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SCOTTISH MUSLIM NATIONALISTS Master’s Thesis, Multiculturalism in comparative perspective Cultural Anthropology, Utrecht University Karlijn Tummers 3249166 [email protected] Supervisor: Prof. Patrick Eisenlohr August 30 th , 2009

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S C O T T I S H M U S L I M N A T I O N A L I S T S

Master’s Thesis, Multiculturalism in comparative perspective

Cultural Anthropology, Utrecht University

Karlijn Tummers

3249166

[email protected]

Supervisor: Prof. Patrick Eisenlohr

August 30th, 2009

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C H A P T E R 4

C I V I C N A T I O N A L I S M A N D T H E S C O T T I S H N A T I O N A L

P A R T Y ( S N P )

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Introduction

“It is not rare that Muslims support Scottish nationalism! The Scottish National Party (SNP) embraces a different form of nationalism: civic nationalism. The SNP focuses on shared values instead of religious, ethnic or racial values, meaning that the SNP does not focus on superficial features. To be part of the SNP simply means loving the country and that does not mean that you have to agree with everything” (Participant quote).

European ‘nationalism’ is often associated with ethnic exclusion and right wing populism. Some

right wing parties across Europe embrace ethnic terms to define national identities, thereby

directly excluding minorities such as Muslims. For example, in the Netherlands, Geert Wilders is

the embodiment of an extreme right politician, who openly embraces a Dutch national identity

tied to ethnic features. Scotland is another example of a country with an influential nationalistic

political party that strives to become an independent nation. In contrast to most other European

nationalist movements, Scottish nationalism is supported by Scottish Muslims. After the recent

European elections of 2009, it became evident that Scottish nationalism was growing with the

victory of the Scottish National Party (SNP) that stands for Scottish nationalism and

independence. Osama Saeed (29 years old, SNP candidate) said after the European elections:

“Europe steers rightward, but Scotland moves to the left”. The fact that the SNP, a Scottish

nationalist movement won does not mean that Scotland moves rightward, as might be expected

from the present trends among European national parties. Rather, there seems to be an unusually

inclusive relationship between Scottish Nationalism and Muslims in Glasgow, Scotland. What is

the position of Muslims in Glasgow and why does a group of Muslims support Scottish

Nationalism?

“Osama Saeed is our symbol of the Scotland of the future. He will make Scotland known on the international level” (Alex Salmond). I am arriving at the Campaign rally and fundraiser for Osama Saeed. Saeed is a Parliamentary Candidate of the Scottish National Party (SNP) for the constituency Glasgow Central. As I am trying to sit down, I am confronted with a sheet of paper on my chair. I pick it up and start reading: “We are in a two horse race and have a great chance to win, but unlike Osama’s Labour opponent, we do not have huge family offers to draw from! (...) Together we will win Glasgow Central and independence!” (SNP pamphlet, 2009). (Participant Observation; private reception with First Minister Alex Salmond at Glasgow University).

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Osama Saeed quickly became one of my key informants during my fieldwork in Glasgow. On

my first day, I learned about Saeed’s existence and influence with relation to Muslims and

Scottish Nationalism, and on my last day it became evident that his influence was only rising.

Saeed’s influence as a public figure mostly stems from his role as a Parliamentary Candidate of

the SNP. More significantly, he is the Chief Executive of the Scottish Islamic Foundation (SIF).

This dual role, as a politically and religiously involved public figure, fits perfectly into the civic

character that the SNP claims to portray. Nevertheless, as outlined in the previous chapter, it is

important to carefully analyze the civic image that the SNP claims to embrace. The SNP

establishes its civic image mostly by including Muslims; simultaneously this could cause

limitations as well. In order to research Scottish nationalism and its policy of inclusion and

exclusion as a matter of practice, I conducted participant observations, held in-dept interviews

and focus groups in Glasgow to discuss Scottish Nationalism, the SNP and the reasons why

Muslims support the SNP.

In this final chapter, I will analyze the civic image that the SNP claims to embrace in

order to better understand the position of Muslims who support the SNP. I will first answer the

question: who are the Muslims who vote for the SNP and why do they vote for the SNP? In the

second half of this chapter, I will analyze whether there are limitations of Scottish Nationalism

by answering the question: what is the influence of the SNP on the practice of inclusion and

exclusion mechanisms of Muslims in Glasgow. I then conclude with a summary.

