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This research study is about the coverage of Kashmir issue by daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt and also provide comparison between daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt pakistan Media and Kashmir issue
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A Research Report on
Kashmir issue in mainstream Pakistani Urdu
newspapers
(A comparative study of daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt)
Muhammad Tahseen
DEPARTMENT OF JOURNALISM & MASS COMMUNICATION
UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR
SESSION 2010-12
BATCH – 23
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We, the examiners, hereby accept this report made by Muhammad Tahseen on
“Kashmir issue in mainstream Pakistani Urdu newspapers” for the award of Master of Arts
Degree in Journalism & Mass Communication from Peshawar University.
External Examiner
Signature: __________________Name: ___________________
Designation: ___________________
Institute: ___________________
Date: ____/______/_____
Internal Examiner
Signature: ___________________
Name: ___________________
Designation: ___________________
Institute: ___________________
Date: ____/______/________
DEPARTMENT OF JOURNALISM & MASS COMMUNICATION
UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR
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Approval Sheet
Research Report On
Kashmir issue in mainstream Pakistani Urdu newspapers(A comparative study of daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt)
Mr. Muhammad Tahseen submits this report to the Department of Journalism and Mass Communication, University of Peshawar for the award of Master of Arts Degree in Journalism and Mass Communication.
Supervised By: Prof. Dr. Altafullah KhanDept of Journalism and Mass Communication University of Peshawar
Approved By: Prof. Dr. Shah Jehan Syed Chairman Dept of Journalism and Mass Communication University of Peshawar
DEPARTMENT OF JOURNALISM & MASS COMMUNICATION
UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR
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Dedication
This work is
dedicated to my
beloved parents and
my great teacher
Nasir ullah without
whom
Preface
In recent few years, it has been observed that the discipline of journalism has been gaining
ground in Pakistan in sure manner. The said phenomena and growing interest in journalism
may have originated in the comparatively better scope and opportunities in the field of
journalism, and more so in the fact of popular consciousness. Today we can assert that
journalism is somewhat an epitome of all social sciences besides the emblem of the craft of
writing. In other word, we can state that in journalism are usually stated all the practical
interpretation of the social sciences. This is the moot-point of interesting phenomena of
social sciences. However it does not imply that physical sciences, technologies and medical
science have no scope in the field of journalism. They too equally find coverage in the news.
No single research study is done on Kashmir issue and coverage of Pakistan’s newspapers in
the department of Journalism and Mass communication, University of Peshawar. So
therefore I did research on this issue titled “Kashmir issue in mainstream Urdu newspapers”
(A comparative study of daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt), in order to know the coverage of
Kashmir issue in the mainstream newspapers of Pakistan. I consider this research report a
humble contribution to the ever-growing knowledge.
Correction and suggestion from teachers, students and readers of subject will be thankfully
received.
Muhammad Tahseen
Department of journalism & Mass communication,
University of Peshawar
Date: 12/11/2012
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am deeply grateful to my supervisor Prof. Dr. Altaf ullah khan Chairman Department of
journalism and Mass communication for his interest, insight and advice. I am extremely
thankful to my great teacher Mr. Inam ur Rahman for his guidance, patience, accessibility,
and attention to detail, all of which were instrumental in helping me write this thesis. I am
also thankful to my other teachers among them Professor Naeem Gul and lecturer Gul Wahab
khan for their guidance. I wish to take this opportunity to thank the Department of
Journalism and Mass Communications and all its faculty and staff for their help and
support.
This thesis was made possible because of the love and faith of my friends and family; for
this, I will be forever in their debt.
It will not be a miss to mention a number of my colleagues who quite enthusiastically
contributed to the completion of this report these among other include: Noor Ahmed, Younas
Rahi, Faisal Rehman, Ahad Nawaz, Syed Azaz Ali Shah and Syed Muhammad Owais
Cheshti.
Muhammad Tahseen
Village Sehotar P/o Danna Kacheeli
Tehsil/district Muzaffarabad
Azad Kashmir.
12/11/2012
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Abstract
This research study is conducted to find out that how much coverage is given to Kashmir issue by two mainstream Pakistani Urdu newspapers i.e. daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt during two different periods i.e. July 2010 and January 2012.
Researcher selected two periods i.e. July 2010 when there was spark in the valley against Indian forces and second January 2012 when there was calm as compared to first period.
Researcher counted and measured various contents i.e. (news stories, space of news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures, special pages and letters-to-editor) of two month editions of daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt in order to know which newspaper given much coverage to Kashmir issue and also to find out in which period much coverage is given to Kashmir issue.
Findings show daily Nawa-i-Waqt given much coverage to Kashmir issue during the period of July 2010 as compared to daily Jang July 2010.
Findings of this study also shows that daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt during the period of July 2010 given much coverage to Kashmir issue as compared to daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt January 2012.
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CONTENTS
S. No Topic Page NoCHAPTER - 1 Introduction
1.1 A brief account of Kashmir issue 11.2 First war over Kashmir 11.3 Kashmir issue in United Nations 21.4 Widespread insurgency in Kashmir 1989 31.5 Kargil war 1999 41.6 Reasons of Dispute 5-61.7 Protest in Kashmir July 2010 71.8 Background of the protests 7-81.2 Pakistan Media scene 91.2.1 Background and General Characteristics 91.2.2 Statistics 91.2.3 Prominent Newspapers Chain 101.2.4 Daily Jang 111.2.5 Daily Nawa-i-Waqt 121.2.6 Quality of Journalism General Comments 131.2.7 Physical characteristics of newspapers 131.2.8 Circulation information 141.2.9 Printing Methods 141.2.10 Press ethics in Pakistan 151.2.11 Press freedom in Pakistan 161.2.12 Press state relations 17-23
CHAPTER – 2 Research Methodology 242.1.1 Rational of the study 242.1.2 Statement of the problem 242.1.3 Research question 252.1.4 Objectives of the study 252.1.5 Data collection 252.1.6 Universe of the study 252.1.7 Sampling 262.1.8 Unite of analysis 262.1.9 Time period 262.1.10 Data treatment 262.1.11 Significance of the study 262.1.12 Nature of the study 272.1.13 Purpose of the study 272.1.14 Scope of the study 272.1.15 Topic selection 272.2.1 Research design 282.2.2 Quantitative Research design 282.2.3 Advantage 292.2.4 Disadvantage 29
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2.3.1 Content analysis 302.3.2 Definition of content analysis 302.3.3 Steps in content analysis 312.3.4 Limitations of the content analysis 312.3.5 Theoretical Framework 312.3.6 Agenda Setting 312.4.1 Explanation of imported terms 322.4.2 Mass media 322.4.3 Types of mass media 332.4.4 Print Media 332.4.5 Electronic Media 332.4.6 New age Media 332.4.7 Mainstream 342.4.8 Mainstream Newspapers 34
CHAPTER–3 Literature Review 353.1 Theoretical Framework 353.2 Agenda Setting Theory 353.3 Beginning of the Agenda Setting Theory 363.4 Chapel Hill study 37-393.5 Agenda Building 403.6 Need for orientation 413.7 Who sets media agenda? 413.8 How does agenda setting work 413.9 Conclusion of theory 423.10 Literature review 423.11 Definition of literature review 423.12 Conducted studies on topic 42-46
CHAPTER – 4 Data presentation 47-484.1 Tables of Daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt (July 2010) 49-634.2 Tables of Daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt (January 2012) 64-784.3 Comparison of daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt (July 2010) 794.4 Comparison of daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt (January 2012) 804.5 Comparison of daily Jang July 2010 & January 2012 with
Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010&Jan 2012. 81
4.6 Comparison of daily Jang & Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010 with daily Jang & Nawa-i-Waqt January 2012.
