Kashmir Dead Tales

7/28/2019 Kashmir Dead Tales

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COMMENTARY

apri l 2 7, 2013 vol x lviII no 17 EPW Economic & Political Weekly18

Farrukh Faheem ([email protected])

teaches at the South Asia Centre for Studies in

Conflict, Peace and Human Security,

Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.

Kashmir: Dead MenDo Tell Tales

Farrukh Faheem

The story of three graves in

Kashmir encapsulates the saga

of collective mobilisation in the

Valley and the direction in which

it has veered. The first, closed

after a magnificent state funeral,

has to be now guarded against

the people of the region.Still open, the other two await

bodies that have been buried

in Tihar Jail.

Several travelogues in the 19thcen-

tury, mostly by Europeans, de-

scribed the vale of Kashmir as a

land of mystery and its people as lotus-

eaters. While reflecting on the natural

beauties of the Valley, they also, some-

times unknowingly, spoke of the oppres-

sion of its inhabitants by their rulers. In

postcolonial days, the Indian intelligent-

sia and Indian media constructed a dif-ferent Kashmiri one so naive as to be

influenced by outsiders and foolish

enough to believe he understood what

was good for him. Any departure from

this construction was seen as an excep-

tion and further proof of Kashmiri na-

ivety and foolishness. Kashmiris were

told that they did not know what was

best for them, and when they tried to

shape their destiny, they were said to be

influenced from outside. Thousands of

pages have been written about foreign

hands working in Kashmir, and numerous

azadi (freedom) agitations over the last

seven decades have been said to reflect

Kashmiri waywardness. Thus even

peaceful protests by the inhabitants of

the Valley were termed agitational ter-

rorism because they threatened to top-

ple the happy Kashmir image so adroitly

projected by the rulers. However, Kash-

miris with their passion for freedom and

enduring resolve to achieve it have notonly rejected such constructions, but

also actively resisted them.

Historically, whenever and wherever

people have collectively challenged state

power, they have been dubbed alienat-

ed and irrational mobs, given to fick-

leness (Smelser 1962). But recent stud-

ies on the civil rights movements of the

1960s and scores of other campaigns

clearly demonstrate that people who

participate in protests are neither alien-

ated nor disconnected. Instead, they are

strongly linked to and grounded within

the social fabric of their communities,

and this, in turn, is an important ele-

ment in their mobilisation (Johnston

and Noakes 2005). In other words, peo-

ple mobilise and participate in protests

on the basis of their understanding and

interpretation of everyday political andsocial problems. Such collective behav-

iour expressed through protests and

movements is not a mechanical reflex

response to certain events, but essential-

ly a purposive and goal-oriented en-

gagement (Crossly 2002). It follows that

to understand such phenomena one

needs to examine the meanings the par-

ticipants and actors attach to the events

that trigger them. In Kashmir, where

such mobilisations have erupted fre-

quently, right in the face of the struc-

tures of power, it is important to under-

stand the meaning the people attach to

certain provocations.

****

Sheikh Abdullah

For 22 years, from 1953 to 1975, mobili-

sations in Kashmir were around the twin

slogans ofRai-shumari (plebiscite) and

Azadi Ya Maut (Freedom or Death). This

happened under the leadership ofSheikh Abdullah, and many perhaps ex-

pected that the slogans and sentiments

The web version of this article

corrects a few errors that appeared in

the print edition.


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Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 27, 2013 vol xlviII no 17 19

in favour of freedom would be buried on

the banks of Dal Lake along with his

mortal remains. Thousands of Kash-

miris across the Valley participated in

Sheikh Abdullahs last journey on 8 Sep-

tember 1982. Describing his funeral, one

Indian magazine wrote it was a tearful,

memorable farewell on a day of unbri-dled emotion. It indeed was as if a river

of humanity bid adieu to its leader.

Sheikh Abdullah was buried in a con-

crete and brick-lined chamber, though

one presumes his close aides and follow-

ers were keen on turning the grave of

their mentor into a place to be revered

by all Kashmiris. It almost became a

reality. Soon after Sheikh Abdullahs

death, it was decided that four large

quadrangles one each for a library, a

museum, a darasgah (reading room) to

teach the Koran, and an open pavilion

for the public would be constructed at

the burial site as a mark of respect to

him.1 But it was not to be.

****

Maqbool Bhats Legacy

Subsequent events in Kashmir changed

these plans just as they did the whole po-

litical discourse in the region. Two years

later, a young Kashmiri named MaqboolBhat, whom Sheikh Abdullahs son, Fa-

rooq Abdullah, described as a roman-

tic, was hanged in Tihar Jail in New

Delhi for his supposed involvement in

the murder of a CID inspector in 1966.