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Scottish Muslim Nationalists

“TRUTH: Unionists often use the word nationalism incorrectly in order to suggest ethnic strife, intolerance and isolation, thereby scaring people of the idea. Well the truth is, the SNP believes in civic nationalism, meaning that all who live in Scotland have valued part to play, regardless of ethnic background and place of birth. In fact, independence would end our present isolation and allow Scotland to regain its place in the international community as a tolerant, outward-looking country” (Federation of Student Nationalists (FSN) pamphlet, 2009).

This is one of the “facts behind the myths” of the Federation of Student Nationalists (FSN), who

were present at the SNP Spring conference in 2009. The FSN claims that the SNP embraces a

civic form of nationalism that is free of ethnic features. Most of the Muslims I met and held

discussions with, confirmed this civic character of the SNP. Nevertheless, I kept on wondering

whether the civic character of the SNP attracts Muslims or if Muslims themselves create a civic

image for the SNP. This is an important question that could help to further analyze and

characterize the civic image of the SNP. In order to do so, I will first analyze the reasons why a

group of Muslims voted for the SNP. Before analyzing these reasons in dept, it is important to

note that the Muslim community in Scotland is a very young community: Approximately, 60%

of the total Muslim population in Scotland is under the age of 30. As a result, the group of

Muslims I have been intensively in contact with during my stay in Glasgow have been mainly

young Muslims between the ages of 18 and 30, with a few exceptions.

Over the last decade Scotland’s political direction has shifted, and as a result an

increasing number of Muslims vote for the SNP. Prior to this shift, most of these Muslims

supported and voted Labour. This shift has been mainly a result of Labour’s position on the Iraq

war and their overall position in this international political debate. As a result, many Muslims

felt betrayed by the Labour Party. Conversely, the SNP took a stand against the Iraq war and has

maintained this position continuously. Researchers Hussein & Miller (2006, p.164-166)

acknowledge that this shift became evident between the British Parliament election in 2001 and

the Scottish Parliament election in 2003. They argue that the Iraq war was the ultimate cause for

a massive elective shift from Labour to SNP. In 2001, the SNP received 13% ethnic Pakistani

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voters. In 2003, this figure had increased by 34% reaching a total of 47% of ethnic Pakistanis

voting for SNP. As a result, Labour lost 46% of ethnic Pakistani’s voters. Moreover, all of the

informants who participated in my research acknowledged the impact of the Iraq war on their

voting behavior (see appendix).

Specifically, the change in voting behavior became most evident among young Muslims.

This was mostly caused by the fact that the older generation of Muslims, who had been

supporting Labour for a very long time, either continued to support them or remained politically

neutral after the Iraq war. Overall, the SNP appears to have become the most attractive political

party for Muslims in Scotland since the Iraq war. This was confirmed by one of my older

participants, Farkhanda Chaudry: “Nowadays, the SNP seems to be the most or more genuine

party, and is taking risks. The SNP is making ground; they are saying aloud what they think.”

My informants supported this standpoint and argued that Labour ‘lost’ its formerly reliable

image to the SNP.

In addition to this political shift among Muslims, it is important to note that the SNP is

the second largest political party in Scotland. This in itself makes it more likely that people

would vote SNP after losing confidence in the labour Party. “Voting for the SNP is voting for the

lesser of two evils, nobody wants Labour anymore” (Participant quote). Moreover, a vote for the

SNP is a strategic vote. The SNP possesses the largest number of seats in Westminster after

Labour and thus could potentially become the biggest party, changing the political direction.

This is especially relevant for many Muslims, as the SNP has also taken a stand against the use

of nuclear weapons as well as offering help in Gaza. The SNP’s position within the international

community and political arena appeals to Muslims, especially young Muslims.

Nevertheless, even before the Iraq war, the SNP initiated a campaign to win Muslim

voters. In 1995, Bashir Ahmed founded ‘Asian Scots for independence’ a department of the SNP

devoted to attract more Asians. Unfortunately, Bashir Ahmed passed away on the day that I

arrived in Glasgow. Nevertheless, his name and role in the Muslim community and the SNP has

been important in this study. Among my informants he was perceived as one of the first Muslims

to join the SNP and set an example for other Muslims to follow. According to SNP members,

Bashir Ahmad joined the party in 1995, as Alex Salmond the First Minister of Scotland

persuaded him to. As a result, Bashir Ahmad set the scene and became a reason for other

Muslims to vote for The SNP as well.

