other precautions they should think proper.
Before his admission the Prdsident deMesmes had loaded me with invectives,
for secretly corresponding with theenemies of the State, for favouring his
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admission, and for opposing that of my sovereign's herald.
I had observed that when theobjections against a man are capable of making greater impression than his
answers, it is his best course to say butlittle, and that he may talk as much ashe pleases when he thinks his answersof greater force than the objections. Ikept strictly to this rule, for though thesaid President artfully pointed his satireat me, I sat unconcerned till I found
the Parliament was charmed with whatthe envoy had said, and then, in my turn, I was even with the President by
telling him in short that my respect forthe Parliament had obliged me to put
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up with his sarcasms, which I hadhitherto endured; and that I did notsuppose he meant that his sentiments
should always be a law to theParliament; that nobody there had agreater esteem for him, with which I
hoped that the innocent freedom I hadtaken to speak my mind was notinconsistent; that as to the non-admission of the herald, had it notbeen for the motion made by M.Broussel, I should have fallen into thesnare through overcredulity, and have
given my vote for that which mightperhaps have ended in the destructionof the city, and involved myself in what
has since fully proved to be a crime by the Queen's late solemn approbation
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of the contrary conduct; and that, as tothe envoy, I was silent till I saw most of them were for giving him audience,
hen I thought it better to vote thesame way than vainly to contest it.
This modest and submissive answer of mine to all the scurrilities heaped uponme for a fortnight together by the FirstPresident and the President de Mesmeshad an excellent effect upon themembers, and obliterated for a long time the suspicion that I aimed to
govern them by my cabals. ThePresident de Mesmes would havereplied, but his words were drowned in
the general clamour. The clock struck five; none had dined, and many had not
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broken their fast, which the Presidentshad, and therefore had the advantage indisputation.
The decree ordering the admission of the Spanish envoy to audience directed
that a copy of what he said inParliament, signed with his own hand,should be demanded of him, to theend that it might be registered, and that,by a solemn deputation, it should besent to the Queen, with an assurance of the fidelity of the Parliament,
beseeching her at the same time toithdraw her troops from the
neighbourhood of Paris and restore
peace to her people. It being now very late, and the members very hungry,
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circumstances that have greaterinfluence than can be imagined indebates, they were upon the point of
letting this clause pass for want of dueattention. The President Le Coigneux
as the first that discovered the grand
mistake, and, addressing himself to agreat many councillors, who were rising up, said, "Gentlemen, pray take yourplaces again, for I have something tooffer to the House which is of thehighest importance to all Europe."
hen they had taken their places he
spoke as follows:
"The King of Spain takes us for
arbiters of the general peace; it may behe is not in earnest, but yet it is a
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compliment to tell us so. He offers ustroops to march to our relief, and it iscertain he does not deceive us in this
respect, but highly obliges us. We haveheard his envoy, and considering thecircumstances we are in, we think it
right so to do. We have resolved to givean account of this matter to the King,
hich is but reasonable; some imaginethat we propose to send the originaldecree, but here lies the snake in thegrass. I protest, monsieur," added he,turning to the First President, "that the
members did not understand it so, butthat the copy only should be carried toCourt, and the original be kept in the
register. I could wish there had been nooccasion for explanation, because there
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are some occasions when it is notprudent to speak all that one thinks,but since I am forced to it, I must say it
ithout further hesitation, that in casee deliver up the original the Spaniardsill conclude that we expose their
proposals for a general peace and ourown safety to the caprice of CardinalMazarin; whereas, by delivering only acopy, accompanied with humbleentreaties for a general peace, as theParliament has wisely ordered, allEurope will see that we maintain
ourselves in a condition capable of doing real service both to our King andcountry, if the Cardinal is so blind as
not to take a right advantage of thisopportunity."
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This discourse was received with theapprobation of all the members, who
cried out from all corners of the Housethat this was the meaning of theHouse. The gentlemen of the Court of
Inquests did not spare the Presidents.M. Martineau said publicly that thetenor of this decree was that the envoy of Spain should be made much of tillthey received an answer from SaintGermain, which would prove to beanother taunt of the Cardinal's.
Pontcarre said he was not so muchafraid of a Spaniard as of a Mazarin. Inshort, the generals had the satisfaction
to see that the Parliament would not besorry for any advances they should
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make towards an alliance with Spain.
e sent a courier to Brussels, who was
guarded ten leagues out of Paris by 500horse, with an account of everything done in Parliament, of the conditions
hich the Prince de Conti and theother generals desired for entering intoa treaty with Spain, and of whatengagement I could make in my ownprivate capacity.
After he had gone I had a conference
ith M. de Bouillon and his lady aboutthe present state of affairs, which Iobserved was very ticklish; that if we
ere favoured by the generalinclination of the people we should
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carry all before us, but that theParliament, which was our chief strength in one sense, was in other
respects our main weakness; that they ere very apt to go backward; that in
the very last debate they were on the
point of twisting a rope for their ownnecks, and that the First President
ould show Mazarin his true interests,and be glad to amuse us by stipulating
ith the Court for our security withoutputting us in possession of it, and by ending the civil war in the confirmation
of our slavery. "The Parliament," I said,"inclines to an insecure and scandalouspeace. We can make the people rise to-
morrow if we please; but ought we toattempt it And if we divest the
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Parliament of its authority, into what anabyss of disorders shall we notprecipitate Paris But, on the other hand,
if we do not raise the people, will theParliament ever believe we can Will they be hindered from taking any further
step in favour of the Court, destructiveindeed to their own interest, butinfallibly ruinous to us first "
M. de Bouillon, who did not believeour affairs to be in so critical asituation, was, together with his lady, in
a state of surprise. The mild andhonourable answer which the Queenreturned to the King's councillors in
relation to the herald, her protestationsthat she sincerely forgave all the world,
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and the brilliant gloss of Talon uponher said answer, in an instantoverturned the former resolutions of
the Parliament; and if they regainedsometimes their wonted vigour, eitherby some intervening accidents or by the
skilful management of those who took care to bring them back to the right
ay, they had still an inclination torecede. M. de Bouillon being the wisestman of the party, I told him what Ithought, and with him I concertedproper measures. To the rest, I put on a
cheerful air, and magnified every littlecircumstance of affairs to our ownadvantage.
M. de Bouillon proposed that we
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should let the Parliament and the Hotelde Ville go on in their own way, andendeavour all we could clandestinely to
make them odious to the people, andthat we should take the firstopportunity to secure, by banishment
or imprisonment, such persons as wecould not depend upon. He added thatLongueville, too, was of opinion thatthere was no remedy left but to purgethe Houses. This was exactly like him,for never was there a man so positiveand violent in his opinion, and yet no
man living could palliate it withsmoother language. Though I thoughtof this expedient before M. de
Bouillon, and perhaps could have saidmore for it, because I saw the
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possibility of it much clearer than he,yet I would not give him to understandthat I had thought of it, because I
knew he had the vanity to love to beesteemed the first author of things,
hich was the only weakness I
observed in his managing State affairs. Ileft him an answer in writing, insubstance as follows:
"I confess the scheme is very feasible,but attended with perniciousconsequences both to the public and to
private persons, for the same peoplehom you employ to humble the
magistracy will refuse you obedience
hen you demand from them the samehomage they paid to the magistrates.
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This people adored the Parliament tillthe beginning of the war; they are stillfor continuing the war, and yet abate
their friendship for the Parliament. TheParliament imagines that this appliesonly to some particular members who
are Mazarined, but they are deceived,for their prejudice extends to the wholecompany, and their hatred towardsMazarin's party supports and screenstheir indifference towards all the rest.
e cheer up their spirits by pasquinades and ballads and the martial
sound of trumpets and kettle-drums,but, after all, do they pay their taxes aspunctually as they did the first few
eeks Are there many that have done asyou and I, monsieur, who sent our
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plate to the mint Do you not observethat they who would be thoughtzealous for the common cause plead in
favour of some acts committed by those men who are, in short, itsenemies If the people are so tired
already, what will they be long beforethey come to their journey's end
"After we have established our ownauthority upon the ruin of theParliament's, we shall certainly fall intothe same inconveniences and be
obliged to act just as they do now. Weshall impose taxes, raise moneys, anddiffer from the Parliament only in this,
that the hatred and envy they havecontracted by various ways from one-
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third part of the people, I mean theealthy citizens, in the space of sixeeks will devolve upon us, with that
of the other two-thirds of theinhabitants, and will complete our ruinin one week. May not the Court to-
morrow put an end to the civil war by the expulsion of Mazarin and by raising the siege of Paris The provincesare not yet sufficiently inflamed, andtherefore we must double ourapplication to make the most of Paris.Besides the necessity of treating with
Spain and managing the people, there isanother expedient come into my headcapable of rendering us as considerable
in Parliament as our affairs require.
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"We have an army in Paris which willbe looked upon as the people so long as it continues within its walls. Every
councillor of inquest is inclined tobelieve his authority among the soldiersto be equal to that of the generals. But
the leaders of the people are notbelieved to be very powerful until they make their power known by itsexecution. Pray do but consider theconduct of the Court upon thisoccasion. Was there any minister orcourtier but ridiculed all that could be
said of the disposition of the people infavour of the Parliament even to theday of the barricades And yet it is as
true that every man at Court saw infallible marks of the revolution
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beforehand. One would have thoughtthat the barricades should haveconvinced them; but have they been
convinced Have they been hinderedfrom besieging Paris on the slightsupposition that, though the caprice of
the people might run them into amutiny, yet it would not break out intoa civil war What we are now doing might undeceive them effectually; butare they yet cured of their infatuation Isnot the Queen told every day that noneare for the Parliament but hired mobs,
and that all the wealthy burghers are inher Majesty's interests
"The Parliament is now as muchinfatuated as the Court was then. This
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present disturbance among the peoplecarries in it all the marks of power
hich, in a little time, they will feel the
effects of, and which, as they cannotbut foresee, they ought to prevent intime, because of the murmurs of the
people against them and theirredoubled affection for M. de Beaufortand me. But far from it, the Parliament
ill never open its eyes until all itsauthority is quashed by a sudden blow.If they see we have a design againstthem they will, perhaps, have so
inconsiderable an opinion of it thatthey will take courage, and if we shouldbut flinch, they will bear harder still
upon us, till we shall be forced to crushthem; but this would not turn to our
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account; on the contrary, it is our trueinterest to do them all the good we can,lest we divide our own party, and to
behave in such a manner as may convince them that our interest andtheirs are inseparable. And the best way
is to draw our army out of Paris, and topost it so as it may be ready to secureour convoys and be safe from theinsults of the enemy; and I am forhaving this done at the request of theParliament, to prevent their taking umbrage, till such time at least as we
may find our account in it. Suchprecautions will insensibly, as it were,necessitate the Parliament to act in
concert with us, and our favour among the people, which is the only thing that
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can fix us in that situation, will appearto them no longer contemptible whenthey see it backed by an army which is
no longer at their discretion."
M. de Bouillon told me that M. de
Turenne was upon the point of declaring for us, and that there were buttwo colonels in all his army who gavehim any uneasiness, but that in a week'stime he would find some way or otherto manage them, and that then he
ould march directly to our assistance.
"What do you think of that " said theDuke. "Are we not now masters bothof the Court and Parliament "
I told the Duke that I had just seen a
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letter written by Hoquincourt toMadame de Montbazon, wherein wereonly these words: "O fairest of all
beauties, Peronne is in your power." Iadded that I had received another letterthat morning which assured me of
Mazieres. Madame de Bouillon threw herself on my neck; we were sure theday was our own, and in a quarter of an hour agreed upon all the preliminary precautions.
M. de Bouillon, perceiving that I was so
overjoyed at this news that I, as well ashis lady, gave little attention to themethods he was proposing for drawing
the army out of Paris without alarming the Parliament, turned to me and spoke
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thus, very hastily: "I pardon my wife,but I cannot forgive you thisinadvertence. The old Prince of Orange
used to say that the moment onereceived good news should beemployed in providing against bad."
The 24th of February, 1649, theParliament's deputies waited on theQueen with an account of the audiencegranted to the envoy of the Archduke.The Queen told them that they shouldnot have given audience to the envoy,
but that, seeing they had done it, it wasabsolutely necessary to think of a goodpeace, that she was entirely well
disposed; and the Duc d'Orleans andthe Prince de Conde promised the
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deputies to throw open all the passagesas soon as the Parliament should namecommissioners for the treaty.
Flamarin being sent at the same timeinto the city from the Duc d'Orleans to
condole with the Queen of Englandon the death of her husband (King Charles I.), went, at La Riviere'ssolicitation, to M. de La Rochefoucault,
hom he found in his bed on accountof his wounds and quite wearied withthe civil war, and persuaded him to
come over to the Court interest. Hetold Flamarin that he had been drawninto this war much against his
inclinations, and that, had he returnedfrom Poitou two months before the
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siege of Paris, he would have preventedMadame de Longueville engaging in sovile a cause, but that I had taken the
opportunity of his absence to engageboth her and the Prince de Conti, thathe found the engagements too far
advanced to be possibly dissolved, thatthe diabolical Coadjutor would notbear of any terms of peace, and alsostopped the ears of the Prince de Contiand Madame de Longueville, and thathe himself could not act as he wouldbecause of his bad state of health. I
as informed of Flamarin'snegotiations for the Court interest, and,as the term of his passport had expired,
ordered the 'prevot des marchands' tocommand him to depart from the city.
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On the 27th the First Presidentreported to the Parliament what had
occurred at Saint Germain. M. deBeaufort and I had to hinder thepeople from entering the Great
Chamber, for they threatened to throw the deputies into the river, and said they had betrayed them and had heldconferences with Mazarin. It was asmuch as we could do to allay the fury of the people, though at the same timethe Parliament believed the tumult was
of our own raising. This shows oneinconvenience of popularity, namely,that what is committed by the rabble, in
spite of all your endeavours to thecontrary, will still be laid to your charge.
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Meanwhile we met at the Duc deBouillon's to consider what was best to
be done at this critical juncture betweena people mad for war, a Parliament forpeace, and the Spaniards either for
peace or war at our expense and fortheir own advantage. The Prince deConti, instructed beforehand by M. deLa Rochefoucault, spoke for carrying on the war, but acted as if he were forpeace, and upon the whole I did notdoubt but that he waited for some
answer from Saint Germain. M.d'Elbeuf made a silly proposal to sendthe Parliament in a body to the Bastille.
M. de Beaufort, whom we could notentrust with any important secret
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because of Madame de Montbazon,ho was very false, wondered that his
and my credit with the people was not
made use of on this occasion.
It being very evident that the
Parliament would greedily catch at thetreaty of peace proposed by the Court,it was in a manner impossible to answerthose who urged that the only way toprevent it was to hinder their debatesby raising tumults among the people.M. de Beaufort held up both his hands
for it. M. d'Elbeuf, who had lately received a letter from La Riviere full of contempt, talked like an officer of the
army. When I considered the great risk I ran if I did not prevent a tumult,
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hich would certainly be laid at my door, and that, on the other hand, I didnot dare to say all I could to stop such
commotion, I was at a loss what to do.But considering the temper of thepopulace, who might have been up in
arms with a word from a person of any credit among us, I declared publicly that I was not for altering our measurestill we knew what we were to expectfrom the Spaniards.
I experienced on this occasion that civil
ars are attended with this greatinconvenience, that there is more needof caution in what we say to our
friends than in what we do against ourenemies. I did not fail to bring the
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company to my mind, especially whensupported by M. de Bouillon, who wasconvinced that the confusion which
ould happen in such a juncture wouldturn with vengeance upon the authors.But when the company was gone he
told me he was resolved to free himself from the tyranny, or, rather, pedantry of the Parliament as soon as the treaty
ith Spain was concluded, and M. deTurenne had declared himself publicly,and as soon as our army was withoutthe walls of Paris. I answered that upon
M. de Turenne's declaration I wouldpromise him my concurrence, but thattill then I could not separate from the
Parliament, much less oppose them,ithout the danger of being banished
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to Brussels; that as for his own part, hemight come off better because of hisknowledge of military affairs, and of
the assurances which Spain was able togive him, but, nevertheless, I desiredhim to remember M. d'Aumale, who
fell into the depth of poverty as soonas he had lost all protection but that of Spain, and, consequently, that it was hisinterest as well as mine to side with theParliament till we ourselves had securedsome position in the kingdom; till theSpanish army, was actually on the
march and our troops were encampedithout the city; and till the declaration
of M. de Turenne was carried out,
hich would be the decisive blow,because it would strengthen our party
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ith a body of troops altogetherindependent of strangers, or rather it
ould form a party perfectly French,
capable by its own strength to carry onour cause.
This last consideration overjoyedMadame de Bouillon, who, however,
hen she found that the company wasgone without resolving to makethemselves masters of the Parliament,became very angry, and said to theDuke:
"I told you beforehand that you wouldbe swayed by the Coadjutor."
The Duke replied: "What! madame,
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ould you have the Coadjutor, for oursakes only, run the risk of being nomore than chaplain to Fuensaldagne Is
it possible that you cannot comprehendhat he has been preaching to you for
these last three days "
I replied to her with a great deal of temper, and said, "Don't you think that
e shall act more securely when ourtroops are out of Paris, when wereceive the Archduke's answer, and
hen Turenne has made a public
declaration "
"Yes, I do," she said, "but the
Parliament will take one step to-morrow which will render all your
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preliminaries of no use."
"Never fear, madame," said I, "I will
undertake that, if our measuressucceed, we shall be in a condition todespise all that the Parliament can do."
"Will you promise it " she asked.
"Yes," said I, "and, more than that, I amready to seal it with my blood."
She took me at my word, and though
the Duke used all the arguments withher which he could think of, she boundmy thumb with silk, and with a needle
drew blood, with which she obliged meto sign a promissory note as follows: "I
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promise to Madame la Duchesse deBouillon to continue united with theDuke her husband against the
Parliament in case M. de Turenneapproaches with the army under hiscommand within twenty leagues of
Paris and declares for the city." M. deBouillon threw it into the fire, andendeavoured to convince the Duchessof what I had said, that if ourpreliminaries should succeed we shouldstill stand upon our own bottom,notwithstanding all that the Parliament
could do, and that if they did miscarry e should still have the satisfaction of
not being the authors of a confusion
hich would infallibly cover me withshame and ruin, and be an uncertain
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advantage to the family of De Bouillon.
During this discussion a captain in M.
d'Elbeuf's regiment of Guards wasseen to throw money to the crowd toencourage them to go to the Parliament
House and cry out, "No peace!" uponhich M. de Bouillon and I agreed to
send the Duke these words upon theback of a card: "It will be dangerousfor you to be at the Parliament Houseto-morrow." M. d'Elbeuf came in allhaste to the Palace of Bouillon to
know the meaning of this shortcaution. M. de Bouillon told him hehad heard that the people had got a
notion that both the Duke and himself held a correspondence with Mazarin,
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and that therefore it was their best way not to go to the House for fear of themob, which might be expected there
next day.
M. d'Elbeuf, knowing that the people
did not care for him, and that he wasno safer in his own house thanelsewhere, said that he feared hisabsence on such an occasion might beinterpreted to his disadvantage. M. deBouillon, having no other design but toalarm him with imaginary fears of a
public disturbance, at once madehimself sure of him another way, by telling him it was most advisable for
him to be at the Parliament, but that heneed not expose himself, and therefore
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had best go along with me.
I went with him accordingly, and found
a multitude of people in the GreatHall, crying, "God bless the Coadjutor!no peace! no Mazarin!" and M. de
Beaufort entering another way at thesame time, the echoes of our namesspread everywhere, so that the peoplemistook it for a concerted design todisturb the proceedings of Parliament,and as in a commotion everything thatconfirms us in the belief of it
augments likewise the number of mutineers, we were very near bringing about in one moment what we had
been a whole week labouring toprevent.
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The First President and President deMesmes having, in concert with the
other deputies, suppressed the answerthe Queen made them in writing, lestsome harsh expressions contained
therein should give offence, put thebest colour they could upon theobliging terms in which the Queen hadspoken to them; and then the Houseappointed commissioners for the treaty,leaving it to the Queen to name theplace, and agreed to send the King's
Council next day to demand theopening of the passages, in pursuanceof the Queen's promise. The President
de Mesmes, surprised to meet with noopposition, either from the generals or
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myself, said to the First President,"Here is a wonderful harmony! but Ifear the consequences of this
dissembled moderation." I believe heas much more surprised when the
sergeants came to acquaint the House
that the mob threatened to murder allthat were for the conference beforeMazarin was sent out of the kingdom.But M. de Beaufort and I went out andsoon dispersed them, so that themembers retired without the leastdanger, which inspired the Parliament
ith such a degree of boldnessafterwards that it nearly proved theirruin.
On the 2d of March, 1649, letters were
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brought to the Parliament from theDuc d'Orleans and the Prince deConde, expressing a great deal of joy at
hat the Parliament had done, butdenying that the Queen had promisedto throw open the passages, upon
hich the Parliament fell into such arage as I cannot describe to you. They sent orders to the King's Council, who
ere gone that morning to SaintGermain to fetch the passports for thedeputies, to declare that the Parliament
as resolved to hold no conference
ith the Court till the Queen hadperformed her promise made to theFirst President. I thought it a very
proper time to let the Court see that theParliament had not lost all its vigour,
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and made a motion, by Broussel, that,considering the insincerity of theCourt, the levies might be continued
and new commissions given out. Theproposition was received with applause,and the Prince de Conti was desired to
issue commissions accordingly.
M. de Beaufort, in concert with M. deBouillon, M. de La Mothe and myself,exclaimed against this contravention,and offered, in the name of hiscolleagues and his own, to open all the
passages themselves if the Parliamentould but take a firm resolution and be
no more beguiled by deceitful
proposals, which had only served tokeep the whole nation in suspense,
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ho would otherwise have declared by this time in favour of its capital. It isinconceivable what influence these few
ords had upon the audience,everybody concluded that the treaty
as already broken off; but a moment
after they thought the contrary, for theKing's Council returned with thepassports for the deputies, and insteadof an order for opening the passages, agrant such a one as it was of 500quarters of corn per diem was madefor the subsistence of the city.
However, the Parliament took all ingood part; all that had been said anddone a quarter of an hour before was
buried in oblivion, and they madepreparations to go next day to Ruel, the
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place named by the Queen for theconference.
The Prince de Conti, M. de Beaufort,M. d'Elbeuf, Marechal de La Mothe, M.de Brissac, President Bellievre, and
myself met that night at M. deBouillon's house, where a motion wasmade for the generals of the army tosend a deputation likewise to the placeof conference; but it was quashed, andindeed nothing would have been moreabsurd than such a proceeding when
e were upon the point of concluding a treaty with Spain; and, considering that we told the envoy that we should
never have consented to hold any conference with the Court were we not
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assured that it was in our power tobreak it off at pleasure by means of thepeople.
The Parliament having lately reproached both the generals and
troops with being afraid to ventureithout the gates, M. de Bouillon,
seeing the danger was over, proposed atthis meeting, for the satisfaction of thecitizens, to carry them to a campbetwixt the Marne and the Seine, wherethey might be as safe as at Paris. The
motion was agreed to withoutconsulting the Parliament, and,accordingly, on the 4th of March, the
troops marched out and the deputiesof Parliament went to Ruel.
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The Court party flattered themselvesthat, upon the marching of the militia
out of Paris, the citizens, being left tothemselves, would become moretractable, and the President de Mesmes
made his boast of what he said to thegenerals, to persuade them to encamptheir army. But Senneterre, one of theablest men at Court, soon penetratedour designs and undeceived the Court.He told the First President and DeMesmes that they were beguiled and
that they would see it in a little time.The First President, who could neversee two different things at one view,
as so overjoyed when he heard theforces had gone out of Paris that he
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cried out:
"Now the Coadjutor will have no more
mercenary brawlers at the ParliamentHouse."
"Nor," said the President de Mesmes,"so many cutthroats."
Senneterre, like a wise man, said tothem both:
"It is not the Coadjutor's interest to
murder you, but to bring you under.The people would serve his turn for thefirst if he aimed at it, and the army is
admirably well encamped for the latter.If he is not a more honest man than he
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is looked upon to be here, we are likely to have a tedious civil war."
The Cardinal confessed that Senneterreas in the right, for, on the one hand,
the Prince de Conde perceived that our
army, being so advantageously postedas not to be attacked, would be capableof giving him more trouble than if they were still within the walls of thecity, and, on the other hand, we beganto talk with more courage in Parliamentthan usual.
The afternoon of the 4th of Marchgave us a just occasion to show it. The
deputies arriving at Ruel understoodthat Cardinal Mazarin was one of the
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commissioners named by the Queen toassist at the conference. TheParliamentary deputies pretended that
they could not confer with a personactually condemned by Parliament. M.de Tellier told them in the name of the
Duc d'Orleans that the Queen thoughtit strange that they were not contentedto treat upon an equality with theirsovereign, but that they shouldpresume to limit his authority by excluding his deputies. The FirstPresident and the Court seeming to be
immovable, we sent orders to ourdeputies not to comply, and tocommunicate, as a great secret, to
President de Mesmes and M.Menardeau, both creatures of the
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Court, the following postscript of aletter I wrote to Longueville:
"P.S. We have concerted our measures,and are now capable to speak more tothe purpose than we have been
hitherto, and since I finished this letterI have received a piece of news whichobliges me to tell you that if theParliament do not behave very prudently, they will certainly beruined."
Upon this the deputies were resolved toinsist upon excluding the Cardinal fromthe conference, a determination which
as so odious to the people that, hade permitted it, we should certainly
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have lost all our credit with them, andbeen obliged to shut the gates againstour deputies upon their return.
hen the Court saw that the deputiesdesired a convoy to conduct them
home, they found out an expedient,hich was received with great joy;
namely, to appoint two deputies on thepart of the Parliament, and two on thepart of the King, to confer at the houseof the Duc d'Orleans, exclusive of theCardinal, who was thereupon obliged
to return to Saint Germain withmortification.
On the 5th of March, Don FranciscoPisarro, a second envoy from the
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Archduke, arrived in Paris, with his andCount Fuensaldagne's answer to ourformer despatches by Don Jose
d'Illescas, and full powers for a treaty;instructions for M. de Bouillon, anobliging letter from the Archduke to
the Prince de Conti, and another tomyself, from Count Fuensaldagne,importing that the King, his master,
ould not take my word, but woulddepend upon whatever I promisedMadame de Bouillon.
The Prince de Conti and Madame deLongueville, prompted by M. de LaRochefoucault, were for an alliance
ith Spain, in a manner withoutrestriction. M. d'Elbeuf aimed at
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nothing but getting money. M. deBeaufort, at the persuasion of Madamede Montbazon, who was resolved to
sell him dear to the Spaniards, was very scrupulous to enter into a treaty withthe enemies of the State; Marechal de
La Mothe declared he could not cometo any resolution till he saw M. deLongueville, and Madame deLongueville questioned whether herhusband would come into it; and yetthese very persons but a fortnightbefore unanimously wrote to the
Archduke for full powers to treat withhim.
M. de Bouillon told them that hethought they were absolutely obliged to
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treat with Spain, considering theadvances they had already made to theArchduke to that end, and desired them
to recollect how they had told his envothat they waited only for these fullpowers and instructions to treat with
him; that the Archduke had now senthis full powers in the most obliging manner; and that, moreover, he hadalready gone out of Brussels, to leadhis army himself to their assistance,
ithout staying for their engagement.He begged them to consider that if
they took the least step backwards, aftersuch advances, it might provoke Spainto take such measures as would be both
contrary to our security and to ourhonour; that the ill-concerted
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proceedings of the Parliament gave usust grounds to fear being left to shiftfor ourselves; that indeed our army was
now more useful than it had beenbefore, but yet not strong enough togive us relief in proportion to our
necessities, especially if it were not, atleast in the beginning, supported by apowerful force; and that, consequently,a treaty was necessary to be entered intoand concluded with the Archduke, butnot upon any mean conditions; that hisenvoys had brought carte blanche, but
that we ought to consider how to fill itup; that he promised us everything, butthough in treaties the strongest may
safely promise to the weaker what hethinks fit, it is certain he cannot
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perform everything, and therefore theeakest should be very wary.
The Duke added that the Spaniards, of all people, expected honourable usageat the beginning of treaties, and he
conjured them to leave the managementof the Spanish envoys to himself andthe Coadjutor, "who," said he, "hasdeclared all along that he expects noadvantage either from the presenttroubles or from any arrangement, andis therefore altogether to be depended
upon."
This discourse was relished by all the
company, who accordingly engaged usto compare notes with the envoys of
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Spain, and make our report to thePrince de Conti and the other generals.
M. de Bouillon assured me that theSpaniards would not enter uponFrench ground till we engaged
ourselves not to lay down our armsexcept in conjunction with them; thatis, in a treaty for a general peace; butour difficulty was how to enter into anengagement of that nature at a time
hen we could not be sure but that theParliament might conclude a particular
peace the next moment. In themeantime a courier came in from M. deTurenne, crying, "Good news!" as he
entered into the court. He broughtletters for Madame and Mademoiselle
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de Bouillon and myself, by which weere assured that M. de Turenne and
his army, which was without dispute
the finest at that time in all Europe, haddeclared for us; that Erlach, Governorof Brisac, had with him 1,000 or 1,200
men, who were all he had been able toseduce; that my dear friend andkinsman, the Vicomte de Lamet, wasmarching directly to our assistance with2,000 horse; and that M. de Turenne
as to follow on such a day with thelarger part of the army. You will be
surprised, without doubt, to hear thatM. de Turenne, General of the King'stroops, one who was never a party man,
and would never hear talk of party intrigues, should now declare against
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the Court and perform an actionhich, I am sure, Le Balafre and Amiral
de Coligny would not have undertaken
ithout hesitation.
[Henri de Lorraine, first of that name,
Duc de Guise, surnamed Le Balafre,because of a wound he received in theleft cheek at the battle of Dormans, thescar of which he carried to his grave.He formed the League, and wasstabbed at an assembly of the States of Blois in 1588.]
our wonder will increase yet morehen I tell you that the motive of this
surprising conduct of his is a secret tothis day. His behaviour also during his
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declaration, which he supported butfive days, is equally surprising andmysterious. This shows that it is
possible for some extraordinary characters to be raised above the maliceand envy of vulgar souls; for the merit
of any person inferior to the Marshalmust have been totally eclipsed by suchan unaccountable event.
Upon the arrival of this express fromTurenne I told M. de Bouillon it wasmy opinion that, if the Spaniards
ould engage to advance as far as Pont-a-Verre and act on this side of it inconcert only with us, we should make
no scruple of pledging ourselves not tolay down our arms till the conclusion
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of a general peace, provided they kepttheir promise given to the Parliamentof referring themselves to its
arbitration. "The true interest of thepublic," said I, "is a general peace, thatof the Parliament and other bodies is
the reestablishment of good order, andthat of your Grace and others, withmyself, is to contribute to the before-mentioned blessings in such mannerthat we may be esteemed the authors of them; all other advantages arenecessarily attached to this, and the onl
ay to acquire them is to show that wedo not value them. You know that Ihave frequently vowed I had no private
interest to serve in this affair, and I willkeep my vow to the end. Your
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circumstances are different from mine;you aim at Sedan, and you are in theright. M. de Beaufort wants to be
admiral, and I cannot blame him. M. deLongueville has other demands with allmy heart. The Prince de Conti and
Madame de Longueville would be, forthe future, independent of the Princede Conde; that independence they shallhave.