82
CHAPTER -5 Data Interpretation 83-86Conclusion 87-88References 89-90
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Jammu Kashmir Map
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Chapter 1
Introduction
1.1 A Brief account of Kashmir issue
1ndias official position is that Kashmir is an “integral part” of India. Pakistan’s official
position is that Kashmir is a disputed territory whose final status must be determined by the
people of Kashmir. Certain Kashmiri independence groups believe that Kashmir should be
independent of both India and Pakistan.
India and Pakistan have fought three wars over Kashmir: in 1947, 1965, and 1999. India and
China have clashed once, in 1962 over Aksai Chin as well as the northeastern Indian state of
Arunachal Pradesh. India and Pakistan have also been involved in several skirmishes over
Siachen Glacier. Since the 1990s, the Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir has been hit
by confrontation between the Indian Armed Forces and Kashmiri separatists, including
militants who India alleges are supported by Pakistan and the Pakistan Armed Forces, which
has resulted in thousands of deaths.
In 1947, British rule in India ended with the creation of two new nations, the Union of India
and the Dominion of Pakistan and the abandonment of British suzerainty over the 562 Indian
princely states. According to the Indian Independence Act 1947, “the suzerainty of His
Majesty over the Indian States lapses, and with it, all treaties and agreements in force at the
date of the passing of this Act between His Majesty and the rulers of Indian States”, so the
states were left to choose whether to join India or Pakistan or to remain independent. Jammu
and Kashmir had a predominantly Muslim population but a Hindu ruler, and was the largest
of the princely states. Its ruler was the Dogra King (or Maharaja) Hari Singh.
1.2 First war over Kashmir 1948
In October 1947, Pakistani tribals from Dir entered Kashmir intending to liberate it from
Dogra rule. Unable to withstand the invasion, the Maharaja signed The Instrument
ofAccession that was accepted by the Government of India on October 27, 1947.
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The irregular Pakistani tribals made rapid advances into Kashmir (Bararnulla sector) after the
rumors that the Maharaja was going to decide for the union with India. Maharaja Hari Singh
of Kashmir asked the Government of India to intervene. However, the Government of India
pointed out that India and Pakistan had signed an agreement of nonintervention (maintenance
of the status quo) in .Jammu and Kashmir; and although tribal fighters from Pakistan had
entered Jammu and Kashmir, there was, until then, no ironclad legal evidence to
unequivocally prove that the Government of Pakistan was officially involved. It would have
been illegal for India to unilaterally intervene (in an open, official capacity) unless Jammu
and Kashmir officially joined the Union of India, at which point it would be possible to send
in its forces and occupy the remaining parts.
The Maharaja desperately needed the Indian military’s help when the Pathan tribals reached
the outskirts of Srinagar, before their arrival into Srinagar, India argues that Maharaja Hari
Singh completed negotiations for acceding Jammu and Kashmir to India in exchange for
receiving military aid. The agreement with ceded Jammu and Kashmir to India was signed by
the Maharaja and Lord Mountbatten of Burma.
1.3 Kashmir issue in United Nations
The First Kashmir War lasted until 1948, when India moved the issue to the UN Security
Council. The UN previously had passed resolutions setting up for the monitoring of the
conflict in Kashmir. The committee it set up was called the United Nations Committee for
India and Pakistan. Following the set up of the UNCIP the UN Security Council passed
Resolution 47 on April 21, 1948. The resolution imposed that an immediate cease-fire takes
place and said that Pakistan should withdraw all presence and had no say in Jammu and
Kashmir politics. It stated that India should retain a minimum military presence and stated
‘that the final disposition of the State of Jammu and Kashmir will be made in accordance
with the will of the people expressed through the democratic method of a free and impartial
plebiscite conducted under the auspices of the United Nations”. The cease fire took place
December 31, 1948.
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At that time, the Indian and Pakistani governments agreed to hold the plebiscite but Pakistan
did not withdraw its troops from Kashmir thus violating the condition for holding the
plebiscite. Over the next several years, the UN Security Council passed four new resolutions,
revising the terms of Resolution 47 to include a synchronous withdrawal of both .Indian and
Pakistani troops from the region, per the recommendations of General Andrew McNaughton.
To this end, UN arbitrators put forward 11 different proposals for the demilitarization of the
region - every one of which was accepted by Pakistan, but rejected by the Indian
government. The resolutions were passed United Nations Security Council under Chapter VI
of the United Nations Charter. Resolutions passed under Chapter VI of UN charter are
considered non binding and have no mandatory enforceability as opposed to the resolutions
passed under Chapter VII.
In 1965 and 1971, heavy fighting again broke out between India and Pakistan. The Indo-
Pakistani War of 1971 resulted in the defeat of Pakistan and Pakistan Military’s surrender in
East Pakistan (Bangladesh). The Simla Agreement was signed in 1972 between India and
Pakistan. By this treaty, both countries agreed to settle all issues by peaceful means and
mutual discussions in the framework of the UN Charter.
1.4 Widespread insurgency in Kashmir, 1989
In 1989, a widespread armed insurgency started in Kashmir, which continues to this day,
India contends that this was largely started by the large number of Afghan mujahideen who
entered the Kashmir valley following the end of the Soviet-Afghan War, though Pakistan and
Kashmiri nationalists argue that Afghan mujahideen did not leave Afghanistan in large
numbers until 1992, three years after the insurgency began. Yasin Malik, a leader of one
faction of the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front, along with Ashfaq Majid Wani and Farooq
Ahmad Dar alias Bitta Karatay, was one of the Kashmiris to organize militancy in Kashmir.
However since 1995, Malik has renounced the use of violence and calls for strictly peaceful
methods to resolve the dispute. He developed differences with one of the senior leader
Farooq Papa for shunning the demand for independent Kashmir and trying to cut a deal with
Indian Prime Minister resulting in spilt in which Bitta Karatay, Salim Nanhaji and other
senior comrades joined Farooq Papa. Pakistan claims these insurgents are Jammu and
Kashmir citizens, and they are rising up against the Indian Army in an independence
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movement. It also says the Indian Army is committing serious human rights violations to the
citizens of Jammu and Kashmir. It denies that it is giving armed help to the insurgents.
The Pakistani government calls these insurgents, “Kashmiri freedom fighters”, and claims
that it gives only moral and diplomatic support to these insurgents, though India believes
they are Pakistan-supported terrorists from Pakistan Administered Kashmir. In October 2008
President Asif Ali Zardari of Pakistan called the Kashmir separatists Terrorists in an
interview with The Wall Street Journal, these comments by Zardari sparked outrage amongst
many Kashmiris, some of whom defied a curfew by the Indian army to burn his effigy.
1.5 Kargil war, 1999
In mid-1999 insurgents and Pakistani soldiers from Pakistani Kashmir infiltrated into Jammu
and Kashmir. During the winter season, Indian forces regularly move down to lower altitudes
as severe climatic conditions make it almost impossible for them to guard the high peaks near
the Line of Control. The insurgents took advantage of this and occupied vacant mountain
peaks of the Kargil range overlooking the highway in Indian Kashmir, connecting Srinagar
and Leh. By blocking the highway, they wanted to cut off the only link between the Kashmir
Valley and Ladakh. This resulted in a high- scale conflict between the Indian Army and the
Pakistan Army.
At the same time, fears of the Kargil War turning into a nuclear war provoked the then- US
President Bill Clinton to pressure Pakistan to retreat. Faced with mounting losses of
personnel and posts, Pakistan Army withdrew the remaining troops from the area ending the
conflict. India reclaimed control of the peaks which they now patrol and monitor all year
long.
1.6 Reasons of the dispute
The Kashmir Conflict arises from the Partition of India in 1947 into modern India and
Pakistan. Both the countries have made claims to Kashmir, based on historical developments
and religious affiliations of the Kashmiri people. The state of Jammu and Kashmir, which
lies strategically in the Northwest of the subcontinent, bordering China and the former Soviet
Union, was a princely state ruled by Maharaja Hari Singh, under the paramount of British
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India. In geographical and legal terms, the Maharaja could have joined either of the two new
Dominions. Although urged by the Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten of Burma, to determine the
future of his state before the transfer of power took place, Hari Singh demurred. In October
1947, incursions and counter-incursions by Pakistan and India have taken place leading to a
war, as a result of which the state of Jammu and Kashmir remains divided between the two
countries.