Tall, wiry and full of humour,Bhat be-

lieved that only an underground move-

ment using guerrilla tactics could achieve

what Sheikh Abdullah could not through

his non-violent mass struggle. During

his first arrest in 1966, the police recov-

ered a draft written by him. It was a

declaration of war on India.2 The jail

authorities reported that Bhat looked

calm and composed and did not utter

any word as he was being taken to the

gallows.3 He was hanged on 11 February

1984, a few days before his 46th birthday.

Sporadic incidents of protest against

Bhats hanging were reported across

Kashmir. News magazines capturing the

mood described them as tremors of ten-

sion. At Trehgam in Kupwara district,where Bhat was born, no shop opened for

four consecutive days. In south Kashmirs

Anantnag district, a group of young-

sters, tears welling from their eyes, went

round the schools, banks and government

offices, requesting the authorities to

close down. The capital city of Srinagar

was no different. At Zainakadal, in the

heart of old Srinagar, the streets were

deserted even though nobody had giventhe call for bandh.4 Although, unlike

Sheikh Abdullahs funeral, there was no

river of humanity marching to bid

farewell to Bhat, the lull on the streets of

Srinagar forecast the storm ahead.

Earlier, on 8 February, following the

rejection of Bhats mercy petition by the

president of India, a special judge had

issued a warrant for his hanging. Against

his last wish, Bhats body was buried

within the premises of Tihar Jail. Abdul

Ghani Lone, then a member of the legis-

lative assembly in Srinagar, described

Bhats hanging as a judicial murder and

the murder of justice. One of Bhats

counsels, Muzaffar Hussain Beg, called

it a political and hasty decision.5 These

two deaths within a period of two years

(Sheikh Abdullahs in 1982 and Bhats in

1984) marked a transformation in Kash-

mirs political environment.

Amid reports of attempts to desecrate

Sheikh Abdullahs grave, it was nowguarded by armed men at all hours of

the day and night. By now the river of

humanity that marched to bid him fare-

well had changed its course. And while

Sheikh Abdullahs grave was guarded

against his own community, the people

of Kashmir waited for the mortal re-

mains of Bhat to be returned to a grave

that had been dug at theshaheed mazaar

(martyrs graveyard) in old Srinagar.

The story of the two graves was symbolic

of the political shift that Kashmir was

quietly undergoing, even while under

the intimidating gaze of New Delhi.

Changing Winds

Signs of a shift were evident even before

Sheikh Abdullahs death when after be-

ing tamed by the state, the Lion an-

nounced he was burying the claim for a

plebiscite and termed the quest for it as

awaragrdi (waywardness). While New

Delhi and the new National Conference(post-Plebiscite Front) were celebrating

Sheikh Abdullahs victory in the 1977

assembly election, the ground beneath

their feet was already shaky. In their indi-

vidual lives, away from state structures of

domination and control, Kashmiris were

registering a very different narrative

one that was opposite to what the state

wanted them to believe. Slogans like

Rai-shumari Beren Dabas Alov Babas Mu-barak (You Who Buried the Slogan of

Plebiscite, Bravo Oh Father!) on the

streets of Kashmir were already taking a

dig at Sheikh Abdullahs brand of politics.

It is generally believed that as long as

Sheikh Abdullah dominated the political

scene in Kashmir emerging young lead-

ers like Bhat could not attract significant

support in the Valley. But the fact that

Bhats body was not allowed to be shift-

ed to Srinagar and he was denied a qa-

bar (grave) in Kashmir suggests that

New Delhi was quite conscious of the

consequences of hanging him. Its appre-

hensions were not unfounded within

four years of Bhats hanging, the organi-

sation he co-founded, the Jammu Kash-

mir Liberation Front (JKLF), was spear-

heading the rebellion against it. That

Kashmiris were emotionally upset by the

denial of a qabar to Bhat in his home-

land was reflected in lyrical slogans that

resonated on the streets of Srinagar likeFarooqen Qabar Kasheeri Neber, Muftiy-

en Qabar Kasheeri Neber(May Farooqs

and Muftis graves be outside Kashmir).

Massive azadi mobilisations across

Kashmir announced a new phase in the

political struggle. The establishment of

shaheed mazaarsacross the length and

breadth of the Valley as repositories of

the sacrifices and struggles of the

people gave rise to sites where memories

of the past were preserved and transmit-

ted to the next generation. These memo-

rials were narratives of the collective

identity of people against the state,

which had by now emerged as the big-

gest other. To this day, in a shaheed

mazaar in the heart of Srinagar, one

empty grave waits for Bhats mortal

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COMMENTARY

apri l 2 7, 2 013 vol x lvi II no 17 EPW Economic & Political Weekly20

remains. The epitaph reads, Shaheed

Mohd Maqbool Bhat, Date of Martyr-

dom: 11th February, 1984. The Nation

awaits his mortal remains which lie as a

trust with the Government of India. As

the struggle against New Delhi intensi-

ed, over a period of time, the number

of martyr graves swelled. As time goesby, the martyrdoms add new pages to

the collective biography of Kashmir,

which tells the story of a struggle against

a conspiracy intended to bring about

oblivion. The martyr graveyards rep-

resent collective statements about what

the past has been, and how the present

should acknowledge it; about who needs

to be remembered and who forgotten.