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In addition to political shifts and world politics, personality and cultural sensitivity play an

important role in explaining why Muslims vote for the SNP. Alex Salmond’s (First Minister of

Scotland) and Nicola Sturgeon’s (Deputy First Minister and Member of the Scottish Parliament)

personality and cultural awareness appear to be very appealing to Muslims. Osama Saeed: “Anno

2009, the Iraq war is becoming less the issue now; Muslims still support the SNP. Muslims are

now supporting Salmond as a person. Salmond is taking ground. He talks with people and he

listens.” Both Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon are successful in attracting and persuading

Muslims to vote for the SNP. For example, Osama Saeed decided to become a member of the

SNP in 2003 due to Salmond. Initially, he became interested in the SNP because of the Iraq war.

Up until that point, Saeed never even thought about Scottish independence as a realistic goal as

he was raised with the idea that Scotland was too poor and too small to become independent.

Nevertheless in 2003, Saeed’s political standpoint changed completely when he attended a

lecture of Alex Salmond that Bashir Ahmad had invited him to. Salmond’s speech persuaded

Saeed to join the SNP. Today, Saeed is a strong supporter of Scottish independence and

nationalism. In addition to the impact that Salmond and Sturgeon have had on some Muslim

members of the SNP, they are very popular among Muslims in general. My informants often

referred to Salmond and Sturgeon as very nice and decent politicians who are open and inclusive

to Muslims. Some even defined them as national figures: “Muslims feel Scottish thanks to

Salmond and Sturgeon!”

Salmond’s and Sturgeon’s relationship with Muslims could be described as a symbiotic

relationship meaning that they all ‘need’ each other. One the one hand, Muslims feel welcomed

and comfortable because Salmond and Sturgeon embrace their religious and cultural

backgrounds. For example, both Salmond and Sturgeon greet Muslims with ‘as-salam-o-

alaikum’. On the other hand, Nicola Sturgeon’s political power depends heavily on the voting

behavior of Muslims. Sturgeon is the Deputy First Minister and Member of the Scottish

Parliament (MSP) for the constituency of Glasgow Govan. Glasgow Govan has a high

population of Muslims and as a result Sturgeon’s seat as a MSP depends on their voting results.

More significantly, Muslims possess an important role in the SNP with Sturgeon in the second

highest position of the party and the Scottish Parliament. This dual relationship creates a need on

both ends, and thus explains partly why Muslims vote SNP and play an important role in SNP’s

politics.

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Although not all Muslims who vote SNP hold value for Scottish Independence, a growing

group of Muslims support Scottish independence and thus vote SNP. “It is clear that we are

better off independent; Scotland is a very clear sovereign nation” (Participant quote).

Remarkably, most of the Muslims I interviewed were all pro-independence. Nonetheless, not all

voters who vote for the SNP automatically support Scottish independence. One could argue,

however, that there is an overlap in cultural and political beliefs among Scots who support

Scottish Independence and Pakistani immigrants. In 1972, the first non-white member joined the

SNP. Mr. Yousaf, a Pakistani immigrant and Muslim, who continued to support the SNP and

fought for Scottish independence. Unfortunately, I was unable to speak with him in person, but

his family claims that he supported the SNP because of its politicians strive for Scottish

independence. Mr. Yousaf identified with this strive, as independence plays a huge role in his

home country of Pakistan as well. As a result, it is argued that some first generation Pakistani

immigrants support the SNP because of this particular reason. However, from the data that I

gathered I was not able to confirm this. Instead, I received various answers as to why Muslims

support Scottish Independence. Surprisingly, it appears that it is mostly young Scottish Muslims

that believe and fight for Scottish independence.

Specifically, this group of young Muslims is mostly driven by an economic rather than by

a cultural argument. Humza Yousaf (23 years old, Parliamentary Press Officer for the SNP):

“Once Scotland is independent we can run our economies by ourselves.” There is a common

belief among young Scottish Muslims that Scotland will flourish economically as soon as it is an

independent nation. Hidden beneath the surface, I sensed that in addition to the economic

argument some Muslims view Scotland as ‘a makeable nation’. This could be explained partly

by the fact that some British laws are perceived to be quite ‘anti-Muslim’. These laws make it

more difficult for Muslims to practice their religion in Great Britain. Therefore some Muslims

indicate that Scottish independence would eliminate English policies and allow Muslims to live

more freely. Some participants cited that: “Once Scotland becomes independent it will give us

the opportunity to make a new start and influence the political structure, laws and so on.” This

idea of an independent nation in combination with the idea that Scotland has a more tolerant and

inclusive attitude towards immigration, multiculturalism and Islam, provides Muslims with a

possible opportunity to add a ‘distinct’ voice to the international level.