Pakistan’s claims to the disputed region are based on the rejection of Indian claims to
Kashmir, namely the Instrument of Accession. Pakistan insists that the Maharaja was not a
popular leader, and was regarded as a tyrant by most Kashmiris; Pakistan also maintains that
the Maharaja used brute force to suppress the population. Pakistan also accuses India of
hypocrisy, as it refused to recognize the accession of Junagadh to Pakistan and Hyderabad’s
independence, on the grounds that those two states had Hindu majorities (in fact, India
occupied and forcibly integrated those two territories). Furthermore, as he had fled Kashmir
due to Pakistani invasion, Pakistan asserts that the Maharaja held no authority in determining
Kashmir’s future. Additionally, Pakistan argues that even if the Maharaja had any authority
in determining the plight of Kashmir, he signed the Instrument of Accession under duress,
thus invalidating the legitimacy of his actions.
Pakistan also claims that Indian forces were in Kashmir before the Instrument of Accession
was signed with India, and that therefore Indian troops were in Kashmir in violation of the
Standstill Agreement, which was designed to maintain the status quo in Kashmir (although
India was not signatory to the Agreement, signed between Pakistan and the Hindu ruler of
Jammu and Kashmir).
From 1990 to 1999 some organizations report that Indian Armed Forces, its paramilitary
groups, and counter-insurgent militias have been responsible for the deaths 4,501 of
Kashmiri civilians. Also from 1990 to 1999, there are records of 4,242 women between the
ages of 7-70 that have been raped. Similar allegations were also made by some human rights
organizations.
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In short, Pakistan holds that:
The popular Kashmiri insurgency demonstrates that the Kashmiri people no longer
wish to remain within India. Pakistan suggests that this means that either Kashmir
wants to be with Pakistan or independent.
According to the two-nation theory which is one of the theories that is cited for the
partition that created India and Pakistan, Kashmir should have been with Pakistan,
because it has a Muslim majority.
India has shown disregard to the resolutions of the UN by not holding a plebiscite.
The Kashmiri people have now been forced by the circumstances to rise against the
alleged repression of the Indian army and uphold their right of self-determination
through militancy. Pakistan claims to give the Kashmiri insurgents moral, ethical and
military support (see 1999 Kargil Conflict).
Recent protests in Indian administered Kashmir show a large number of people
showing increased anger over Indian rule with massive rallies taking place to oppose
Indian control of the state.
Another reason behind the dispute over Kashmir is water. Kashmir is the origin point for
many rivers and tributaries of the Indus River basin. They include Jhelum and Chenab which
primarily flow into Pakistan while other branches - the Ravi, Beas and the Sutlej irrigate
northern India. Pakistan has been apprehensive that in a dire need, India (under whose
portion of Kashmir lies the origins and passage of the said rivers) would use its strategic
advantage and withhold the flow and thus choke the agrarian economy of Pakistan. The
Boundary Award of 1947 meant that the headwaters of Pakistani irrigation systems were in
Indian Territory. The Indus Waters Treaty signed in 1960 resolved most of these disputes
over the sharing of water, calling for mutual cooperation in this regard. But this treaty faced
issues raised by Pakistan over the construction of dams on the Indian side which limit water
to the Pakistani side.
1.7 July 2010 protest and Kashmir issue
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The 2010 Kashmir unrest was a series of protests in the Muslim majority Kashmir Valley in
Indian Administrated Kashmir which started in June 2010.These protests occurred in
response to a civil disobedience movement lunched by Hurriyat Conference led by Syed Ali
Shah Gillani and Mir Waiz Umer Farooq in Indian Administrated Kashmir in June 2010.Who
called for the complete demilitarization of Jammu and Kashmir. All Parties Hurriyat
Conference made this call to protest, citing human rights abuses by Indian troops. Protesters
shouting pro-independence slogans, defied curfew, attacked security forces with stones and
burnt police vehicles and government buildings. The Jammu and Kashmir Police and Indian
Para-military forces fired live ammunition on the protesters, resulting in 112 deaths,
including many teenagers. The protests subsided after the Indian government announced a
package of measures aimed at defusing the tensions in September 2010.
1.8 Background of the protest
On April 30, 2010, the Indian Army claimed to have foiled an infiltration bid from across the
Line of Control, at Machil Sector in Kupwara district of Jammu and Kashmir by killing three
armed militants from Pakistan. However it was subsequently established that the encounter
had been staged and that the three alleged militants were infect civilians of Rafiabad area,
who had been lured to the army camp by promising them jobs as ‘porters’ for the Army ,and
then shot in cold blood, in order to claim a cash award.
On June 11, there were protests against these killings in the downtown areas of Srinagar.
Police used massive force to disperse the protesting youth during which a teargas bullet
killed a seventeen year old Tufail Ahmed Mattoo who was playing cricket in Gani memorial
Stadium. Several protest marches were organized across the Valley in response to the killings
which were met with indiscriminate firing by the security forces deployed in the region.
Thereafter a vicious circle was set, killing of a boy was followed by protest demonstrations
and clashes with police and CRPF in which another boy was killed which led to another
protest by the boys till several youth lost their lives. However, Indian intelligence agencies
claimed that these protests and demonstrations were part of covert operations of Pakistani
intelligence agencies and were sponsored and supported from them.
1.2 Pakistan Media Scene
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1.2.1 Background & General Characteristics:
In 1947 when the British agreed to partition British India into the two self-governing
countries of India and Pakistan, only four major Muslim-owned newspapers existed in the
area now called Pakistan: Pakistan Times, Zamindar, Nawa-i-Waqt, and Civil and Military
Gazette, all located in Lahore. However, a number of Muslim papers moved to Pakistan,
including Dawn, which began publishing daily in Karachi in 1947. Other publications
moving to Pakistan included the Morning News and the Urdu-language dailies Jang and
Anjam.
By the early 2000s, 1,500 newspapers and journals exist in Pakistan, including those
published in English, Urdu, and in regional languages; and the press remains strong and
central to public life in spite of government efforts to control it.
1.2.2 Statistics:
According to the Statistical Department of Pakistan there were 1464 newspapers in all
languages published in four provinces of Pakistan
1) SINDH
English: 45, Sindhi: 35, Urdu: 28.
2) PUNJAB
Urdu: 268, English: 40, Punjabi: 17.
3) NWFP
Urdu: 677, English: 26, Pashto: 25.
4) BALOCHISTAN
Urdu: 363, English: 22, Pashto: 8, Balochi: 8.
1.2.3 Prominent Newspapers Chains:
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Due to certain reasons, there have been many drastic changes in the journalism in Pakistan,
besides international impact, which have collectively changed the colour and taste of
journalism. Explicitly journalism in Pakistan has been operating on western lines, and has not
remained merely a symbol of past missionary zeal. It has become a full fledged industry.
Similarly newspapers and journals have been placed in groups as well as individual
institutions. Today, it is becoming just impossible for an individual to bear the increasingly
heavy expenses of running a newspaper. The administrative set-up of the newspapers and
journals can be studied from the following point of views.
I. National Press Trust of Pakistan:
Under this set-up, the following newspapers are working. It also consists of the Progressive
papers Limited Lahore, besides Mashriq Limited, Lahore and National News Publication,
Karachi. National Press trust of Pakistan is an official agency or organization.
1. Progressive papers Limited (PPL) controls and supervises “The Pakistan Times”, Lahore
and Rawalpindi; “Imroze” Lahore and Multan, and the monthly “Sports Time”.