****

Mohammad Afzal

In the wee hours of 9 February 2013,

Kashmir woke up to the sound of police

sirens and announcements warning

people not to venture out of their homes,

evoking memories of 2010 when a

month-long curfew forced them to stay

indoors. The massive clampdown in the

Valley was accompanied by news of

another Kashmiri going to the gallows in

New Delhis Tihar Jail. This time it was

46-year-old Mohammad Afzal, who was

accused of waging a war against the

state. He had been arrested along with

his cousin Shaukat Hussain, Shaukats wife

Afsan, and a Delhi University lecturer

S A R Geelani in 2001 in the aftermath ofan attack on Parliament in which 12 peo-

ple died and many more injured.

The Supreme Court acknowledged

that Afzal was not a member of any ter-

rorist organisation and that the prosecu-

tion did not establish his direct involve-

ment in the attack on Parliament. But it

upheld the death sentence on him be-

cause the incident, which resulted in

heavy casualties, had shaken the entire

nation, and the collective conscience of

the society will only be satised if capi-

tal punishment is awarded to the offen-

der (Peer 2003).

As soon as the internet embargo (ac-

companied by a nine-day curfew, print

media gag, and cable TV blackout) was

relaxed in Kashmir, social networking

sites were abuzz, debating the injustices

perpetrated in the Valley. One Kashmiri

netizen observed, Indian state usesKashmiris as trophies. Indian army men

are rewarded for their involvement in

fake encounters in Kashmir and they hang

Kashmiris to secure political mileage.6

The pro-freedom political leadership in

Kashmir in a statement to the press de-

clared Afzal a Kashmiri national heroand reiterated that the people of Kashmir

will continue to struggle for mortal re-

mains of Maqbool Bhat and Afzal Guru.7

A fresh grave has been dug right next

to Bhats empty grave in the shaheed ma-

zaar in Srinagar. It has an epitaph that

resembles the one next to it almost word

for word. Only the names, the days, and

the years differ. The act of recollecting

the past, as some observers argue, is an

active process and not merely one meant

to retrieve information about times gone

by. Communities remember so that their

past can help to solve predicaments that

exist in their present. At Srinagars shaheed

mazaar, the past has embraced the

present, paving the way for the future.

To Kashmiris, Sheikh Abdullah, Bhat

and Afzal represent three generations

who in their own different ways resisted

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Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 27, 2013 vol xlviII no 17 21

New Delhi. Sheikh Abdullah was tamed

and is now seen as a betrayer of Kash-

miris. Bhat and Afzal were executed and

are perceived as heroes of the Kash-

miri nation. Sheikh Abdullah was given

a state funeral and as per his will buried

on the serene banks of the lake at

Hazratbal. Bhat and Guru were deniedburials in Kashmir and two empty

graves await them. The story of these

graves in Kashmir somewhat sums up

the story of Kashmir. As the state buries

Kashmiris in its jails, Kashmiris add empty

graves to their shaheed mazaars. And

while it can bury the likes of Abdullah at

choice locations in Kashmir, it cannot

afford to leave the graves unguarded

against their own community.

Notes

1 Jammu and Kashmir: Tremors of Tension,India Today, 29 February 1984.

2 Maqbool Butt: Death Wish, India Today, 29February 1984.

3 Maqbool Butt Executed: Body Buried in Jail,Kashmir Times, 12 February 1984.

4 Jammu and Kashmir: Tremors of Tension,India Today, 29 February 1984.

5 Maqbool Butt Executed: Body Buried in Jail,Kashmir Times, 12 February 1984.

6 The Afzal Petition: A Quest for Justice, 2007,Champa: The Amiya and B G Rao Foundation,Promila and Co, New Delhi, in association withBibliophile South Asia.

7 JKLF Calls for Strike,Rising Kashmir, 18 Feb-ruary 2013.

References

Crossly, Nick (2002):Making Sense of Social Move-ments (Buckingham: Open University Press).

Johnston, H and John A Noakes, ed. (2005):Framesof Protest: Social Movements and the Framing Per-

spective (Maryland: Rowman and Littlefield).

Peer, G (2013): When the Indian Nations Con-science was Satisfied, http://kafila.org/2013/02/15/when-the-indian-nations-conscience-was-satisfied-gazala-peer/, accessed on 18 February.

Roy, A (2013): Does Your Bomb-Proof BasementHave an Attached Toilet: An Execution CarriedOut to the Thundering War Clouds, http://

www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?283909,accessed on 18 February.

Smelser, J Neil (1962): Theory of Collective Behav-iour (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul).

Documents

Kashmir Dead Tales