"Now, in order to attain to these ends,the only means is to look another way,
to turn all our thoughts to bring abouta general peace, and to sign to-morrow the most solemn and positive
engagement with the enemy, and, thebetter to please the public, to insert in
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the articles the expulsion of CardinalMazarin as their mortal enemy, to causethe Spanish forces to come up
immediately to Pont-a-Verre, and thoseof M. de Turenne to advance intoChampagne, and to go without any loss
of time to propose to the Parliamenthat Don Josh d'Illescas has offered
them already in relation to a generalpeace, to dispose them to vote as we
ould have them, which they will notfail to do considering the circumstances
e are now in, and to send orders to
our deputies at Ruel either to get theQueen to nominate a place to conferabout a general peace or to return the
next day to their seats in Parliament. Iam willing to think that the Court,
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seeing to what an extremity they arereduced, will comply, than which whatcan be more for our honour
"And if the Court should refuse thisproposition at present, will they not be
of another mind before two monthsare at an end Will not the provinces,
hich are already hesitating, thendeclare in our favour And is the army of the Prince de Conde in a conditionto engage that of Spain and ours inconjunction with that of M. de
Turenne These two last, when joined,ill put us above all the apprehensions
from foreign forces which have
hitherto made us uneasy; they willdepend much more on us than we on
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them; we shall continue masters of Paris by our own strength, and themore securely because the intervening
authority of Parliament will the morefirmly unite us to the people. Thedeclaration of M. de Turenne is the
only means to unite Spain with theParliament for our defence, which wecould not have as much as hoped forotherwise; it gives us an opportunity toengage with Parliament, in concert with
hom we cannot act amiss, and this isthe only moment when such an
engagement is both possible andprofitable. The First President and DeMesmes are now out of the way, and it
ill be much easier for us to obtainhat we want in Parliament than if
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they were present, and if what iscommanded in the Parliamentary decree is faithfully executed, we shall
gain our point, and unite the Chambersfor that great work of a general peace.If the Court still rejects our proposals,
and those of the deputies who are forthe Court refuse to follow our motionor to share in our fortune, we shall gainas much in another respect; we shallkeep ourselves still attached to the body of the Parliament, from which they willbe deemed deserters, and we shall have
much greater weight in the House thannow.
"This is my opinion, which I am willing to sign and to offer to the Parliament if
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you seize this, the only opportunity. Forif M. de Turenne should alter his mindbefore it be done, I should then oppose
this scheme with as much warmth as Inow recommend it."
The Duke said in answer: "Nothing canhave a more promising aspect than
hat you have now proposed; it is very practicable, but equally pernicious forall private persons. Spain will promiseall, but perform nothing after we haveonce promised to enter into no treaty,
ith the Court but for a general peace.This being the only thing the Spaniardshave in view, they will abandon us as
soon as they, can obtain it, and if weurge on this great scheme at once, as
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you would have us, they wouldundoubtedly obtain it in a fortnight'stime, for France would certainly make it
ith precipitation, and I know theSpaniards would be glad to purchase iton any terms. This being the case, in
hat a condition shall we be the nextday after we have made and procuredthis general peace We should indeedhave the honour of it, but would thishonour screen us against the hatredand curses of the Court Would thehouse of Austria take up arms again to
rescue you and me from a prison Youill say, perhaps, we may stipulate some
conditions with Spain which may
secure us from all insults of this kind;but I think I shall have answered this
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objection when I assure you that Spainis so pressed with home troubles thatshe would not hesitate, for the sake of
peace, to break the most solemnpromises made to us; and this is aninconvenience for which I see no
remedy.
"If Spain should be worse than herord with respect to the expulsion of
Mazarin, what will become of us Andill the honour of our contributing to
the general peace atone for the
preservation of a minister to get rid of hom they took up arms You know
how they abhor the Cardinal; and,
suppose the Cardinal be excluded fromthe Ministry, according to promise,
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shall we not still be exposed to thehatred of the Queen, to the resentmentof the Prince de Conde, and to all the
evil consequences that may be expectedfrom an enraged Court for such anaction There is no true glory but what
is durable; transitory honour is meresmoke. Of this sort is that which weshall acquire by this peace, if we do notsupport it by such alliances as will gainus the reputation of wisdom as well asof honesty. I admire yourdisinterestedness above all, and esteem
it, but I am very well assured that if mine went the length of yours you
ould not, approve of it. Your family is
settled; consider mine, and cast youreyes on the condition of this lady and
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on that of both the father andchildren."
I answered: "The Spaniards must needshave great regard for us, seeing usabsolute masters of Paris, with eight
thousand foot and three thousandhorse at its gates, and the bestdisciplined troops in the worldmarching to our assistance." I did all Icould to bring him over to my opinion,and he strove as much to persuade meto enter into his measures; namely, to
pretend to the envoys that we wereabsolutely resolved to act in concert
ith them for a general peace, but to
tell them at the same time that wethought it more proper that the
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Parliament should likewise beconsulted; and, as that would requiresome time, we might in the meanwhile
occupy the envoys by signing a treaty ith them, previous to coming to termsith. The Parliament, which by its tenor
ould not tie us up to concludeanything positively in relation to thegeneral peace; "yet this," said he,"would be a sufficient motive to causethem to advance with their army, andthat of my brother will come up at thesame time, which will astonish the
Court and incline them to anarrangement. And forasmuch as in ourtreaty with Spain we leave a back door
open by the clause which relates to theParliament, we shall be sure to make
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good use of it for the advantage of thepublic and of ourselves in case of theCourt's noncompliance."
These considerations, thoughprofoundly wise, did not convince me,
because I thought his inference was notell-grounded. I saw he might well
enough engage the attention of theenvoys, but I could not imagine how hecould beguile the Parliament, who wereactually treating with the Court by theirdeputies sent to Ruel, and who would
certainly run madly into a peace,notwithstanding all their lateperformances. I foresaw that without a
public declaration to restrain theParliament from going their own
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lengths we should fall again, if one of our strings chanced to break, into thenecessity of courting the assistance of
the people, which I looked upon as themost dangerous proceeding of all.
M. de Bouillon asked me what I meantby saying, "if one of our stringschanced to break." I replied, "Forexample, if M. de Turenne should bedead at this juncture, or if his army hasrevolted, as it was likely to do under theinfluence of M. d'Erlach, pray what
ould become of us if we should notengage the Parliament We should betribunes of the people one day, and the
next valets de chambre to CountFuensaldagne. Everything with the
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Parliament and nothing without them isthe burden of my song."
After several hours' dispute neither of us was convinced, and I went away vermuch perplexed, the rather because M.
de Bouillon, being the great confidantof the Spaniards, I doubted not but hecould make their envoys believe whathe pleased.
I was still more puzzled when I camehome and found a letter from Madame
de Lesdiguieres, offering meextraordinary advantages in the Queen'sname the payment of my debts, the
grant of certain abbeys, and anomination to the dignity of cardinal.
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Another note I found with theseords: "The declaration of the army of
Germany has put us all into
consternation." I concluded they wouldnot fail to try experiments with othersas well as myself, and since M. de
Bouillon began to think of a back doorhen all things smiled upon us, I
guessed the rest of our party would notneglect to enter the great door now flung open to receive them by thedeclaration of M. de Turenne. That
hich afflicted me most of all was to
see that M. de Bouillon was not a manof that judgment and penetration Itook him for in this critical and decisive
uncture, when the question was theengaging or not engaging the
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Parliament. He had urged me morethan twenty times to do what I now offered, and the reason why I now
urged what I before rejected was thedeclaration of M. de Turenne, his ownbrother, which should have made him
bolder than I; but, instead of this, itslackened his courage, and he flatteredhimself that Cardinal Mazarin wouldlet him have Sedan. This was the centreof all his views, and he preferred thesepetty advantages to what he might havegained by procuring peace to Europe.
This false step made me pass thisudgment upon the Duke: that, thoughhe was a person of very great parts, yet
I questioned his capacity for the mighty things which he has not done, and of
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hich some men thought him very capable. It is the greatest remissness onthe part of a great man to neglect the
moment that is to make his reputation,and this negligence, indeed, scarcely ever happens but when a man expects
another moment as favourable to makehis fortune; and so people arecommonly deceived both ways.
The Duke was more nice than wise atthis juncture, which is very often thecase. I found afterwards that the Prince
de Conti was of his opinion, and Iguessed, by some circumstances, that he
as engaged in some private
negotiation. M. d'Elbeuf was as meek as a lamb, and seemed, as far as he
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dared, to improve what had beenadvanced already by M. de Bouillon. Aservant of his told me also that he
believed his master had made his peaceith the Court. M. de Beaufort showed
by his behaviour that Madame de
Montbazon had done what she couldto cool his courage, but his irresolutiondid not embarrass me very much,because I knew I had her in my power,and his vote, added to that of MM. deBrissac, de La Mothe, de Noirmoutierand de Bellievre, who all fell in with my
sentiments, would have turned thebalance on my side if the regard for M.de Turenne, who was now the life and
soul of the party, and the Spaniards'confidence in M. de Bouillon, had not
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obliged me to make a virtue of necessity.
I found both the Archduke's envoysquite of an other mind; indeed, they
ere still desirous of an agreement for
a general peace, but they would have itafter the manner of M. de Bouillon, attwo separate times, which he had madethem believe would be more for theiradvantage, because thereby we shouldbring the Parliament into it. I saw who
as at the bottom of it, and,
considering the orders they had tofollow his advice in everything, all Icould allege to the contrary would be
of no use. I laid the state of affairsbefore the President de Bellievre, who
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as of my opinion, and consideredthat a contrary course would infallibly prove our ruin, thinking, nevertheless,
that compliance would be highly convenient at this time, because wedepended absolutely on the Spaniards
and on M. de Turenne, who hadhitherto made no proposals but such as
ere dictated by M. de Bouillon.
hen I found that all M. de Bellievreand I said could not persuade M. deBouillon, I feigned to come round to
his opinion, and to submit to theauthority of the Prince de Conti, ourGeneralissimo. We agreed to treat with
the Archduke upon the plan of M. deBouillon; that is, that he should
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advance his army as far as Pont-A-Verre, and further, if the generalsdesired it; who, on their part, would
omit nothing to oblige the Parliamentto enter into this treaty, or rather, tomake a new one for a general peace;
that is to say, to oblige the King to treatupon reasonable conditions, theparticulars whereof his CatholicMajesty would refer to the arbitrationof the Parliament. M. de Bouillonengaged to have this treaty 'in totidemverbis' signed by the Spanish ministers,
and did not so much as ask me whetherI would sign it or no. All the company rejoiced at having the Spaniards'
assistance upon such easy terms, and atbeing at full liberty to receive the
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propositions of the Court, which now,upon the declaration of M. de Turenne,could not fail to be very advantageous.
The treaty was accordingly signed in thePrince de Conti's room at the Hotel de
Ville, but I forbore to set my hand to it,though solicited by M. de Bouillon,unless they would come to some finalresolution; yet I gave them my wordthat, if the Parliament would becontented, I had such expedients in my power as would give them all the time
necessary to withdraw their troops. Ihad two reasons for what I said: first, Iknew Fuensaldagne to be a wise man,
that he would be of a different opinionfrom his envoys, and that he would
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never venture his army into the heartof the kingdom with so little assurancefrom the generals and none at all from
me; secondly, because I was willing toshow to our generals that I would not,as far as it lay in my power, suffer the
Spaniards to be treacherously surprisedor insulted in case of an arrangementbetween the Court and the Parliament;though I had protested twenty times inthe same conference that I would notseparate myself from the Parliament.
M. d'Elbeuf said, "You cannot find theexpedients you talk of but in having recourse to the people."
"M. de Bouillon will answer for me,"
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said I, "that it is not there that I am tofind my expedients."
M. de Bouillon, being desirous that Ishould sign, said, "I know that it is notyour intent, but I am fully persuaded
that you mean well, that you do not actas you would propose, and that weretain more respect for the Parliamentby signing than you do by refusing tosign; for," speaking very low, that hemight not be heard by the Spanishministers, "we keep a back door open
to get off handsomely with theParliament."
"They will open that door," said I,"when you could wish it shut, as is but
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too apparent already, and you will beglad to shut it when you cannot; theParliament is not a body to be jested
ith."
After the signing of the treaty, I was
told that the envoys had given 2,000pistoles to Madame de Montbazon andas much to M. d'Elbeuf.
De Bellievre, who waited for me athome, whither I returned full of vexation, used an expression which has
been since verified by the event: "Wefailed, this day," said he, "to induce theParliament, which if we had done, all
had been safe and right. Pray God thateverything goes well, for if but one of
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our strings fails us we are undone."
As for the conferences for a peace with
the Court at Ruel, it was proposed onthe Queen's part that the Parliamentshould adjourn their session to Saint
Germain, just to ratify the articles of the peace, and not to meet afterwardsfor two or three years; but the deputiesof Parliament insisted that it was theirprivilege to assemble when and wherethey pleased. When these and the likestories came to the ears of the Parisians
they were so incensed that the only talk of the Great Chamber was to recall thedeputies, and the generals seeing
themselves now respected by the Court,ho had little regard for them before
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the declaration of M. de Turenne,thought that the more the Court wasembarrassed the better, and therefore
incited the Parliament and people toclamour, that the Cardinal might seethat things did not altogether depend
upon the conference at Ruel. I, likewise,contributed what lay in my power tomoderate the precipitation of the FirstPresident and President de Mesmestowards anything that looked like anagreement.
On the 8th of March the Prince deConti told the Parliament that M. deTurenne offered them his services and
person against Cardinal Mazarin, theenemy of the State. I said that I was
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informed a declaration had been issuedthe night before at Saint Germainagainst M. de Turenne, as guilty of high
treason. The Parliament unanimously passed a decree to annul it, to authorisehis taking arms, to enjoin all the King's
subjects to give him free passage andsupport, and to raise the necessary funds for the payment of his troops,lest the 800,000 livres sent from Courtto General d'Erlach should corrupt theofficers and soldiers. A severe edict wasissued against Courcelles, Lavardin, and
Amilly, who had levied troops for theKing in the province of Maine, and thecommonalty were permitted to meet at
the sound of the alarm-bell and to fallfoul of all those who had held
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assemblies without order of Parliament.
On the 9th a decree was passed tosuspend the conference till all thepromises made by the Court to allow
the entry of provisions were punctually executed.
The Prince de Conti informed theHouse the same day that he was desiredby M. de Longueville to assure themthat he would set out from Rouen on
the 15th with 7,000 foot and 3,000horse, and march directly to SaintGermain; the Parliament was incredibly
overjoyed, and desired the Prince deConti to press him to hasten his march
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as much as possible.
On the 10th the member for
Normandy told the House that theParliament of Rennes only stayed forthe Duc de la Tremouille to join against
the common enemy.
On the 11th an envoy from M. de laTremouille offered the Parliament, inhis master's name, 8,000 foot and 2,000horse, who were in a condition tomarch in two days, provided the House
ould permit his master to seize on allthe public money at Poitiers, Niort, andother places whereof he was already
master. The Parliament thanked him,passed a decree with full powers
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accordingly, and desired him to hastenhis levies with all expedition.
Posterity will hardly believe that,notwithstanding all this heat in theparty, which one would have thought
could not have immediately evaporated,a peace was made and signed the sameday; but of this more by and by.
hile the Court, as has been beforehinted, was tampering with the generals,Madame de Montbazon promised M.
de Beaufort's support to the Queen;but her Majesty understood that it wasnot to be done if I were not at the
market to approve of the sale. LaRiviere despised M. d'Elbeuf no
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longer. M. de Bouillon, since hisbrother's declaration, seemed moreinclined than before to come to an
arrangement with the Court, but hispretentions ran very high, and both thebrothers were in such a situation that a
little assistance would not suffice, andas to the offers made to myself by Madame de Lesdiguieres, I returnedsuch an answer as convinced the Courtthat I was not so easily to be moved.
In short, Cardinal Mazarin found all
the avenues to a negotiation either shutor impassable. This despair of successin the Court was eventually more to the
advantage of the Court than the mostrefined politics, for it did not hinder
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them from negotiating, the Cardinal'snatural temper not permitting him todo otherwise; but, however, he could
not trust to the carrying out of negotiations, and therefore beguiledour generals with fair promises, while
he remitted 800,000 livres to buy off the army of M. de Turenne, andobliged the deputies at Ruel to sign apeace against the orders of theParliament that sent them. ThePresident de Mesmes assured meseveral times since that this peace was
purely the result of a conversation hehad with the Cardinal on the 8th of March at night, when his Eminence
told him he saw plainly that M. deBouillon would not treat till he had the
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Spaniards and M. de Turenne at thegates of Paris; that is, till he saw himself in the position to seize one-
half of the kingdom. The Presidentmade him this answer:
"There is no hope of any security butin making the Coadjutor a cardinal."
To which Mazarin answered: "He isorse than the other, who at least
seemed once inclined to treat, but he isstill for a general peace, or for none at
all."
President de Mesmes replied: "If things
are come to this pass we must be thevictims to save the State from perishing
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e must sign the peace. For after whatthe Parliament has done to-day there isno remedy, and perhaps tomorrow we
shall be recalled; if we are disowned inhat we do we are ruined, the gates of
Paris will be shut against us, and we
shall be prosecuted and treated asprevaricators and traitors. It is ourbusiness and concern to procure suchconditions as will give us good groundto justify our proceedings, and if theterms are but reasonable, we know how to improve them against the factions;
but make them as you please yourself, Iill sign them all, and will go this
moment to acquaint the First President
that this is the only expedient to savethe State. If it takes effect we have
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peace, if we are disowned by theParliament we still weaken the faction,and the danger will fall upon none but
ourselves." He added that with muchdifficulty he had persuaded the FirstPresident.
The peace was signed by CardinalMazarin, as well as by the otherdeputies, on the part of the King. Thesubstance of the articles was thatParliament should just go to SaintGermain to proclaim the peace, and
then return to Paris, but hold noassembly that year; that all their publicdecrees since the 6th of January should
be made void, as likewise all ordinancesof Council, declarations and 'lettres de
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cachet'; that as soon as the King hadithdrawn his troops from Paris, all the
forces raised for the defence of the city
should be disbanded, and theinhabitants lay down their arms andnot take them up again without the
King's order; that the Archduke'sdeputy should be dismissed without ananswer, that there should be a generalamnesty, and that the King should alsogive a general discharge for all thepublic money made use of, as also forthe movables sold and for all the arms
and ammunition taken out of thearsenal and elsewhere.
M. and Madame de Bouillon wereextremely surprised when they heard
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that the peace was signed. I did notexpect the Parliament would make it sosoon, but I said frequently that it would
be a very shameful one if we should letthem alone to make it. M. de Bouillonowned that I had foretold it often
enough. "I confess," said he, "that weare entirely to blame," which expressionmade me respect him more than ever,for I think it a greater virtue for a manto confess a fault than not to commitone. The Prince de Conti, MM.d'Elbeuf, de Beaufort, and de La Mothe
ere very much surprised, too, at thesigning of the peace, especially becausetheir agent at Saint Germain had
assured them that the Court was fully persuaded that the Parliament was but a
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cipher, and that the generals were themen with whom they must negotiate. Iconfess that Cardinal Mazarin acted a
very wily part in this juncture, and he isthe more to be commended because he
as obliged to defend himself, not only
against the monstrous impertinencesof La Riviere, but against the violentpassion of the Prince de Conde.
e held a council at the Duc deBouillon's, where I persuaded them thatas our deputies were recalled by an
order despatched from Parliamentbefore the treaty was signed, it wastherefore void, and that we ought to
take no notice of it, the rather becauseit had not been communicated to
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Parliament in form; and, finally, that thedeputies should be charged to insist ona general treaty of peace and on the
expulsion of Mazarin; and, if they didnot succeed, to return forthwith totheir seats in Parliament. But I added
that if the deputies should have time toreturn and make their report, weshould be under the necessity of protesting, which would so incense thepeople against them that we should notbe able to keep them from butchering the First President and the President de
Mesmes, so that we should be reputedthe authors of the tragedy, and, thoughformidable one day, should be every
hit as odious the next. I concludedith offering to sacrifice my
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coadjutorship of Paris to the anger of the Queen and the hatred of theCardinal, and that very cheerfully, if
they would but come into my measures.
M. de Bouillon, after having opposed
my reasons, concluded thus: "I know that my brother's declaration and my urging the necessity of his advancing
ith the army before we come to apositive resolution may give ground toa belief that I have great views for ourfamily. I do not deny but that I hope
for some advantages, and am persuadedit is lawful for me to do so, but I will becontent to forfeit my reputation if I
ever agree with the Court till you all say you are satisfied; and if I do not keep
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my word I desire the Coadjutor todisgrace me."
After all I thought it best to submit tothe Prince de Conti and the voice of the majority, who resolved very wisely
not to explain themselves in detail nextmorning in Parliament, but that thePrince de Conti should only say, ingeneral, that it being the commonreport that the peace was signed atRuel, he was resolved to send deputiesthither to take care of his and the other
generals' interests.
The Prince agreed at once with our
decision. Meantime the people rose atthe report I had spread concerning
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Mazarin's signing the treaty, which,though we all considered it a necessary stratagem, I now repented of. This
shows that a civil war is one of thosecomplicated diseases wherein theremedy you prescribe for obviating one
dangerous symptom sometimesinflames three or four others.
On the 13th the deputies of Ruelentering the Parliament House, which
as in great tumult, M. d'Elbeuf,contrary to the resolution taken at M.
de Bouillon's, asked the deputieshether they had taken care of the
interest of the generals in the treaty.
The First President was going to make
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his report, but was almost stunned withthe clamour of the whole company,crying, "There is no peace! there is no
peace!" that the deputies hadscandalously deserted the generals andall others whom the Parliament had
oined by the decree of union, and,besides, that they had concluded apeace after the revocation of thepowers given them to treat. The Princede Conti said very calmly that he
ondered they had concluded a treaty ithout the generals; to which the First
President answered that the generalshad always protested that they had noseparate interests from those of the
Parliament, and it was their own faultthat they had not sent their deputies. M.
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de Bouillon said that, since CardinalMazarin was to continue PrimeMinister, he desired that Parliament
should obtain a passport for him toretire out of the kingdom. The FirstPresident replied that his interest had
been taken care of, and that he wouldhave satisfaction for Sedan. But M. deBouillon told him that he might as wellhave said nothing, and that he wouldnever separate from the other generals.The clamour redoubled with such fury that President de Mesmes trembled like
an aspen leaf. M. de Beaufort, laying hishand upon his sword, said,"Gentlemen, this shall never be drawn
for Mazarin."
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The Presidents de Coigneux and deBellievre proposed that the deputiesmight be sent back to treat about the
interests of the generals and to reformthe articles which the Parliament didnot like; but they were soon silenced by
a sudden noise in the Great Hall, andthe usher came in trembling and saidthat the people called for M. deBeaufort. He went out immediately, andquieted them for the time, but nosooner had he got inside the Housethan the disturbance began afresh, and
an infinite number of people, armedith daggers, called out for the original
treaty, that they might have Mazarin's
sign-manual burnt by the hangman,adding that if the deputies had signed
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the peace of their own accord they ought to be hanged, and if against their
ill they ought to be disowned. They
ere told that the sign-manual of theCardinal could not be burnt withoutburning at the same time that of the
Duc d'Orleans, but that the deputiesere to be sent back again to get the
articles amended. The people still criedout, "No peace! no Mazarin! You mustgo! We will have our good King fetched from Saint Germain, and allMazarins thrown into the river!"
The people were ready to break openthe great door of the House, yet the
First President was so far from being terrified that, when he was advised to
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pass through the registry into his ownhouse that he might not be seen, hereplied, "If I was sure to perish I would
never be guilty of such cowardice,hich would only serve to make the
mob more insolent, who would be
ready to come to my house if they thought I was afraid of them here."And when I begged him not to exposehimself till I had pacified the people hepassed it off with a joke, by which Ifound he took me for the author of thedisturbance, though very unjustly.
However, I did not resent it, but wentinto the Great Hall, and, mounting thesolicitors' bench, waved my hands to
the people, who thereupon cried,"Silence!" I said all I could think of to
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make them easy. They asked if I wouldpromise that the Peace of Ruel shouldnot be kept. I answered, "Yes, provided
the people will be quiet, for otherwisetheir best friends will be obliged to takeother methods to prevent such
disturbances." I acted in a quarter of anhour above thirty different parts. Ithreatened, I commanded, I entreatedthem; and, finding I was sure of a calm,at least for a moment, I returned to theHouse, and, embracing the FirstPresident, placed him before me; M. de
Beaufort did the same with Presidentde Mesmes, and thus we went out withthe Parliament, all in a body, the officers
of the House marching in front. Thepeople made a great noise, and we
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heard some crying, "A republic!" butno injury was offered to us, only M. deBouillon received a blow in his face
from a ragamuffin, who took him forCardinal Mazarin.
On the 16th the deputies were sentagain to Ruel by the Parliament toamend some of the articles, particularly those for adjourning the Parliament toSaint Germain and prohibiting theirfuture assemblies; with an order to takecare of the interest of the generals and
of the companies, joined together by the decree of union.
The late disturbances obliged theParliament to post the city trained-
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bands at their gates, who were evenmore enraged against the "Mazarinpeace," as they called it, than the mob,
and who were far less dreaded, becausethey consisted of citizens who were notfor plunder; yet this select militia was
ten times on the point of insulting theParliament, and did actually insult themembers of the Council andPresidents, threatening to throw thePresident de Thore into the river; and
hen the First President and his friendssaw that they were afraid of putting
their threats into execution, they took an advantage of us, and had theboldness even to reproach the generals,
as if the troops had not done theirduty; though if the generals had but
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spoken loud enough to be heard by thepeople, they would not have been ableto hinder them from tearing the
members to pieces.
The Duc de Bouillon came to the Hotel
de Ville and made a speech there toPrince de Conti and the other generals,in substance as follows:
"I could never have believed what Inow see of this Parliament. On the13th they would not hear the Peace of
Ruel mentioned, but on the 15th they approved of it, some few articlesexcepted; on the 16th they despatched
the same deputies who had concludeda peace against their orders with full
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and unlimited powers, and, not contentith all this, they load us with
reproaches because we complain that
they have treated for a peace withoutus, and have abandoned M. deLongueville and M. de Turenne; and yet
it is owing only to us that the people donot massacre them. We must save theirlives at the hazard of our own, and Iown that it is wisdom so to do; but weshall all of us certainly perish with theParliament if we let them go on at thisrate." Then, addressing himself to the
Prince de Conti, he said, "I am forclosing with the Coadjutor's late adviceat my house, and if your Highness does
not put it into execution before twodays are at an end, we shall have a peace
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less secure and more scandalous thanthe former."
The company became unanimously of his opinion, and resolved to meet nextday at M. de Bouillon's to consider how
to bring the affair into Parliament. Inthe meantime, Don Gabriel de Toledoarrived with the Archduke's ratificationof the treaty signed by the generals, and
ith a present from his master of 10,000 pistoles; but I was resolved tolet the Spaniards see that I had not the
intention of taking their money, thoughat his request Madame de Bouillon didall she could to persuade me.
Accordingly, I declined it with allpossible respect; nevertheless, this
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denial cost me dear afterwards, becauseI contracted a habit of refusing presents at other times when it would
have been good policy to have acceptedthem, even if I had thrown them intothe river. It is sometimes very
dangerous to refuse presents from one'ssuperiors.
hile we were in conference at M. deBouillon's the sad news was brought tous that M. de Turenne's forces, allexcept two or three regiments, had been
bribed with money from Court toabandon him, and, finding himself likely to be arrested, he had retired to
the house of his friend andkinswoman, the Landgravine of Hesse.
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M. de Bouillon, was, as it were,thunderstruck; his lady burst out intotears, saying, "We are all undone," and I
as almost as much cast down as they ere, because it overturned our last
scheme.
M. de Bouillon was now for pushing matters to extremes, but I convincedhim that there was nothing moredangerous.
Don Gabriel de Toledo, who was
ordered to be very frank with me, wasvery reserved when he saw how I wasmortified about the news of M. de
Turenne, and caballed with the generalsin such a manner as made me very
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uneasy. Upon this sudden turn of affairs I made these remarks: That every company has so much in it of the
unstable temper of the vulgar that alldepends upon joining issue withopportunity; and that the best
proposals prove often fading flowers,hich are fragrant to-day and offensive
to-morrow.
I could not sleep that night for thinkinabout our circumstances. I saw that theParliament was less inclined than ever
to engage in a war, by reason of thedesertion of the army of M. deTurenne; I saw the deputies at Ruel
emboldened by the success of theirprevarication; I saw the people of Paris
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as ready to admit the Archduke as everthey could be to receive the Ducd'Orleans; I saw that in a week's time
this Prince, with beads in his hand, andFuensaldagne with his money, wouldhave greater power than ourselves; that
M. de Bouillon was relapsing into hisformer proposal of using extremities,and that the other generals would beprecipitated into the same violentmeasures by the scornful behaviour of the Court, who now despised allbecause they were sure of the
Parliament. I saw that all thesecircumstances paved the way for apopular sedition to massacre the
Parliament and put the Spaniards inpossession of the Louvre, which might
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overturn the State.
These gloomy thoughts I resolved to
communicate to my father, who had forthe last twenty years retired to theOratory, and who would never hear of
my State intrigues. My father told me of some advantageous offers made to meindirectly by the Court, but advised menot to trust to them.
Next day, M. de Bouillon was forshutting the gates against the deputies
of Ruel, for expelling the Parliament,for making ourselves masters of theHotel de Ville, and for bringing the
Spanish army without delay into oursuburbs. As for M. de Beaufort, Don
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Gabriel de Toledo told me that heoffered Madame de Montbazon 20,000crowns down and 6,000 crowns a year
if she could persuade him into theArchduke's measures. He did not forgetthe other generals. M. d'Elbeuf was
gained at an easy rate, and Marechal deLa Mothe was buoyed up with thehopes of being accommodated withthe Duchy of Cardonne. I soon saw theCatholicon of Spain (Spanish gold)
as the chief ingredient. Everybody saw that our only remedy was to make
ourselves masters of the Hotel de Villeby means of the people, but I opposedit with arguments too tedious to
mention. M. de Bouillon was forengaging entirely with Spain, but I
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convinced Marechal de La Mothe andM. de Beaufort that such measures
ould in a fortnight reduce them to a
precarious dependence on the counselsof Spain.
Being pressed to give my opinion inbrief, I delivered it thus: "We cannothinder the peace without ruining theParliament by the help of the people,and we cannot maintain the war by themeans of the same people without adependence upon Spain. We cannot
have any peace with Saint Germain butby consenting to continue Mazarin inthe Ministry."
M. de Bouillon, with the head of an ox,
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and the penetration of an eagle,interrupted me thus: "I take it,monsieur," said he, "you are for
suffering the peace to come to aconclusion, but not for appearing in it."
I replied that I was willing to oppose it,but that it should be only with my ownvoice and the voices of those who wereready to run the same hazard with me.
"I understand you again," replied M. deBouillon; "a very fine thought indeed,
suitable to yourself and to M. deBeaufort, but to nobody else."
"If it suited us only," said I, "before Iould propose it I would cut out my
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tongue. The part we act would suit youas well as either of us, because you may accommodate matters when you think
it for your interest. For my part, I amfully persuaded that they who insistupon the exclusion of Mazarin as a
condition of the intended arrangementill continue masters of the affections
of the people long enough to take theiradvantage of an opportunity whichfortune never fails to furnish in cloudy and unsettled times. Pray, monsieur,considering your reputation and
capacity, who can pretend to act thispart with more dignity, than yourself M. de Beaufort and I are already the
favourites of the people, and if youdeclare for the exclusion of the
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Cardinal, you will be tomorrow aspopular as either of us, and we shall belooked upon as the only centre of their
hopes. All the blunders of the ministersill turn to our advantage, the
Spaniards will caress us, and the
Cardinal, considering how fond he isof a treaty, will be under the necessity to court us. I own this scheme may beattended with inconveniences, but, onthe other side of the question, we aresure of certain ruin if we have a peaceand an enraged minister at the helm,
ho cannot hope for reestablishmentbut upon our destruction. Therefore, Icannot but think the expedient is as
proper for you to engage in as for me,but if, for argument's sake, it were not, I
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am sure it is for your interest that Ishould embrace it, for you will by thatmeans have more time to make your
own terms with the Court before thepeace is concluded, and after the peaceMazarin will in such case be obliged to
have more regard for all thosegentlemen whose reunion with me it
ill be to his interest to prevent."