2. “Mashriq Limited” consists of daily “Mashriq” Lahore, Karachi, Quetta and Peshawar;
and weekly magazine “Akhbar-i-Khawateen”.
3. National News Publication, Karachi publishes daily “Morning News”.
II. Herald Publication:
It is owned by Haroon family and is also called as Haroon group. Under its aegis, daily
“Dawn” “Evening Star”, “Hurriyat”, “Hearld”, “Spider” and “Aurora” are published.
III. Independent Newspapers Corporation Ltd:
In this group are included, daily “Jang”“Daily News’, “Jang international’ London; “Mag”
(a weekly English journal); and weekly “Akhbar-i-Jahan”.
IV. Other prominent publications
In this group are included the following publications:
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1. Nawa-i-Waqt, from Lahore, Karachi, Rawalpindi and Multan.
2. Jasarat and Aman are published from Karachi
3. Maghribi Pakistan published from Lahore and Wafaq published from Lahore,
Rawalpindi.
4. Hilal-i-pakistan and Mehran (sindhi) and Basharat(urdu) are published from
Hyderabad.
5. Zamana, Sachai, Nara-i-Haq, Quetta
6. Jehad,Shahbaz, Inqilab, watan, Al-Jamiat, Sarhad, Al-falah and Jiddat
Peshawar.
7. Karawan from Bahawalpur
8. Nawa-i-Multan and Daily Business Report from Multan
9. Business Recorder and Pakistan Economist are published from Karachi.
10. Khyber Mail and Frontier post are published from Peshawar.
11. Baluchistan Times from QuettaMuslim from Rawalpindi
12. Nation andView-point is published from Lahore.
1.2.4 Daily Jang
Jang was first published in 1939 by Mir KhaIil-ur-Rehman. Daily Jang is being published
from Lahore, Karachi, Rawalpindi, Quetta and Landon. It is the only sound Pakistan
newspaper which is also published form outside the country Landon. Jang has the largest
circulation in Pakistan.
It is the first newspaper which used computerized Urdu calligraphy in Pakistan. This has a
large impact on Urdu journalism. Other newspapers influenced by its popularity, also began
to use computer. At present, Nawa-i-Waqt, Pakistan, Mashriq and Musawat are also using
computerized calligraphy. For the strict economy of Space, Jang puts more and more
headlines on the front page. Their text is carried to the inner pages. This style is being
adopted by, all newspapers of the country its photo coverage of local, national and
international events is remarkable and praise worthy.
Considering is large circulation, it has shown tremendous growth and is financially strong
and pays better wages to its large editorial staff fang is the first newspaper which introduced
a weekly magazine on Fridays and now all national dailies publishes weekly magazines of
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Fridays. It goes to the credit of Jang that newspapers took their roots in the low class people
fang is also the first to produce separate colored editions consisting of articles on youth,
women children and political affairs.
1.2.5 Daily Nawa-i-Waqt
It is rightly being one of the oldest Urdu newspapers of Pakistan. In the beginning it was the
weekly but changed into a daily in 1944. Nawa-i-Waqt wielded a deep and penetrative
influence in all the periods of the history of Pakistan. In the formative phase of Pakistan,
Nawa-i-Waqt played a pivotal role, not only in the history of journalism of the sub-continent
but also in the history of the movement of Pakistan. It fully rendered its support to the
demand of Pakistan to the Muslim League. It was established as a putab1e newspaper,
wielding a deep influence especially among the Muslim population of Punjab. After the
partition of the subcontinent and the existence of Pakistan, it made the Mamdot government,
the centre of its support. Afterwards, the Nawa-i-Waqt established itself as the organ and the
mouthpiece of the opposition parties; rather it is well-known fact that Nawa-i-Waqt a ways
served the interest and represented the and against the existing governments. Its peculiar role
was most note-worthy during Ayub Khan’s martial law and psidentia1 elections of 1964;
during heroically and boldly advanced the view-point of the opposition parties and
vehemently opposed the views and opinions of the government’s agencies and official
circles. It is known and which has basically changed the tone of Journalism in Pakistan.
Nawa-i-Waqt is also being published from Rawalpindi, Lahore Multan and Karachi
simultaneously.
1.2.6 Quality of Journalism: General Comments:
The press in Pakistan holds significant power and has suffered much under various political
leaders, only to emerge resilient and more committed to freedom of speech. The press's
existence is remarkable given the often harsh means used by government officials and
military dictators to control it.
The press is, in fact, central to public life in Pakistan because it provides a forum for debating
issues of national importance. As the national English-language daily The News notes, "[The
press] has in fact replaced what think tanks and political parties in other countries would do.
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Columnists engage in major debates and discussions on issues ranging from national security
to the social sector."
The competitive nature of politics helps to ensure press freedom, because the media often
serve as a forum for political parties, commercial, religious, and other interests, as well as
influential individuals, to compete with and criticize each other publicly. Islamic beliefs,
which are taught in the public schools, are widely reflected by the mass media. Although the
press does not criticize Islam as such, leaders of religious parties and movements are not
exempt from public scrutiny and criticism. The press traditionally has not criticized the
military; the Office of Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) closely controls and
coordinates the release of military news.
In general, the quality of journalism is high. English language newspapers tend to present
more foreign news than Pakistani papers in other languages.
1.2.7 Physical Characteristics of Newspapers
The typical Pakistani newspaper is of regular rather than tabloid size, averaging about 20
pages per issue. Most newspapers have a weekend, midweek, and magazine section. All the
leading newspapers, including Jang, Nawa-e-Waqt, Dawn, The Nation, The News
International, and Business Recorder, have online editions.
1.2.8 Circulation Information
The All-Pakistan Newspaper Society (APNS) estimated that the total combined circulation
figure for daily newspapers and other periodicals was 3.5 million in 1997. Print media
included 424 dailies, 718 weeklies, 107 fortnightlies, and 553 monthlies. Deficient literacy
rates, urban orientation of the press, and the high price of newspapers are considered primary
factors contributing to low circulation rates.
Jang is the top daily newspaper with a circulation of 850,000. Nawa-e-Waqt holds second
place with 500,000, followed by Pakistan (279,000), Khabrain (232,000), The News
(120,000), Dawn (109,000), and Business Recorder (22,000).
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The three most influential newspapers in Pakistan are the daily Dawn in English, the daily
Jang in Urdu, and the daily Business Recorder in the area of business and finance. The
average price of a newspaper varies from Rs 5 to Rs 15. For example, Business Recorder
costs Rs 7 per issue.
1.2.9 Printing Methods
Newspapers in Pakistan are mostly printed on offset. Printing and editing technologies have
improved newspaper production over the years; however, the impact on circulation has not
been significant.
1.2.10 Press Ethics in Pakistan
Origin: A press Consultative Committee was appointed by the Government. It consisted of
newspaper editors and government which passed the Press Code of ethics on March 17,
1972.
Press Code of Ethics:-
The said press consultative Committee passed the following press code of ethics.
Conforming to the preamble in the United Nations International Code of Ethics wherein it is
stated: “Freedom of information and the Press is a fundamental human right and is the
touchstone of all the freedoms consecrated in the Charter of the United Nations proclaimed in
the Universal Declaration of Human-Rights, and it is essential to the promotion and to the
preservations of peace:”
And believing that it is necessary to observe a voluntary code of conduct to ensure its
functioning in freedom in the most beneficial manner to society, this general meeting of the
Press Consultative Committee, held at Karachi on March 17, 1972, decides to adopt the
principles of the code as herein set forth:-
1. The profession of journalism, which is a public institution, should not be used as an
instrument to serve anti-social ends, or interests which are not compatible with this
profession. Nor should it be used to the detriment of national and public interest.