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Osama Saeed: “We believe that Scotland has an important distinctive voice to bring to the table, coming to Muslims and Non-Muslims. Scotland has a different relationship between Muslims and Non-Muslims, comparing to the rest of the world. “Why is Scotland different?” “We take for granted that we are Scottish. I always knew who I was: Scottish. We want to build the capacity in Scotland, harmonize it with the Islamic principles and bring it to an international level.”

In addition to a distinctive Scottish character, Muslims claim to possess a lot of space and

freedom to practice their religion. All of my participants were very positive and satisfied with the

level of freedom and accommodation they receive to practice their religion in Scotland. They

argue that the SNP tolerates their religion and by voting SNP, Muslims can maintain this

position. Interestingly, my informants often argued that they were convinced that Scotland is the

best place to be a Muslim.

Osama Saeed: “Muslims have their own space; we do not need to debate about it.” Farkhanda Chaudry: “Scotland is the best place to be valued and have space to practice your faith! When I go to work, I will have provision to pray, they make me feel comfortable to pray. In the schools they are selling halal food, at the seminary there is space for Muslims buriers as well.”

My research does not allow me to make any comparisons or draw any conclusions as to whether

these claims are true in comparison with other European countries. Nevertheless, the fact that

Muslims in Glasgow experience these feelings and claim that they have ‘more’ space to practice

their religion, explains in part why Scottish independence and the SNP appeals to them.

Moreover, SNP’s emphasis on family and community values resonates with Islamic values.

During interviews and focus groups, Scottish Muslims often referred to these values and argued

that this is one of the reasons why they vote SNP. In general, I also wondered whether the

relationship between Muslims and Scottish Nationalism is related to the role that religion plays

in overall Scottish society. Unfortunately, I did not have enough time to research the role of

religion in Scotland in general, but the literature available as well as having experienced life in

Scotland gave me the impression that Scotland is less ‘secularized’ than the Netherlands, for

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example. Some scholars even argue that the separation of state and church is less ‘stiff’ in

Scotland than in other European countries (Asad, 2003) (Bowen, 2007).

At last, nationalism in itself is a reason why some Muslims vote SNP. Young Scottish

Muslims who were born in Scotland are proud of their country and as a result want to improve

their country. Interestingly, I noticed that the longer I was around these young Scottish Muslim

Nationalists, the less I thought this relationship was unusual. For Scottish Muslim Nationalists, it

is ‘logical’ that they are nationalists, ‘fighting’ for their country. According to most European

media, it is hard to believe that Muslims are part of European nation states, and could even be

European Nationalists. The young Scottish Muslims who participated in this study explained that

this image makes their nationalistic feelings even stronger. Because people will not assume that

they are Scottish by their religion and skin color, they are trying to prove the media and

prejudices wrong: They feel Muslim on the one hand and Scottish on the other hand. They argue

that these two identities go hand in hand and as a result the term ‘Scottish Muslim Nationalist’ is

not a contradiction but rather a logical description.

Limitations of Scottish Nationalism

Even though the SNP claims to embrace a civic form of nationalism, this form has inevitable

limitations as well. Obviously, the SNP draws a clear border between Scotland and England.

Moreover, even though Muslims seem to support Scottish Nationalism, there are limitations that

are visible within the society.

The SNP portrays itself as a party that embraces civic nationalism and strives to make

Scotland independent. This in itself could create an inherent contradiction; if the SNP is a party

supporting an open and inclusive political direction, why do they want to become independent?

The SNP members that I have encountered argued that their wish to become independent is still

open and based upon an economic argument. They want to be able to shape their own economy

and political power in order to maintain its own policies, which are very ‘distinct’ from English

policies. Nevertheless, as argued in the previous chapter, the SNP has Anglophobic features and

as a result uses stiff language that causes an obvious distinction between us ‘Scots’ and them

‘English’ that leans towards a more ethnic form of nationalism (Hussein ed., 2006).

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Within Scottish politics there is another obvious territorial border, namely between the

SNP and the Labour Party. The SNP and its members portray Labour as their enemy.

Interestingly, I found out that members of the Labour Party were literally excluded from the SNP

Spring Conference in 2009. Where does this leave Independent Scotland when Scotland itself is

divided? It is important to keep in mind that the highest percentage of votes that the SNP has

received thus far is only 35%. Scotland is politically divided on this issue, meaning that most

Scots do not necessarily support the SNP or Scotland’s independence. Nevertheless, in light of

the fact that the SNP is currently in power, it creates an impression that most Scots support

Scottish independence. As a result, the ‘we’ of the SNP is limited, but it seems hard to define

‘how’ limited. I asked Sandra White, Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP): “Who will be a

real Scot if Scotland becomes independent?” She answered: “You can still have dual identities,

all the people living here on the day of independence will be Scottish! Dual nationalities will be

accepted. But still the Scottish identity will be important.”