M. de Bouillon was so convinced of the justice of my reasoning that he toldme, when we were by ourselves, that he
had, as well as myself, thought of my expedient as soon as he received thenews of the army deserting M. de
Turenne, that he could still improve it,as the Spaniards would not fail to relish
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it, and that he had been on the pointseveral times one day to confer about it
ith me; but that his wife had conjured
him with prayers and tears to speak nomore of the matter, but to come toterms with the Court, or else to engage
himself with the Spaniards. "I know,"said he, "you are not for the secondarrangement; pray lend me your goodoffices to compass the first." I assuredhim that all my best offices andinterests were entirely at his service tofacilitate his agreement with the Court,
and that he might freely make use of my name and reputation for thatpurpose.
In fine, we agreed on every point. M. de
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Bouillon undertook to make theproposition palatable to the Spaniards,provided we would promise never to
let them know that it was concertedamong ourselves beforehand, and wenever questioned but that we could
persuade M. de Longueville to accept it,for men of irresolution are apt to catchat all overtures which lead them two
ays, and consequently press them tono choice.
I had almost forgotten to tell you what
M. de Bouillon said to me in private ase were going from the conference. "I
am sure," said he, "that you will not
blame me for not exposing a wifehom I dearly love and eight children
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hom she loves more than herself tothe hazards which you run, and whichI could run with you were I a single
man."
I was very much affected by the tender
sentiments of M. de Bouillon and theconfidence he placed in me, andassured him I was so far from blaming him that I esteemed him the more, andthat his tenderness for his lady, whichhe was pleased to call his weakness, wasindeed what politics condemned but
ethics highly justified, because itbetokened an honest heart, which ismuch superior both to interest and
politics. M. de Bouillon communicatedthe proposal both to the Spanish
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envoys and to the generals, who wereeasily persuaded to relish it.
Thus he made, as it were, a goldenbridge for the Spaniards to withdraw their troops with decency. I told him as
soon as they were gone that he was anexcellent man to persuade people that a"quartan ague was good for them."
The Parliamentary deputies, repairing toSaint Germain on the 17th of March,1649, first took care to settle the
interests of the generals, upon whichevery officer of the army thought hehad a right to exhibit his pretensions.
M. de Vendome sent his son a formalcurse if he did not procure for him at
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least the post of Superintendent of theSeas, which was created first in favourof Cardinal de Richelieu in place of
that of High Admiral, but Louis XIV.abolished it, and restored that of HighAdmiral.
Upon this we held a conference, theresult of which was that on the 20ththe Prince de Conti told the Parliamentthat himself and the other generalsentered their claims solely for thepurpose of providing for their safety in
case Mazarin should continue in theMinistry, and that he protested, bothfor himself and for all the gentlemen
engaged in the same party, that they ould immediately renounce all
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pretensions whatsoever upon theexclusion of Cardinal Mazarin.
e also prevailed on the Prince deConti, though almost against his will,to move the Parliament to direct their
deputies to join with the Comte deMaure for the expulsion of CardinalMazarin. I had almost lost all my credit
ith the people, because I hinderedthem on the 13th of March frommassacring the Parliament, and becauseon the 23d and 24th I opposed the
public sale of the Cardinal's library. ButI reestablished my reputation in theGreat Hall among the crowd, in the
opinion of the firebrands of Parliament, by haranguing against the
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and that as to the pretensions of thegenerals, which were either to justice orfavour, those of justice should be
confirmed, and those of favour left tohis Majesty's disposal to reward merit.They declared their willingness to
accept the Archduke's proposal for ageneral peace.
An amnesty was granted in the mostample manner, comprehending expressly the Prince de Conti, MM. deLongueville, de Beaufort, d'Harcourt,
de Rieug, de Lillebonne, de Bouillon,de Turenne, de Brissac, de Duras, deMatignon, de Beuron, de Noirmoutier,
de Sdvigny, de Tremouille, de LaRochefoucault, de Retz, d'Estissac, de
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Montresor, de Matta, de Saint Germain,d'Apchon, de Sauvebeuf, de Saint Ibal,de Lauretat, de Laigues, de Chavagnac,
de Chaumont, de Caumesnil, deCugnac, de Creci, d'Allici, and deBarriere; but I was left out, which
contributed to preserve my reputationith the public more than you would
expect from such a trifle.
On the 31st the deputies, being returned, made their report to theParliament, who on the 1st of April
verified the declaration of peace.
As I went to the House I found the
streets crowded with people crying "Nopeace! no Mazarin!" but I dispersed
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them by saying that it was one of Mazarin's stratagems to separate thepeople from the Parliament, who
ithout doubt had reasons for whatthey had done; that they should becautious of falling into the snare; that
they had no cause to fear Mazarin; andthat they might depend on it that I
ould never agree with him. When Ireached the House I found the guardsas excited as the people, and bent onmurdering every one they knew to beof Mazarin's party; but I pacified them
as I had done the others. The FirstPresident, seeing me coming in, saidthat "I had been consecrating oil mixed,
undoubtedly, with saltpetre." I heardthe words, but made as if I did not, for
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had I taken them up, and had thepeople known it in the Great Hall, it
ould not have been in my power to
have saved the life of one singlemember.
Soon after the peace the Prince deConti, Madame de Longueville and M.de Bouillon went to Saint Germain tothe Court, which had by some meansor other gained M. d'Elbeuf. But MM.de Brissac, de Retz, de Vitri, de Fiesque,de Fontrailles, de Montresor, de
Noirmoutier, de Matta, de la Boulaie,de Caumesnil, de Moreul, de Laigues,and d'Annery remained in a body with
us, which was not contemptible,considering the people were on our
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side; but the Cardinal despised us tothat degree that when MM. deBeaufort, de Brissac, de La Mothe, and
myself desired one of our friends toassure the Queen of our most humbleobedience, she answered that she
should not regard our assurances till wehad paid our devoirs to the Cardinal.
Madame de Chevreuse having comefrom Brussels without the Queen'sleave, her Majesty sent her orders toquit Paris in twenty-four hours upon
hich I went to her house and foundthe lovely creature at her toilet bathedin tears. My heart yearned towards her,
but I bid her not obey till I had thehonour of seeing her again. I consulted
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ith M. de Beaufort to get the orderrevoked, upon which he said, "I seeyou are against her going; she shall stay.
She has very fine eyes!"
I returned to the Palace de Chevreuse,
here I was made very welcome, andfound the lovely Mademoiselle deChevreuse. I got a very intimateacquaintance with Madame de Rhodes,natural daughter of Cardinal de Guise,
ho was her great confidant. I entirely demolished the good opinion she had
of the Duke of Brunswick-Zell, withhom she had almost struck a bargain.
De Laigues hindered me at first, but the
forwardness of the daughter and thegood-nature of the mother soon
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removed all obstacles. I saw her every day at her own house and very often atMadame de Rhodes's, who allowed us
all the liberty we could wish for, and wedid not fail to make good use of ourtime. I did love her, or rather I thought
I loved her, for I still had to do withMadame de Pommereux.
Fronde (sling) being the name given tothe faction, I will give you theetymology of it, which I omitted in thefirst book.
hen Parliament met upon Stateaffairs, the Duc d'Orleans and the
Prince de Conde came very frequently,and tempered the heat of the
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contending parties; but the coolnessas not lasting, for every other day
their fury returned upon them.
Bachoumont once said, in jest, that theParliament acted like the schoolboys in
the Paris ditches, who fling stones, andrun away when they see the constable,but meet again as soon as he turns hisback. This was thought a very pretty comparison. It came to be a subject forballads, and, upon the peace betweenthe King and Parliament, it was revived
and applied to those who were notagreed with the Court; and we studiedto give it all possible currency, because
e observed that it excited the wrath of the people. We therefore resolved that
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night to wear hatbands made in theform of a sling, and had a greatnumber of them made ready to be
distributed among a parcel of roughfellows, and we wore them ourselveslast of all, for it would have looked
much like affectation and have spoilt allhad we been the first in the mode.
It is inexpressible what influence thistrifle had upon the people; their bread,hats, gloves, handkerchiefs, fans,ornaments were all 'a la mode de la
Fronde', and we ourselves were more inthe fashion by this trifle than in reality.And the truth is we had need of all our
shifts to support us against the wholeroyal family. For although I had spoken
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to the Prince de Conde at Madame deLongueville's, I could not supposemyself thoroughly reconciled. He
treated me, indeed, civilly, but with anair of coldness, and I know that he wasfully persuaded that I had complained
of his breach of a promise which hemade by me to some members of Parliament; but, as I had complained tonobody upon this head, I began tosuspect that some persona studied toset us at variance. I imagined it camefrom the Prince de Conti, who was
naturally very malicious, and hated me,he knew not why. Madame deLongueville loved me no better. I
always suspected Madame deMontbazon, who had not nearly so
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much influence over M. de Beaufort asI had, yet was very artful in robbing him of all his secrets. She did not love
me either, because I deprived her of hat might have made her a most
considerable person at Court.
Count Fuensaldagne was not obligedto help me if he could. He was notpleased with the conduct of M. deBouillon, who, in truth, had neglectedthe decisive point for a general peace,and he was much less satisfied with his
own ministers, whom he used to callhis blind moles; but he was pleased
ith me for insisting always on the
peace between the two Crowns,ithout any view to a separate one. He
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therefore sent me Don AntonioPimentel, to offer me anything that wasin the power of the King his master,
and to tell me that, as I could not butant assistance, considering how I
stood with the Ministry, 100,000
crowns was at my service, which wasaccordingly brought me in bills of exchange. He added that he did notdesire any engagement from me for it,nor did the King his master proposeany other advantage than the pleasureof protecting me. But I thought fit to
refuse the money, for the present,telling Don Antonio that I shouldthink myself unworthy, of the
protection of his Catholic Majesty if Itook any, gratuity, while I was in no
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capacity, of serving him; that I wasborn a Frenchman, and, by virtue of my post, more particularly, attached
than another to the metropolis of thekingdom; that it was my misfortune tobe embroiled with the Prime Minister
of my King, but that my resentmentshould never carry me to solicitassistance among his enemies till I wasforced to do so for self-preservation;that Divine Providence had cast my lotin Paris, where God, who knew thepurity of my intentions, would enable
me in all probability to maintain myself by my own interest. But in case I
anted protection I was fully
persuaded I could nowhere find any sopowerful and glorious as that of his
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Catholic Majesty, to whom I wouldalways think it an honour to haverecourse. Fuensaldagne was satisfied
ith my answer, and sent back DonAntonio Pimentel with a letter from theArchduke, assuring me that upon a line
from my hand he would march with allthe forces of the King his master to my assistance.
BOOK III.
MADAME: Cardinal Mazarin thoughtof nothing else now but how to rid
himself of the obligations he lay underto the Prince de Conde, who had
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actually saved him from the gallows.And his principal view was an alliance
ith the House of Vendome, who had
on some occasions opposed the interestof the family of Conde.
In Paris the people libelled not only theCardinal, but the Queen. Indeed it wasnot our interest to discourage libels andballads against the Cardinal, but itconcerned us to suppress such as werelevelled against the Queen andGovernment. It is not to be imagined
hat uneasiness the wrath of thepeople gave us upon that head. Twocriminals, one of whom was a printer,
being condemned to be hanged forpublishing some things fit to be burnt
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and for libelling the Queen, cried out,hen they were upon the scaffold, that
they were to be put to death for
publishing verses against Mazarin,upon which the people rescued themfrom justice.
On the other hand, some gay young gentlemen of the Court, who were inMazarin's interest, had a mind to makehis name familiar to the Parisians, andfor that end made a famous display inthe public walks of the Tuileries, where
they had grand suppers, with music,and drank the Cardinal's healthpublicly. We took little notice of this,
till they boasted at Saint Germain thatthe Frondeurs were glad to give them
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the wall. And then we thought it hightime to correct them, lest the commonpeople should think they did it by
authority. For this end M. de Beaufortand a hundred other gentlemen wentone night to the house where they
supped, overturned the table, andbroke the musicians' violins over theirheads.
Being informed that the Prince deConde intended to oblige the King toreturn to Paris, I was resolved to have
all the merit of an action which wouldbe so acceptable to the citizens. Itherefore resolved to go to the Court at
Compiegne, which my friends very much opposed, for fear of the danger
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to which I might be exposed, but I toldthem that what is absolutely necessary is not dangerous.
I went accordingly, and as I was going up-stairs to the Queen's apartments, a
man, whom I never saw before or since,put a note into my hand with these
ords: "If you enter the King'sdomicile, you are a dead man." But I
as in already, and it was too late to goback. Being past the guard-chamber, Ithought myself secure. I told the
Queen that I was come to assure herMajesty of my most humble obedience,and of the disposition of the Church
of Paris to perform all the services itowed to their Majesties. The Queen
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seemed highly pleased, and was very kind to me; but when we mentionedthe Cardinal, though she urged me to it,
I excused myself from going to seehim, assuring her Majesty that such avisit would put it out of my power to
do her service. It was impossible forher to contain herself any longer; sheblushed, and it was with much restraintthat she forbore using harsh language,as she herself confessed afterwards.
Servien said one day that there was a
design to assassinate me at his table by the Abbe Fouquet; and M. deVendome, who had just come from his
table, pressed me to be gone, saying that there were wicked designs hatching
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against me.
I returned to Paris, having
accomplished everything I wanted, for Ihad removed the suspicion of theCourt that the Frondeurs were against
the King's return. I threw upon theCardinal all the odium attending hisMajesty's delay. I braved Mazarin, as it
ere, upon his throne, and secured tomyself the chief honour of the King'sreturn.
The Court was received at Paris askings always were and ever will be,namely, with acclamations, which only
please such as like to be flattered. Agroup of old women were posted at
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the entrance of the suburbs to cry out,"God save his Eminence!" who sat inthe King's coach and thought himself
Lord of Paris; but at the end of threeor four days he found himself muchmistaken. Ballads and libels still flew
about. The Frondeurs appeared bolderthan ever. M. de Beaufort and I rodesometimes alone, with one lackey only behind our coach, and at other times
e went with a retinue of fifty men inlivery and a hundred gentlemen. Wediversified the scene as we thought it
ould be most acceptable to thespectators. The Court party, whoblamed us from morning to night,
nevertheless imitated us in their way.Everybody took an advantage of the
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Ministry from our continual pelting of his Eminence. The Prince, who alwaysmade too much or too little of the
Cardinal, continued to treat him withcontempt; and, being disgusted at being refused the post of Superintendent of
the Seas, the Cardinal endeavoured tosoothe him with the vain hopes of other advantages.
The Prince, being one day at Court, andseeing the Cardinal give himself extraordinary airs, said, as he was going
out of the Queen's cabinet, "Adieu,Mars." This was told all over the city ina quarter of an hour. I and
Noirmoutier went by appointment tohis house at four o'clock in the
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morning, when he seemed to be greatly troubled. He said that he could notdetermine to begin a civil war, which,
though the only means to separate theQueen from the Cardinal, to whom she
as so strongly attached, yet it was both
against his conscience and honour. Headded that he should never forget hisobligations to us, and that if he shouldcome to any terms with the Court, he
ould, if we thought proper, settle ouraffairs also, and that if we had not amind to be reconciled to the Court, he
ould, in case it did attack us, publicly undertake our protection. We answeredthat we had no other design in our
proposals than the honour of being hishumble servants, and that we should be
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very sorry if he had retarded hisreconciliation with the Queen uponour account, praying that we might be
permitted to continue in the samedisposition towards the Cardinal as we
ere then, which we declared should
not hinder us from paying all therespect and duty which we professedfor his Highness.
I must not forget to acquaint you thatMadame de Guemenee, who ran away from Paris in a fright the moment it was
besieged, no sooner heard that I hadpaid a visit to Mademoiselle deChevreuse than she returned to town in
a rage. I was in such a passion with herfor having cowardly deserted me that I
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took her by the throat, and she was soenraged at my familiarity withMademoiselle de Chevreuse that she
threw a candlestick at my head, but in aquarter of an hour we were very goodfriends.
The Prince de Conde was no soonerreconciled with the Court than he waspublicly reproached in the city forbreaking his word with the Frondeurs;but I convinced him that he could notthink such treatment strange in a city so
ustly exasperated against Mazarin, andthat, nevertheless, he might depend onmy best services, for which he assured
me of his constant friendship.
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Moissans, now Marechal d'Albret, whoas at the head of the King's
gendarmes, accustomed himself and
others to threaten the chief minister,ho augmented the public odium
against himself by reestablishing Emeri,
a man detested by all the kingdom. Weere not a little alarmed at his
reestablishment, because this man, whoknew Paris better than the Cardinal,distributed money among the people toa very good purpose. This is a singularscience, which is either very beneficial
or hurtful in its consequences,according to the wisdom or folly of thedistributor.
These donations, laid out with
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discretion and secrecy, obliged us toyield ourselves more and more unto thebulk of the people, and, finding a fit
opportunity for this performance, wetook care not to let it slip, which, if they had been ruled by me, we should
not have done so soon, for we were notyet forced to make use of suchexpedients. It is not safe in a faction
here you are only upon the defensiveto do what you are not pressed to do,but the uneasiness of the subalterns onsuch occasions is troublesome, because
they believe that as soon as you seem tobe inactive all is lost. I preached every day that the way was yet rough, and
therefore must be made plain, and thatpatience in the present case was
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productive of greater effects thanactivity; but nobody comprehended thetruth of what I said.
An unlucky expression, dropped onthis occasion by the Princesse de
Guemenee, had an incredible influenceupon the people. She called to mind aballad formerly made upon theregiment of Brulon, which was said toconsist of only two dragoons and fourdrummers, and, inasmuch as she hatedthe Fronde, she told me very pleasantly
that our party, being reduced tofourteen, might be justly compared tothat regiment of Brulon. Noirmoutier
and Laigues were offended at thisexpression to that degree that they
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continually murmured because Ineither settled affairs nor pushed themto the last extremity. Upon which I
observed that heads of factions are nolonger their masters when they areunable either to prevent or allay the
murmurs of the people.
The revenues of the Hotel de Ville,hich are, as it were, the patrimony of
the bourgeois, and which, if wellmanaged, might be of special service tothe King in securing to his interest an
infinite number of those people whoare always the most formidable inrevolutions this sacred fund, I say,
suffered much by the licentiousness of the times, the ignorance of Mazarin,
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and the prevarication of the officers of the Hotel de Ville, who were hisdependents, so that the poor annuitants
met in great numbers at the Hotel deVille; but as such assemblies withoutthe Prince's authority are reckoned
illegal, the Parliament passed a decree tosuppress them. They were privately countenanced by M. de Beaufort andme, to whom they sent a solemndeputation, and they made choice of twelve syndics to be a check upon theprevot des marchands'.
On the 11th of December a pistol, ashad been concerted beforehand, was
fired into the coach of Joly, one of thesyndics, which President Charton,
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another of the syndics, thinking wasaimed at himself, the Marquis de laBoulaie ran as if possessed with a devil,
hile the Parliament was sitting, intothe middle of the Great Hall, withfifteen or twenty worthless fellows
crying out "To Arms!" He did the likein the streets, but in vain, and came toBroussel and me; but the formerreprimanded him after his way, and Ithreatened to throw him out at the
indow, for I had reason to believe thathe acted in concert with the Cardinal,
though he pretended to be a Frondeur.
This artifice of Servien united the
Prince to the Cardinal, because hefound himself obliged to defend
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himself against the Frondeurs, who, ashe believed, sought to assassinate him.All those that were his own creatures
thought they were not zealous enoughfor his service if they did notexaggerate the imminent danger he had
escaped, and the Court parasitesconfounded the morning adventure
ith that at night; and upon this coarsecanvas they daubed all that the basestflattery, blackest imposture, and themost ridiculous credulity was capableof imagining; and we were informed
the next morning that it was thecommon rumour over all the city that
e had formed a design of seizing the
King's person and carrying him to theHotel de Ville, and to assassinate the
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Prince.
M. de Beaufort and I agreed to go out
and show ourselves to the people,hom we found in such a
consternation that I believed the Court
might then have attacked us withsuccess. Madame de Montbazonadvised us to take post-horses and rideoff, saying that there was nothing moreeasy than to destroy us, because we hadput ourselves into the hands of oursworn enemies. I said that we had
better hazard our lives than ourhonour. To which she replied, "It is notthat, but your nymphs, I believe, which
keep you here" (meaning Mesdames deChevreuse and Guemenee). "I expect,"
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she said, "to be befriended for my ownsake, and don't I deserve it I cannotconceive how you can be amused by a
icked old hag and a girl, if possible,still more foolish. We are continually disputing about that silly wretch"
(pointing to M. de Beaufort, who wasplaying chess); "let us take him with usand go to Peronne."
ou are not to wonder that she talkedthus contemptibly of M. de Beaufort,
hom she always taxed with impotency,
for it is certain that his love was purely Platonic, as he never asked any favourof her, and seemed very uneasy with
her for eating flesh on Fridays. She wasso sweet upon me, and withal such a
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charming beauty, that, being naturally indisposed to let such opportunitiesslip, I was melted into tenderness for
her, notwithstanding my suspicions of her, considering the then situation of affairs, and would have had her go with
me into the cabinet, but she wasdetermined first to go to Peronne,
hich put an end to our amours.
Beaufort waited on the Prince and wasell received, but I could not gain
admittance.
On the 14th the Prince de Conde wentto Parliament and demanded that a
committee might be appointed toinquire into the attempt made on his
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life.
The Frondeurs were not asleep in the
meantime, yet most of our friends weredispirited, and all very weak.
The cures of Paris were my most hearty friends; they laboured with incrediblezeal among the people. And the cure of Saint Gervais sent me this message:"Do but rally again and get off theassassination, and in a week you will bestronger than your enemies."
I was informed that the Queen hadritten to my uncle, the Archbishop of
Paris, to be sure to go to the Parliamenton the 23d, the day that Beaufort,
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Broussel, and I were to be impeached,because I had no right to sit in theHouse if he were present. I begged of
him not to go, but my uncle being aman of little sense, and that much outof order, and being, moreover, fearful
and ridiculously jealous of me, hadpromised the Queen to go; and all that
e could get out of him was that heould defend me in Parliament better
than I could defend myself. It is to beobserved that though he chattered to uslike a magpie in private, yet in public he
as as mute as a fish. A surgeon whoas in the Archbishop's service, going
to visit him, commended him for his
courage in resisting the importunitiesof his nephew, who, said he, had a
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mind to bury him alive, andencouraged him to rise with all hasteand go to the Parliament House; but he
as no sooner out of his bed than thesurgeon asked him in a fright how hefelt. "Very well," said my Lord. "But
that is impossible," said the surgeon;"you look like death," and feeling hispulse, he told him he was in a highfever; upon which my LordArchbishop went to bed again, and allthe kings and queens in Christendomcould not get him out for a fortnight.
e went to the Parliament, and foundthere the Princes with nearly a
thousand gentlemen and, I may say, thehole Court. I had few salutes in the
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Hall, because it was generally thought Ias an undone man. When I had
entered the Great Chamber I heard a
hum like that at the end of a pleasing period in a sermon. When I had takenmy place I said that, hearing we were
taxed with a seditious conspiracy, weere come to offer our heads to the
Parliament if guilty, and if innocent, todemand justice upon our accusers; andthat though I knew not what right theCourt had to call me to account, yet I
ould renounce all privileges to make
my innocence apparent to a body forhom I always had the greatest
attachment and veneration.
Then the informations were read
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against what they called "the publicconspiracy from which it had pleasedAlmighty God to deliver the State and
the royal family," after which I made aspeech, in substance as follows:
"I do not believe, gentlemen, that in anof the past ages persons of our quality had ever received any personalsummons grounded merely uponhearsay. Neither can I think thatposterity will ever believe that thishearsay evidence was admitted from the
mouths of the most infamousmiscreants that ever got out of a gaol.Canto was condemned to the gallows
at Pau, Pichon to the wheel at Mans,Sociande is a rogue upon record. Pray,
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gentlemen, judge of their evidence by their character and profession. But thisis not all. They have the distinguishing
character of being informers by authority. I am sorely grieved that thedefence of our honour, which is
enjoined us by the laws of God andman, should oblige me to expose tolight, under the most innocent of Kings, such abominations as weredetested in the most corrupt ages of antiquity and under the worst of tyrants. But I must tell you that Canto,
Sociande, and Gorgibus are authorisedto inform against us by a commissionsigned by that august name which
should never be employed but for thepreservation of the most sacred laws,
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and which Cardinal Mazarin, whoknows no law but that of revenge,
hich he meditates against the
defenders of the public liberty, hasforced M. Tellier, Secretary of State, tocountersign.
"We demand justice, gentlemen, but wedo not demand it of you till we havefirst most humbly implored this Houseto execute the strictest justice that thelaws have provided against rebels, if itappears that we have been concerned
directly or indirectly in raising this lastdisturbance. Is it possible, gentlemen,that a grandchild of Henri the Great,
that a senator of M. Broussel's age andprobity, and that the Coadjutor of Paris
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should be so much as suspected of being concerned in a sedition raised by a hot-brained fool, at the head of
fifteen of the vilest of the mob I amfully persuaded it would be scandalousfor me to insist longer on this subject.
This is all I know, gentlemen, of themodern conspiracy."
The applause that came from the Courtof Inquiry was deafening; many voices
ere heard exclaiming against spies andinformers. Honest Doujat, who was
one of the persons appointed by theAttorney-General Talon, his kinsman,to make the report, and who had
acquainted me with the facts,acknowledged it publicly by pretending
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to make the thing appear less odious.He got up, therefore, as if he were in apassion, and spoke very artfully to this
purpose:
"These witnesses, monsieur, are not to
accuse you, as you are pleased to say,but only to discover what passed in themeeting of the annuitants at the Hotelde Ville. If the King did not promiseimpunity to such as will give himinformation necessary for his service,and which sometimes cannot be come
at without involving evidence in acrime, how should the King beinformed at all There is a great deal of
difference between patents of thisnature and commissions granted on
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purpose to accuse you."
ou might have seen fire in 'the face of
every member. The First Presidentcalled out "Order!" and said, "MM. deBeaufort, le Coadjuteur, and Broussel,
you are accused, and you mustithdraw."
As Beaufort and I were leaving ourseats, Broussel stopped us, saying,"Neither you, gentlemen, nor I arebound to depart till we are ordered to
do so by the Court. The First President,hom all the world knows to be our
adversary, should go out if we must."
I added, "And M. le Prince," who
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thereupon said, with a scornful air:
"What, I Must I retire "
"Yes, yes, monsieur," said I, "justice isno respecter of persons."
The President de Mesmes said, "No,monseigneur, you must not go outunless the Court orders you. If theCoadjutor insists that your Highnessretire, he must demand it by a petition.As for himself, he is accused, and
therefore must go out; but, seeing heraises difficulties and objections to thecontrary, we must put it to the vote."
And it was passed that we shouldithdraw.
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Meanwhile, most of the memberspassed encomiums upon us, satires
upon the Ministry, and anathemasupon the witnesses for the Crown. Nor
ere the cures and the parishioners
anting in their duty on this occasion.The people came in shoals from allparts of Paris to the Parliament House.Nevertheless, no disrespect was showneither to the King's brother or to M. lePrince; only some in their presencecried out, "God bless M. de Beaufort!
God bless the Coadjutor!"
M. de Beaufort told the First President
next day that, the State and royal family being in danger, every moment was
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precious, and that the offenders oughtto receive condign punishment, andthat therefore the Chambers ought to
be assembled without loss of time.Broussel attacked the First President
ith a great deal of warmth. Eight or
ten councillors entered immediately into the Great Chamber to testify theirastonishment at the indolence andindifference of the House after such afurious conspiracy, and that so littlezeal was shown to prosecute thecriminals. MM. de Bignon and Talon,
counsel for the Crown, alarmed thepeople by declaring that as forthemselves they had no hand in the
conclusions, which were ridiculous.The First President returned very calm
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answers, knowing well that we shouldhave been glad to have put him into apassion in order to catch at some
expression that might bear an exceptionin law.
On Christmas Day I preached such asermon on Christian charity, withoutmentioning the present affairs, that the
omen even wept for the unjustpersecution of an archbishop who hadso great a tenderness for his very enemies.
On the 29th M. de Beaufort and I wentto the Parliament House, accompanied
by a body of three hundred gentlemen,to make it appear that we were more
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than tribunes of the people, and toscreen ourselves from the insults of theCourt party. We posted ourselves in the
Fourth Chamber of the Inquests,among the courtiers, with whom weconversed very frankly, yet upon the
least noise, when the debates ran highin the Great Chamber, we were ready tocut one another's throats eight or tentimes every morning. We were alldistrustful of one another, and I may venture to say there were not twenty persons in the House but were armed
ith daggers. As for myself, I hadresolved to take none of those
eapons inconsistent with my
character, till one day, when it wasexpected the House would be more
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excited than usual, and then M. deBeaufort, seeing one end of the
eapon peeping out of my pocket,
exposed it to M. le Prince's captain of the guards and others, saying, "See,gentlemen, the Coadjutor's prayer-
book." I understood the jest, but really I could not well digest it. We petitionedthe Parliament that the First President,being our sworn enemy, might beexpelled the House, but it was put tothe vote and carried by a majority of thirty-six that he should retain his
station of judge.
Paris narrowly escaped a commotion at
the time of the imprisonment of Belot,one of the syndics of the Hotel de
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Ville annuitants, who, being arrestedithout a decree, President de la
Grange made it appear that there was
nothing more contrary to thedeclaration for which they had formerly so exerted themselves. The First
President maintaining the legality of hisimprisonment, Daurat, a councillor of the Third Chamber, told him that he
as amazed that a gentleman who wasso lately near being expelled could beso resolute in violating the laws soflagrantly. Whereupon the First
President rose in a passion, saying thatthere was neither order nor discipline inthe House, and that he would resign his
place to another for whom they hadmore respect. This motion put the
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Great Chamber all in a ferment, whichas felt in the Fourth, where the
gentlemen of both parties hastened to
support their respective sides, and if the most insignificant lackey had thenbut drawn a sword, Paris would have
been all in an uproar.
e solicited very earnestly for our trial,hich they delayed as much as it was in
their power, because they could notchoose but acquit us and condemn theCrown witnesses. Various were the
pretences for putting it off, and thoughthe informations were not of sufficient
eight to hang a dog, yet they were read
over and over at every turn to prolong the time.
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The public began to be persuaded of our innocence, as also the Prince de
Conde, and M. de Bouillon told methat he very much suspected it to be atrick of the Cardinal's.
On the 1st of January, 1650, Madamede Chevreuse, having a mind to visitthe Queen, with whom she had carriedon in all her disgrace an unaccountablecorrespondence, went to the King'sPalace. The Cardinal, taking her aside in
the Queen's little cabinet, said to her:
"You love the Queen. Is it not possible
for you to make your friends love her "
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"How can that be " said she; "theQueen is no more a Queen, but ahumble servant to M. le Prince."
"Good God!" replied the Cardinal; "wemight do great things if we could get
some men into our interest. But M. deBeaufort is at the service of Madamede Montbazon, and she is devoted toVigneul and the Coadjutor;" at themention of which he smiled. "I takeyou, monsieur," said Madame deChevreuse; "I will answer for him and
for her."
Thus the conversation began, and the
Cardinal making a sign to the Queen,Madame de Chevreuse had a long
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conference that night with her Majesty,ho gave her this billet for me, written
and signed with her own hand:
Notwithstanding what has passed andhat is now doing, I cannot but
persuade myself that M. le Coadjuteuris in my interest. I desire to see him,and that nobody may know it butMadame and Mademoiselle deChevreuse. This name shall be yoursecurity. ANNE.
Being convinced that the Queen wasdownright angry with the Prince deConde on account of a rumour spread
abroad that he had some intriguing gallantries with her Majesty, I weighed
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all circumstances and returned theanswer to the Queen:
Never was there one moment of my life wherein I was not devoted to yourMajesty. I am so far from consulting my
own safety that I would gladly die foryour service . . . I will go to any placeyour Majesty shall order me.