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2. The following are to be avoided in any form of publication, such as articles, news
items, photographs and advertisements.
a. Immorality or obscenity.
b. Vulgar and derogatory expressions against individuals, institutions or groups.
c. Libelous or false allegations against individuals, institutions, groups or newspapers
or publications.
d. Religious sectarianism, arousing one sect against another.
e. Glamorization of Crime.
3. The right of the individual to protection of his reputation and integrity must be respected
and exposure of and comment on the private lives of individuals must be avoided unless this
is imperatively in the public interest.
4. Presentation of news items and comments on events should be fair and objective and there
should be no willful departure from facts.
5. Headlines should not materially distort the contents of the news.
6. Off-the-record briefing should not be published.
7. The journalist should be entitled to protect his sources of information and respect
confidence placed in him.
8. Embargoes on release dates of news articles and pictures should be rigorously observed.
9. All paid commercial announcement or advertisements should be published in such a way
as to have no doubt that they actually are paid commercial announcements or advertisements.
10. The press shall not publish news or comment, photographs or security of the State or
solidarity of the nation.
11. The Press shall refrain from publishing anything likely to undermine the loyalty and
allegiance of the armed forces of Pakistan.
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12. The Press shall not publish anything apt to create ill- will between different sections of
the people, but it shall not be constructed to preclude legitimate airing of grievances.
13. In dealing with any situation, the Press shall restrict itself to factual reporting of events-
without in any way encouraging or providing any form of distortion.
14. No newspaper shall accept in any form or shape any financial and pecuniary advantage or
obligation from or on behalf of any foreign country or concern.
15. The personnel of the Press must never accept any form of bribe or permit personal
interest to influence their sense of justice and impartiality.
The above-cited is actually the summary of the Press code of ethics, composed by press
consultative committee, an organization which consisted of the representatives of the press as
well as the government officials. With reference to the said code, it was explicitly given the
understanding that Government would not unilaterally take action against a newspaper and
instead bring its complaints to the committee for disposal. Furthermore the said code was not
approved and signed accordingly by several leading newspapers even the Council of Pakistan
Newspapers Editors(CPNE) did never offer it commitment officially to the code.
1.2.11 Press freedom in Pakistan
Pakistan is a part of this world, but is developed enough to afford the press a large measure
of freedom, perhaps larger then that prevailing in most of the Afro-Asian countries. Freedom
of the press is recognized as one of the fundamental rights of the citizens. The provision in
the constitution is as follows.
“Every citizen shall have the right to freedom of a speech and expression subject to
any reasonable restriction imposed by law in the interest of the security of Pakistan,
friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency or morality, or in relation
to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence.”
Thus the nature of restrains is the same as that prevalent in even the most advanced countries.
However, there is one difference that it is largely the Executive, rather than judiciary that has
power to impose the penalties. According to all the previous governments it was a temporary
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phase necessitated by the requirements of a new society yet in the making and as the society
made progress, freedom of press too would make a corresponding progress. However, much
is to be desired as yet.
Laws that wholly or partly affect press in Pakistan
The laws that wholly or partly affect press in Pakistan are listed bellow”
Pakistan Press and Publication ordinance of 1963 as amended in 1964.
Registration of Press and Publication Ordinance, 1988.
Official Secret Act, 1923, made applicable to press in 1955.
Foreign Relations Act, 1932.States protection Act, 1934.
Pakistan Panel Code, 1960.Security of Pakistan Act, 1952.
Telegraph Act, 1885. Post office Act, 1898.The sea Customs Act, 1878.
Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898.
West Pakistan Maintenance of Public Order ordinance.
Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority Act, (PEMRA 2002).
1.2.12 Press-State Relations
The press has traditionally experienced the often harsh effects of Pakistan's political
instability. When partition resulted in the establishment of Pakistan as an independent
homeland for the Muslims, the Muslim League as a political party struggled with the tasks of
leading the new country into stable statehood. Factionalism, however, quickly contributed to
instability, internal strife, incompetence, and corruption. The press at this point was largely a
remnant of the Moslem press present during the struggle for independence, and it was seen as
aggravating the problems being faced by keeping these issues out in front of the people.
Thus, the government began its long history of attempting to control the press through
arrests, the banning of certain publications, and other punitive measures.
Between 1948 and 1956, political turbulence intensified with the assassination of the
country's first Prime Minister, Quaid-i-Millat Liaquat Ali Khan, in 1951 and the dissolution
of the Constituent Assembly in 1954. However, by 1956, the Constitution of the Islamic
Republic of Pakistan was enforced; it contained an article specifically devoted to freedom of
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speech. The 1956 Constitution lasted less than three years when it was abrogated by the
imposition of martial law in October 1958. A new enforcement of the constitution in 1962
occurred with the removal of martial law by President Ayub Khan. Although this constitution
continued the recognition of an initial concept of freedom of expression, in reality, a military
ruler imposed the constitution, and it contained no separate chapter on fundamental rights.
The press and the public commented on the implications of living under a constitution devoid
of mention of such basic rights, which resulted in Constitutional Amendment No. 1 to the
1962 Constitution.
However, in 1963, just one year after the adoption of the new constitution, the Press and
Publications Ordinance (PPO) came into being. This ordinance contained the harshest of
laws curtailing freedom of expression and the progressive development of the media and
leading to the March 1969 relinquishing of power by President Ayub Khan to General Yahya
Khan who imposed martial law. General Khan relied heavily on one of the measures of this
ordinance, the system of "press advice" given out by the Ministry of Information and
Broadcasting in order to avoid publication of news and reports deemed unsuitable for public
consumption. It was also during this period that newspapers and magazines known for their
independent and progressive views were first taken over by the government. Eventually the
National Press Trust, created in 1964, took over these journals and acted as a front to control
a section of the press.
In 1960, the Western Pakistan Maintenance of Public Order Ordinance was promulgated. On
the outside, the aim was to consolidate into one law different provisions for "preventive
detention of persons" and "control of persons and publications for reasons connected with the
maintenance of public order." The real aim was to refine and reinforce the mechanism of
repression. With amendments in 1963 and 1964, this law empowered the government to ban
the printing of publications, to enter and search premises, and to prohibit import of
newspapers, among other measures. These powers have been used by succeeding
government’s right up until the government of Musharraf.
In 1961, the government also took over the principal news agency of the country, the APP,
arguing that "administrative and financial breakdown" justified such a move. Instead of
allowing private enterprise to improve the quality of the news agency, the government saw
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this as an opportunity to control what news would be supplied to the print media, to radio,
and to the outside world.
In spite of such repressive times, the press took a bold stand in providing alternative sources
of news through an independent press. It was also during this time that the Press and
Publications Ordinance collected under one law a number of excessive regulatory measures
and punitive concepts that had previously existed in different laws and were now applied
heavily to control the press. This press law (PPO) endured for 25 years before being repealed
in September 1988.
In December 1971, when the break-up of Pakistan and the birth of Bangladesh occurred,
General Yahya Khan handed over power to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as President and Pakistan's
first civilian Chief Martial Law Administrator who continued to use martial law up to April
1972 when an interim constitution was adopted, prior to the enactment of a new constitution
by the National Assembly in August 1973. Bhutto however, reacting to criticism by various
members of the press, imprisoned editors and publishers on the pretext of national security.
The next five years, from 1972 to 1977, represented the beginnings of democracy; however,
they were marred by repressive actions toward the press. The new constitution, although
formulated on the principles of democracy, human rights, and freedom of speech, did not
deliver on these promises. The PPO remained, as did the National Press Trust. Furthermore,
through coercion and manipulation, the government insured that the only other news agency
in the country (aside from the government-owned APP), the Pakistan Press International
(PPI), was brought under its authority.
In 1977, General Zia ul Haq ousted Bhutto from the prime minister position and once again
imposed martial law under which abuse of journalists became public rather than covert.