How does the ‘we’ that the SNP refers to impact minorities in Scottish society? As

discussed previously in this chapter, the SNP includes Muslims and embraces their religion and

culturally diverse background in their politics. Simultaneously, this could exclude other

minorities in the society as well, such as atheists. “By including Muslims in their politics, the

SNP proves that they embrace inclusiveness; it shows that you are engaged” (Participant quote).

It is questionable, however, whether the SNP includes Muslims because they are in general

embracing civic nationalism or because this group is internationally ‘popular’ and a way to put

Scotland on the map as a distinct, and ‘better’ nation. Since my research is clearly limited in

space and time, I cannot answer this question based on my results. Nevertheless, the SNP openly

discusses that they wish to become more known and powerful in the international community.

The SNP wishes to break away from Great Britain and be acknowledged as an independent

nation within the European Union. As described earlier, the members of the SNP emphasized

many times that Osama Saeed will put Scotland on the international level. In fact, Muslims have

a large international network and strong connections all over the globe due to immigration. The

SNP promises to maintain this network to make Scotland ‘bigger’. For example, In October

2009, there will be a Scottish Islamic event advertised on the website of the Scottish Islamic

Foundation (SIF) as follows: “Etisal ’09, Scottish-Islamic Investment Expo. This Expo aims to

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encourage trade and investment between Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) countries

and Scotland”.

Even though, most Muslims appreciate these SNP ideas, there have been some critical

responses as well. Some of my participants accused the SNP of ‘using’ the Muslim identity.

“Speaking in terms of Scottish Muslim is dangerous. I have never heard of American Christians. We are taking it too far. Religion should stay personal. It is dangerous to make it public. The SNP and Osama are promoting Muslims. They use the term to promote Muslims and say it only for the good of Muslims. We should not promote political faith, what about other faiths? We should vote SNP because of relating to their policy not because they are nice to Muslims. Osama could be dangerous it is all about religion. SNP could do long term damage by using the Muslim identity. The SNP should be broad, it is a political vehicle” (Participant quote).

Whether the SNP is consciously using the term ‘Muslim’ or not, there is a clear visibility of

Muslims within the party. At public meetings of the SNP, I noticed that there was a lot of

attention paid to the Asian community and voters. Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon openly

refer to this minority using the term Muslim often. Even though, Osama Saeed does not want to

be portrayed as a Muslim candidate, he is a publicly known Muslim. This fact makes it almost

impossible not to see him as a Muslim candidate of the SNP. As a result, the continuous focus on

his religious identity as well as his Scottish identity creates a barrier within the political party.

Muslims who are supporting the SNP are still a ‘distinct’ group. By openly including Muslims

and focusing on their religious identity, one could argue that the SNP is still singling them out

rather than including them.

Nevertheless, while visiting the Spring Conference of the SNP, I noticed that diverse

communities support the party. The attendees were mainly older men whose political interests

were quite diverse and often different from their fellow Muslim supporters. Not all SNP voters

are pro-independence and nationalistic per se. The reasons for Scots to vote for the SNP vary and

should be taken into careful consideration by the SNP. Currently, SNP’s focus appears to lean

towards Muslims, which could ultimately lead to dissatisfaction among other SNP voters. For

example, senior Scots value and link cultural and heroic Scottish figures such as Robert Burns to

a more traditional definition of national identity and nationalism (Anderson 1992 and Gellner

1987). During my focus groups, however, it became evident that there was a lack of ‘cultural

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concepts’, among most young Scottish Muslim nationalist, when describing their national

identity. Some even argued: “Muslims do not participate in the Scottish culture. I do not think

that we even have the same Scottish identity as white Scots. We are hybrids. We are exposed to

two cultures.” Based on my results, it is not possible to claim that Scottish Muslims define their

national identity by the same distinct features as the majority of Scots. Moreover, it is well

possible that the majority of Scots does not value cultural concepts and figures that much either.

Nevertheless, even if Scots and Scottish Muslim define their national identity by different

features, some scholars argue that there is a ‘cultural compromise’ (Wimmer, 2002, p.8) among

Scots and Scottish Muslims regardless. They argue that the territorial border between England

and Scotland creates a ‘cultural compromise’ among all who live in Scotland that enhances the

value of the Scottish national identity.