My answer, with the Queen's letterenclosed, was carried back by Madamede Chevreuse and well received. I went
immediately to Court, and was takenup the back staircase by the Queen'strain-bearer to the petit oratoire, where
her Majesty was shut up all alone. Sheshowed me as much kindness as she
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could, considering her hatred againstM. le Prince and her friendship for theCardinal, though the latter seemed the
more to prevail, because in speaking of the civil wars and of the Cardinal'sfriendship for me she called him "the
poor Cardinal" twenty times over. Half an hour after, the Cardinal came in,
ho begged the Queen to dispenseith the respect he owed her Majesty hile he embraced me in her presence.
He was pleased to say he was very sorry that he could not give me that very
moment his own cardinal's cap. Hetalked so much of favours,gratifications, and rewards that I was
obliged to explain myself, knowing thatnothing is more destructive of new
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reconciliations than a seeming unwillingness to be obliged to those to
hom you are reconciled. I answered
that the greatest recompense I couldexpect, though I had saved the Crown,
as to have the honour of serving her
Majesty, and I humbly prayed theQueen to give me no otherrecompense, that at least I might havethe satisfaction to make her Majesty sensible that this was the only reward Ivalued.
The Cardinal desired the Queen tocommand me to accept of thenomination to the cardinalate, "which,"
said he, "La Riviere has snatched withinsolence and acknowledged with
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treachery." I excused myself by saying that I had taken a resolution never toaccept of the cardinalship by any
means which seemed to have relation tothe civil wars, to the end that I mightconvince the Queen that it was the
most rigid necessity which hadseparated me from her service. Irejected upon the same account all theother advantageous propositions hemade me, and, he still insisting that theQueen could do no less than conferupon me something that was very
considerable for the signal service I waslikely to do her Majesty, I answered:
"There is one point wherein the Queencan do me more good than if she gave
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me a triple crown. Her Majesty told meust now that she will cause M. lePrince to be apprehended. A person of
his high rank and merit neither can norought to be always shut up in prison,for when he comes abroad he will be
full of resentment against me, though Ihope my dignity will be my protection.There are a great many gentlemenengaged with me who, in such auncture, would be ready to serve theQueen. And if it seemed good to yourMajesty to entrust one of them with
some important employment, I shouldbe more pleased than with tencardinals' hats."
The Cardinal told the Queen that
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nothing was more just, and the affairshould be considered between him andme.
e had several conferences, at whiche agreed on gratifications for some of
our friends and to arrest the Prince deConde, the Prince de Conti, and theDuc de Longueville.
The Cardinal took occasion to speak of the treachery of La Riviere. "This man,"said he, "takes me to be the most stupid
creature living, and thinks he shall beto-morrow a cardinal. I diverted myself to-day with letting him try on some
scarlet cloth I lately received from Italy,and I put it near his face to know
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hether a scarlet colour or carnationbecame him best."
I heard from Rome that his Eminenceas not behindhand with La Riviere
upon the score of treachery. For on the
very day he got him nominated by theKing, he wrote a letter to CardinalSachelli more fit to recommend him toa yellow cap than to a red one. Thisletter, nevertheless, was full of tenderness for La Riviere, whichMazarin knew was the only way to ruin
him with Pope Innocent, who hatedMazarin and all his adherents.
Madame de Chevreuse undertook tosee how the Duc d'Orleans would
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relish the design of imprisoning thePrinces. She told him that, though theQueen was not satisfied with M. le
Prince, yet she could not form aresolution of apprehending him
ithout the concurrence of his Royal
Highness. She magnified the advantagesof bringing over to the King's servicethe powerful faction of the Fronde,and the daily dangers Paris was exposedto, both by fire and sword. This lastreason touched him as much or morethan all, for he trembled every time he
came to the Parliament; M. le Princevery often could not prevail upon himto go at all, and a fit of colic was
generally assigned as the reason of hisabsence. At length he consented, and
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on the 18th of January the threePrinces were put under arrest by threeofficers of the Queen's Guards.
The people having a notion that M. deBeaufort was apprehended, ran to their
arms, which I caused to be laid downimmediately, by marching through thestreets with flambeaux before me. M. deBeaufort did the like, and the nightconcluded with bonfires.
The Queen sent a letter from the King
to the Parliament with the reasons,hich were neither strong nor well set
out, why the Prince de Conde was
confined. However, we obtained adecree for our absolution.
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The Princesses were ordered to retire toChantilly. Madame de Longueville went
towards Normandy, but found nosanctuary there, for the Parliament of Rouen sent her a message to desire her
to depart from the city. The Duc deRichelieu would not receive her intoHavre, and from there she retired toDieppe.
M. de Bouillon, who after the peaceas strongly attached to the Prince de
Conde, went in great haste to Turenne;M. de Turenne got into Stenai; M. deLa Rochefoucault, then Prince de
Marsillac, returned home to Poitou; andMarechal de Breze, father-in-law to the
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Prince de Conde, went to Saumur.
There was a declaration published and
registered in Parliament against them,hereby they were ordered to wait on
the King within fifteen days, upon pain
of being proceeded against asdisturbers of the public peace andguilty of high treason.
The Court carried all before them.Madame de Longueville, upon theKing going into Normandy, escaped by
sea into Holland, whence she wentafterwards to Arras, to try La Tour, oneof her husband's pensioners, who
offered her his person, but refused herthe place. She repaired at last to Stenai,
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hither M. de Turenne went to meether, with all the friends and servants of the confined Princes that he could
muster. The King went fromNormandy to Burgundy, and returnedto Paris crowned with laurels of
victory.
The Princess-dowager, who had beenordered to retire to Bourges, came witha petition to Parliament, praying fortheir protection to stay in Paris, and thatshe might have justice done her for the
illegal confinement of the Princes herchildren. She fell at the feet of the Ducd'Orleans, begged the protection of the
Duc de Beaufort, and said to me thatshe had the honour to be my
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kinswoman. M. de Beaufort was very much perplexed what to do, and I wasnearly ready to die for shame; but we
could do nothing for her, and she wasobliged to go to Valery.
Several private annuitants, who hadmade a noise in the assemblies at theHotel de Ville, were afraid of being called to account, and therefore, afterM. le Prince was arrested, they desiredme to procure a general amnesty. Ispoke about it to the Cardinal, who
seemed very pliable, and, showing mehis hatband, which was 'a la mode de laFronde', said he hoped himself to be
comprised in that amnesty; but heshuffled it off so long that it was not
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published and registered in Parliamenttill the 12th of May, and it would nothave been obtained then had not I
threatened vigorously to prosecute theCrown witnesses, of which they weremightily apprehensive, being so
conscious of the heinousness of theircrime that two of them had already made their escape.
The present calm hardly deserved thatname, for the storm of war began torise again in several places at once.
Madame de Longueville and M. deTurenne made a treaty with the
Spaniards, and the latter joined theirarmy, which entered Picardy and
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besieged Guise, after having takenCatelet; but for want of provisions theArchduke was obliged to raise the siege.
M. de Turenne levied troops withSpanish money, and was joined by thegreater part of the officers
commanding the soldiers that wentunder the name of the Prince's troops.
The wretched conduct of M.d'Epernon had so confounded theaffairs of Guienne that nothing but hisremoval could retrieve them.
One of the greatest mischiefs whichthe despotic authority of ministers has
occasioned in the world in these latertimes is a practice, occasioned by their
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own private mistaken interests, of always supporting superiors againsttheir inferiors. It is a maxim borrowed
from Machiavelli, whom few understand, and whom too many cry up for an able man because he was
always wicked. He was very far frombeing a complete statesman, and wasfrequently out in his politics, but Ithink never more grossly mistaken thanin this maxim, which I observed as agreat weakness in Mazarin, who wastherefore the less qualified to settle the
affairs of Guienne, which were in somuch confusion that I believe if thegood sense of Jeannin and Villeroi had
been infused into the brains of Cardinal de Richelieu, it would not
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have been sufficient to set them right.
Senneterre, perceiving that Cardinal
Mazarin and I were not cordial friends,undertook to reconcile us, and for thatend took me to the Cardinal, who
embraced me very tenderly, said he laidhis heart upon the table, that was oneof his usual phrases, and protested he
ould talk as freely to me as if I werehis own son. I did not believe a wordof what he said, but I assured hisEminence that I would speak to him as
if he were my father, and I was as goodas my word. I told him I had nopersonal interest in view but to
disengage myself from the publicdisturbances without any private
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advantage, and that for the same reasonI thought myself obliged to come off
ith reputation and honour. I desired
him to consider that my age and wantof skill in public affairs could not givehim any jealousy that I aimed to be the
First Minister. I conjured him toconsider also that the influence I hadover the people of Paris, supported by mere necessity, did rather reflectdisgrace than honour upon my dignity,and that he ought to believe that thisone reason was enough to make me
impatient to be rid of all these publicbroils, besides a thousand otherinconveniences arising every moment,
hich disgusted me with faction. Andas for the dignity of cardinal, which
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might peradventure give him someumbrage, I could tell him very sincerely
hat had been and what was still my
notion of this dignity, which I oncefoolishly imagined would be morehonourable for me to despise than to
enjoy. I mentioned this circumstance tolet him see that in my tender years I wasno admirer of the purple, and not very fond of it now, because I waspersuaded that an Archbishop of Pariscould hardly miss obtaining that dignity some time or other, according to form,
by actions purely ecclesiastical; and thathe should be loth to use any othermeans to procure it.
I said that I should be extremely sorry
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if my purple were stained with the leastdrop of blood spilt in the civil wars;that I was resolved to clear my hands
of everything that savoured of intriguebefore I would make or suffer any step
hich had any tendency that way; that
he knew that for the same reason Iould neither accept money nor
abbeys, and that, consequently, I wasengaged by the public declarations Ihad made upon all those heads to servethe Queen without any interest; that theonly end I had in view, and in which I
never wavered, was to come off withhonour, so that I might resume thespiritual functions belonging to my
profession with safety; that I desirednothing from him but the
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accomplishment of an affair whichould be more for the King's service
than for my particular interest; that he
knew that the day after the arrest of thePrince he sent me with his promise tothe annuitants of the Hotel de Ville,
and that for want of performancethose men were persuaded that I was inconcert with the Court to deceive them.Lastly, I told him that the access I hadto the Duc d'Orleans might perhapsgive him umbrage, but I desired him toconsider that I never sought that
honour, and that I was very sensible of the inconveniences attending it. Ienlarged upon this head, which is the
most difficult point to be understoodby Prime Ministers, who are so fond of
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being freely admitted into a Prince'spresence that, notwithstanding all theexperience in the world, they cannot
help thinking that therein consists theessence of happiness.
hen truth has come to a certainpoint, it darts such powerful rays of light as are irresistible, but I never knew a man who had so little regard for truthas Mazarin. He seemed, however, moreregardful of it than usual, and I laidhold of the occasion to tell him of the
dangerous consequences of thedisturbances of Guienne, and that if he continued to support M. d'Epernon,
the Prince's faction would not let thisopportunity slip; that if the Parliament
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of Bordeaux should engage in theirparty, it would not be long before thatof Paris would do the same; that, after
the late conflagration in thismetropolis, he could not suppose butthat there was still some fire hidden
under the ashes; and that the factiousparty had reason to fear the heavy punishment to which the whole body of them was liable, as we ourselves
ere two or three months ago. TheCardinal began to yield, especially whenhe was told that M. de Bouillon began
to make a disturbance in the Limousin,here M. de La Rochefoucault had
oined him with some troops.
To confirm our reconciliation, a
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marriage was proposed between my niece and his nephew, to which he, gavehis consent; but I was much averse to
it, being not yet resolved to bury my family in that of Mazarin, nor did I setso great a value on grandeur as to
purchase it with the public odium.However, it produced no animosity oneither side, and his friends knew that Ishould be very glad to be employed inmaking a general peace; they acted theirparts so well that the Cardinal, whoselove-fit for me lasted about a fortnight,
promised me, as it were of his ownaccord, that I should be gratified.
News came about this time fromGuienne that the Ducs de Bouillon and
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de La Rochefoucault had takenMadame la Princesse into Bordeaux,together with M. le Duc, her son. The
Parliament was not displeased with thepeople for receiving into their city M. leDuc, yet they observed more decorum
than could be expected from theinhabitants of Gascogne, so irritated asthey were against M. d'Epernon. They ordered that Madame la Princesse, M. leDuc, MM. de Bouillon and de LaRochefoucault should have liberty tostay in Bordeaux, provided they would
promise to undertake nothing againstthe King's service, and that the petitionof Madame la Princesse should be sent
to the King with a most humbleremonstrance from the Parliament
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against the confinement of the Princes.
At the same time, one of the Presidents
sent word to Senneterre that theParliament was not so far enraged butthat they would still remember their
loyalty to the King, provided he did butremove M. d'Epernon. But in case of any further delay he would not answerfor the Parliament, and much less forthe people, who, being now managedand supported by the Prince's party,
ould in a little time make themselves
masters of the Parliament. Senneterredid what he could to induce theCardinal to make good use of this
advice, and M. de Chateauneuf, whoas now Chancellor, talked
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onderfully well upon the point, butseeing the Cardinal gave no return tohis reasons but by exclaiming against
the Parliament of Bordeaux forsheltering men condemned by theKing's declaration, he said to him very
plainly, "Set out to-morrow, monsieur,if you do not arrange matters to-day;you should have been by this timeupon the Garonne."
The event proved that Chateauneuf as in the right, for though the
Parliament was very excited, they stoodout a long time against the madness of the people, spurred on by M. de
Bouillon, and issued a decree ordering an envoy of Spain, who was sent
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thither to commence a treaty with theDuc de Bouillon, to depart the city, andforbade any of their body to visit such
as had correspondence with Spain, thePrincess herself not excepted.Moreover, the mob having undertaken
to force the Parliament to unite withthe Princes, the Parliament armed themagistracy, who fired upon the peopleand made them retire.
A little time before the King departedfor Guienne, which was in the
beginning of July, word came that theParliament of Bordeaux had consentedto a union with the Princes, and had
sent a deputy to the Parliament of Paris,ho had orders to see neither the King
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the command of Pichon, whom theCardinal ordered to be hanged; and M.de Bouillon hanged an officer in
Meilleraye's army by way of reprisal.
After that the Marshal besieged the city
in form, which, despairing of succourfrom Spain, was forced to capitulateupon the following terms:
That a general pardon should begranted to all who had taken up armsand treated with Spain, that all the
soldiers should be disbanded exceptthose whom the King had a mind tokeep in his pay, that Madame la
Princesse and the Duke should be atliberty to reside either in Anjou or at
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Mouzon, with no more than twohundred foot and sixty horse, and thatM. d'Epernon should be recalled from
the government of Guienne.
The Princess had an interview with
both the King and Queen, at whichthere were great conferences betweenthe Cardinal and the Ducs de Bouillonand de La Rochefoucault.
The deputy from Bordeaux, arriving atParis soon after the King's departure,
ent immediately, to Parliament, and,after an eloquent harangue, presented aletter from the Parliament of Bordeaux,
together with their decrees, anddemanded a union between the two
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Parliaments. After some debates it wasresolved that the deputy should deliverhis credentials in writing, which should
be presented to his Majesty by thedeputies of the Parliament of Paris,
ho would, at the same time, most
humbly beseech the Queen to restorepeace to Guienne.
The Duc d'Orleans was againstdebating about the petition to theQueen for the liberation of the Priucesand the banishment of Cardinal
Mazarin; nevertheless, many of themembers voted for it, upon a motionmade by the President Viole, who was a
arm partisan of the Prince de Conde,not because he had hopes of carrying
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it, but on purpose to embarrass M. deBeaufort and myself upon a subject of
hich we did not care to speak, and yet
did not dare to be altogether silentabout, without passing in somemeasure for Mazarinists. President
Viole did the Prince a great deal of service on this occasion, for Bourdet abrave soldier, who had been captain of the Guards and was attached to theinterest of the Prince performed anaction which emboldened the party very much, though it had no success.
He dressed himself and fourscoreother officers of his troops in mason'sclothes, and having assembled many of
the dregs of the people, to whom hehad distributed money, came directly to
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the Duc d'Orleans as he was going out,and cried, "No Mazarin! God bless thePrinces!" His Royal Highness, at this
apparition and the firing of a brace of pistols at the same time by Bourdet, ranto the Great Chamber; but M. de
Beaufort stood his ground so well withthe Duke's guards and our men, thatBourdet was repulsed and throwndown the Parliament stairs.
But the confusion in the GreatChamber was still worse. There were
daily assemblies, wherein the Cardinalas severely attacked, and the Prince's
party had the pleasure of exposing us
as his accomplices. What is very strangeis that at the same time the Cardinal
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and his friends accused us of corresponding with the Parliament of Bordeaux, because we maintained, in
case the Court did not adjust affairsthere, we would infallibly bring theParliament of Paris into the interest of
the Prince. If I were at the point of death I should have no need to beconfessed on account of my behaviouron this occasion. I acted with as muchsincerity in this juncture as if I hadbeen the Cardinal's nephew, thoughreally it was not out of any love to him,
but because I thought myself obligedin prudence to oppose the progress of the Prince's faction, owing to the
foolish conduct of his enemies; and tothis end I was obliged to oppose the
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flattery of the Cardinal's tools as muchas the efforts made by those who werein the service of the Prince.
On the 3d of September PresidentBailleul returned with the other
deputies, and made a report inParliament of his journey to Court; it
as, in brief, that the Queen thankedthe Parliament for their goodintentions, and had commanded themto assure the Parliament in her namethat she was ready to restore peace to
Guienne, and that it would have beendone before now had not M. deBouillon, who had treated with the
Spaniards, made himself master of Bordeaux, and thereby cut off the
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effects of his Majesty's goodness.
The Duc d'Orleans informed the
House that he had received a letterfrom the Archduke, signifying that theKing of Spain having sent him full
powers to treat for a general peace, hedesired earnestly to negotiate it withhim. But his Royal Highness added thathe did not think it proper to return himany answer till he had the opinion of the Parliament. The trumpeter whobrought the letter gathered a party at
Tiroir cross, and spoke very seditiousords to the people. The next day they
found libels posted up and down the
city in the name of M. de Turenne,setting forth that the Archduke was
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coming with no other disposition thanto make peace, and in one of them
ere these words: "It is your business,
Parisians, to solicit your false tribunes,ho have turned at last pensioners and
protectors of Mazarin, who have for so
long a time sported with your fortunesand repose, and spurred you on, keptyou back, and made you hot or cold,according to the caprices and differentprogress of their ambition."
ou see the state and condition the
Frondeurs were in at this juncture,hen they could not move one step but
to their own disadvantage. The Duc
d'Orleans spoke to me that night with agreat deal of bitterness against the
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Cardinal, which he had never donebefore, and said he had been tricked by him twice, and that he was ruining
himself, the State, and all of us, andould, by so doing, place the Prince de
Conde upon the throne. In short,
Monsieur owned that it was not yettime to humble the Cardinal."Therefore," said M. Bellievre, "let usbe upon our guard; this man can giveus the slip any moment."
Next day a letter was sent from the
Prince de Conde, by the Baron deVerderonne, to the Archduke, desiring him to name the time, place and
persons for a treaty. The Baronreturned with a letter from the
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Archduke to his Royal Highness,desiring that the conferences might beheld between Rheims and Rhetel, and
that they might meet there personally,ith such others as they should think
fit to bring with them. The Court was
surprised, but, however, did not think fit to delay sending full powers to hisRoyal Highness to treat for peace onsuch terms as he thought reasonableand advantageous for the King'sservice; and there were joined with him,though in subordination, MM. Mole,
the First President, d'Avaux, and myself,ith the title of Ambassadors
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiaries. M.
d'Avaux obliged me to assure DonGabriel de Toledo, in private, that if the
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Spaniards would but come toreasonable terms, we would conclude apeace with them in two days' time. And
his Royal Highness said that DonGabriel being a lover of money, Ishould promise him for his part
100,000 crowns if the conference thatas proposed ended in a peace, and bid
him tell the Archduke that, if theSpaniards proposed reasonable terms,he would sign and have them registeredin Parliament before Mazarin shouldknow anything of the matter.
Don Gabriel received the overture withoy; he had some particular fancies, but
Fuensaldagne, who had a particularkindness for him, said that he was the
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isest fool he ever saw in his life. I haveremarked more than once that this sortof man cannot persuade, but can
insinuate perfectly well, and that thetalent of insinuation is of more servicethan that of persuasion, because one
may insinuate to a hundred where onecan hardly persuade five.
The King of England, after having lostthe battle of Worcester, arrived in Paristhe day that Don Gabriel set out, the13th of September, 1651. My Lord
Taff was his great chamberlain, valet dechambre, clerk of the kitchen, cup-bearer, and all, an equipage answerable
to his Court, for his Majesty had notchanged his shirt all the way from
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England. Upon his arrival at Paris,indeed, he had one lent him by my Lord Jermyn; but the Queen, his
mother, had not money to buy himanother for the next day. The Ducd'Orleans went to compliment his
Majesty upon his arrival, but it was notin my power to persuade his RoyalHighness to give his nephew onepenny, because, said he, "a little wouldnot be worth his acceptance, and agreat deal would engage me to do asmuch hereafter." This leads me to make
the following digression: that there isnothing so wretched as to be a ministerto a Prince, and, at the same time, not
his favourite; for it is his favour only that gives one a power over the more
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minute concerns of the family, forhich the public does, nevertheless,
think a minister accountable when they,
see he has power over affairs of fargreater consequence.
Therefore I was not in a condition tooblige his Royal Highness by assisting the King of England with a thousandpistoles, for which I was horridly,ashamed, both upon his account analmy own; but I borrowed fifteenhundred for him from M. Morangis,
and carried them to my Lord Taff.[Lord Clarendon extols the civilities of Cardinal de Retz to King Charles II.,
and has reported a curiousconversation which the Cardinal had
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ith that Prince.] It is remarkable thatthe same night, as I was going home, Imet one Tilney, an Englishman whom I
had formerly known at Rome, who toldme that Vere, a great Parliamentarianand a favourite of Cromwell, had
arrived in Paris and had orders to seeme. I was a little puzzled; however, Iudged it would be improper to refusehim an interview. Vere gave me a brief letter from Cromwell in the nature of credentials, importing that thesentiments I had enunciated in the
"Defence of Public Liberty" added tomy reputation, and had inducedCromwell to desire to enter with me
into the strictest friendship. The letteras in the main wonderfully civil and
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complaisant. I answered it with a greatdeal of respect, but in such a manner asbecame a true Catholic and an honest
Frenchman. Vere appeared to be a manof surprising abilities.
I now return to our own affairs. I wastold as a mighty secret that Tellier hadorders from the Cardinal to remove thePrinces from the Bois de Vincennes if the enemy were likely to come near theplace, and that he should endeavour by all means to procure the consent of the
Duc d'Orleans for that end; but that, incase of refusal, these orders should beexecuted notwithstanding, and that he
should endeavour to gain me to thesemeasures by the means of Madame de
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Chevreuse. When Tellier came to me Iassured him that it was all one, both tome and the Duc d'Orleans, whether the
Princes were removed or not, but sincemy opinion was desired, I must declarethat I think nothing can be more
contrary to the true interest of theKing; "for," said I, "the Spaniards mustgain a battle before they can come toVincennes, and when there they musthave a flying camp to invest the placebefore they can deliver the Princes fromconfinement, and therefore I am
convinced that there is no necessity fortheir removal, and I do affirm that allunnecessary changes in matters which
are in themselves disagreeable arepernicious, because odious. I will
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maintain, further, that there is lessreason to fear the Duc d'Orleans andthe Frondeurs than to dread the
Spaniards. Suppose that his RoyalHighness is more disaffected towardsthe Court than anybody; suppose
further that M. de Beaufort and I havea mind to relieve the Princes, in what
ay could we do it Is not the wholegarrison in that castle in the King'sservice Has his Royal Highness any regular troops to besiege VincennesAnd, granting the Frondeurs to be the
greatest fools imaginable, will they expose the people of Paris at a siege
hich two thousand of the King's
troops might raise in a quarter of anhour though it consist of a hundred
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thousand citizens I therefore concludethat the removal would be altogetherimpolitic. Does it not look rather as if
the Cardinal feigns apprehension of the Spaniards only as a pretence tomake himself master of the Princes,
and to dispose of their persons atpleasure The generality of the people,being Frondeurs, will conclude youtake the Prince de Conde out of theirhands, whom they look upon to be safe
hile they see him walking upon thebattlements of his prison, and that you
ill give him his liberty when youplease, and thus enable him to besiegeParis a second time. On the other hand,
the Prince's party will improve thisremoval very much to their own
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advantage by the compassion such aspectacle will raise in the people whenthey see three Princes dragged in chains
from one prison to another. I was really mistaken just now when I said the case
as all one to me, for I see that I am
nearly concerned, because the people inhich word I include the Parliamentill cry out against it; I must be then
obliged, for my own safety, to say I didnot approve of the resolution. Thenthe Court will be informed that I findfault with it, and not only that, but that
I do it in order to raise the mob anddiscredit the Cardinal, which, thoughever so false; yet in consequence the
people will firmly believe it, and thus Ishall meet with the same treatment I
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met with in the beginning of the latetroubles, and what I even now experience in relation to the affairs of
Guienne. I am said to be the cause of these troubles because I foretold them,and I was said to encourage the revolt
at Bordeaux because I was against theconduct that occasioned it."
Tellier, in the Queen's name, thankedme for my unresisting disposition, andmade the same proposal to his RoyalHighness; upon which I spoke, not to
second Tellier, who pleaded for thenecessity of the removal, to which Icould by no means be reconciled, but
to make it evident to his RoyalHighness that he was not in any way
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concerned in it in his own privatecapacity, and that, in case the Queen didcommand it positively, it was his duty
to obey. M. de Beaufort opposed it sofuriously as to offer the Duc d'Orleansto attack the guards which were to
remove him. I had solid reasons todissuade him from it, to the last of
hich he submitted, it being anargument which I had from theQueen's own mouth when she set outfor Guienne, that Bar offered toassassinate the Princes if it should
happen that he was not in a conditionto hinder their escape. I was astonished
hen her Majesty trusted me with this
secret, and imagined that the Cardinalhad possessed her with a fear that the
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Frondeurs had a design to seize theperson of the Prince de Conde. For my part, I never dreamed of such a thing
in my life. The Ducs d'Orleans and deBeaufort were both shocked at thethought of it, and, in short, it was
agreed that his Royal Highness shouldgive his consent for the removal, andthat M. de Beaufort and myself shouldnot give it out among the people that
e approved of it.
The day that the Princes were removed
to Marcoussi, President Bellievre toldthe Keeper of the Seals in plain terms,that if he continued to treat me as he
had done hitherto, he should beobliged in honour to give his testimony
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to the truth. To which the Keeper of the Seals returned this blunt answer:"The Princes are no longer in sight of
Paris; the Coadjutor must not thereforetalk so loud."
I return now to the Parliament, whichas so moderate at this time that the
Cardinal was hardly mentioned, andthey agreed, 'nemine contradicente', thatthe Parliament should send deputies toBordeaux to know once for all if thatParliament was for peace or not.
Soon after this the Parliament of Toulouse wrote to that of Paris
concerning the disturbances inGuienne, part whereof belonged to
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their jurisdiction, and expressly demanded a decree of union. But theDuc d'Orleans warded off the blow
very dexterously, which was of greatconsequence, and, more by his addressthan by his authority, brought the
Parliament to dismiss the deputies withcivil answers and insignificantexpressions, upon which PresidentBellievre said to me, "What pleasureshould we not take in acting as we doif it were for persons that had but thesense to appreciate it!"
The Parliament did not continue long in that calm. They passed a decree to
interrogate the State prisoners in theBastille, broke out sometimes like a
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hirlwind, with thunder and lightning,against Cardinal Mazarin; at other timesthey complained of the misapplication
of the public funds. We had much adoto ward off the blows, and should nothave been able to hold out long against
the fury of the waves but for the newsof the Peace of Bordeaux, which wasregistered there on October the 1st,1650, and put the Prince de Conde'sparty into consternation.
One mean artifice of Cardinal
Mazarin's polity was always to entertainsome men of our own party, with
hom, half reconciled, he played fast
and loose before our eyes, and waseternally negotiating with them,
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deceiving and being deceived in histurn. The consequence of all this was agreat, thick cloud, wherein the
Frondeurs themselves were at lastinvolved; but which they burst with athunderclap.
The Cardinal, being puffed up with hissuccess in settling the troubles of Guienne, thought of nothing else thancrowning his triumph by chastising theFrondeurs, who, he said, had made useof the King's absence to alienate the
Duc d'Orleans from his service, toencourage the revolt at Bordeaux, andto make themselves masters of the
persons of the Princes. At the sametime, he told the Princess Palatine that
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he detested the cruel hatred I bore tothe Prince de Conde, and that thepropositions I made daily to him on
that score were altogether unworthy of a Christian. Yet he suggested to theDuc d'Orleans that I made great
overtures to him to be reconciled to theCourt, but that he could not trust me,because I was from morning to nightnegotiating with the friends of thePrince de Conde. Thus the Cardinalrewarded me for what I did withincredible application and, I must say,
uncommon sincerity for the Queen'sservice during the Court's absence. I donot mention the dangers I was in twice
or thrice a day, surpassing even thoseof soldiers in battles. For imagine, I
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beseech you, what pain and anguish Imust have been in at hearing myself called a Mazarinist, and at having to
bear all the odium annexed to thathateful appellation in a city where hemade it his business to destroy me in
the opinion of a Prince whose nature itas to be always in fear and to trust
none but such as hoped to rise by my fall.
The Cardinal gave himself such airsafter the peace at Bordeaux that some
said my best way would be to retirebefore the King's return.
Cardinal Mazarin had been formerly secretary to Pancirole, the Pope's
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nuncio for the peace of Italy, whom hebetrayed, and it was proved that he hada secret correspondence with the
Governor of Milan. Pancirole, being created cardinal and Secretary of Stateto the Church, did not forget the
perfidiousness of his secretary, now created cardinal by Pope Urban, at therequest of Cardinal de Richelieu, anddid not at all endeavour to qualify theanger which Pope Innocent hadconceived against Mazarin after theassassination of one of his nephews, in
conjunction with Cardinal Anthony.
[Anthony Barberini, nephew to Urban
VIII., created Cardinal 1628, madeProtector of the Crown of France
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1633, and Great Almoner of theKingdom 1653. He was afterwardsBishop of Poitiers, and, lastly,
Archbishop of Rheims in 1657. Died1671.]
Pancirole, who thought he could notaffront Mazarin more than by contributing to make me cardinal, didme all the kind offices with PopeInnocent, who gave him leave to treat
ith me in that affair.
Madame de Chevreuse told the Queenall that she had observed in my conductin the King's absence, and what she had
seen was certainly one continued seriesof considerable services done to the
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Queen.
She recounted at last all the injustice
done me, the contempt put upon me,and the just grounds of my diffidence,
hich, she said, of necessity ought to
be removed, and that the only meansof removing it was the hat. The Queen
as in a passion at this. The Cardinaldefended himself, not by an opendenial, for he had offered it me severaltimes, but by recommending patience,intimating that a great monarch should
be forced to nothing. Monsieur,seconding Madame de Chevreuse inher attack, assailed the Cardinal, who, at
least in appearance, gave way, out of respect for his Royal Highness. Madame
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de Chevreuse, having brought them toparley, did not doubt that she shouldalso bring them to capitulate, especially
hen she saw the Queen was appeased,and had told his Royal Highness thatshe was infinitely obliged to him, and
ould do what her Council judgedmost proper and reasonable. ThisCouncil, which was only a speciousname, consisted only of the Cardinal,the Keeper of the Seals, Tellier, andServien.