Journalists were flogged in public at Zia's whim. Although martial law usually ends with a
Supreme Court-imposed deadline by which elections must be held, Zia was given no such
deadline, and his time in office up to August 1988 had a deleterious effect on the mass
media. Not one single law or regulation of any progressive character was created during Zia's
rule. The only positive outcome of Zia's rule was the restoration of the news agency PPI to its
Page | 28
original shareholders. Since then PPI provides a valuable alternative news source to the
government-controlled APP.
In 1985, Prime Minister Mohammad Khan Junejo was elected to the National Assembly,
based on nonparty elections, and lifted martial law in December 1985. Even though Junejo
was a more democratic political figure, the PPO remained in place under him, and he relied
on the old media laws. However, in May 1988 President General Zia ul Haq dissolved the
National Assembly and dismissed the Government of Prime Minister Junejo, replacing them
with a cabinet of his own and no prime minister. This arrangement only lasted 11 weeks as
Haq was killed in a suspicious plane crash in August 1988.
This incident resulted in the Chairman of the Senate, Mr. Ghulam Ishaq Khan, succeeding to
the office of President as per the constitution. A caretaker government provided transition to
a full-fledged democracy, which included repealing the press law that had coerced the media
for so long.
A new law, known as the Registration of Printing Presses and Publications Ordinance came
into effect in 1988. A key change in this law made it mandatory for the District Magistrate to
issue a receipt to an applicant for the issuance of a declaration for the keeping of a printing
press or the publication of a journal to provide the applicant with proof that would help avoid
government interference.
The most significant change made in the press law of 1988 was the removal of power from
the government and the right of an applicant to be heard in person by the authority before any
punitive action was taken, like the closure of a press. Appeals were also now allowed. In
addition, newspapers were no longer obligated to publish in full the press notes issued by the
government.
For a variety of reasons, the press law of 1988 continued to be re-promulgated as an
ordinance through 1997, even though the Supreme Court ruled such re-promulgation
unconstitutional. One key reason for this was the recurring demands by representative bodies
of the press to revise the 1988 law even further to remove any executive power to control the
press.
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The November 1988 elections saw Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, the first Muslim woman
prime minister of the world, assume office. She brought with her a new phase of liberalism
toward the mass media laws and regulations. For example, Bhutto's government allowed
government-controlled radio and television to provide daily and well-balanced coverage of
the speeches and statements of its opposition in news bulletins and current affairs programs.
Because the print media reaches such a small percentage of the population, this change had a
significant impact on the public, but was returned to the old, one-sided coverage after only
four months because of pressure on Bhutto by her party, the Pakistan People's Party.
The independent press grew stronger during this phase; the Urdu press and the English press,
as well as the regional language press, such as Sindhi language newspapers, showed a new
energy in reporting the news and in analyzing the issues of the day. In addition, new
technology and use of computers and desktop publishing allowed a more timely and in-depth
reporting of the news. Bhutto also ended the manipulative government practice of using
newsprint as a means of controlling the press. Specifically, the Ministry of Information no
longer required issuance of permits to import newsprint and allowed a free and open system
of importing newsprint at market prices.
In 1990, President Ishaq Khan dismissed Bhutto's government, charging them with
misconduct, and declared a state of emergency. Bhutto and her party lost the October
elections, and the new Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif, took over. For reasons not apparent to
the public, Sharif restored the issuance of permits system for news-print import.
The charges against Bhutto were resolved, and after a bitter campaign, the PPP was returned
to power in October 1993, and Bhutto was again named prime minister. She was ousted
again in 1996 amid charges of corruption, a caretaker government was installed, and Sharif
defeated Bhutto in the February 1997 elections.
In Sharif's two and one-half years in power, he used many heavy-handed methods to deal
with journalists who dared to criticize his government. He put tremendous pressure on
independent journalists, using both covert and overt means of retribution. His Pakistan
Muslim League party (PML) achieved a landslide electoral victory in the National Assembly,
which made Sharif believe he had been given a "heavy mandate" to rule the country as he
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saw fit. He was able to cast aside all democratic checks on his power, except for the press. In
the end, the press survived whereas Sharif did not. The press, in fact, through its wide
reporting of Sharif's abuse of power, prepared the Pakistani people for General Pervez
Musharraf's military coup on October 12, 1999.
In May 2000 Musharraf's regime was strengthened by a unanimous decision by the Supreme
Court to validate the October 1999 coup as having been necessary; at the same time the Court
announced that the Chief Executive should name a date not later than 90 days before the
expiry of the three-year period from October 12, 1999 for the holding of elections to the
National Assembly, the provincial assemblies, and the Senate.
In Pakistan today a cooperative effort appears to be underway between Musharraf's
government and the journalism community. In general, Musharraf's administration seems to
follow a more liberal policy towards the press with fewer restrictions and much less
manipulation. However, reports vary widely. Whereas the Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF)
reported continued harassment of and dangers to journalists, some journalists currently
working for Pakistani newspapers offer another version of the situation. A. R. Khaliq,
assistant editor for Business Recorder, reported that "the press, by and large, is not faced with
any coercion or abuse under Musharraf."
CHAPTER 2
Research Methodology
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2.1.1 Rationale of the Study
Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan has been a key issue for both the countries.
Owing to its significance, delicacy the issue warrants to be dually highlighted in Pakistan
media. However, the recent boom of electronic media coupled with acute competition among
them has forced the media to go for as many issues as they can in order to feed their 24 hours
transmission. As a result it is observed that Kashmir issue has failed to find any space and
time in contemporary Pakistani media. Now a day’s except Pakistan Television and perhaps a
few newspapers are giving “Less then due” coverage to this issue.
Pakistan considers Kashmir issue as his No.1 problem on international level, three wars
fought between India and Pakistan because of this dispute. The relation with India is not
normal because of this issue. Pakistan economy is not sustainable because a huge amount is
allocated for defense. There is possibility of another war in South Asia because of Kashmir
dispute. According to many scholars peace of South Asia is connected with the solution of
Kashmir issue. If Pakistan saying that Kashmir is his No.1 problem so it is very important to
know that how much coverage is given to Kashmir issue by Pakistani mainstream Urdu
newspaper. How much material is published on Kashmir issue out of total material?
2.1.2 Statement of the problem
The problem of this study is to investigate the content of the newspaper namely daily Jang
Rawalpindi edition and Nawa-i-Waqt Rawalpindi edition to find out that how much coverage
is given to Kashmir issue by these two newspapers, and also compare the coverage given to
Kashmir issue by the said newspapers.
2.1.3 Research Question
How much coverage is given to Kashmir issue by two mainstream Urdu newspaper of
Pakistan daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt?
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2.1.4 Objectives
The main objective of this study is
1. To find out the how much coverage is given to Kashmir issue by daily Jang and
Nawa-i-Waqt?
2. To find the corresponding coverage given to Kashmir issue during the two different
level of uprising in Kashmir. I.e. July 2010 and January 2012.
3. To find out the ratio of news stories columns/articles, editorial, pictures, special pages
and letters-to-editor regarding Kashmir issue in two dailies.
4. To compare daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt regarding Kashmir issue coverage.
2.1.5 Data Collection
For data collection the researcher have chosen two daily newspapers (Jang & Nawa-i-Waqt
Rawalpindi editions).Fortunately researcher found these newspapers in the library of
Journalism and Mass communication department and central library of University of
Peshawar. So because of systematic record of library researcher has to fewer struggles for
collecting the data.
2.1.6 Universe of the study
The researcher had selected two mainstream Urdu newspapers, i.e. daily Jang Rawalpindi
edition and daily Nawa-i-Waqat Rawalpindi edition. One month issues (July 2010) when the
uprising was accelerating by the Kashmiri people against India. The same data was then
compared with the coverage given to Kashmir issue in the month of January 2012 when there
was comparatively less spark in the uprising.
2.1.7 Sampling
124 issues of the said dailies selected randomly have been examined for the said period i.e.
July 2010 and January 2012.