Limitations of Scottish Nationalism: Scottish Muslims

As discussed earlier in this chapter, the SNP has strong ties with the Scottish Islamic Foundation

(SIF). Not only are these ties visible in the public sphere due to public figures such as Osama

Saeed and Humza Yousaf, but the organization is also funded by the SNP. SIF is a relatively

young organization that has only been around for a year, and its direct ties with the SNP are

often used to explain its success. Nevertheless, SIF is trying to fight this image especially

because it has been accused of being too much involved with the SNP. Osama Saeed: “People

are accusing us of mixing SIF with politics, but we are not. The foundation has to be clear of

nationalism.” When I first contacted SIF and explained my research and interest in Muslims and

Scottish nationalism they replied that they were unable to participate. During my fieldwork,

however, members of SIF became key informants whose public roles constantly linked them to

the SNP and SIF.

Nevertheless, it is important to acknowledge the impact that the SNP has on Islamic

organizations in general. Politicians often define all Muslim communities as one community,

even though in practice there are many diverse Muslim communities in Scotland. The SNP’s

support for SIF politically and economically makes it questionable whether SIF would have

existed if the SNP had not been in power. Moreover, there are many other Islamic organizations

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that have been around much longer and are currently struggling to get government funding.

While interviewing members of other Islamic organizations, it became evident that they

questioned the role of SIF and wondered why they weren’t receiving any funding. However, this

is a very sensitive subject that most participants preferred not to talk about. They assured me that

they all respect each other’s work and have the same objectives: provide facilities for Muslims in

the society and tackle Islamphobia. Nevertheless, the SNP should keep the diversity of Muslim

communities in mind. Even though Osama Saeed plays an important role in Scottish society, he

does not represent all Muslims in Scotland, and his definition of religious and national identities

should not be taken for granted by the SNP.

“The Muslim identity is being used especially by Osama in relationship with SIF” (Participant quote). “Osama has been in the news long term, about Islamic issues and terrorism. He is an outspoken Muslim, who is very much in the spotlight as a Muslim. I am comfortable by using the Muslim identity in politics, in the SNP. This is the reason why I get involved. It feels like one big family, not like a political party” (Participant quote).

In addition to the SNP’s potential limited ‘inclusion’ of all Muslims in Scottish society, it

is important to note that the group of Scottish Muslims who are both actively part of the SNP and

consider themselves as Scottish Nationalists is small. After a couple of months in Glasgow, I

knew exactly who belonged to this group and would appear at public meetings and events. In

general, most Scottish Muslims are not politically active. Youth workers claim that the ‘average

young Muslim’ in Glasgow is not politically aware or involved. They predicted that young

Muslims, living in Pollokshield for example, would respond differently to my research questions.

Interestingly, the group of Scottish Muslim Nationalists who are politically involved, all had

similar profiles, namely they were all young and highly educated.

These Scottish Muslim Nationalists, however, possess an important political role in the

SNP, and thus create the impression that Muslims in general are included in the Scottish society.

Nevertheless, the group of Scottish Muslim Nationalists is limited and should be carefully

analyzed and compared to other Muslim communities. The presence of Muslims in the SNP does

not inevitably mean that Scotland in general includes minorities. For example, the ideas,

experiences and needs of young versus senior Muslims vary greatly. Moreover, there are also

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Muslims that actively support the labour Party as well. Mostly, Senior Muslims continue to

support Labour while at the same time live their lives more privately in mosques. For example,

Mohammed Sarwar (57 years old) was Great Britain’s first Muslim Member of the Parliament

for Labour and represented Glasgow Central during the past ten years. In the very near future, he

will retire and currently two Muslims are ‘fighting’ for his seat. Osama Saeed is SNP’s running

candidate as mentioned earlier, and Sarwar’s son; Anas Sarwar is Labour’s running candidate for

Glasgow Central. It is not surprising that two Muslims are competing to represent this

constituency because Glasgow Central is predominantly populated by Muslims. Nevertheless,

this competition serves as a good example of the diversity of Muslim communities.

At last it is questionable to what extent Scots and Scottish Muslims interact in everyday

life. I have not examined this question in particular, but during interviews the suggestion was

made that the encounters between Scots and Scottish Muslims are limited. For example, some

participants claimed that there is a lack of leisure institutions for Muslims. “Apart from the

workplace, how can you socialize with white Scots except for the pubs? Where can you meet

them?” The pub is a very important public institution in Scotland where social activities and

interactions occur. Many Scots drink alcohol, whereas Muslims are not allowed to and

consequently are not allowed to enter pubs and clubs. Hopkins (2004) concludes: “However, the

drinking, pub and club culture that the young men see as an important aspect of the Scottish

society works in a variety of ways to exclude the young men.” (p.269). Although some Muslims

go to pubs and adapt to the ‘pub culture’, most of them do not. As a result, they seek for other

ways to socialize that could indicate that the overall interactions between Scots and Muslims are

minimal.