The matter was proposed to theCouncil by the Cardinal with muchimportunity, concluding with a most
submissive petition to the Queen tocondescend to the demand of the Duc
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d'Orleans, and to what the services andmerits of the Coadjutor demanded.The proposition was rejected with such
resolution and contempt as is very unusual in Council in opposition to aPrime Minister. Tellier and Servien
thought it sufficient not to applaudhim; but the Keeper of the Seals quiteforgot his respect for the Cardinal,accused him of prevarication and
eakness, and threw himself at herMajesty's feet, conjuring her in thename of the King her son, not to
authorise, by an example which hecalled fatal, the insolence of a subject
ho was for wresting favours from his
sovereign, sword in hand. The Queenas moved at this, and the poor
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Cardinal owned he had been too easy and pliant.
I had myself given a very naturalhandle to my adversaries to expose meso egregiously. I have been guilty of
many blunders, but I think this is thegrossest that I ever was guilty of in allmy life. I have frequently made thisobservation, that when men have,through fear of miscarriage, hesitated along time about any undertaking of consequence, the remaining
impressions of their fear commonly push them afterwards with too muchprecipitancy upon the execution of
their design. And this was my case. Itas with the greatest reluctance that I
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determined to accept the dignity of acardinal, because I thought it too meanto form a pretension to it without
certainty of success; and no sooner wasI engaged in the pursuit of it but theimpression of the former fearful ideas
hurried me on, as it were, to the end,that I might get as soon as possible outof the disagreeable state of uncertainty.
The Cardinal would have paid my debts, given me the place of GrandAlmoner, etc.; but if he had added
twelve cardinals' hats into the bargain, Ishould have begged his excuse. I wasnow engaged with Monsieur, who had,
meanwhile, resolved upon the releaseof the Princes from their confinement.
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Cardinal Mazarin, after his return toParis, made it his chief study to divide
the Fronde. He thought to materially eaken my interest with Monsieur by
detaching from me Madame de
Chevreuse, for whom he had a naturaltenderness, and to give me a mortalblow by embroiling me withMademoiselle her daughter. To do thiseffectually he found a rival, who, hehoped, would please her better, namely,M. d'Aumale, handsome as Apollo, and
one who was very likely to suit thetemper of Mademoiselle de Chevreuse.He had entirely devoted himself to the
Cardinal's interest, looked uponhimself as very much honoured by this
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commission, and haunted the Palace of Chevreuse so diligently that I did notdoubt but that he was sent thither to
act the second part of the comedy hich had miscarried so shamefully in
the hands of M. de Candale. I watched
all his movements, and complained toMademoiselle de Chevreuse, but shegave me indirect answers. I began to beout of humour, and was soonappeased. I grew peevish again; andMademoiselle de Chevreuse saying inhis presence, to please me and to sting
him, that she could not imagine how itas possible to bear a silly fellow,
"Pardon me, mademoiselle," replied I,
"we suffer fops sometimes very patiently for the sake of their
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extravagances." This man wasnotoriously foppish and extravagant.My answer pleased, and we soon got
rid of him at the Palace of Chevreuse.But he thought to have despatched me,for he hired one Grandmaison, a
ruffian, to assassinate me, who apprisedme of his design. The first time I metM. d'Aumale, which was at the Ducd'Orleans's house, I did not fail to lethim know it; but I told it him in a
hisper, saying that I had too muchrespect for the House of Savoy to
publish it to the world. He denied thefact, but in such a manner as to make itmore evident, because he conjured me
to keep it secret. I gave him my word,and I kept it.
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Madame de Guemenee, with whom Ihad several quarrels, proposed to the
Queen likewise to despatch me, by shutting me up in a greenhouse in hergarden, which she might easily have
done, because I often went to her aloneby night; but the Cardinal, fearing thatthe people would have suspected himas the author of my suddendisappearance, would not enter into theproject, so it was dropped.
To return to our negotiations for thefreedom of the Princes. The Ducd'Orleans was with much difficulty
induced to sign the treaty by which amarriage was stipulated between
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Mademoiselle de Chevreuse and thePrince de Conti, and to promise not tooppose my promotion to the dignity of
a cardinal. The Princes were as active inthe whole course of these negotiationsas if they had been at liberty. We wrote
to them, and they to us, and a regularcorrespondence between Paris andLyons was never better established thanours. Bar, their warder, was a very shallow fellow; besides, men of senseare sometimes outwitted.
[Bar was, according to M. Joly, anunsociable man, who was for raising his fortune by using the Princes badly,
and who, on this account, was often thedupe of Montreuil, secretary to the
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Prince de Conti. See JOLY'S"Memoirs," vol. i., p. 88.]
Cardinal Mazarin, upon his return withthe King from Guienne, was greatly pleased with the acclamations of the
mob, but he soon grew weary of them,for the Frondeurs still kept the wall.
The Cardinal being continually provoked at Paris by the Abbe Fouquet,
ho sought to make himself necessary,and being so vain as to think himself
qualified to command an army,marched abruptly out of Paris forChampagne, with a design to retake
Rhetel and Chateau-Portien, of whichthe enemy were possessed, and where
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M. de Turenne proposed to winter.
On the feast of Saint Martin, the First
President and the Attorney-GeneralTalon exhorted the Parliament to bepeaceable, that the enemies of the State
might have no advantage. A petitionas read from Madame la Princesse,
desiring that the Princes should bebrought to the Louvre and remain inthe custody, of one of the King'sofficers, and that the Solicitor-Generalbe sent for to say what he had to allege
against their innocence, and that in casehe should have nothing solid to offerthey be set at liberty.
The Chambers, being assembled on the
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7th of December, to take the affair intoconsideration, Talon, the Attorney-General, informed the House that the
Queen had sent for the King's Council,and ordered them to let the Parliamentknow that it was her pleasure that the
House should not take any cognisanceof the Princess's petition, becauseeverything that had relation to theconfinement of the Princes belongedto the royal authority. Talon made amotion that the Parliament shoulddepute some members to carry the
petition to the Queen, and to beseechher Majesty to take it into herconsideration. At the same time another
petition was presented fromMademoiselle de Longueville, for the
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liberty of the Duke her father, and thatshe might have leave to stay in Paris tosolicit it.
No sooner was this petition read than aletter from the three Princes was
presented and read, praying that they might be brought to trial or set atliberty.
On the 9th day of the month an orderas brought to the Parliament from the
King, commanding the House to
suspend all deliberations on thissubject till they had first sent theirdeputies to Court to know his Majesty's
pleasure.
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Deputies were sent immediately, tohom, accordingly, the Queen gave
audience in bed, telling them that she
as very much indisposed. The Keeperof the Seals added that it was theKing's pleasure that the Parliament
should not meet at all until such time asthe Queen his mother had recoveredher health.
On the 10th the House resolved toadjourn only to the 14th, and on thatday a general procession was proposed
to the Archbishop by the Dean of Parliament, to beg that God wouldinspire them with such counsels only as
might be for the good of the public.
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On the 14th they received the King'sletter, forbidding their debates, andinforming them that the Queen would
satisfy them very speedily about theaffair of the Princes; but this letter wasdisregarded. They sent a deputation to
invite the Duc d'Orleans to come to theHouse, but, after consulting with theQueen, he told the deputies that he didnot care to go, that the Assembly wastoo noisy, that he could not divine whatthey would be at, that the affairs indebate were never known to fall under
their cognisance, and that they hadnothing else to do but to refer the saidpetitions to the Queen.
On the 18th news came that Marechal
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du Plessis had gained a signal victory over M. de Turenne, who was coming to succour Rhetel, but found it already
surrendered to Marechal du Plessis; andthe Spanish garrison, endeavouring toretreat, was forced to an engagement on
the plains of Saumepuis; that about2,000 men were killed upon the spot,among the rest a brother of the ElectorPalatine, and six colonels, and that there
ere nearly 4,000 prisoners, the mostconsiderable of whom were severalpersons of note, and all the colonels,
besides twenty colours and eighty-fourstandards. You may easily guess at theconsternation of the Princes' party; my
house was all night filled with thelamentations of despairing mourners,
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and I found the Duc d'Orleans, as itere, struck dumb.
On the 19th, as I went to theParliament House, the people lookedmelancholy, dejected, and frightened
out of their wits. The members wereafraid to open their mouths, andnobody would mention the name of Mazarin except Menardeau Champre,
ho spoke of him with encomiums, by giving him the honour of the victory of Rhetel, and then he moved the
House to entreat the Queen to put thePrinces into the hands of that goodand wise Minister, who would be as
careful of them as he had been hithertoof the State. I wondered most of all
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that this man was not hissed in theHouse, and especially as he passedthrough the Great Hall. This
circumstance, together with what I saw that afternoon in every street,convinced me how much our friends
ere dispirited, and I therefore resolvednext day to raise their courage. I knew the First President to be purblind, andsuch men greedily swallow every new fact which confirms them in their firstimpression. I knew likewise theCardinal to be a man that supposed
everybody had a back door. The only ay of dealing with men of that stamp
is to make them believe that you design
to deceive those whom you earnestly endeavour to serve.
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For this reason, on the 20th, Ideclaimed against the disorders of the
State, and showed that it having pleasedAlmighty God to bless his Majesty'sarms and to remove the public enemy
from our frontiers by the victory gainedover them by Marechal du Plessis, weought now to apply ourselves seriously to the healing of internal wounds of the State, which are the more dangerousbecause they are less obvious. To this Ithought fit to add that I was obliged to
mention the general oppression of thesubjects at a time when we had nothing more to fear from the lately routed
Spaniards; that, as one of the props of the public safety was the preservation
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of the royal family, I could not withoutthe utmost concern see the Princesbreathe the unwholesome air of Havre-
de-Grace, and that I was of opinionthat the House should humbly entreatthe King to remove them, at least to
some place more healthy. At this speecheverybody regained their courage andconcluded that all was not yet lost. It
as observed that the people'scountenances were altered. Those in theGreat Hall resumed their former zeal,made the usual acclamations as we
ent out, and I had that day threehundred carriages of visitors.
On the 22d the debate was continued,and it was more and more observed
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that the Parliament did not follow thetriumphant chariot of CardinalMazarin, whose imprudence in
hazarding the fate of the wholekingdom in the last battle was set off
ith all the disadvantages that could be
invented to tarnish the victory.
The 30th crowned the work, andproduced a decree for making mosthumble remonstrances to the Queenfor the liberty of the Princes and forMademoiselle de Longueville staying in
Paris.
It was further resolved to send a
deputation to the Duc d'Orleans, todesire his Royal Highness to use his
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interest on this occasion in favour of the said Princes.
The King's Council having waited onher Majesty with the remonstrancesaforesaid, she pretended to be under
medical treatment, and put off thematter a week longer. The Ducd'Orleans also gave an ambiguousanswer. The Queen's course of treatment continued eight or ten dayslonger than she imagined, or, rather,than she said, and consequently the
remonstrances of the Parliament werenot made till the 20th of January, 1651.
On the 28th the First President madehis report, and said the Queen had
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promised to return an answer in a few days.
It happened very luckily for us at thistime that the imprudence of theCardinal was greater than the
inconstancy of the Duc d'Orleans, for alittle before the Queen returned ananswer to the remonstrances, he talkedvery roughly to the Duke in theQueen's presence, charging him withputting too much confidence in me.The very day that the Queen made the
aforesaid answer he spoke yet morearrogantly to the Duke in her Majesty'sapartment, comparing M. de Beaufort
and myself to Cromwell and Fairfax inthe House of Commons in England,
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and exclaimed furiously in the King'spresence, so that he frightened theDuke, who was glad he got out of the
King's Palace with a whole skin, andho said that he would never put
himself again in the power of that
furious woman, meaning the Queen,because she had improved on what theCardinal had said to the King. Iresolved to strike the iron while it washot, and joined with M. de Beaufort topersuade his Royal Highness to declarehimself the next day in Parliament. We
showed him that, after what had lately passed, there was no safety for hisperson, and if the King should go out
of Paris, as the Cardinal designed, weshould be engaged in a civil war,
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hereof he alone, with the city of Paris, must bear the heavy load; that it
ould be equally scandalous and
dangerous for his Royal Highness eitherto leave the Princes in chains, afterhaving treated with them, or, by his
dilatory proceedings, suffer Mazarin tohave all the honour of setting them atliberty, and that he ought by all meansto go to the Parliament House.
The Duchess, too, seconded us, andupon his Highness saying that if he
ent to the House to declare againstthe Court the Cardinal would be sureto take his Majesty out of Paris, the
Duchess replied, "What, monsieur, areyou not Lieutenant-General of France
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Do not you command the army Areyou not master of the people I myself
ill undertake that the King shall not
go out of Paris." The Dukenevertheless remained inflexible, and all
e could get out of him was that he
ould consent to my telling theParliament, in his name, what wedesired he should say himself. In a
ord, he would have me make theexperiment, the success of which helooked upon to be very uncertain,because he thought the Parliament
ould have nothing to say against theQueen's answer, and that if I succeededhe should reap the honour of the
proposition. I readily accepted thecommission, because all was at stake,
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and if I had not executed it the nextmorning I am sure the Cardinal wouldhave eluded setting the Princes at
liberty a great while longer, and theaffair have ended in a negotiation withthem against the Duke.
The Duchess, who saw that I exposedmyself for the public good, pitied mevery much. She did all she could topersuade the Duke to command me tomention to the Parliament what theCardinal had told the King with
relation to Cromwell, Fairfax and theEnglish Parliament, which, if declaredin the Duke's name, she thought would
excite the House the more againstMazarin; and she was certainly in the
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right. But he forbade me expressly.
I ran about all night to incite the
members at their first meeting tomurmur at the Queen's answer, whichin the main was very plausible,
importing that, though this affair didnot fall within the cognisance of Parliament, the Queen would, however,out of her abundant goodness, haveregard to their supplications and restorethe Princes to liberty. Besides, itpromised a general amnesty to all who
had borne arms in their favour, oncondition only that M. de Turenneshould lay down his arms, that Madame
de Longueville should renounce hertreaty with Spain, and that Stenai and
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Murzon should be evacuated.
At first the Parliament seemed to be
dazzled with it, but next day, the 1st of February, the whole House wasundeceived, and wondered how it had
been so deluded. The Court of Inquests began to murmur; Viole stoodup and said that the Queen's answer
as but a snare laid for the Parliamentto beguile them; that the 12th of March, the time fixed for the King'scoronation, was just at hand; and that
as soon as the Court was out of Paristhey, would laugh at the Parliament. Atthis discourse the old and new Fronde
stood up, and when I saw they, weregreatly excited I waved my cap and said
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that the Duke had commanded me toinform the House that the regard hehad for their sentiments having
confirmed him in those he alwaysnaturally, entertained of his cousins, he
as resolved to concur with them for
procuring their liberty, and tocontribute everything in his power toeffect it; and it is incredible whatinfluence these few words had uponthe whole assembly. I was astonished atit myself. The wisest senators seemed asmad as the common people, and the
people madder than ever. Theiracclamations exceeded anything youcan imagine, and, indeed, nothing less
as sufficient to give heart to the Duke,ho had all night been bringing forth
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new projects with more sorrowfulpangs and throes (as the Duchessexpressed it) than ever she had felt
hen in labour with all her children.
hen he was fully informed of the
good success of his declaration, heembraced me several times before allthe company, and M. Tellier going to
ait upon him from the Queen, toknow if he acknowledged what I hadsaid in his name in the House, "Yes,"replied he, "I own, and always will own,
all that he shall say or act in my name."e thought that after a solemn
declaration of this nature the Duke
ould not scruple to take all thenecessary precautions to prevent the
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Cardinal carrying away the King, and tothat end the Duchess did propose tohave all the gates of the city well
guarded, under pretence of somepopular tumults. But he was deaf to allshe said, pretending that he was loth to
make his King a prisoner.
On the 2d of February, 1651, theDuke, urged very importunately by thePrinces' party informing him that theirliberty depended on it, told them thathe was going to perform an action
hich would remove all theirdiffidence. He sent immediately for theKeeper of the Seals, Marechal Villeroi;
and Tellier, and bade them tell theQueen that he would never come to the
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Palais Royal as long as Mazarin wasthere, and that he could no longer treat
ith a man that ruined the State. And,
then, turning towards MarechalVilleroi, "I charge you," said he, "withthe King's person; you shall be
answerable for him to me." I was sadly afraid this would be a means to hastenthe King's departure, which was what
e dreaded most of all, and Iondered that the Cardinal did not
remove after such a declaration. Ithought his head was turned, and
indeed I was told that he was besidehimself for a fortnight together.
The Duke having openly declaredagainst Mazarin, and being resolved to
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attack and drive him out of thekingdom, bade me inform the Housenext day, in his name, how the Cardinal
had compared their body to the RumpParliament in England, and some of their members to Cromwell and Fairfax.
I improved upon this as much aspossible, and I daresay that so muchheat and ferment was never seen in any society before. Some were for sending the Cardinal a personal summons toappear on the spot, to give an accountof his administration; but the most
moderate were for making mosthumble remonstrances to the Queenfor his removal. You may easily guess
hat a thunderclap this must have beento the Court. The Queen asked the
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Duke whether she might bring theCardinal to his Royal Highness. Hisanswer was that he did not think it
good for the safety of his own person.She offered to come alone to confer
ith his Highness at the Palais
d'Orleans, but he excused himself witha great deal of respect.
He sent orders an hour after to theMarshals of France to obey him only,as Lieutenant-General of the State, andlikewise to the 'prevots des marchands'
not to take up arms except by hisauthority. You will wonder, withoutdoubt, that after all this noise no care
as taken of the gates of Paris toprevent the King's departure. The
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Duchess, who trembled at the thoughtsof it, daily redoubled her endeavours toinduce the Duke to secure the gates of
the city, but all to no purpose; for weak minds are generally deficient in somerespect or other.
On the 4th the Duke came to theParliament and assured the assembly of his concurrence in everything to reformthe State and to procure the liberty of the Princes and the Cardinal's removal.As soon as his Royal Highness had
done speaking, the Master of theCeremonies was admitted with a letterfrom the King, which was read, and
hich required the House to separate,and to send as many deputies as they
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could to the Palais Royal to hear theKing's will and pleasure. Deputies wereaccordingly sent immediately, for whose
return the bulk of the members stayedin the Great Chamber. I was informedthat this was one trick among others
concerted to ruin me, and, telling theDuc d'Orleans of it, he said that if theold buffoon, the Keeper of the Seals,
as concerned in such a complicationof folly and knavery, he deserved to behanged by the side of Mazarin. But thesequel showed that I was not out in my
information.
As soon as the deputies were come to
the Palais Royal, the First President toldthe Queen that the Parliament was
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extremely concerned that the Princesere still confined, notwithstanding her
royal promise for setting them at liberty.
The Queen replied that Marchal deGrammont was sent to release themand to see to their necessary security for
the public tranquillity, but that she hadsent for them in relation to anotheraffair, which the Keeper of the Seals
ould explain to them, and which hecouched in a sanguinary manifesto, insubstance as follows:
"All the reports made by the Coadjutorin Parliament are false, and invented by him. He lies!" (This is the only word the
Queen added to what was already ritten). "He is a very wicked,
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dangerous man, and gives the Dukevery pernicious advice; he wants to ruinthe State because we have refused to
make him cardinal, and has publicly boasted that he will set fire to the fourcorners of the kingdom, and that he
ill have 100,000 men in readiness todash out the brains of those that shallattempt to put it out." Theseexpressions were very harsh, and I amsure that I never said anything like that;but it was of no use at this time tomake the cloud which was gathering
over the head of Mazarin fall in astorm upon mine. The Court saw thatParliament was assembled to pass a
decree for setting the Princes at liberty,and that the Duke in person was
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declaring against Mazarin in the GrandChamber, and therefore they believedthat a diversion would be as practicable
as it was necessary, namely, to bring meupon my trial in such a manner that theParliament could not refuse nor secure
me from the railleries of the mostinconsiderable member. Everything thattended to render the attack plausible
as made use of, as well as everything that might weaken my defence. The
riting was signed by the fourSecretaries of State, and, the better to
defeat all that I could say in my ustification, the Comte de Brienne wassent at the heels of the deputies with an
order to desire the Duc d'Orleans tocome to a conference with the Queen
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in relation to some few difficulties thatremained concerning the liberty of thePrinces.
hen the deputies had returned toParliament, the First President began
ith reading the paper which had beendelivered to him against me, upon
hich you might have readastonishment in every face. Menardeau,
ho was to open the trenches againstme, was afraid of a salvo from theGreat Hall, where he found such a
crowd of people, and heard so many acclamations to the Fronde, and somany imprecations against Mazarin,
that he durst not open his mouthagainst me, but contented himself with
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a pathetic lamentation of the divisionthat was in the State, and especially inthe royal family. The councillors were
so divided that some of them were forappointing public prayers for two days;others proposed to desire his Royal
Highness to take care of the publicsafety. I resolved to treat the writing drawn up against me by the Cardinal asa satire and a libel, and, by someingenious, short passage, to arouse theminds of my hearers. As my memory did not furnish me with anything in
ancient authors that had any relation tomy subject, I made a small discourse inthe best Latin I was capable of, and
then spoke thus:
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"Were it not for the profound respect Ibear to the persons who have spokenbefore me, I could not forbear
complaining of their not crying outagainst such a scurrilous, satirical paper,
hich was just now read, contrary to all
forms of proceeding, and written in thesame style as lately profaned the sacredname of the King, to encourage false
itnesses by letters-patent. I believethat those persons thought this paper,
hich is but a sally of the furiousMazarin, to be much beneath
themselves and me. And that I may conform my opinion to theirs, I willanswer only by repeating a passage
from an ancient author: 'In the worstof times I did not forsake the city, in
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the most prosperous I had noparticular views, and in the mostdesperate times of all I feared nothing.'
I desire to be excused for running intothis digression. I move that you wouldmake humble remonstrances to the
King, to desire him to despatch anorder immediately for setting thePrinces at liberty, to make a declarationin their favour, and to remove CardinalMazarin from his person andCouncils."
My opinion was applauded both by theFrondeurs and the Prince's party, andcarried almost 'nemine contradicente'.
Talon, the Attorney-General, did
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onders. I never heard or read anything more eloquent or nervous. He invokedthe names of Henri the Great, and
upon his knees recommended thekingdom of France in general to theprotection of Saint Louis.
Brienne, who had been sent by theQueen to desire an interview with theDuc d'Orleans, was dismissed with noother answer than that the Duke wouldcome to pay his humble duty to theQueen as soon as the Princes were at
liberty, and Cardinal Mazarin removedfrom the King's person and Councils.
On the 5th of February there was anassembly of the nobility at Nemours
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for recovering their privileges. Iopposed it to the utmost of my power,for I had experienced more than once
that nothing can be more pernicious toa party than to engage without any necessity in such affairs as have the bare
appearance of faction, but I wasobliged to comply. This assembly,however, was so terrifying to the Courtthat six companies of the Guards wereordered to mount, with which the Ducd'Orleans was so offended that he sent
ord to the officers, in his capacity of
Lieutenant-General of the State, toreceive no orders but from himself.They answered very respectfully, but as
men devoted to the Queen's interest.
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On the 6th, the Duke having taken hisplace in the Parliament, the King'sCouncil acquainted the House that,
having been sent to wait on her Majesty ith the remonstrances, her Majesty's
answer was that no person living
ished more for the liberty of thePrinces than herself, but that it wasreasonable at the same time to consultthe safety of the State; that as forCardinal Mazarin, she was resolved toretain him in her Council as long as shefound his assistance necessary for the
King's service; and that it did notbelong to the Parliament to concernthemselves with any of her ministers.
The First President was shrewdly
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attacked in the House for not being more resolute in speaking to theQueen. Some were for sending him
back to demand another audience inthe afternoon; and the Duc d'Orleanshaving said that the Marshals of France
ere dependent on Mazarin, it wasresolved immediately that they shouldobey none but his Royal Highness.
I was informed that very evening thatthe Cardinal had made his escape outof Paris in disguise, and that the Court
as in a very great consternation.
The Cardinal's escape was the common
topic of conversation, and differentreasons were assigned to it, according
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to the various interests of differentparties. As for my part, I am very wellpersuaded that fear was the only reason
of his flight, and that nothing elsehindered him from taking the King andthe Queen along with him. You will see
in the sequel of this history that heendeavoured to get their Majesties outof Paris soon after he had made hisescape, and that it was concerted in allprobability before he left the Court; butI could never understand why he didnot put it into execution at a time when
he had no reason to fear the leastopposition.
On the 17th the Parliament ordered thethanks of the House to be returned to
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the Queen for removing the Cardinal,and that she should be humbly askedto issue an order for setting the Princes
at liberty, and a declaration forexcluding all foreigners forever fromthe King's Council. The First President
being deputed with the message, theQueen told him that she could returnhim no answer till she had conferred
ith the Duc d'Orleans, to whom sheimmediately deputed the Keeper of theSeals, Marechal Villeroi, and Tellier; buthe told them that he could not go to
the Palais Royal till the Princes were setat liberty and the Cardinal removedfurther from the Court. For he
observed to the House that theCardinal was no further off than at
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Saint Germain, where he governed allthe kingdom as before, that his nephew and his nieces were yet at Court; and
the Duke proposed that the Parliamentshould humbly beseech the Queen toexplain whether the Cardinal's removal
as for good and all. If I had not seenit, I could not have imagined what aheat the House was in that day. Some
ere for an order that there should beno favourites in France for the future.They became at length of the opinionof his Royal Highness, namely, to
address the Queen to ask her to explainherself with relation to the removal of Cardinal Mazarin and to solicit orders
for the liberty, of the Princes.
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On the same day the Queen sent againto desire the Duc d'Orleans to comeand take his place in the Council, and
to tell him that, in case he did not think it convenient, she would send theKeeper of the Seals to concert
necessary measures with him for setting the Princes at liberty. His RoyalHighness accepted the second, butrejected the first proposal, and treatedM. d'Elbeuf roughly, because he wasvery pressing with his Royal Highnessto go to the King's Palace. The
messengers likewise acquainted theDuke that they were ordered to assurehim that the removal of the Cardinal
as forever. You will see presently that,in all probability, had his Royal
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Highness gone that day to Court, theQueen would have left Paris andcarried the Duke along with her.
On the 19th the Parliament decreedthat, in pursuance of the Queen's
declaration, the Cardinal should, withinthe space of fifteen days, depart fromhis Majesty's dominions, with all hisrelations and foreign servants;otherwise, they should be proceededagainst as outlaws, and it should belawful for anybody to despatch them
out of the way.
I suspected that the King would leave
Paris that very day, and I was almostasleep when I was sent for to go to the
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Duc d'Orleans, whom Mademoiselle deChevreuse went to awaken in themeantime; and, while I was dressing,
one of her pages brought me a notefrom her, containing only these few
ords:
"Make haste to Luxembourg, and beupon your guard on the way." I foundMademoiselle de Chevreuse in hischamber, who acquainted me that theKing was out of bed, and had hisboots on ready for a journey from
Paris.
I waited on the Duke, and said, "There
is but one remedy, which is, to securethe gates of Paris." Yet all that we could
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obtain of him was to send the captainof the Swiss Guards to wait on theQueen and desire her Majesty to weigh
the consequences of an action of thatnature. His Duchess, perceiving thatthis expedient, if not supported
effectually, would ruin all, and that hisRoyal Highness was still as irresolute asever, called for pen and ink that lay upon the table in her cabinet, and
rote these words on a large sheet of paper:
M. le Coadjuteur is ordered to takearms to hinder the adherents of Cardinal Mazarin, condemned by the
Parliament, from carrying the King outof Paris. MARGUERITE DE
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LORRAINE.
Des Touches, who found the Queen
bathed in tears, was charged by herMajesty to assure the Duc d'Orleansthat she never thought of carrying awa
the King, and that it was one of my tricks.
The Duc d'Orleans saying at the Housenext day that orders for the Princes'liberty would be despatched in twohours' time, the First President said,
ith a deep sigh, "The Prince de Condeis at liberty, but our King, our sovereignLord and King, is a prisoner." The Duc
d'Orleans, being now not near sotimorous as before, because he had
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received more acclamations in thestreets than ever, replied, "Truly theKing has been Mazarin's prisoner, but,
God be praised, he is now in betterhands."
The Cardinal, who hovered about Paristill he heard the city had taken up arms,posted to Havre-de-Grace, where hefawned upon the Prince de Conde witha meanness of spirit that is hardly to beimagined; for he wept, and even felldown on his knees to the Prince, who
treated him with the utmost contempt,giving him no thanks for his release.
On the 16th of February the Princes,being set at liberty, arrived in Paris, and,
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after waiting on the Queen, suppedith M. de Beaufort and myself at the
Duc d'Orleans's house, where we drank
the King's health and "No Mazarin!"
On the 17th his Royal Highness carried
them to the Parliament House, and it isremarkable that the same people whobut thirteen months before madebonfires for their confinement did thesame now for their release.
On the 20th the declaration demanded
of the King against the Cardinal, being brought to be registered in Parliament,
as sent back with indignation because
the reason of his removal was colouredover with so many encomiums that it
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as a perfect panegyric. HonestBroussel, who always went greaterlengths than anybody, was for excludin
all cardinals from the Ministry, as wellas foreigners in general, because they swear allegiance to the Pope. The First
President, thinking to mortify me,lauded Broussel for a man of admirable good sense, and espousedhis opinion; and the Prince de Conde,too, seemed to be overjoyed, saying, "Itis a charming echo." Indeed, I might
ell be troubled to think that the very
day after a treaty wherein the Ducd'Orleans declared that he was resolvedto make me a cardinal, the Prince
should second a proposition soderogatory to that dignity. But the truth
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is, the Prince had no hand in it, for itcame naturally, and was supported forno other reason but because nothing
that was brought as an argumentagainst Mazarin could then fail of being approved at the same time. I had
some reason to think that the motionas concerted beforehand by my
enemies, to keep me out of theMinistry. Nevertheless, I was notoffended with the Parliament, the bulk of whom I knew to be my friends,
hose sole aim was to effectually
demolish Mazarin, and I acquiesced inthe solid satisfaction which I had inbeing considered in the world as the
expeller of Mazarin, whom everybody hated, and the deliverer of the Princes,
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ho were as much their darlings.
The continual chicanery of the Court
provoked the Parliament of Paris torite to all the Parliaments of France to
issue decrees against Cardinal Mazarin,
hich they did accordingly. TheParliament obliged the Court to issue adeclaration setting forth the innocenceof the Princes, and another for theexclusion of cardinals French as well asforeigners from the King's Council, andthe Parliament had no rest till the
Cardinal retired from Sedan to Breule, ahouse belonging to the Elector of Cologne.
I had advice sent me from the
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Duchesse d'Orleans to be upon my guard, and that she was on the point of dying with fear lest the Duke should be
forced by the daily menaces of theCourt to abandon me. I thereupon
aited on the Duke, and told him that,
having had the honour and satisfactionof serving his Royal Highness in thetwo affairs which he had most at heart,namely, the expelling of Mazarin andthe releasing of the Princes his cousins,I found myself now obliged toreassume the functions of my
profession; that the presentopportunity seemed both to favour andinvite my retreat, and if I neglected it I
should be the most imprudent manliving, because my presence for the
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future would not only be useless buteven prejudicial to his Royal Highness,
hom I knew to be daily importuned
and irritated by the Court party merely upon my account; and therefore Iconjured him to make himself easy, and
give me leave to retire to my cloister.The Duke spared no kind words toretain me in his service, promised neverto forsake me, confessed that he hadbeen urged to it by the Queen, and that,though his reunion with her Majesty and the Princes obliged him to put on
the mask of friendship, yet he couldnever forget the great affronts andinjuries which he had received from the
Court. But all this could not dissuademe, and the Duke at last gave his
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approbation, with repeated assurancesto allow me a place next his heart andto correspond with me in secret.
Having taken my leave of the Princes, Iretired accordingly to my cloister of
Notre-Dame, where I did not trustProvidence so far as to omit the use of human means for defending myself against the insults of my enemies.