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2.1.8 Unit of Analysis
Number of news stories, space given to news stories, opinion and editorial pages, Letters- to-
editor, as well as special edition pages and Pictures highlighting Kashmir issue has been
examined.
2.1.9 Time Period
This study covers newspapers appeared from 1st July 2010 to 31 July 2010 and from 1st
January to 31 January 2012 thus making a total of 62 days.
2.1.10 Data Treatment
Total pages of each issue except sports and showbiz are scanned for collecting data.
Two types of contents are calculated
i. Number of news stories, editorials, columns/articles, and letters –to- editor,
pictures were counted. Similarly special edition pages regarding Kashmir
issue have also been dually examined.
ii. Since the space in terms of editorials, columns/articles, letters-to-editor and
pictures regarding Kashmir issue is not counted as the researcher has found no
significant difference in that category.
iii. In case of the editorials only the number is counted and not its space size as it
has no significant difference.
2.1.11 Significance of the study
The significant of the study can be justified on the following ground.
a. It will be identity the approach of both newspapers towards Kashmir issue.
b. It provides a basic study of comparison of daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt.
c. It will be identity the ratio of coverage to Kashmir issue as a big problem of Pakistan.
d. It will be of some use for readers interested in studies may be press in Pakistan as
well as Kashmir issue
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e. It can help future researcher to investigate the coverage of Kashmir issue in other
newspaper in this pattern.
2.1.12 Nature of the study
The study is explanatory in nature with quantitative approach of measurement. The technique
used in this research is content analysis.
2.1.13 Purpose of the study
The main purpose of this research is to know the coverage of Kashmir issue in mainstream
Urdu newspaper namely daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt during quit Jammu Kashmir
movement in July 2010 and to compare the mentioned period with January 2012 in order to
know in which period much coverage is given to Kashmir issue.
2.1.14 Scope of the Study
The study is only limited to the content analysis of two mainstream Urdu newspaper of
Pakistan namely daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt.
2.1.15 Topic Selection
This world is facing a lot of problems which gives birth to news stories every time and
everywhere. And everyone interested in such a news story which is related to him, his
village, city, country, religion, friends or enemies. Therefore I have selected the issue of
Kashmir which is 63 years old issue and regularly creating problem for Pakistan and India.
Three wars fought between India and Pak on Kashmir. I am a student of Journalism and mass
communication and belong to Kashmir so therefore I am interested to know the coverage of
Kashmir conflict in mainstream Urdu newspapers of Pakistan. I want to know that how much
coverage is given to Kashmir issue by mainstream Urdu newspaper of Pakistan and what is
ratio of different item regarding Kashmir issue in selected newspaper. My teacher Inam ur
Rehman suggested me to do research on Kashmir issue and its coverage in Pakistani
newspapers.
2.2.1 Research design
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1. R.L. Acle off: In his book the design of socials research has defined “it as design is
the process of making decision is to be made”
2. P.V young: Has stated in his scientific social survey and research that a research
design is the logical and systematic planning and directing of a piece of research.
3. Vimal Shas: As per to him, as stated in research design is the plan of study and such
it is planned in every study, uncontrolled as well as controlled and subjective as well
as objective.
4. F.N. Karlinger: his works “foundation of nature” research (1978) defines research
design as a planned structure and strategy of investigation conceived so as to obtain
answer to research (Sajay Narula: research Methodology, p. 86-87)
This study will employ the content analysis method
2.2.2 Quantitative Research Design
These experiments are sometimes referred to as true science, and use traditional
mathematical and statistical means to measure results conclusively.
They are most commonly used by physical scientists, although social sciences, education and
economics have been known to use this type of research. It is the opposite of qualitative
research.
Quantitative experiments all use a standard format, with a few minor inter-disciplinary
differences, of generating a hypothesis to be proved or disproved. This hypothesis must be
provable by mathematical and statistical means, and is the basis around which the whole
experiment is designed. Randomization of any study groups is essential, and a control group
should be included, wherever possible. A sound quantitative design should only manipulate
one variable at a’ time, or statistical analysis becomes cumbersome and open to question.
Ideally, the research should be constructed in a manner that allows others to repeat the
experiment and obtain similar results.
2.2.3 Advantage
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Quantitative research design is an excellent way of finalizing results and proving or
disproving a hypothesis. The structure has not changed for centuries, so is standard across
many scientific fields and disciplines.
After statistical analysis of the results, a comprehensive answer is reached, and the results
can be legitimately discussed and published. Quantitative experiments also filter out external
factors, if properly designed, and so the results gained can be seen as real and unbiased.
Quantitative experiments are useful for testing the results gained by a series of Qualitative
experiments leading to a final answer, and a narrowing down of possible direction for follow
up research to take.
2.2.4 Disadvantages
Quantitative experiments can be difficult and expensive and require a lot of time to perform.
They must be carefully planned to ensure that there is complete randomization and correct
designation of control groups.
Quantitative studies usually require extensive statistical analysis, which can be difficult, due
to most scientists not being statisticians. The field of statistical study is a whole scientific
discipline and can be difficult for non-mathematicians.
In addition, the requirements for the successful statistical confirmation of results are very
stringent, with very few experiments comprehensively proving a hypothesis; there is usually
some ambiguity, which requires retesting and refinement to the design. This means another
investment of time and resources must be committed to fine-tune the results.
Quantitative research design also tends to generate only proved or unproven results, ‘with
there being very little room for grey areas and uncertainty. For the social sciences, education,
anthropology and psychology, human nature is a lost more complex than just a simple yes or
no response.
2.3.1 Content Analysis
In the 1931, Alfred R lincle smith developed a methodology to refute the existing hypothesis,
which ‘became known as a “content analysis”
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Techniques and it gained popularity in the 1960 by Glaser and is referred to as the content
comparative method of qualitative analysis (Google). The content analysis is a specific
research approach used frequently in all areas of the media. This method is popular with
mass media researchers because it provides an efficient way to investigate the content of the
media such as the number and types of commercial or advertisement in broadcasting (P 163
mass media research).
2.3.2 Definition of content analysis
Kerlinger ‘1986 define, the “content analysis” is a method of studying and analyzing
communication in a systematic objective and quantitative manner for the purpose of
measuring variable (p 163, mass media research).
Ole holsti 1969 offers a broad definition of content analysis as “any techniques for
making inferences by objectively and systematically defying specified characteristics
of messages (Wikipedia the free encyclopedia).
Barnard Berelson defined content analysis is a research technique for the objective,
systematic and quantitative method (media effort research page 21).
Earl Bobbies define it is as “the studying or recorded human communication, such as
books, websites painting and law (yahoo). Define it is any systematic procedure
devised to examine the content or recorded information (p 169 mass media research).
2.3.3 Steps in Content Analysis
In general, a content analysis is conducted in several discrete stages. Although the steps are
listed here in sequence, they need not be followed in the order given. In fact, the initial stages
of analysis can easily be combined. Nonetheless, the following steps may be used as a rough
outline.
1. Formulate the research question or hypothesis.
2. Define the ‘population in question.
3. Select an appropriate sample from the population.
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4. Select and define a unit of analysis.
5. Construct the categories of content to be analyzed.
6. Established a quantification system.
7. Trains coder and conduct a pilot study.
8. Code the content according to established definitions.
9. Analyzed the collected data.
10. Draw conclusions and search for indications.
2.3.4 Limitations of Content Analysis
Content Analysis cannot serve as the sole basis for claim about media effects. Another
limitation of content analysis is a lack of messages relevant to the research. The findings of
the particular content analysis are also limited to the framework of the categories and
definitions used in that analysis. Different researcher may use different varying definitions
and category system to measure a single concept. Finally content analysis is frequently time
consuming and expensive.
2.3.5 Theoretical Framework
The underlying inferences for this study or mainly drawn from the agenda setting theory.