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Conclusion

The reasons why a group of Muslims in Glasgow, Scotland, support Scottish Nationalism are

diverse and interrelated. Initially mainly young Muslims started to support the SNP because of

its position against the Iraq war. Secondly, Alex Salmond’s (First Minister of Scotland) and

Nicola Sturgeon’s (Deputy First Minister and Member of the Scottish Parliament) personality

and cultural sensitivity have persuaded many current Scottish Muslims to join the party.

Moreover, there is a symbiotic relationship between Muslims, Salmond and Sturgeon. Muslims

feel supported by Salmond and Sturgeon, and Salmond and Sturgeon need the support of

Muslims to maintain their political position. Thirdly, a particular group of Muslims, namely

Scottish Muslim Nationalists, vote for the SNP because they support Scottish Independence. In

addition, this group considers the Scottish nation as an emerging nation where they can

participate in shaping the Scottish economy and immigration policy. In addition, Scottish

Muslims appear to be very satisfied with the amount of freedom they receive to practice their

religion in Scotland and want to maintain this position. Finally, there are two minor reasons as to

why a group of Scottish Muslims vote SNP. Firstly, some Muslims vote SNP because their

family and community values correspond with their Islamic values. Secondly, Scottish Muslims

who were born in Scotland are proud of their country and believe that by voting SNP they will

improve the country’s economy and power.

Even though Scottish Nationalism takes a more inclusive and civic form there are

limitations as to how civic and inclusive the SNP really is. Nationalism as discussed in a

previous chapter is always limited and uses inclusion and exclusion mechanisms to define itself

in each and every form. Scottish Nationalism is first of all defined and limited by its wish to

become independent of Great Britain. Moreover, The SNP draws a clear distinction between

their politics and their opponent the Labour party and thus divides Scotland internally. In

addition, the current important position and visibility of Muslims in SNP politics could lead to a

misrepresentation of the greater society and therefore could lead to the exclusion of other

minorities. The SNP is internally diverse and it has a wide variety of culturally diverse

supporters. The reasons why Muslims vote SNP do not necessarily correlate with the reasons of

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other supporters who vote SNP. The SNP should pay attention to all communities and the diverse

reasons why people vote for their party.

Moreover, among Scottish Muslim communities there are limitations as well as to how

included they are in SNP politics and the greater Scottish society. The group of Scottish Muslims

who support the SNP is small and exists mainly of a group of highly-educated young Scottish

Muslims. In general, Scottish Muslims do not generally actively participate in Scottish politics.

The Scottish Parliament, in the name of the SNP, is funding the Scottish Islamic Foundation

(SIF). This organization is partly run by Scottish Muslim Nationalists and this relationship could

create an exclusion mechanism within the greater society. The integration and inclusiveness of

Scottish Muslim Nationalist does not necessarily reflect the level of inclusion of all Muslim

communities in Scotland and should be taken into consideration by the SNP.

It is important to recognize Scottish Nationalism in the European debate. Within this debate,

Scottish Nationalism and more specifically Scottish Muslim Nationalists could potentially play

an important role as it brings a distinct voice to the table that could lead to new political ideas

and discussions. In theory, globalism has a complex relationship with the nation-state. In

practice, nations and nationalism are still valuable. In the European debate, there have been

nationalistic claims in opposition to Islam, often described as ‘ethnic’ forms of nationalism. In

Scotland, nationalism and Islam are not each other’s foe but each other’s ally. This case study

serves as an example of how national and religious identities need not be separated necessarily

within European nations. Nevertheless, this case study is mostly relevant for Scottish society in

general and is not an example or a model that can fit other nations per se.

Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 18

B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Books

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Gellner, E. (2006) Nations and Nationalism. New York: Cornell University Press Raven, D. (2008) Globalia: Een reizigersgids. Amsterdam: Rosenberg Harvie, C. (1977) Scotland and Nationalism. Scottish society and politics, 1707-1977. London: George Allen & UNWIN. Ruskin House Museum Street. Hearn, J. (2000) Claiming Scotland. National Identity and Liberal Culture. Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh Press. Hearn, J. (2006) Rethinking Nationalism. A critical introduction. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Hedetoft, U. & Hjort, M. (2002) Introduction. In: In: Hedetoft, U. & Hjort, M (eds) The Postnational Self. Belonging and Identity. Minnesota: University of Minnesota press, p.vii – xxxii. Hussain & Miller (2006) Multicultural Nationalism. Islamaphobia, Anglophobia and Devolution. Oxford University press. Hussain & Miller (2004) Anglophobia & Islamophobia in Scotland. University of Glasgow. Inda, J. X & Rosaldo, R. (2008) The Anthropology of Globalization: A Reader (second edition). Malden: Blackwell Irwin, A. (2005) Race and Ethnicity in the Media. In Blain, N., & Hutchison, D., The media in Scotland (pp. 198-212). Edinburgh: University Press. Juergensmeyer, M. (2002) The paradox of Nationalism in a Global World. In: Hedetoft, U. & Hjort, M (eds) The Postnational Self. Belonging and Identity. Minnesota: University of Minnesota press, p. 3-18. Kymlicka, W. (1995) Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Lewis, P. (1994) Islamic Britain. Religion, Politics and Identity among British Muslims. London/ New York: I.B. Tauris Publishers. Maan, B. (1992) The new Scots. The story of Asians in Scotland. John Donald Publishers. Maan, B. (2008) The Thistle and the Crescent. Glasgow: Argyll Publishing. McCone, D. (2001) Understanding Scotland: the sociology of a nation (2nd ed). London and New York: Routledge. McGarvey, N. & Cainey, P. (2008) Scottish Politics, an introduction. Malgraven: Macmillan

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Journals Bailey, N., Bowes, A., & Sim, D. (1995) Pakistanis in Scotland: Census data and research issues. Scottish Geographical Journal, 111(1), 36-45. Bond, R. (2006) Belonging and Becoming: National Identity and Exclusion. Sociology. Vol. 40 (4): 609-626. Bowes, A. Ferguson, I. and Sim, D. (2009) Asylum policy and asylum experiences: interactions in a Scottish context. Ethnic and Racial studies, 32 (1), 23-43. Cassidy, C., O’Conner, R. & Dorrer, N. (2006) Young people’s experience of transition to adulthood. A study of minority, ethnic and white people. University of Stirling: Joseph Rowntree Foundation. Clegg, C. & Rosie, M. (2005) Faith communities and Local Government in Glasgow. Scottish Executive Social Research. University of Edinburgh: Centre for Theology and Public issues. Flint, J. (2007) Faith schools, multiculturalism and community cohesion: Muslim and Roman Catholic state schools in England and Scotland. Policy& Politics 35 (2), 251-68. General Register Office for Scotland, information about Scotland’s people (2008). Mid-2007 Population Estimates Scotland. Population estimates by sex, age and administrative area. Published: 24 July. Grillo, R. (2004) Islam and Transnationalism. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. 30(5): 861-878. Hopkins, P. (2007) ‘Blue squares’, ‘Proper’ Muslims and Transnational Networks: Narratives of National and Religious Identities Amongst Young Muslim men Living in Scotland. Ethnicities, 7(1), 61-81. Hopkins, P. (2004, August) Young Muslim Men in Scotland: Inclusions and Exclusions. Children’s Geographies. 2 (2), 257-272. Hopkins, P. (2007) Global events, national politics, local lives: young Muslim men in Scotland. Environment and Planning, 39, 1119-1133. Kyriakides, C., Virdee, S., & Modood, T. (2009) Racism, Muslims and the National Imagination. Ethnic and Migration Studies, 35(2) Saeed, A. Neil B. and Douglas F. (1999) New Ethnic and national Questions in Scotland: Post-British Identities among Glasgow Pakistani Teenagers. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 22 (5), 821-844. Scottish National Party (August, 2007). Choosing Scotland’s Future. A National Conversation.

Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 22

Skilling, P. (2007) New Scots: The fresh Talent Initiative and Post-Devolution Immigration Policy. Scottish Affairs, 61. Steven, M. (2008) Secessionist Politics and Religious Conservatism: The Scottish National Party and Faith-Based Interests. Politics. October 2008, 28 (3), 188-196. van der Veer, Peter 2006. Pim Fortuyn, Theo van Gogh, and the Politics of Tolerance in the Netherlands. Public Culture 18, 111-124. Wren, K. (2007) Supporting Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Glasgow: The role of multi-agency Networks. Journal of Refugee Studies. 20(3), 391-413.

Electronic data sources

Embracing Multicultural Scotland (EMS). (2000). Retrieved March 3, from http://www.che.ac.uk/publications/EMSReport/ReportContents.htm www.scottishislamic.org www.snp.org www.facebook.com