Except the visits which I paid in thenight-time to the Hotel de Chevreuse, I
conversed with none but canons andcures. I was the object of raillery bothat Court and at the Palace of Conde;
and because I had set up a bird-cage ata window, it became a common jest that
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"the Coadjutor whistled to the linnets."The disposition of Paris, however,made amends for the raillery of the
Court. I found myself very secure,hile other people were very uneasy.
The cures, parish priests, and even the
mendicants, informed themselves withdiligence of the negotiations of thePrince de Conde. I gave M. de Beauforta thrust now and then, which he knew not how to parry with all his cunning,and the Duc d'Orleans, who in hisheart was enraged against the Court,
continued his correspondence with mevery faithfully.
Soon after, the Marechal du Plessiscame to me at midnight and embraced
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me, saying, "I greet you as our PrimeMinister." When he saw that I smiled,he added, "I do not jest; you may be so
if you please. The Queen has orderedme to tell you that she puts the King and Crown into your hands." He
showed me a letter written in theCardinal's own hand to the Queen,
hich concluded thus:
"You know, madame, that the greatestenemy I have in the world is theCoadjutor. Make use of him rather
than treat with the Prince upon thoseconditions he demands. Make him acardinal, give him my place, and lodge
him in my apartments. Perhaps he willbe still more attached to the Duc
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d'Orleans than to your Majesty; but theDuke is not for the ruin of the State.His intentions in the main are not bad.
In a word, madame, do anything ratherthan grant the Prince his demand tohave the government of Provence
added to that of Guienne."
I told the Marshal that I could not butbe highly obliged to his Eminence, andthat I was under infinite obligations tothe Queen; and to show my gratitude, Ihumbly begged her Majesty to permit
me to serve her without any privateinterest of my own; said that I was very incapable for the place of Prime
Minister upon many accounts, and thatit was not consistent with her Majesty's
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dignity to raise a man to that high postho was still reeking, as it were, with
the fumes of faction.
"But," said the Marshal, "the place mustbe filled by somebody, and as long as it
is vacant the Prince will be alwaysurging that Cardinal Mazarin is to haveit again."
"You have," said I, "persons much fitterfor it than I." Then he showed me aletter signed by the Queen, promising
me all manner of security if I wouldcome to Court. I went thither atmidnight, according to agreement, and
the Marshal, who introduced me to theQueen by the back stairs, having
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ithdrawn, her Majesty used all thearguments she could to persuade me toaccept the place of Prime Minister,
hich I was determined to refuse,because I found that she had theCardinal at heart more than ever; for, as
soon as she saw I would not accept thepost of Prime Minister, she offered methe cardinal's hat, but with this proviso,that I would use my utmost endeavourstowards the restoration of CardinalMazarin. Then I judged it high time forme to speak my mind, which I did as
follows:
"It is a great affliction to me, madame,
that public affairs are reduced to such apass as not only warrants, but even
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commands a subject to speak to hissovereign in the style in which I amnow about to address your Majesty. It is
ell known to you that one of my orst crimes in the Cardinal's opinion
is that I foretold all these things, and
that I have passed for the author of events of which I was only theprophet. Your Majesty would fainextricate yourself with honour, and youare in the right; but permit me to tellyou, as my opinion, that it can never beeffected so long as your Majesty
entertains any thoughts of reestablishing Mazarin. I should fail inthe respect I owe to your Majesty if I
pretended to thwart your Majesty'sopinion with regard to the Cardinal in
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any other way than with my mosthumble remonstrances; but I humbly conceive I do but discharge my
bounden duty while I respectfully represent to your Majesty wherein Imay be serviceable or useless to you at
this critical juncture. Your Majesty hasthe Prince to cope with, who, indeed, isfor the restoration of the Cardinal, butupon condition that you give him suchpowers beforehand as will enable himto ruin him at pleasure. To resist thePrince you want the Duc d'Orleans,
ho is absolutely against the Cardinal'sreestablishment, and who, provided hebe excluded, will do what your Majesty
pleases to command him. You willneither satisfy the Prince nor the Duke.
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I am extremely desirous to serve yourMajesty against the one and with theother, but I can do neither the one nor
the other without making use of proper means for obtaining those twodifferent ends."
"Come over to me," said she, "and Ishall not care a straw for all the Dukecan do."
I answered, "Should I do so, andshould it appear never so little that I
as on terms of reconciliation with theCardinal, I could serve your Majesty
ith neither the Duke nor the people,
for both would hate me mortally, and Ishould be as useless to your Majesty as
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the Bishop of Dole."
At this the Queen was very angry, and
said, "Heaven bless my son the King,for he is deserted by all the world! I doall I can for you, I offer you a place in
my Council, I offer you thecardinalship; pray what will you do forme "
I said that I did not come to receivefavours, but to try to merit them.
At this the Queen's countenance beganto brighten, and she said, very softly,"What is it, then, that you will do "
"Madame," said I, "I will oblige the
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Prince, before a week is at an end, toleave Paris; and I will detach the Dukefrom his interest to-morrow."
The Queen, overjoyed, held out herhand and said, "Give me yours, and I
promise you that you shall be cardinalthe next day, and the second man in my friendship." She desired also thatMazarin and I might be good friends;but I answered that the least touchupon that string would put me out of tune and render me incapable of doing
her any service; therefore I conjured herto let me still enjoy the character of being his enemy.
"Was anything," said the Queen, "ever
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so strange and unaccountable Can younot possibly serve me without being the enemy of him in whom I most
confide "
I told her it must needs be so.
"Madame," I said, "I humbly beseechyour Majesty to let me tell you that, aslong as the place of Prime Minister isnot filled up, the Prince will increase inpower on pretence that it is kept vacantto receive the Cardinal by a speedy restoration."
"You see," said her Majesty, "how thePrince treats me; he has insulted me
ever since I disowned my two traitors,Servien and Lionne." I took the
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opportunity while she was flushed withanger to make my court to her by saying that before two days were at an
end the Prince should affront her nolonger. But the tenderness she had forher beloved Cardinal made her
unwilling to consent that I shouldcontinue to exclaim against hisEminence in Parliament, where one wasobliged to handle him very roughly almost every quarter of an hour. Shebade me remember that it was theCardinal who had solicited my
nomination. I answered that I washighly obliged to his Eminence uponthat score, and that I was ready to give
him proofs of my acknowledgment inanything wherein my honour was not
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concerned, but that I should be adouble-dealer if I promised tocontribute to his reestablishment. Then
she said, "Go! you are a very devil. SeeMadame Palatine, and let me hear fromyou the night before you go to the
Parliament."
I do not think I was in the wrong torefuse her offer. We must never jest
ith proffered service; for if it be real,e can never embrace it too much; but
if false, we can never keep at too great a
distance. I lamented to the public thesad condition of our affairs, which hadobliged me to leave my dear retirement,
here, after so much disturbance andconfusion, I hoped to enjoy
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comfortable rest; that we were falling into a worse condition than we were inbefore, because the State suffered more
by the daily negotiations carried onith Mazarin than it had done by his
administrations; and that the Queen
as still buoyed up with hopes of hisreestablishment.
The Prince de Conde having inflamedthe Parliament, to make himself moreformidable to the Queen and Court,some new scenes were opened every
day. At one time they sent to theprovinces to inform against theCardinal; at another time they made
search after his effects at Paris.
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I went one day with four hundred menin my company to the ParliamentHouse, where the Prince de Conde
inveighed against the exportation of money out of the kingdom by theCardinal's banker. But afterwards I
absented myself for awhile fromParliament, which made me suspectedof being less an enemy to the Cardinal,and I was pelted with a dozen or fifteenlibels in the space of a fortnight, by afellow whose nose had been slit for
riting a lampoon against a lady of
quality. I composed a short but generalanswer to all, entitled "An Apology forthe Ancient and True Fronde." There
as a strong paper war between the oldand new Fronde for three or four
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months, but afterwards they united inthe attack on Mazarin. There wereabout sixty volumes of tracts written
during the civil war, but I am sure thatthere are not a hundred sheets worthreading.
I was sent for again to another privateconference with the Queen, who,dreading an arrangement with thePrince de Conde, was for his being arrested, and advised me to considerhow it might be done. It seems that M.
Hoquincourt had offered to kill him inthe street, as the shortest way to be ridof him, for she desired me to confer
about it with Hoquincourt, "who will,"said she, "show you a much surer way."
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The Queen, nevertheless, would notown she had ever such a thought,though she was heard to say, "The
Coadjutor is not a man of so muchcourage as I took him for."
The next day I was informed that theQueen could endure the Prince nolonger, and that she had advices that hehad formed a design to seize the King;that he had despatched orders toFlanders to treat with the Spaniards,and that either he or she must be
ruined; that she was not for shedding blood, and that what Hoquincourtproposed was far from it, because he
promised to secure the Prince withoutstriking a blow if I would answer for
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the people.
The Parliament continued to prosecute
Mazarin, who was convicted of embezzling some nine millions of thepublic money. The Prince assembled
the Chambers, and persuaded them toissue a new decree against all those of the Court party who heldcorrespondence with the said Cardinal.
The Prince de Conde, being uneasy atseeing Mazarin's creatures still at Court,
retired to Saint Maur on the 6th of July,1651. On the 7th the Prince de Contiacquainted the Parliament with the
reasons for his departure, and talked ingeneral of the warnings he had received
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from different hands of a design theCourt had formed against his life,adding that his brother could not be
safe at Court as long as Tellier, Servien,and Lionne were not removed. There
as a very hot debate in the ensuing
session between the Prince de Contiand the First President. The lattertalked very warmly against his retreat toSaint Maur, and called it a melancholy prelude to a civil war. He hinted alsothat the said Prince was the author of the late disturbances, upon which the
Prince de Conti threatened that had hebeen in any other place he would havetaught him to observe the respect due
to Princes of the blood. The FirstPresident said that he did not fear his
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threats, and that he had reason tocomplain of his Royal Highness forpresuming to interrupt him in a place
here he represented the King's person.Both parties were now in hot blood,and the Duke, who was very glad to see
it, did not interpose till he could notavoid it, and then he told them boththat they should endeavour to keeptheir temper.
On the 14th of July a decree waspassed, upon a motion made by the
Duc d'Orleans, that the thanks of theParliament should be presented to herMajesty for her gracious promise that
the Cardinal should never return; thatshe should be most humbly entreated
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to send a declaration to Parliament, andlikewise to give the Prince de Conde allthe necessary securities for his return;
and that those persons who kept upcorrespondence with Mazarin shouldbe immediately prosecuted.
On the 18th the First President carriedthe remonstrances of the Parliament tothe Queen, and though he took care tokeep within the terms of the decree, by not naming the under ministers, yet hepointed them out in such a manner that
the Queen complained bitterly, saying that the First President was "anunaccountable man, and more
vexatious than any of the malcontents."
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hen I took the liberty to show herthat the representative of an assembly could not, without prevarication, but
deliver the thoughts of the whole body,though they might be different from hisown, she replied, very angrily, "These
are mere republican maxims."
I will give you an account of thesuccess of the remonstrances after Ihave related an adventure to you whichhappened at the Parliament Houseduring these debates.
The importance of the subject drew thither a large number of ladies who
ere curious to hear what passed.Madame and Mademoiselle de
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Chevreuse, with many other ladies,ere there the evening before the
decree was passed; but they were
singled out from the rest by oneMaillard, a brawling fellow, hired by thePrince's party. As ladies are commonly
afraid of a crowd, they stayed till theDuc d'Orleans and the rest were goneout, but when they came into the hallthey were hooted by twenty or thirty ragamuffins of the same quality as theirleader, who was a cobbler. I knew nothing of it till I came to the Palace
of Chevreuse, where I found Madamede Chevreuse in a rage and herdaughter in tears. I endeavoured to
comfort them by the assurance that Iould take care to get the scoundrels
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punished in an exemplary manner thatvery day. But these were tooinconsiderable victims to atone for
such an affront, and were thereforerejected with indignation. The blood of Bourbon only could make amends for
the injury done to that of Lorraine.These were the very words of Madamede Chevreuse. They resolved at lastupon this expedition, to go again nextmorning to the House, but so wellaccompanied as to be in a condition of making themselves respected, and of
giving the Prince de Conti tounderstand that it was to his interest tokeep his party for the future from
committing the like insolence.Montresor, who happened to be with
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us, did all he could to convince theladies how dangerous it was to make aprivate quarrel of a public one,
especially at a time when a Prince of the blood might possibly lose his life inthe fray. When he found that he could
not prevail upon them, he used allmeans to persuade me to put off my resentment, for which end he drew measide to tell me what joy and triumph it
ould be to my enemies to suffermyself to be captivated or led away by the violence of the ladies' passion. I
made him the following answer: "I amcertainly to blame, both with regard tomy profession and on account of my
having my hands full, to be so farengaged with Mademoiselle de
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Chevreuse; but, considering theobligation I am under to her, and that itis too late to recede from it, I am in the
right in demanding satisfaction in thispresent juncture. I will not by any means assassinate the Prince de Conti;
but she may command me to doanything except poisoning orassassinating, and therefore speak nomore to me on this head."
The ladies went again, therefore, nextday, being accompanied by four
hundred gentlemen and above fourthousand of the most substantialburghers. The rabble that was hired to
make a clamour in the Great Hallsneaked out of sight, and the Prince de
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Conti, who had not been apprised of this assembly, which was formed withgreat secrecy, was fain to pass by
Madame and Mademoiselle deChevreuse with demonstrations of theprofoundest respect, and to suffer
Maillard, who was caught on the stairsof the chapel, to be soundly cudgelled.
I return to the issue of theremonstrances. The Queen told thedeputies that she would next morning send to the House a declaration against
Cardinal Mazarin.
On the 21st the Prince de Conde came
to Parliament accompanied by M. de LaRochefoucault and fifty or sixty
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gentlemen, and congratulated themupon the removal of the ministers, butsaid that it could not be effectual
ithout inserting an article in thedeclaration which the Queen hadpromised to send to the Parliament.
The First President said that it wouldbe both unjust and inconsistent withthe respect due to the Queen todemand new conditions of her every day; that her Majesty's promise, of
hich she had made the Parliament adepositary, was a sufficient security; that
it was to be wished that the Prince hadshown a due confidence therein by repairing to the Palais Royal rather than
to a court of justice; and that the posthe was in obliged him to express his
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surprise at such conduct. The Princereplied that the First President had noreason to wonder at his great
precautions, since he (the Prince) knew by recent woeful experience what it wasto live in a prison; and that it was
notorious that the Cardinal ruled now in the Cabinet more absolutely thanever he did before.
The Duc d'Orleans, who was gone toLimours on pretence of taking the air,though on purpose to be absent from
Parliament, being informed that thevery women cried at the King's coach"No Mazarin!" and that the Prince de
Conde, as well attended as his Majesty,had met the King in the park, was so
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frightened that he returned to Paris, andon the 2d of August went toParliament, where I appeared with all
my friends and a great number of ealthy citizens. The First President
mightily extolled the Queen's goodness
in making the Parliament the depositary of her promise for the security of thePrince, who, being there present, wasasked by the First President if he had
aited on the King The Prince said hehad not, because he knew there wouldbe danger in it, having been well
informed that secret conferences hadbeen held to arrest him, and that in aproper time and place he would name
the authors. The Prince added thatmessengers were continually going and
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coming betwixt the Court and Mazarinat Breule, and that Marechal d'Aumonthad orders to cut to pieces the
regiments of Conde, Conti, andEnghien, which was the only reasonthat had hindered them from joining
the King's army.
The First President told him that heas sorry to see him there before he
had waited on the King, and that itseemed as if he were for setting up altaragainst altar. This nettled the Prince to
that degree that he said that those whotalked against him had only self-interests in view. The First President
denied that he had any such aim, andsaid that he was accountable to the
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King only for his actions. Then heexaggerated the danger of the Statefrom the unhappy division of the royal
family.
Finally it was resolved, 'nemine
contradicente', that the Solicitor-General should be commissioned toprosecute those who had advised thearrest of the Prince de Conde; that theQueen's promise for the safety of thePrince should be registered; that hisRoyal Highness should be desired by
the whole assembly to go and wait onthe King; and that the decrees passedagainst the servitors of Mazarin should
be put into execution. The Prince, whoseemed very well satisfied, said that
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nothing less than this could assure himof his safety. The Duc d'Orleans carriedhim to the King and the Queen, from
hom he met with but a coldreception.
At the close of this session thedeclaration against the Cardinal wasread and sent back to the Chancellor,because it was not inserted that theCardinal had hindered the Peace of Munster, and advised the King toundertake the journey and siege of
Bordeaux, contrary to the opinion of the Duc d'Orleans.
The Queen, provoked by the conductof the Prince de Conde, who rode
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through the streets of Paris betterattended than the King, and also by that of the Duke, whom she found
continually given to change, resolved, ina fit of despair, to hazard all at once. M.de Chateauneuf flattered her
inclination on that point, and she wasconfirmed in it by a fiery despatch fromMazarin at Bruele. She told the Ducd'Orleans plainly that she could nolonger continue in her presentcondition, demanded his expressdeclaration for or against her, and
charged me, in his presence, to keep thepromise I had made her, to declareopenly against the Prince if he
continued to go on as he had begun.
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Her Majesty was convinced that I actedsincerely for her service, and that Imade no scruple to keep my promise;
and she condescended to makeapologies for the distrust she hadentertained of my conduct, and for the
injustice she owned she had done me.
On the 19th, the Prince de Condehaving taxed me with being the authorof a paper against him, which was readthat day in the House, said he had apaper, signed by the Duc d'Orleans,
hich contained his justification, andthat he should be much obliged to theParliament if they would be pleased to
desire her Majesty to name his accusers,against whom he demanded justice. As
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to the paper of which he charged meith being the author, he said it was a
composition worthy of a man who had
advised the arming of the Parisians andthe wresting of the seals from him with
hom the Queen had entrusted them.
The Prince de Conti was observed topress his brother to resent what I saidin my defence, but he kept his temper;for though I was very wellaccompanied, yet he was considerably superior to me in numbers, so that if
the sword had been drawn he musthave had the advantage. But I resolvedto appear there the next day with a
greater retinue. The Queen wastransported with joy to hear that there
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ere men who had the resolution todispute the wall with the Prince.
["The Queen," says M. de LaRochefoucault in his Memoirs, "wasoverjoyed to see two men at variance
hom in her heart she hated almostequally.... Nevertheless, she seemed toprotect the Coadjutor."]
She ordered thirty gendarmes and asmany Light-horse to be posted where Ipleased; I had forty men sent me,
picked out of the sergeants and bravestsoldiers of one of the regiments of Guards, and some of the officers of
the city companies, and assembled agreat number of substantial burghers,
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all of whom had pistols and daggersunder their cloaks. I also sent many of my men to the eating-houses
thereabouts, so that the Great Hall was,as it were, invested on every side withmy friends. I posted thirty gentlemen as
a reserve in a convenient chamber, who,in case of an attack, were to assault theparty of the Prince in flank and rear. Ihad also laid up a store of grenades. Ina word, my measures were so nicely concerted, both within and without theParliament House, that Pont Notre-
Dame and Pont Saint Michel, who werepassionately in my interest, only waitedfor the signal; so that in all likelihood I
could not fail of being conqueror.
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On the morning of the 21st all thePrince de Conde's humble servantsrepaired to his house, and my friends
did the like to mine, particularly theMarquises of Rouillac and Camillac,famous both for their courage and
extravagances. As soon as the latter saw Rouillac, he made me a low bow in a
ithdrawing posture, saying,"Monsieur, I came to offer you my service, but it is not reasonable that thetwo greatest fools in the kingdomshould be of the same side." The
Prince came to the House with anumerous attendance, and though Ibelieve he had not so many as I, he had
more persons of quality, for I had only the Fronde nobility on my side, except
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three or four who, though in theQueen's interest, were nevertheless my particular friends; this disadvantage,
however, was abundantly made up by the great interest I had among thepeople and the advantageous posts I
as possessed of. After the Prince hadtaken his place, he said that he wassurprised to see the Parliament Houselook more like a camp than a temple of ustice; that there were posts taken, andmen under command; and that hehoped there were not men in the
kingdom so insolent as to dispute theprecedence with him. Whereupon Ihumbly begged his pardon, and told
him that I believed there was not a manin France so insolent as to do it; but
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that there were some who could not,nor indeed ought not, on account of their dignity, yield the precedence to an
man but the King. The Prince repliedthat he would make me yield it to him.I told him he would find it no easy
matter. Upon this there was a greatoutcry, and the young councillors of both parties interested themselves inthe contest, which, you see, beganpretty warmly. The Presidentsinterposed between us, conjuring himto have some regard to the temple of
ustice and the safety of the city, anddesiring that all the nobility and othersin the hall that were armed might be
turned out. He approved of it, andbade M. de La Rochefoucault go and
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tell his friends so from him. Uponhich I said, "I will order my friends toithdraw also." Young D'Avaux, now
President de Mesmes, then in thePrince's interest, said, "What! monsieur,are you armed " "Without doubt," I
said; though I had better have held my tongue, because an inferior ought to berespectful in words to his superior,though he may equal him in actions.Neither is it allowable in a Churchman
hen armed to confess it. There aresome things wherein men are willing to
be deceived. Actions very oftenvindicate men's reputations in whatthey do against the dignity of their
profession, but nothing can justify ords that are inconsistent with their
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character.
As I had desired my friends to
ithdraw, and was entering into theCourt of Judicature, I heard an uproarin the hall of people crying out "To
arms!" I had a mind to go back to seehat was the matter; but I had not time
to do it, for I found myself caught by the neck between the folding doors,
hich M. de La Rochefoucault hadshut on me, crying out to MM. Coligny and Ricousse to kill me.
[This action is very much disguised andsoftened in the Memoirs of
Rochefoucault. M. Joly, in his Memoirs,vol. i., p. 155, tells it almost in... the
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same manner as the Cardinal de Retz.]
The first thought he was not in earnest,
and the other told him he had no suchorder from the Prince. M.Champlatreux, running into the hall
and seeing me in that condition,vigorously pushed back M. de LaRochefoucault, telling him that amurder of that nature was horrible andscandalous. He opened the door and letme in. But this was not the greatestdanger I was in, as you will see after I
have told you the beginning and end of it.
Two or three of the Prince de Conde'smob cried out, as soon as they saw me,
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"A Mazarin!" Two of the Prince'ssoldiers drew their swords, those nextto them cried out, "To your arms!" and
in a trice all were in a fighting posture.My friends drew their swords, daggers,and pistols, and yet, as it were by a
miracle, they stopped their hands on asudden from action; for in that very instant of time, Crenan, one of my oldfriends, who commanded a company of the Prince de Conti's gendarmes,said to Laigues, "What are we doing Must we let the Prince de Conde and
the Coadjutor be murdered Whoeverdoes not put up his sword is a rascal!"This expression coming from a man of
great courage and reputation, every onedid as he bade them. Nor is
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Argenteuil's courage and presence of mind to be less admired. He being nearme when I was caught by the neck
between the folding doors, andobserving one Peche, [Joly calls him"The great clamourer of the Prince."
See his Memoirs, p. 157.] a brawling fellow of the Prince's party, looking forme with a dagger in his hand, screenedme with his cloak, and thereby savedmy life, which was in the more dangerbecause my friends, who supposed I
as gone into the Great Chamber,
stayed behind to engage with the Princede Conde's party. The Prince told mesince that it was well I kept on the
defensive, and that had the noise in thehall continued but a minute longer, he
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ould himself have taken me by thethroat and made me pay for all; but Iam fully persuaded that the
consequences would have been fatal toboth parties, and that he himself hadhad a narrow escape.
As soon as I reentered the GreatChamber I told the First President thatI owed my life to his son, who on thatoccasion did the most generous actionthat a man of honour was capable of,because he was passionately attached to
the Prince de Conde, and waspersuaded, though without a cause, thatI was concerned in above twenty
editions against his father during thesiege of Paris. There are few actions
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more heroic than this, the memory of hich I shall carry to my grave. I also
added that M. de La Rochefoucault had
done all he could to murder me.'
[The Duke answered, as he says
himself in his Memoirs, that fear haddisturbed his judgment, etc. See in theMemoirs of M. de La Rochefoucault,the relation of what passed after theconfinement of the Princes.]
He answered me these very words:
"Thou traitor, I don't care whatbecomes of thee." I replied, "Very well,Friend Franchise" (we gave him that
nickname in our party); "you are acoward" (I told a lie, for he was
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certainly a brave man), "and I am apriest; but dueling is not allowed us."M. de Brissac threatened to cudgel him,
and he to kick Brissac. The President,fearing these words would end inblows, got between us. The First
President conjured the Princepathetically, by the blood of SaintLouis, not to defile with blood thattemple which he had given for thepreservation of peace and theprotection of justice; and exhorted me,by my sacred character, not to
contribute to the massacre of thepeople whom God had committed tomy charge. Both the Prince and I sent
out two gentlemen to order our friendsand servants to retire by different ways.
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The clock struck ten, the House rose,and thus ended that morning's work,
hich was likely to have ruined Paris.
ou may easily guess what acommotion Paris was in all that
morning. Tradesmen worked in theirshops with their muskets by them, andthe women were at prayers in thechurches. Sadness sat on the brows of all who were not actually engaged ineither party. The Prince, if we may believe the Comte de Fiesque, told him
that Paris narrowly escaped being burntthat day. "What a fine bonfire this
ould have been for the Cardinal," said
he; "especially to see it lighted by thetwo greatest enemies he had!"
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The Duc d'Orleans, quite tired out withthe cries of the people, who ran
affrighted to his palace, and fearing thatthe commotion would not stop at theParliament House, made the Prince
promise that he would not go next day to the Parliament with above five incompany, provided I would engage tocarry no more. I begged his RoyalHighness to excuse me if I did notcomply, because I should be wanting inmy respect to the Prince, with whom I
ought not to make any comparison,and because I should be still exposedto a pack of seditious brawlers, who
cried out against me, having no lawsnor owning any chief. I added that it
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as only against this sort of peoplethat I armed; that there was so littlecomparison between a private
gentleman and his Highness that fivehundred men were less to the Princethan a single lackey to me. The Duke,
ho owned I was in the right, went tothe Queen to represent to her the evilconsequences that would inevitably attend such measures.
The Queen, who neither feared norforesaw dangers, made no account of
his remonstrances, for she was glad inthe main of the dangers which seemedto be so near at hand. When Bertet and
Brachet, who crept up to the garrets of the Palais Royal for fear of having their
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throats cut in the general commotion,had made her sensible that if the Princeand myself should perish in such a
uncture it would occasion such aconfusion that the very name of Mazarin might become fatal to the royal
family, she yielded rather to her fearsthan to her convictions, and consentedto send an order in the King's name toforbid both the Prince and me to go tothe House. The First President, who
as well assured that the Prince wouldnot obey an order of that nature, which
could not be forced upon him withustice, because his presence wasnecessary in the Parliament, went to the
Queen and made her sensible that itould be against all justice and equity
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to forbid the Prince to be present in anassembly where he went only to clearhimself from a crime laid to his charge.
He showed her the difference betweenthe first Prince of the blood, whosepresence would be necessary in that
conjuncture, and a Coadjutor of Paris,ho never had a seat in the Parliament
but by courtesy.
The Queen yielded at last to thesereasons and to the entreaties of all theCourt ladies, who dreaded the noise
and confusion which was likely tooccur next day in the Parliament House.
The Parliament met next day, andresolved that all the papers, both of the
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Queen, the Duc d'Orleans, and thePrince de Conde, should be carried tothe King and Queen, that her Majesty
should be humbly entreated toterminate the affair, and that the Ducd'Orleans should be desired to make
overtures towards a reconciliation.
As the Prince was coming out of theParliament House, attended by amultitude of his friends, I met him inhis coach as I was at the head of aprocession of thirty or forty cures of
Paris, followed by a great number of people. Upon my approach, three orfour of the mob following the Prince
cried out, "A Mazarin!" but the Princealighted and silenced them.
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[M. de La Rochefoucault, in hisMemoirs, says that the people abused
the Coadjutor with scurrilous language,and would have torn him in pieces if the prince had not ordered his men to
appease the tumult.]
He then fell on his knees to receive my blessing, which I gave him with my haton, and then pulled it off in obeisance.
The Queen was so well pleased with
my prudent conduct that I can truly say I was a favourite for some days.Madame de Carignan was telling her
one day that I was very homely, tohich the Queen replied, "He has a
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very fine set of teeth, and a man cannotbe called homely who has thisornament." Madame de Chevreuse
remembered that she had often heardthe Queen say that the beauty of a manconsisted chiefly in his teeth, because it
as the only beauty which was of any use. Therefore she advised me to act my part well, and she should not despairof success. "When you are with theQueen," said she, "be serious; look continually on her hands, storm againstthe Cardinal, and I will take care of the
rest" I asked two or three audiences of the Queen upon very trifling occasions,followed Madame de Chevreuse's plan
very closely, and carried my resentmentand passion against the Cardinal even
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to extravagance. The Queen, who wasnaturally a coquette, understood thoseairs, and acquainted Madame de
Chevreuse therewith, who pretended tobe surprised, saying, "Indeed, I haveheard the Coadjutor talk of your
Majesty whole days with delight; but if the conversation happened to touchupon the Cardinal, he was no longerthe same man, and even raved againstyour Majesty, but immediately relentedtowards you, though never towards theCardinal."
Madame de Chevreuse, who was theQueen's confidante in her youth, gave
me such a history of her early days as Icannot omit giving you, though I
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should have done it sooner. She toldme that the Queen was neither in body nor mind truly Spanish; that she had
neither the temperament nor thevivacity of her nation, but only thecoquetry of it, which she retained in
perfection; that M. Bellegarde, a gallantold gentleman, after the fashion of theCourt of Henri III., pleased her till he
as going to the army, when he beggedfor one favour before his departure,
hich was only to put her hand to thehilt of his sword, a compliment so
insipid that her Majesty was out of conceit with him ever after. Sheapproved the gallant manner of M. de
Montmorency much more than sheloved his person. The aversion she had
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to the pedantic behaviour of Cardinalde Richelieu, who in his amours was asridiculous as he was in other things
excellent, made her irreconcilable to hisaddresses. She had observed from thebeginning of the Regency a great
inclination in the Queen for Mazarin,but that she had not been able todiscover how far that inclination went,because she (Madame de Chevreuse)had been banished from the Court very soon after; and that upon her return toFrance, after the siege of Paris, the
Queen was so reserved at first with herthat it was impossible for her to diveinto her secrets. That since she regained
her Majesty's favour she had sometimesobserved the same airs in her with
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regard to Cardinal Mazarin as she usedto display formerly in favour of theDuke of Buckingham; but at other
times she thought that there was nomore between them than a league of friendship. The chief ground for her
conjecture was the impolite and almostrude way in which the Cardinalconversed with her Majesty. "But,however," said Madame de Chevreuse,"when I reflect on the Queen'shumour, all this may admit of anotherinterpretation. Buckingham used to tell
me that he had been in love with threeQueens, and was obliged to curb all thethree; therefore I cannot tell what to
think of the matter."
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To resume the history of more publicaffairs. I did not so far please myself
ith the figure I made against the
Prince (though I thought it very muchfor my honour), but I saw clearly that Istood on a dangerous precipice.
"Whither are we going " I said to M.Bellievre, who seemed to be overjoyedthat the Prince had not been able todevour me; "for whom do we labour Iknow that we are obliged to act as wedo; I know, too, that we cannot do
better; but should we rejoice at the fatalnecessity which pushes us on to exertan action comparatively good and
hich will unavoidably end in asuperlative evil "
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"I understand you," said the President,"and will interrupt you for one
moment to tell you what I learned of Cromwell" (whom he had known inEngland). "He told me one day that it is
then we are mounting highest when weourselves do not know whither we aregoing."
"You know, monsieur," said I toBellievre, "that I abhor Cromwell; and
hatever is commonly reported of his
great parts, if he is of this opinion, Imust pronounce him a fool."
I mentioned this dialogue for no otherpurpose than to observe how
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dangerous it is to talk disrespectfully of men in high positions; for it was carriedto Cromwell, who remembered it with
a great deal of resentment on anoccasion which I shall mentionhereafter, and said to M. de Bourdeaux,
Ambassador of France, then inEngland, "I know but one man in the
orld who despises me, and that isCardinal de Retz." This opinion of him
as likely to have cost me very dear. Ireturn from this digression.
On the 31st, Melayer, valet de chambreto the Cardinal, arrived with a despatchto the Queen, in which were these
ords: "Give the Prince de Conde allthe declarations of his innocence that
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he can desire, provided you can butamuse him and hinder him from giving you the slip."
On the 4th the Prince de Condeinsisted in Parliament on a formal
decree for declaring his innocence,hich was granted, but deferred to be
published till the 7th of September (theday that the King came of age), onpretence of rendering it more authenticand solemn by the King's presence, butreally to gain time, and see what
influence the splendour of royalty,hich was to be clothed that day with
all the advantages of pomp, would have
upon the minds of the people.
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But the Prince de Conde, who hadreason to distrust both the Fronde andthe Court, did not appear at the
ceremony, and sent the Prince de Contito the King to desire to be excused,because the calumnies and treacheries
of his enemies would not suffer him tocome to the Palace; adding that he keptaway out of pure respect to his Majesty.This last expression, which seemed tointimate that otherwise he might havegone thither without danger, provokedthe Queen to that degree that she said,
"The Prince or I must perish."
The Prince de Conde retired to
Bourges, further from Court. He wasnaturally averse to a civil war, nor
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ould his adherents have been moreforward than himself if they hadfound their interests in his
reconciliation to the Court; but thisseemed impracticable, and thereforethey agreed upon a civil war, because
none of them believed themselvespowerful enough to conclude a peace.They know nothing of the nature of faction who imagine the head of aparty to be their master. His trueinterest is most commonly thwarted by the imaginary interests even of his
subalterns, and the worst of it is thathis own honour sometimes, andgenerally prudence, joins with them
against himself. The passions anddiscontent which reigned then among
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the friends of the Prince de Conde ranso high that they were obliged toabandon him and form a third party,
under the authority of the Prince deConti, in case the Prince accomplishedhis reconciliation to the Court,
according to a proposition then madeto him in the name of the Ducd'Orleans. The subdivision of parties isgenerally the ruin of all, especially
hen it is introduced by cunning views,directly contrary to prudence; and thisis what the Italians call, in comedy, a
"plot within a plot," or a "wheel withina wheel."
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BOOK IV.
In December, 1651, the Parliament
agreed to the following resolution: Tosend a deputation to the King toinform him of the rumours of
Mazarin's return, and to beseech him toconfirm the royal promise which hehad made to his people upon that head;to forbid all governors to give theCardinal passage; to desire the King toacquaint the Pope and other Princes
ith the reasons that had obliged him
to remove the Cardinal; and to send toall the Parliaments of the kingdom tomake the like decree.
Somebody making a motion that a
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price might be set upon the Cardinal'shead, I and the rest of the spiritualcouncillors retired, because clergymen
are forbidden by the canon law to givetheir vote in cases of life and death.
They agreed also to send deputies tothe King to entreat him to write to theElector of Cologne to send theCardinal out of his country, and toforbid the magistrates of all cities toentertain any troops sent to favour hisreturn or any of his kindred or
domestics. A certain councillor whosaid, very judiciously, that the soldiersassembling for Mazarin upon the
frontiers would laugh at all the decreesof Parliament unless they were
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proclaimed to them by goodmusketeers and pikemen, was rundown as if he had talked nonsense, and
all the clamour was that it belongedonly to the King to disband soldiers.
The Duc d'Orleans acquainted theHouse, on the 29th, that CardinalMazarin had arrived at Sedan; thatMarechals de Hoquincourt and de laFerte were gone to join him with theirarmy to bring him to Court; and that it
as high time to oppose his designs.
Upon this it was immediately resolvedthat deputies should be despatchedforthwith to the King; that the Cardinal
and all his adherents should bedeclared guilty of high treason; that the
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common people should becommanded to treat them as such
herever they met them; that his library
and all his household goods should besold, and that 150,000 livres premiumshould be given to any man who
should deliver up the said Cardinal,either dead or alive. Upon thisexpression all the ecclesiastics retired,for the reason above mentioned.
A new decree was passed on the 2d of anuary, 1652, wherein it was decided
that all the Parliaments of Franceshould be invited to issue their decreesagainst Mazarin, conformable to the
last; that two more councillors shouldbe added to the four sent to guard the
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rivers and to arm the common people;and that the troops of the Ducd'Orleans should oppose the march of
Mazarin.
On the 24th the deputies who had been
to Poitiers to remonstrate with the King against the return of the Cardinal,made their report in Parliament, to theeffect that his Majesty, after having consulted with the Queen and herCouncil, returned for answer, that
ithout doubt, when the Parliament
issued their late decrees, they did notknow that Cardinal Mazarin had madeno levy of soldiers but by his Majesty's
express orders; that it was he whocommanded him to enter France with
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his troops, and that therefore the King did not resent what the company haddone; but that, on the other hand, he
did not doubt that when they hadheard the circumstances he had justmentioned, and knew, moreover, that
Cardinal Mazarin only desired anopportunity to justify himself, they
ould not fail to give all his subjects anexemplary proof of the obedience they owed to him. The Parliament washighly provoked, and next day resolvedto admit no more dukes, peers, nor
marshals of France till the Cardinal hadleft the kingdom.
Mazarin, arriving at Court again,persuaded the King to go to Saumur,
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though others advised him to march toGuienne against the Prince de Conde,
ith whom the Duc d'Orleans was now
resolved to join forces. The King wentfrom Saumur to Tours, where theArchbishop of Rouen carried
complaints to the King, in the name of the bishops there, against the decreesof Parliament relating to the Cardinal.
The Duc d'Orleans complained inParliament against the inconsistency of their proceedings, and said the King
had sent him carte blanche in order tooblige him to consent to the restorationof the Cardinal, but that nothing
ould ever cause him to do it, nor toact apart from the Parliament. Yet their
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unaccountable proceedings perplexedhim beyond expression, so that hecommanded, or rather permitted, M. de
Beaufort to put his troops in action.And because I told him that,considering the declarations he had so
often repeated against Mazarin, Ithought his conduct in setting histroops in motion against him did notadd so much to the measure of thedisgust he had already given to theCourt that he need to apprehend muchfrom it, he gave me for answer these
memorable words which I havereflected upon a thousand times: "If you," said he, "had been born a Son of
France, an Infante of Spain, a King of Hungary, or a Prince of Pales, you
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ould not talk as you do. You mustknow that, with us Princes, words gofor nothing, but that we never forget
actions. By to-morrow noon the Queenould not remember my declarations
against the Cardinal if I would admit
him tomorrow morning; but if my troops were to fire a musket she wouldnot forgive me though we were to livetwo thousand years hence."
In February, 1652, I was made acardinal, and was to receive the hat, as
all French cardinals do, from the King.My enemies, who thought to ruin my credit with the Duc d'Orleans, gave out
that I had been obliged to the Courtfor my dignity, attacked me in form as a
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secret favourer of Mazarin, and, whiletheir emissaries gained over such of thedregs of the people as they could
corrupt by money, they were supportedby all the intrigues of the Cabinet. Butthe Duke, who knew better, only
laughed at them; so that they confirmedme in his good opinion, instead of supplanting me, because in cases of slander every reflection that does nothurt the person attacked does himservice. I said to the Duke that I
ondered he was not wearied out with
the silly stories that were told him every day against me, since they all harpedupon one string; but he said, "Do you
take no account of the pleasure onetakes every morning in hearing how
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icked men are under the cloak of religious zeal, and every night how silly they are under the mask of politicians "
The servants of the Prince de Condegave out such stories against me among
the populace as were likely to havedone me much more mischief. They had a pack of brawling fellows in theirpay who were more troublesome to menow than formerly, when they did notdare to appear before the numerousretinue of gentlemen and liverymen
that accompanied me, for as I had notyet had the hat, I was obliged, whereverI went, to go incognito, according to
the rules of the ceremonial. Thosefellows said that I had betrayed the Duc
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d'Orleans, and that they would be thedeath of me. I told the Duke, who wasafraid they would murder me, that he
should soon see how little those hiredmobs ought to be regarded. He offeredme his guards, but though Marechal
d'Estampes fell on his knees in my way to stop me, I went down-stairs withonly two persons in company, andmade directly towards the ruffians,demanding who was their leader. Upon
hich a beggarly fellow, with an oldyellow feather in his hat, answered me,
insolently, "I am." Then I called out tothe guards at the gate, saying, "Let mehave this rascal hanged up at these
grates." Thereupon he made me a very low bow, and said that he did not mean
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to affront me; that he only came withhis comrades to tell me of the reportthat I designed to carry the Duc
d'Orleans to Court, and reconcile himith Mazarin; that they did not believe
it; that they were at my service, and
ready to venture their lives for me,provided I would but promise them tobe always an honest Frondeur.
The Duc d'Orleans took such delight inconversing with me that, on De Goulas,one of his secretaries, telling him that
all the foreign officers took mighty umbrage at it, he pulled him up very sharply, and said, "Go to the devil, you
and your foreign officers. If they wereas good Frondeurs as Cardinal de Retz,
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they would be at their posts, and nottippling in the taverns of Paris." There
as such a strong faction in the city of
Orleans for the Court that his presencethere was very necessary; but as it wasmuch more so at Paris, the Duke was
prevailed upon by his Duchess to lether go thither. M. Patru was pleased tosay that as the gates of Jericho fell atthe sound of trumpets, those of Orleans would open at the sound of fiddles, of which M. de Rohan was avery great admirer. But, in fact, though
the King was just at hand with thetroops, and though M. Mold, Keeperof the Seals, was at the gate demanding
entrance for the King, the Duchesscrossed the river in a barge, made the
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atermen break down a little postern,hich had been walled up for a long
time, and marched, with the
acclamations of multitudes of thepeople, directly to the Hotel de Ville,
here the magistrates were assembled
to consider if they should admit theKeeper of the Seals. By this means sheturned the scale, and MM. de Beaufortand de Nemours joined her.
The Prince de Conde arriving at Parisfrom Guienne on the 11th of April, the
magistrates had a meeting in the Hotelde Ville, in which they resolved that theGovernor should wait on his Royal
Highness, and tell him that thecompany thought it contrary to order
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to receive him into the city before hehad cleared himself from the King'sdeclaration, which had been verified in
Parliament against him.
The Duc d'Orleans, who was overjoyed
at this speech, said that the Prince hadonly come to discourse with him aboutprivate affairs, and that he would stay but twenty-four hours at Paris. M. deChavigni informed the Duke that thePrince was able to stand his ground aslong as he pleased, without being
obliged to anybody; and he gatheredtogether a mob of scoundrels upon thePont-Neuf, whose fingers itched to be
plundering the house of M. du PlessisGuenegaut, and by whom the Duke
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as frightened to a great degree.
The reflections I had leisure to make
upon my new dignity obliged me totake great care of my hat, whosedazzling flame of colour turns the
heads of many that are honoured withit. The most palpable of thosedelusions is the claiming precedence of Princes of the blood, who may becomeour masters the next moment, and whoat the same time are generally themasters of all our kindred. I have a
veneration for the cardinals of my family, who made me suck in humility after their example with my mother's
milk, and I found a very happy opportunity to practise it on the very
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day that I received the news of my promotion. Chateaubriant said to me,before a vast number of people at my
levee, "Now we will pay our respects nomore to the best of them," which hesaid because, though I was upon ill
terms with the Prince de Conde, andthough I always went well attended, Iyet saluted him wherever I met him
ith all the respect due to him on thescore of so many titles. I said to him:
"Pray pardon me, monsieur; we shall
pay our respects to the great men withgreater complaisance than ever. Godforbid that the red hat should turn my
head to that degree as to make medispute precedence with the Princes of
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the blood. It is honour enough for agentleman to walk side by side withthem." This expression, I verily believe,
afterwards secured the rank of precedence to the hat in the kingdomof France, by the courtesy of the
Prince de Conde, and his friendship forme.
Mademoiselle de Chevreuse, the mostfantastical lady upon earth, suspecting that I held a secret correspondence
ith the Queen, could not forbear
murmuring and threatening what sheould do. She said I had declared to
her a thousand times that I could not
imagine how it was possible foranybody to be in love with that Swiss
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oman. In short, she said this so oftenthat the Queen had a notion fromsomebody or other that I had called her
by that name. She never forgave me forit, as you will perceive in the sequel.
ou may easily conceive that this
circumstance, which gave me noencouragement to hope for a very gracious reception at Court for the timeto come, did not weaken thoseresolutions which I had already takento retire from public business. Theplace of my retreat was agreeable
enough: the shadow of the towers of Notre-Dame was a refreshment to it;and, moreover, the Cardinal's hat
sheltered it from bad weather. I hadfine ideas of the sweetness of such a
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retirement, and I would gladly have laidhold of it, but my stars would not haveit so. I return to my narrative.
On the 12th of April the Ducd'Orleans took the Prince de Conde
ith him to the Parliament, assuring them that he had not, nor ever wouldhave, any other intention than to servehis King and country; that he wouldalways follow the sentiments of theParliament; and that he was willing tolay down his arms as soon as the
decrees against Cardinal Mazarin wereput into execution.
The President Bailleul said that themembers always thought it an honour
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to see the Prince de Conde in his place,but that they could not dissemble theirreal concern to see his hands stained
ith the blood of the King's soldiersho were killed at Bleneau. Upon this a
storm arose from the benches, which
fell with such fury upon the poorPresident that he had scarcely room toput in a word for himself, for fifty orsixty voices disowned him at one volley.
On the 13th the Parliament agreed thatthe declaration made by the Duc
d'Orleans and the Prince should becarried to the King; that theremonstrances they had sent to the
King should likewise be sent to all thesovereign companies of Paris, and to all
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the Parliaments of the kingdom, toinvite them also to send a deputationon their own behalf; and that a general
assembly should be immediately held atthe Hotel de Ville, to which the Ducd'Orleans and the Prince should be
invited to make the same declarationsas they made to the Parliament; andthat, in the meantime, the King'sdeclaration against Cardinal Mazarin,and all the decrees passed against him,should be put into execution.
On the 13th of May a councillor of Parliament and captain of his ward,having brought his company to the
Palace to act as ordinary guard, wasabandoned by all the burghers that
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composed it, who said they were notcreated to guard Mazarins.
The mob, who at the same timeappeared ready enough to murder someof the magistrates in the streets, had
nothing in their mouths but the namesand services of the Princes, who nextday disowned their humble servants inthe assemblies of the several courts.Though this conduct gave occasion tosevere decrees, which the Parliamentissued at every turn against the
seditious, it did not hinder the sameParliament from believing that those
ho disowned the sedition were the
authors of it, and consequently did notlessen the hatred which many private
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men conceived against them. Such werethe various and complicated viewsevery one had concerning the then
position of affairs, that I wrappedmyself up, as one may say, in my greatdignities, to which I abandoned the
hopes of my fortune; and I rememberone day the President Bellievre telling me that I ought not to be so indolent. Ianswered him: "We are in a great storm,
here, methinks, we all row against theind. I have two good oars in my hand,
one of which is the Cardinal's dignity,
and the other the Archiepiscopal. I amnot willing to break them; and all I haveto do now is to support myself."
At the same time I had other
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disquietings of a more private nature.Mademoiselle de Chevreuse fell in love
ith my rival, the Abbe Fouquet. Little
De Roye, who was a very, pretty German lass at her house, informed meof it, and made me amends for the
infidelity of the mistress, whose choice,to tell you the truth, did not mortify memuch, because she had nothing butbeauty, which cloys when it comesalone. She cared for nobody besideshim she loved; but as she was neverlong in love, so neither was it long that
she was in good temper. She used hercast-off lovers as she did her oldclothes, which other women lay aside,
but she burnt, so that her daughtershad much ado to save a petticoat, head-
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dress, gloves, or Venice point. And Iverily believe that if she could havecommitted her lovers to the flames
hen she left them off, she would havedone it with all her heart. Madame hermother, who endeavoured to set her at
variance with me when she wasresolved to unite herself entirely withthe Court, could not succeed, thoughshe went so far that Madame deGuemenee caused a letter to be read toher in my handwriting, whereby Idevoted myself body and soul to her,
as witches give themselves to the devil.
It was at that time that Madame de
Chevreuse, seeing herself neglected atParis, resolved to retire to Dampierre,
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here, depending upon what had beentold her from Court, she hoped to be
ell received. I gave vent to my passion,
hich, in truth, was not very great, toMademoiselle de Chevreuse, and I took care to have both the mother and
daughter accompanied out of Paris,quite to Dampierre, by all the nobility and gentlemen I had with me.
I cannot finish this slight sketch of thecondition I was in at Paris withoutacknowledging the debt I owe to the
generosity of the Prince de Conde,ho, finding that a person was come
from the Prince de Conti, at Bordeaux,
ith a design to attack me, told himthat he would have him hanged if he
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did not go back to his master in twohours' time.
Marigny told me, almost at the sametime, that, observing the Prince deConde to be very intent upon reading a
book, he took the liberty to tell himthat it must needs be a very choice one,because he took such delight in it; andthat the Prince answered him, "It is trueI am very fond of it, for it shows memy faults, which nobody has thecourage to tell me." This book was
entitled "The Right and False Steps of the Prince de Conde and of theCardinal de Retz."
There were divers negotiations between
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the parties, during which Mazarin gavehimself the pleasure of letting thepublic see MM. de Rohan, de Chavigni,
and de Goulas conferring with him,before the King as well as in private, atthat very instant when the Duc
d'Orleans and the Prince de Conde saidpublicly, in the assembly of theChambers, that it ought to be thepreliminary of all treaties to havenothing to do with Mazarin. He acted aperfect comedy in their presence,pretending to be forcibly detained by
the King, whom he begged with foldedhands to let him return to Italy.
On the 30th of April there was so greata murmuring in Parliament that the
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Duc d'Orleans said they should neversee him there again until the Cardinal
as gone.
On the 6th of May the remonstrancesof the Parliament and the Chamber of
Accounts were carried to the King by alarge deputation, as were, on the 7th,those of the Court of Aids and thecity. The King's answer to both was thathe would cause his troops to retire
hen those of the Princes were gone.
On the 10th it was resolved that theKing's Council should be sent to SaintGermain for a further answer touching
the removal of Cardinal Mazarin fromthe Court and kingdom, and the armies
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from the neighbourhood of Paris.
On the 14th there was a great uproar
again in the Parliament, where thereas a confused clamour for taking into
consideration the best means for
hindering the riots and disorders daily committed in the city and in the hall of the Palace; upon which the Ducd'Orleans, who was afraid that underthis pretence the Mazarinists shouldmake the House take some stepscontrary to their interests, came to the
Palace on a sudden, and proposed thatthey should grant him full power.
The 29th being the day that thedeputies of the Court of Inquiry
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desired the Parliament to consider theays and means for raising the 150,000
livres promised to him who should
bring Cardinal Mazarin to justice, andthe Archbishop's Grand Vicar coming up at that moment to the bar of the
King's Council to confer about thedescent of the shrine of SainteGenevieve, a member said, very pleasantly, "We are this day engaged indevotion for a double festival: we areappointing processions, and contriving how to murder a Cardinal."
On the 20th of June the King's answerto the Parliament's remonstrances was
reported in substance as follows: Thatthough his Majesty was sensible that
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the demand for the removal of Cardinal Mazarin was but a pretence,yet, he was willing to grant it after
ustice was done to the Cardinal'shonour by such reparations as were dueto his innocence, provided the Princes
ould give him good security for theperformance of their proposals uponthe removal of the said Cardinal. Thattherefore his Majesty, desired to know:1. Whether, in this case, they willrenounce all leagues and associations
ith foreign princes 2. Whether they
ill not form new pretensions 3.hether they will come to Court 4.hether they will dismiss all the
foreigners that are in the kingdom 5.hether they will disband their forces
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6. Whether Bordeaux will return to itsduty, as well as the Prince de Conti andMadame de Longueville 7. Whether the
places which the Prince de Conde hasfortified shall be put into the conditionthey were in before the breach
The Duc d'Orleans, provoked at thesepropositions, said that a Son of Franceand a Prince of the blood were neverknown to have been treated likecommon criminals, and that thedeclaration which both had made was
more than sufficient to satisfy theCourt.
On the 21st it was moved in Parliamentthat an inventory should be taken of
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hat remained of Mazarin's furniture.There having been in the morning agreat commotion at the Palace, when
the President and some others had runa risk of being killed by the mob, M. deBeaufort invited his friends to meet
him in the afternoon in the PalaisRoyal, and having got together four orfive thousand beggars, he haranguedthem as to the obedience which they owed to the Parliament. But two orthree days after this fine sermon of his,the sedition was more violent than ever.
On the 25th the Princes declared inParliament that, as soon as the Cardinal
had departed the kingdom, they wouldfaithfully execute all the articles
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contained in the King's answer, andimmediately send deputies to completethe rest.
On the 4th of July a mob assembled,ho forced all that went by to put a
handful of straw in their hats, uponhich the Duc d'Orleans and the
Prince de Conde went to the Hotel deVille and convinced the assembly of the necessity they were under of defending themselves against Mazarin.Upon a trumpeter arriving from his
Majesty with orders to adjourn theassembly for a week, the people weremuch incensed, and called out to the
citizens to unite strictly with thePrinces. They fell upon the first thing
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they met in their way, threw stones intothe windows of the Hotel de Ville, setfire to its gates, and, entering with
drawn swords, murdered M. Le Gras,the Master of Requests, and the Masterof Accounts, and twenty or thirty
citizens perished in the tumult. Thereas a general consternation all over the
city; all the shops were shut in aninstant, and in some parts they set upbarricades to stop the rioters, who hadalmost overrun the whole town. It wasobserved that the appearance of the
Duchesse de Beaufort prevailed moreith the mob in causing them to
disperse than the exposing of the Host
by the cure of St. John's.
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The late riot had such an effect on theParliament that the President Mortierand many of the councillors kept away
from the public assemblies for fear,notwithstanding they were enjoined, by a special decree, to come and take their
places. The magistrates, for the samereason, did not go to the Hotel de Ville.
On the 18th the deputies of Parliamentbeing ordered to follow the King toPontoise, the House passed a decree fortheir immediate return to Parliament,
and the Prince de Conde and the Dukede Beaufort brought them into town
ith twelve hundred horse.
The Court in the meantime passed
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decrees of Council, annulling those of the Parliament and the transactions of the assembly at the Hotel de Ville.
On the 20th the Parliament declared by a decree that, the King being prisoner
to Cardinal Mazarin, the Duc d'Orleansshould be desired to take upon him theoffice of Lieutenant-General of hisMajesty, and the Prince to take uponhim the command of the army as long as Mazarin should continue in thekingdom, and that a copy of the said
decree should be sent to all theParliaments of the kingdom, whoshould be desired to publish the like;
but not one complied, except that of Bordeaux. Nor was the Duke better
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obeyed by the several governors of theprovinces, for but one vouchsafed himan answer when he acquainted them
ith his new dignity, the Court having put them in mind of their duty by anorder of Council, published to annul
that of the Parliament for establishing the said lieutenancy; and in Paris itself the Duke's authority was despised, fortwo wretches having been condemnedfor setting fire to the Hotel de Ville, thecitizens who were ordered to takecharge of the execution refused to
obey.
On the 24th it was ordered that a
general assembly should be held at theHotel de Ville, to consider the ways and
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means to raise money for supporting the troops, and that the statues atMazarin's palace should be sold to
make up the sum set upon theCardinal's head.
On the 29th it was resolved in theHotel de Ville to raise 800,000 livresfor augmenting his Royal Highness'stroops, and to exhort all the greattowns of the kingdom to unite withthe metropolis.
On the 6th of August the King sent adeclaration signifying the removal of the Parliament to Pontoise. There was a
great commotion in the House, whoagreed not to register it till the Cardinal
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had left the kingdom. As for theParliament of Pontoise, whichconsisted of but fourteen officers, with
three Presidents at their head, who hada little before retired in disguise fromParis, they made remonstrances likewise
to the King for removing CardinalMazarin. The King granted what wasdesired of him, and that upon thesolicitations of that honest,disinterested minister, who withdrew from Court to Bouillon. This comedy,so unworthy the dignity of a king, was
accompanied with circumstances thatrendered it still more ridiculous: Thetwo Parliaments fulminated severe
decrees against one another, and thatof Paris made an order that whosoever
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sat in the assembly at Pontoise shouldbe struck off the register.
At the same time that of Pontoiseregistered the King's declaration, whichcontained an injunction to the
Parliament of Paris, the Chamber of Accounts, and the Court of Aids, that,since Cardinal Mazarin was removed,they should now lay down their armson condition that his Majesty wouldgrant an amnesty, remove his troopsfrom about Paris, withdraw those that
ere in Guienne, allow a free and safepassage to the Spanish troops, and givethe Princes permission to send to his
Majesty persons to confer with hisministers concerning what remained to
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be adjusted. This same Parliamentresolved to return their thanks to hisMajesty for removing Cardinal Mazarin,
and most humbly to entreat the King toreturn to his good city of Paris.
On the 26th they also registered theKing's amnesty, or royal pardon,granted to all that had taken up armsagainst him, but with such restrictionsthat very few could think themselvessafe by it.
The King acquainted the Duc d'Orleansthat he wondered that, since Mazarin
as removed, he should delay,
according to his own declaration andpromise, to lay down his arms, to
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renounce all associations and treaties,and to cause the foreign troops to
ithdraw; and that when this was done,
those deputies that should come to hisMajesty from him should be very
elcome.
On the 3d of September the Parliamentresolved that their deputies should waitupon the King with their thanks forremoving Cardinal Mazarin, and tobeseech his Majesty to return to Paris;that the Duc d'Orleans and the Prince
de Conde should be desired to write tothe King and assure him they would lay down their arms as soon as his Majesty
ould be pleased to send the passportsfor the safe retreat of the foreigners,
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together with an amnesty in due form,registered in all the Parliaments of thekingdom; and that his Majesty should
be petitioned to receive the deputies of the Princes.
Pray indulge me with a short pausehere to consider the scandalous arts
hich ministers palliate with the nameand sacred word of a great King, and
ith which the most august Parliamentof the kingdom the Court of Peersexpose themselves to ridicule by such
manifest inconsistencies as are morebecoming the levity of a college thanthe majesty of a senate. In short,
persons are not sensible of what they do in these State paroxysms, which
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savour somewhat of frenzy. I knew inthose days some very honest men, who
ere so fully satisfied of the justice of
the cause of the Princes that, uponoccasion, they would have laid downtheir lives for it; and I also knew some
eminently virtuous and disinterestedmen who would as gladly have beenmartyrs for the Court. The ambition of great men manages such dispositionsust as it suits their own interests; they help to blind the rest of mankind, andthey even become blinder themselves
than other people.
Honest M. de Fontenay, who had been
twice ambassador at Rome, a man of great experience and good sense and a
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hearty well-wisher to his country, daily condoled with me on the lethargy into
hich the intestine divisions had lulled
the best citizens and patriots. We saw the Spanish colours and standardsdisplayed upon the Pont-Neuf; the
yellow sashes of Lorraine appeared atParis with the same liberty as theIsabelles and blue ones. People were soaccustomed to these spectacles and tothe news of provinces, towns, andbattles lost, that they were becomeinsolent and stupid. Several of my
friends blamed my inactivity, anddesired me to bestir myself. They bidme save the kingdom, save the city, or
else I should fall from the greatest loveto the greatest hatred of the people.
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The Frondeurs suspected me of favouring Mazarin's party, and theMazarins thought I was too partial to
the Frondeurs.
I was touched to the quick with a
pathetic speech made to me by M. deFontenay. "You see," said he, "thatMazarin, like a Jack-in-the-bog, plays atBo-peep; but you see that, whether heappears or disappears, the wire by
hich the puppet is drawn on or off the stage is the royal authority, which is
not likely to be broken by the measuresnow on foot. Abundance of those thatappear to be his greatest opponents
ould be very sorry to see himcrushed; many others would be very
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glad to see him get off; not oneendeavours to ruin him entirely. Youmay get clear of the difficulty that
embarrasses you by a door whichopens into a field of honour andliberty. Paris, whose archbishop you are,
groans under a heavy load. TheParliament there is but a mere phantom,and the Hotel de Ville a desert. TheDuc d'Orleans and the Prince have nomore authority than what the rascally mob is pleased to allow them. TheSpaniards, Germans, and Lorrainers are
in the suburbs laying waste the very gardens. You that have rescued themmore than once, and are their pastor,
have been forced to keep guards inyour own house for three weeks. And
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you know that at this day your friendsare under great apprehension if they see you in the streets without arms. Do
you count it a slight thing to put an endto all these miseries And will youneglect the only opportunity
Providence puts a into your hands toobtain the honour of it Take yourclergy with you to Compiegne, thank the King for removing Mazarin, andbeg his Majesty to return to Paris. Keepup a good correspondence with thosebodies who have no other design but
the common good, who are already almost all your particular friends, and
ho look upon you as their head by
reason of your dignity. And if the King actually returns to the city, the people
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of Paris will be obliged to you for it; if you meet with a refusal, you will havestill their acknowledgments for your
good intention. If you can get the Ducd'Orleans to join with you, you willsave the realm; for I am persuaded that
if he knew how to act his part in thisuncture it would be in his power tobring the King back to Paris and toprevent Mazarin ever returning again.
ou are a cardinal; you are Archbishopof Paris; you have the good-will of thepublic, and are but thirty-seven years
old: Save the city, save the kingdom."
In short, the Duc d'Orleans approved
of my scheme, and ordered me toconvene a general assembly of the
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ecclesiastical communities, and to getdeputies chosen out of them all, andgo with them to Court, there to present
the deputation, which should requestthe King to give peace to his peopleand return to his good city of Paris. I
as also to endeavour by the aid of my friends to induce the other corporatebodies of the city to do likewise. I wasto tell the Queen that she could not butbe sensible that the Duke was in goodearnest for peace, which the publicengagements he was under to oppose
Mazarin had not suffered him toconclude, or even to propose, while theCardinal continued at Court; that he
renounced all private views andinterests with relation to himself or
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friends; that he desired nothing but thesecurity of the public; and that after hehad the satisfaction of seeing the King
at the Louvre he would then with joy retire to Blois, fully resolved to live inpeace and prepare for eternity.
I set out immediately with the deputiesof all the ecclesiastical bodies of Paris,nearly two hundred gentlemen,accompanied by fifty men of theDuke's Guards. The number of my attendants gave such umbrage at Court,
here it was ridiculously exaggerated,that the Queen sent me word I shouldonly have accommodation for eighty
horses, whereas I had no less than onehundred and twelve for the coaches
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alone. If I had known as much when Ient as I heard after I returned, I
should have hesitated about going, for
I was told that some moved forarresting me, and others for killing me.However, the Queen received me very
ell; the King gave me the cardinal'shat and a public audience.
I told the Queen, in a private audience,that I was not come only as a deputy from the Church of Paris, but that Ihad another commission which I
valued much more, because I took it tobe more for her service than the other,that of an envoy from the Duc
d'Orleans, who had charged me toassure her Majesty that he was resolved
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to serve her effectually and withoutdelay, as he had promised by a noteunder his own hand, which I then
pulled out of my pocket. The Queenexpressed a great deal of joy, and said,"I knew very well, M. le Cardinal, that
you would at last give some particularmarks of your affection for me."
The Queen told me that she thankedthe Duke, and was very much obligedto him; that she hoped and desired he
ould contribute towards making the
necessary dispositions for the King'sreturn to Paris, and that she would nottake one step but in concert with him.
At the same time I heard that theQueen spoke disdainfully of me,
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hom she dreaded, to my enemies atCourt; pretended that I had ownedMazarin was an honest man, and
ridiculed me for the expense I had putmyself to on the journey, which,indeed, was immense for so short a
time, because I kept seven open tables,and spent 800 crowns a day.
hen I returned to Paris I was receivedith incredible applause. The King also
came thither on the 21st of October,and was welcomed by the acclamations
of the people. The Queen received meith wonderful respect, and bade the
King embrace me, as one to whom he
chiefly owed his return to Paris; butorders were sent to the Duc d'Orleans
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to retire next morning to Limours.
hen I went to see him, he was panic-
struck, and imagined it was only a feintto try his temper. He was in aninconceivable agony, and fancied that
every musket which was let off by way of rejoicing for his Majesty's return wasfired by the soldiers coming to investhis palace. Every messenger that he sentout brought him word that all wasquiet, but he would believe nobody,and looked continually out of the
indow to hear if the drums werebeating the march. At last he took courage to ask me if I was firm to him,
and after I had assured him of my fidelity he desired that, as a proof of
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my attachment and affection for him, Iould be reconciled to M. de Beaufort.
"With all my heart," said I. Whereupon
he embraced me, then opened thegallery door by his bedchamber, andout came M. de Beaufort, who threw
himself about my neck, and said, "Pray ask his Royal Highness what I havebeen saying to him concerning you. Iknow who are honest men. Come on,monsieur, let us drive all the Mazarinsaway for good and all." Heendeavoured to show both the
necessity and the possibility of it, andadvised the raising of barricades nextmorning, by break of day, in the
market-places.
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The Duc d'Orleans turned to me andsaid, as they do in Parliament, "Youropinion, M. Dean." I replied: "If I
must give it as Dean, there never wasmore occasion for the forty hours'prayers than now. I myself stand in
need of them more than anybody,because I can give no advice but whatmust appear very cruel and be attended
ith horrid inconveniences. If I shouldadvise you to put up with the injurioustreatment you undergo, will not thepublic, who always make the worst of
everything, have a handle to say I betray your interest, and that my advice wasbut a necessary consequence of all
those obstacles I threw in the Princes'ay And if I give it as my opinion that
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your Royal Highness should follow themeasures which M. de Beaufortproposes, shall I not be accounted one
ho blows hot and cold in a breathho is for peace when he thinks to
gain his advantages by the treaty, but
for war when he is not permitted tonegotiate one who is for destroying Paris with fire and sword, and forcarrying the flames to the gates of theLouvre by attacking the very person of the King If you obey, you will beresponsible to the public for all it may
suffer afterwards. I am no competentudge of what it may suffer inparticular; for who can foresee events
depending on the caprices of acardinal, on the stormings of Ondedei,
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the impertinence of the Abbe Fouquet,and the violence of Servien But you
ill have to answer for all, because the
public will be persuaded that you mighthave prevented it. If you do not obey,you may go near to overturn the
realm."
Here the Duke interrupted me eagerly,and said, "This is not to the purpose;the question is whether I am in acondition, that is, if it is in my power,to disobey."
"I believe so," I said; "for I do not seehow the Court can oblige you to obey,
unless the King himself should marchto Luxembourg, which would be a
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matter of great importance."
"Nay," said M. de Beaufort, "it would
be impossible."
I then perceived that the Duke began to
think so too, for it fitted his humour, ashe could not endure taking any pains,and, upon this supposition, resolved tostay at home with his arms folded. Isaid:
"You are able to do anything to-night
and tomorrow morning, but I cannotanswer how it may be in the evening."
M. de Beaufort, who thought that I wasgoing to argue for the offensive, fell in
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roundly with me to second me; but Istopped him short by telling him hemistook my meaning.
"I shall never presume," said I, "to giveadvice in the condition things are now
in. The Duke himself must decide, andeven propose, too, and it is ourbusiness to perform his commands."
Then he said, "If I should resolve tobrave it out, will you declare for me "
"Yes," I said, "it is what I ought in duty to do. I am attached to your service, in
hich I shall certainly not be wanting,
and you need only to command me.But I am very much grieved that,
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considering the present state of affairs,an honest man cannot act the honestpart, do what he may."
The Duke, who was by nature good,but not very tender, could not help
being moved at what I said; the tearscame into his eyes, he embraced me,and asked me if I thought he couldsecure the King's person. I told himthat nothing was more impossible. Ifound at length that he was inclined toobey, but he bade us keep our friends
together in readiness, and to be withhim at break of day. However, he setout for Limours an hour sooner than
he had told us, and left word that hehad his reasons for so doing, which we
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should know another day, advising us,if possible, to make our peace with theCourt.
On the 22d the King held his Bed of ustice, at the Louvre, where he
published the amnesty, as also an orderfor reestablishing the Parliament atParis, in which there was a clauseforbidding them to meddle with Stateaffairs. At the same time he caused adeclaration to be published ordering MM. de Beaufort, Rohan, Viole, de
Thou, Broussel, Portail, Bitaud, Croissi,Machaut, Fleury, Martineau, andPerraut to depart the city.
The Court now began to offer me
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terms of reconciliation. I was desirousthat as many of my friends as possibleshould be included; but Caumartin,
ho was in the secret of affairs, toldme there were no hopes of procuring any advantages for particular persons;
that all that could be done was to savethe ship for another voyage, and thatthis ship, which was myself, could besaved in no other way, in the conditioninto which our affairs were fallen by theDuc d'Orleans's want of resolution,but by launching out into the main, and
steering towards Rome. "You stand,"said he, "as it were, on the point of aneedle, and if the Court knew their
strength they would rout you as they dothe rest; your courage gives you an air
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that both deceives and disquiets them.Make use of the present opportunity for obtaining what may be serviceable
to you in your employ at Rome, for theCourt will deny you nothing."
Montresor, hearing of it, said to meafterwards, with an oath, "He is a villain
ho says your Eminence can makeyour peace honourably without making terms for your friends; he who affirmsthe contrary does it for his own privateends." Therefore I refused the offers
made me by Servien, which were thatthe King would resign his affairs inItaly to my care, and allow me a
pension of 50,000 crowns; that Ishould have 100,000 crowns towards
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paying off my debts, and 50,000 inhand towards furniture; that I shouldcontinue three years at Rome, and then
return to resume my functions at Paris.
The Princess Palatine told me I ought
either to accept or else treat with theCardinal, since all the subalterns wereagainst me. Madame de Lesdiguieresadvised me to preserve my equanimity and keep within doors, adding that theCardinal, who was impatient to returnto Paris, but durst not as long as I
stayed, would make me a bridge of gold to go out and agree to whatever Idemanded. Accordingly, I sent my
proposals to the Cardinal, who wasthen lurking in Turenne's army upon
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the frontiers, and desired such and suchposts for my friends. Meantime Servienand the Abbe Fouquet endeavoured to
exasperate the Queen by telling her thatI was continually caballing with theannuitants and officers of the militia;
and because I refused to go toParliament, in obedience to the King'sorders, when he held his Court of ustice there to register the declaration
of high treason against the Prince deConde, the Queen was made to believethat I was intriguing for the Prince, and
therefore resolved to ruin me, cost whatit would. One officer posted men in ahouse near Madame de Pommereux's,
to attack me; another was employed toget intelligence at what time of night I
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as in the habit of visiting her; a thirdhad an order, signed by the King, toattack me in the street and bring me off
dead or alive. An unknown personadvised me not to go that day toRambouillet; but I went with two
hundred gentlemen, and found a greatmany officers of the Guards, who,
hatever were their orders, were in nocondition to attack me, and received me
ith reverence; but I blamed myself forit afterwards, because it only tended toincense the Court the more against me.
Upon All Saints' Day I preached atSaint Germain, which is the King's
parish, where their Majesties did me thehonour to be present, for which I went
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next day to return them thanks; butfinding that the cautions sent me fromall quarters multiplied very fast, I did
not go to the Louvre till the 19th of December, when I was arrested in theQueen's antechamber by the captain of
the Guards then in waiting, who carriedme into an apartment where theofficers of the kitchen brought medinner, of which I ate heartily, to themortification of the base courtiers,though I did not take it kindly to seemy pockets turned inside out as if I
had been a cutpurse. This ceremony,hich is not common, was performed
by the captain; but he found nothing
except a letter from the King of England, desiring me to try if the
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Court of Rome would assist him withmoney. When this letter came to betalked of, it was maliciously reported
that it came from the Protector. I wascarried in one of the King's coaches,under guard, to Vincennes. As we
passed we found at several of the gatesa battalion of Swiss with their pikespresented towards the city, whereeverybody was quiet, though theirsorrow and consternation were visibleenough. I was afterwards informed,however, that all the butchers in the
veal market were going to take up arms,and that they might have madebarricades there with all the ease in the
orld, only they were restrained for fearthat I should have paid for their tumult
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ith the loss of my life; so that theomen remained in tears, and the men
stood stock-still in a fright. I was
confined at Vincennes for a fortnighttogether, in a room as big as a church,
ithout any firing. My guards pilfered
my linen, apparel, shoes, etc., so thatsometimes I was forced to lie in bed fora week or ten days together for want of clothes to dress myself. I could not butthink that such treatment had beenordered by the higher powers onpurpose to break my heart; but I
resolved not to die that way, andthough my guard said all he could tovex me, I affected to take no notice.
The influence of the clergy of Paris
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obliged the Court to explain itself concerning the causes of my imprisonment, by the mouth of the
Chancellor, who, in the presence of theKing and Queen, acquainted them thathis Majesty had caused me to be
arrested for my own good, and toprevent me from putting something that I designed into execution. Thechapter of Notre-Dame had an anthemsung every day for my deliverance. TheSorbonne and many of the a religiousorders distinguished themselves by
declaring for me. This general stirobliged the Court to treat mesomewhat better than at first. They let
me have a limited number of books,but no ink and paper, and they allowed
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me a 'valet de chambre' and a physician.
During my confinement at Vincennes,
hich lasted fifteen months, I studiedboth day and night, especially the Latintongue, on which I perceive one cannot
bestow too much pains, since it takes inall other studies. I dived into the Greek also, and read again the ninth decadeof Livy, which I had formerly delightedin, and found as pleasant as ever. Icomposed, in imitation of Boetius, atreatise, which I entitled "Consolation
de la Theologie," in which I provedthat every prisoner ought to endeavourto be 'vinctus in Christo' (in the bonds
of Christ), mentioned by Saint Paul. Ialso compiled "Partus Vincennarum,"
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hich was a collection of the Acts of the Church of Milan for the use of theChurch of Paris.
My guard omitted nothing he couldinvent to make my life uneasy and
disturb my studies. One day he cameand told me that he had received ordersfrom the King to give me an airing onthe top of the donjon; and when heperceived that I took a pleasure in
alking there, he informed me, with joy in his looks, that he had orders to the
contrary. I told him that they werecome in good time, for the air, which
as too sharp there, had made my head
ache. Afterwards he offered to take medown into the tennis-court to see my
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guards at play. I desired him to excuseme, because I thought the air would betoo piercing for me; but he made me
go, telling me that the King, who took more care of my health than I fancied,had ordered that he should give me
some exercise. Soon after he desired meto excuse him for not bringing medown again, "for reasons," said he,"which I must not tell." The truth was,I was so much above these chicaneriesthat I despised them; but I must ownthat I used to think within myself that,
in the main, to be a prisoner of Stateas of all others the most afflicting. All
the relaxation I had from my studies
as to divert myself with some rabbitson the top of the donjon, and some
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pigeons in the turrets, for which I wasindebted to the continual solicitationsof the Church of Paris. I had not been
a prisoner above nine days when oneof my guards, while his comrade who
atched me was asleep, came and
slipped a note into my hand fromMadame de Pommereux, in which wereonly these words: "Let me have youranswer; you may safely trust the bearer."The bearer gave me a pencil and a pieceof paper, on which I wrote that I hadreceived her letter.
Notwithstanding that three sergeantsand twenty-four Life-guards relieved
one another every day, ourcorrespondence was not interrupted.
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Madame de Pommereux, M. deCaumartin, and M. de Raqueville wroteme letters twice a week constantly
about the means to effect my escape,hich I attempted twice, but in vain.
The Abbe Charier, who set out forRome the day after I was arrested,found Pope Innocent incensed to thehighest degree, and ready to throw histhunder upon the heads of the authorsof it. He spoke of it to the FrenchAmbassador with great resentment, and
sent the Archbishop of Avignon, withthe title of Nuncio Extraordinary, onpurpose to solicit my release. The King
as in a fury, and forebade the Nuncioto pass Lyons. The Pope told the Abbe
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Charier that he was afraid to expose hisand the Church's authority to the fury of a madman, and said, "Give me but
an army, and I will furnish you with alegate." It was a difficult matter indeedto get him that army, but not
impossible, if those that should havestood my friends had not left me in thelurch.
In the meantime Noirmoutier andBussi Lamet wrote a letter to Mazarin,declaring they could not help
proceeding to extremities if I weredetained any longer in prison. ThePrince de Conde declared he would do
anything, without exception, which my friends desired, for my liberty, and
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offered to march all the Spanish forcesto their assistance; but the misfortune
as that there was nobody to form the
proper schemes; and Noirmoutier, whoas the most enterprising man of them
all, was hindered from action by
Madame de Chevreuse and De Laigues,ho, the Cardinal said, would be
accountable for the actions of theirfriends, and that if they fired onepistol-shot they must expect what
ould follow. Therefore Noirmoutieras glad to elude all the propositions
of the Prince de Conde, and to becontent with only writing and speaking in my favour, and firing the cannon at
the drinking of my health.
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M. de Pradello, who commanded theFrench and Swiss Guards in the castle,came one day to tell me of the happy
return of Cardinal Mazarin to Paris,and of his magnificent reception at theHotel de Ville; and he informed me
that the Cardinal had sent him to assureme of his most humble services, and tobeg of me to be persuaded that he
ould forget nothing that might be formy service. I made as if I did not heedthe compliment, and was for talking of something else; but as he pressed me
for a direct answer, I told him that Ishould have been ready at the first
ord to show him my
acknowledgments were I not persuadedthat the duty of a prisoner to the King
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did not permit him to explain himself in anything relating to his release, till hisMajesty had been graciously pleased to
grant it him. He understood my meaning, and endeavoured to persuademe to return a more civil answer to the
Cardinal, which I declined to do.
The Cardinal was so pestered withcomplaints from Rome, and sodisturbed with the discontent whichprevailed in Poitou and Paris, onaccount of my imprisonment, that he
sent me an offer of my liberty and greatadvantages, on condition that I wouldresign the coadjutorship of Paris.
The solicitations of the chapter of
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Notre-Dame prevailed on the Court toconsent that one of their body mightbe always with me, who, though he
came gladly for my sake, fell into a deepmelancholy. He could not, however, beprevailed upon to go out; and being
soon after seized with a fever, he cut hisown throat. My uncle dying soon after,possession was taken of thearchbishopric in my name by my proxy,and Tellier, who was sent to Notre-Dame Church to oppose it on the partof the King, was mortified with the
thunder of my bulls from Rome. Thepeople were surprised to see all theformalities observed to a nicety, at a
uncture when they thought there wasno possibility of observing one. The
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cures waxed warmer than ever, and my friends fanned the flame. The Nuncio,thinking himself slighted by the Court,
spoke in dignified terms, andthreatened his censures. A little book
as published, showing the necessity
of shutting up the churches, whicharoused the Cardinal's apprehensions,and his apprehensions naturally led himinto negotiation. He amused me withhundreds of fine prospects of churchlivings, governments, etc., and of being restored to the good graces of the King
and to the strictest friendship with hisPrime Minister.
I had more liberty than before. They always carried me up to the top of the
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donjon whenever it was fair overhead;but my friends, who did not doubt thatall the Court wanted was to get some
expression from me of my inclinationto resign, in order to discredit me withthe public, charged me to guard warily
my words, which advice I followed; sothat when a captain of the Guardscame from the King to discourse withme upon this head, who, by Mazarin'sdirection, talked to me more like acaptain of the Janissaries than like anofficer of the most Christian King, I
desired leave to give him my answer inriting, expressing my contempt for all
threats and promises, and an inviolable
resolution not to give up thearchbishopric of Paris.
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Next day President Bellievre came tome on the part of the King, with an
offer of seven abbeys, provided Iould quit my archbishopric; but he
opened his mind to me with entire
freedom, and said he could not butthink what a fool the Sicilian was tosend him on such an errand. "Most of your friends," said Bellievre, "think thatyou need only to stand out resolutely,and that the Court will be glad to setyou at liberty and send you to Rome;
but it is a horrid mistake, for the Courtill be satisfied with nothing but your
resignation. When I say the Court, I
mean Mazarin; for the Queen will notbear the thought of giving you your
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liberty. The chief thing that determinesMazarin to think of your liberty is hisfear of the Nuncio, the chapter, the
cures, and the people. But I dare affirmthat the Nuncio will threaten mightily,but do nothing; the chapter may
perhaps make remonstrances, but to nopurpose; the cures will preach, and thatis all; the people will clamour, but takeup no arms. The consequence will beyour removal to Brest or Havre-de-Grace, and leaving you in the hands of your enemies, who will use you as they
please. I know that Mazarin is notbloodthirsty, but I tremble to think of
hat Noailles has told you, that they
are resolved to make haste and takesuch methods as other States have
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furnished examples of. You may,perhaps, infer from my remarks that I
ould have you resign. By no means. I
have come to tell you that if you resignyou will do a dishonourable thing, andthat it behooves you on this occasion
to answer the great expectation theorld is now in on your account, even
to the hazarding of your life, and of your liberty, which I am persuaded youvalue more than life itself. Now is thetime for you to put forward more thanever those maxims for which we have
so much combated you: 'I dread nopoison nor sword! Nothing can hurtme but what is within me! It matters
not where one dies!' Thus you ought toanswer those who speak to you about
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your resignation."
I was carried from Vincennes, under
guard, to Nantes, where I hadnumerous visits and diversions, and
as entertained with a comedy almost
every night, and the company of theladies, particularly the charming Mademoiselle de La Vergne, who ingood truth did not approve of me,either because she had no inclinationfor me, or else because her friends hadset her against me by telling her of my
inconstancy and different amours. Iendured her cruelty with my naturalindifference, and the full liberty
Marechal de La Meilleraye allowed meith the city ladies gave me abundance
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of comfort; nevertheless I was keptunder a very strict guard. As I hadstipulated with Mazarin that I should
have my liberty on condition that Iould resign my archbishopric at
Vincennes, which I knew would not be
valid, I was surprised to hear that thePope refused to ratify it; because,though it would not have made my resignation a jot more binding, yet it
ould have procured my liberty. Iproposed expedients to the Holy See by
hich the Court might do it with
honour, but the Pope was inflexible. Hethought it would damage his reputationto consent to a violence so injurious to
the whole Church, and said to my friends, who begged his consent with
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tears in their eyes, that he could neverconsent to a resignation extorted froma prisoner by force.
After several consultations with my friends how to make my escape, I
effected it on August the 8th, at fiveo'clock in the evening. I let myself down to the bottom of the bastion,
hich was forty feet high, with a rope,hile my valet de chambre treated the
guards with as much liquor as they could drink. Their attention, was,
moreover, taken up with looking at aacobin friar who happened to be
drowned as he was bathing. A sentinel,
seeing me, was taking up his musket tofire, but dropped it upon my
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threatening to have him hanged; and hesaid, upon examination, that hebelieved Marechal de La Meilleraye was
in concert with me. Two pages whoere washing themselves, saw me also,
and called out, but were not heard. My
four gentlemen waited for me at thebottom of the ravelin, on pretence of
atering their horses, so that I was onhorseback before the least notice wastaken; and, having forty fresh horsesplanted on the road, I might havereached Paris very soon if my horse
had not fallen and caused me to break my shoulder bone, the pain of which
as so extreme that I nearly fainted
several times. Not being able tocontinue my journey, I was lodged,
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ith only one of my gentlemen, in agreat haystack, while MM. de Brissacand Joly went straight to Beaupreau, to
assemble the nobility, there, in order torescue me. I lay hid there for over sevenhours in inexpressible misery, for the
pain from my injury threw me into afever, during which my thirst was muchaugmented by the smell of the new hay;but, though we were by a riverside, wedurst not venture out for water, becausethere was nobody to put the stack inorder again, which would very probabl
have occasioned suspicion and a searchin consequence. We heard nothing buthorsemen riding by, who, we were
afterwards informed, were Marechal deLa Meilleraye's scouts. About two
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o'clock in the morning I was fetchedout of the stack by a Parisian of quality sent by my friend De Brissac, and
carried on a hand-barrow to a barn,here I was again buried alive, as itere, in hay for seven or eight hours,
hen M. de Brisac and his lady came,ith fifteen or twenty horse, and
carried me to Beaupreau. From thencee proceeded, almost in eight of
Nantes, to Machecoul, in the country of Retz, after having had an encounter
ith some of Marechal de La
Meilleraye's guards, when we repulsedthem to the very barrier.
Marechal de La Meilleraye was soamazed at my escape that he threatened
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to destroy the whole country with fireand sword, for which reason I was anunwelcome guest to Madame de Retz
and her father, who rallied me very uncharitably on my disobedience to theKing. We therefore thought fit to leave
the country, and went aboard a ship forBelle Isle, whence, after a very shortstay there, we escaped to San Sebastian.
Upon my arrival there I sent a letter tothe King of Spain requesting leave topass through his dominions to Rome.
The messenger was received at Courtith civilities beyond expression, and
sent back next day with the present of a
gold chain worth 800 crowns. I hadalso one of the King's litters sent me,
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and an invitation to go to Madrid, but Idesired to be excused; and though Ialso refused immense offers if I would
but go to Flanders and treat with thePrince de Conde, etc., for the service of Spain, yet I had a velvet coffer sent me
ith 40,000 crowns in it, which Ilikewise thought fit to refuse. As I hadneither linen nor apparel, either formyself or servants, and as the 400crowns which we got by the sale of pilchards on board the barque in which
e came from Belle Isle were almost all
spent, I borrowed 400 crowns of theBaron de Vateville, who commandedfor the King of Spain in Guipuzcoa,
and faithfully repaid him.
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From San Sebastian I travelledincognito to Tudela, where I was metby the King's mule drivers and waited
on by the alcade, who left his wand atmy chamber door and at his, entranceknelt and kissed the hem of my
garment. From thence I was conductedto Comes by fifty musketeers riding upon asses, who were sent me by theGovernor of Navarre. At Saragossa I
as taken for the King of England,and a large number of ladies, in overtwo hundred carriages, came to pay me
their respects. Thence I proceeded toVivaros, where I had rich presents fromthe Governor of Valencia. And thence
I sailed to Majorca, whose Governormet me with above one hundred
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coaches of the Spanish nobility, andcarried me to mass at the Cathedral,
here I saw thirty or forty ladies of
quality of more than common charms;and, to speak the truth, the womenthere in general are of rare beauty,
having a graceful tincture both of thelily and the rose, and wear a head-dress
hich is exceedingly pretty. TheGovernor, after having treated me witha magnificent dinner under a tent of gold brocade near the seaside, carriedme to a concert of music in a convent,
here I found the nuns not inferior inbeauty to the ladies of the town. TheGovernor carried me to see his lady,
ho was as ugly as a witch, and wasseated under a great canopy sparkling
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ith precious stones, which gave aonderful lustre to about sixty ladiesith her, who were the handsomest in
the whole town. I was reconducted onboard my galley with music and adischarge of the artillery, and sailed to
Port Mahon, and thence through theGulf of Lyons to the canal betweenCorsica and Sardinia, where our ship
as very nearly cast away upon asandbank; but with great difficulty wegot her off and reached PortoLongone. There we quitted the galley,
and went by land to Piombino.
BOOK V.
I travelled from Piombino to Florence,
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here I had great honours and vastoffers from the Grand Duke, thoughMazarin had threatened him, in the
King's name, with a rupture if hegranted me passage through hisdominions; but the Grand Duke sent
to desire the Cardinal to let him know hether there was any possibility of
refusing it without disobliging the Popeand the Sacred College. As I wastravelling through the Duke's country,my mules, being frightened by a clap of thunder, ran with my litter into a brook,
here I narrowly escaped being drowned.
As soon as I arrived at Rome the Popesent me 4,000 crowns in gold. I was
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immediately informed that a strong faction was formed there against me by the Court of France; that the Cardinal
d'Est, representative of that nation, hadterrible orders from the King; and thatthey were resolved to send me packing
from Rome, cost what it would. I hadmy old scruples upon me, and said I
ould die a thousand deaths ratherthan make resistance; but I thought it
ould be too disrespectful in a cardinalto come so near the Pope and to goaway without kissing his feet, and I
resolved to leave the rest to theprovidence of God.
The Pope having ordered his guards tobe ready, in case the French faction
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should offer to rise, the Cardinal d'Estas so good as to let me alone. His
Holiness gave me an audience of four
hours, condescended to beg my forgiveness for not having acted withmore vigour for my liberty; and said,
ith tears in his eyes: "God forgivethose who delayed to give me timely notice of your imprisonment, and whomade us believe that you had beenguilty, of an attempt upon the King'sperson. The Sacred College took fire atthe news; but the French Ambassador
being at liberty, to give out what hechose, because nobody, appeared hereon your part to contradict him, Mazarin
extinguished it, and half the SacredCollege thought you were abandoned
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by the whole kingdom." In short, thePope was so well disposed to me thathe thought of adopting me as his
nephew, but he sickened soon after anddied.
The conclave chose Cardinal Chigi(who was called Alexander VIII.) forhis successor, in whose election I hadsuch a share that when it came to my turn, at the adoration of the cardinals,to kiss his feet, he embraced me, saying,"Signor Cardinal de Retz, 'ecce opus
manuum tuarum'" ("Behold the work of your own hands"). I went homeaccompanied with one hundred and
twenty coaches of gentlemen, who didnot doubt that I should govern the
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Pontificate.
My friends in France, who commonly
udge of other nations by their own,imagined that a persecuted cardinalmight, nay, ought to live like a private
man even at Rome, and advised me notto spend much money, because my revenues in France were all seized, andsaid that such exemplary modesty
ould have an admirable effect uponthe clergy of Paris. But Cardinal Chigitalked after another manner: "When
you are reestablished in your see youmay live as you please, because you willbe in a country where everybody will
know what you are or are not able todo. You are now at Rome, where your
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enemies say every day that you have lostyour credit in France, and you areunder a necessity to make it appear that
hat they say is false. You are not ahermit, but a cardinal, and a cardinal,too, of the better rank. At Rome there
are many people who love to treadupon men when they are down. Dearsir, take care you do not fall, and do butconsider what a figure you will make inthe streets with six vergers attending you; otherwise every pitiful citizen of Paris that meets you will be apt to jostle
you, in order to make his court to theCardinal d'Est. You ought not to havecome to Rome if you had not had
resolution and the means to supportyour dignity. I presume you do not
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make it a point of Christian humility todebase yourself. And let me tell youthat I, the poor Cardinal Chigi, who
have but 5,000 crowns revenue, and amone of the poorest in the College, andthough I am sure to meet nobody in
the streets who will be wanting in therespect due to the purple, yet I cannotgo to my functions without fourcoaches in livery to attend me."
Therefore I hired a palace, kept a greattable, and entertained fourscore
persons in liveries. The Cardinal d'Est,the very day after the creation of thenew Pope, forbade all Frenchmen to
give me the way in the streets, andcharged the superiors of the French
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churches not to admit me. M. deLionne, who resided here as a sort of private secretary to Mazarin, was so
nettled because the new Pope hadgranted me the pallium for my archbishopric that he told him the King
ould never own me, insinuated thatthere would be a schism among theclergy of France, and that the Popemust expect to be excluded from thecongress for a general peace. This sofrightened his Holiness that he made amillion of mean excuses, and said, with
tears in his eyes, that I had imposedupon him, and that he would take thefirst opportunity to do the King justice.
Upon this M. de Lionne sent word tothe Cardinal that he hoped very shortly
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to acquaint him of my being prisonerin the Castle of Saint Angelo, and thatthe Cardinal would be no better off for
his Majesty's amnesty, because the Popesaid none but he could absolve orcondemn cardinals. Meantime all my
domestics who were subjects of theKing of France were ordered to quitmy service, on pain of being treated asrebels and traitors. I could have littlehope of protection from the Pope, forhe was become quite another man,never spoke one word of truth, and
continually amused himself with meretrifles, insomuch that one day heproposed a reward for whoever found
out a Latin word for "calash," andspent seven or eight days in examining
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hether "mosco" came from "muses,"or "musts" from "mosco." All his piety consisted in assuming a serious air at
church, in which, nevertheless, thereas a great mixture of pride, for he was
vain to the last degree, and envious of
everybody. The work entitled"Sindicato di Alexandro VII." gives anaccount of his luxury and of severalpasquinades against the said Pope,particularly that one day Marforioasking Pasquin what he had said to thecardinals upon his death-bed, Pasquin
answered, "Maxima de aeipso, plurimade parentibus, parva de principibus,turpia de cardinalibus, pauca de
Ecclesia, de Deo nihil." ("He said finethings of himself, a great many things
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of his kindred, some things of princes,nothing good of the cardinals, but littleof the Church, and nothing at all of
God"). His Holiness, in a consistory,laid claim to the merit of theconversion of Christina, Queen of
Sweden, though everybody knew to thecontrary, and that she had abjuredheresy a year and a half before shecame to Rome.
Having heard that Bussiere, who isChamberlain to the Ambassadors at
Rome, had declared I should not have aplace in Saint Louis's church on thefestival of that saint, I was not
discouraged from going thither. At my entrance he snatched the holy water
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stick from the cure just as he was going to sprinkle me; nevertheless, I took my place, and was resolved to keep up the
status and dignity of a French cardinal.This was my condition at Rome, whereit was my fate to be a refugee,
persecuted by my King and abused by the Pope. All my revenues were seized,and the French bankers forbidden toserve me; nay, those who had aninclination to assist me were forced topromise they would not. Two of theAbbe Fouquet's bastards were publicly
maintained out of my revenues, and nomeans were left untried to hinder thefarmers from relieving me, or my
creditors from harassing me withvexatious and expensive lawsuits.
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THE ETEXT EDITORSBOOKMARKS
Always judged of actions by men, andnever men by their actions Always tosacrifice the little affairs to the greaterArms which are not tempered by lawsquickly become anarchy Associating patience with activity Assurrance oftensupplies the room of good sense
Blindness that make authority toconsist only in force Bounty, which,though very often secret, had the
louder echo Buckingham had been inlove with three Queens By the means
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of a hundred pistoles down, and vastpromises Civil war as not powerfulenough to conclude a peace Civil war is
one of those complicated diseasesClergy always great examples of slavishservitude Confounded the most
eighty with the most trifling Contempt the most dangerous diseaseof any State Dangerous to refusepresents from one's superiorsDistinguished between bad and worse,good and better Fading flowers, whichare fragrant to-day and offensive
tomorrow False glory and falsemodesty Fool in adversity and a knavein prosperity Fools yield only when
they cannot help it Good news shouldbe employed in providing against bad
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He weighed everything, but fixed onnothing He knew how to put a goodgloss upon his failings He had not a
long view of what was beyond hisreach Help to blind the rest of mankind, and they even become
blinder His ideas were infinitely abovehis capacity His wit was far inferior tohis courage Impossible for her to live
ithout being in love with somebody Inconvenience of popularity Insinuation is of more service than thatof persuasion Is there a greater in the
orld than heading a party Kinds of fear only to be removed by higherdegrees of terror Laws without the
protection of arms sink into contemptMan that supposed everybody had a
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back door Maxims showed not greatregard for virtue Mazarin: embezzling some nine millions of the public
money Men of irresolution are apt tocatch at all overtures More ambitiousthan was consistent with morality My
utmost to save other souls, though Itook no care of my own Need of caution in what we say to our friendsNeither capable of governing norbeing governed Never had womanmore contempt for scruples andceremonies Nothing is so subject to
delusion as piety Oftener deceived by distrusting than by being overcredulousOne piece of bad news seldom comes
singly Only way to acquire them is toshow that we do not value them Passed
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for the author of events of which Ias only the prophet Poverty so well
became him Power commonly keeps