2.3.6 Agenda Setting Theory
This term used to describe the way media set the order of importance of current issues
specially in the reporting of news. In broadcasting the agenda is more assertive then
newspapers where the reader can ignore the order of priorities set by the paper’ editorial team
and turn straight to small ads or sports pages. In broadcasting one item following after
another hence its agenda is unavoidable, except by switching off or turning to another
channel.
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This study is conducted to know the agenda of two mainstream Urdu newspapers namely
daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt regarding Kashmir issue coverage. This study is also done to
know the different agenda’s of two leading newspapers of Pakistan regarding Kashmir issue
coverage.
Their treatment with the news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures, special pages and
letters to editor of Kashmir issue, how it accept? And why reject? This is all because of
agenda setting theory.
2.4.1 Explanation of important terms
2.4.2 Mass Media
It is generally believed that Mass Media are the eyes and ears of a society as they are
responsible for the pictures in our head (Lippmann, 1922). Mass media refers collectively to
all media technologies, including the Internet, television, newspapers, and radio, which are
used for mass communications, and to the organizations which control these technologies.
Mass media plays a significant role in shaping public perceptions on a variety of important
‘issues, both through the information that is dispensed through them, and through the
interpretations they place upon this information. .They also plays a large role in shaping
modem culture, by selecting and portraying a particular set of beliefs, values, and traditions
(an entire way of life), as reality. That is, by portraying a certain interpretation of reality, they
shape reality to be more in line with that interpretation.
Contemporary research demonstrates an increasing level of concentration of media
ownership, with many media industries already highly concentrated and dominated by a very
small number of firms.
2.4.3 Types of Mass Media
Mass media are media, which can be used to communicate’ and, interact with a large number
of audiences. Be it the pictorial messages of the early, ages, or the high-technology media
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that are available today, one thing ‘that we all agree upon, is that mass media are an
inseparable part of our lives. Entertainment and media always go hand in hand, but in
addition to the entertainment, mass media also remain to be an effective medium for
communication, dissemination of information, advertising, marketing and in general, for
expressing and sharing views, opinions and ideas. Mass media is a double-edged sword
which means that there are positive effects of media as well as negative influences of media.
Here are some of the different types of mass media:
2.4.4 Print Media
The print media includes newspapers, magazines, brochures, newsletters, books and ever
leaflets and pamphlets. Visual media like photography can also be mentioned under this sub-
head, since photography is an important mass media, which communicates via visual
representations. Although, it is said that the electronic or new media have replaced the print
media, there exists a majority of audiences who prefer the print media for various
communication purposes. Public ‘speaking and event organizing can also be considered as a
form of mass media.
2.4.5 Electronic Media
For many people, it’ is impossible to imagine a life without their television sets, be it the
daily news dose or even the soap operas. This mass media includes television and radio. This
category also includes electronic media like movies, CDs and DVDs as well as the new
hottest electronic gadgets.
2.4.6 New Age Media
With the advent of new technologies like Internet, we are now enjoying the benefits of high
technology mass media, which is not only faster than the old-school mass media, bit also has
a widespread range. Mobile phones, computers and Internet are often referred to as the new-
age media. Internet has opened up several new’ opportunities for mass communication which
include e-mail, websites, blogging, Internet TV and many other mass media which are
booming today.
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2.4.7 Mainstream
Oxford advanced learner’s dictionary “define the mainstream in the idea and opinions that
are through to be normal because they are shared by most people”.
2.4.8 Mainstream Newspaper
Mainstream newspaper can simply be defined as the highly circulated English and Urdu
language newspaper which cover almost every part of the country in every issue smaller or
bigger of national interest.
Chapter 3
Literature Review
Page | 42
3.1 Theoretical Framework
The underlying inferences for this study are mainly drawn from the agenda setting theory.
3.2 Agenda Setting Theory
We are living in a world where millions of events are taking place simultaneously. Media
organizations and institutions have employed thousands of people to observe those events
and report them. The news media tell us which issues are important and which ones are not.
We have never seen the war situations of Afghanistan, Iraq, Palestine and Kashmir with our
own eyes. Even then we have pictures of these disputed areas in our minds. The media's daily
reports inform us about the latest events and changes taking place in the world beyond our
reach. As a result of this phenomenon, most of our perceptions about the world are a second-
hand reality created by the media organizations. There is no assurance and no guarantee that
this reality is an accurate picture of the world.
Media organizations do not just passively broadcast information repeating the words of the
official sources or conveying exactly the incidents of an event. They also do not select or
reject the day's news in proportion to reality. Through their selection and display of the news
stories, the reporters and the editors focus their attention and influence the public's
perceptions of what are the most important issues of the day. Our pictures of the world are
shaped and refined in the way journalists frame their news stories. This function of media is
called the agenda-setting function of media (McCombs 2002).
Agenda Setting is one of the most important media theories of the present times. The concept
of agenda setting took its name from the idea that the mass media have the ability to carry the
salience of items on their news agendas and then transfer it to the public agenda. Usually
journalists deal with the news in several important ways. First of all, they decide which news
to cover and which to ignore. Then they assess all of these available reports. In the words of
McCombs (2002), in a typical daily newspaper, over 75 percent of the potential news of the
day is rejected and never transmitted to the audience (p.4). Newspapers don't have enough
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space to print each and everything that is available. There is no way other than choices.
These are the first steps in gate-keeping routine. But the news items that pass through the
gate of the media organizations do not receive equal treatment when presented to the
audience. Some news stories are published in a greater length and prominently displayed.
Others receive only brief attention. Newspapers very clearly state the journalistic salience of
an item through its page placement, headline and length etc.
Agenda setting claims that audiences obtain this salience of the issues from the news media,
incorporating similar sets of priorities into their own agendas. Agenda setting describes the
transmission of these saliencies as one of the most important aspects of mass communication.
The news media not only inform us about the world at large, giving us the major elements for
our pictures of the world, they also influence the prominence of those elements in these
pictures.
This study is conducted to know the agenda of two mainstream Urdu newspapers namely
daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt regarding Kashmir issue coverage. This study is also done to
know the different agenda’s of two leading newspapers of Pakistan regarding Kashmir issue
coverage.
Their treatment with the news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures, special pages and
letters to editor of Kashmir issue, how it accept? And why reject? This is all because of
agenda setting theory.
3.3 Beginning of Agenda Setting Theory
It was Lippmann's theory that the mass media create our pictures of the world. However, he
understood that the pictures provided by the media were often incomplete and unclear. We
can see only reflections of reality (not reality itself) in the news media. Yet, those reflections
provide the basis for our pictures (Lippman, 1922).
After a long period of four decades, Bernard Cohen presented his idea in 1963 by saying:
“Press may not be successful much of the time in telling people what to think, but it is
stunningly successful in telling readers what to think about” (pp.232-233).
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The notion that the news media influence the “pictures in our heads” was put to an empirical
test in 1972. Two researchers Maxwell McCombs & Donald Shaw from the University of
North Carolina thought whether the topics selected by the news media to represent the world
outside limited the kinds of events that people used to interpret the world. They also thought
whether the public's perception of reality depended on the topics highlighted by the news
media or not (McComb & Shaw, 1972).
3.4 Chapel Hill Study
During the 1968 presidential election of the USA, McCombs and Shaw conducted the first
test of Lippmann's theory in Chapel Hill, NC. At that time, the existing theory was that the
mass media had only limited effects on the public. Earlier studies conducted by some
scholars stated that exposure to campaign information had little influence on the public's
voting behaviors (Lazarsfeld. Berelson, & Gaudet, 1948, Berelson, Lazarsfeld, & McPhee,
1954). According to this limited effects model, voters relied on social groups and their
perceptions to guide their voting decisions. The news media only supported and to some
extent reinforced voters' preference for some particular politician or party. Joseph Klapper
(1960) summarized his research in the words that “mass communication ordinarily does not
serve as a necessary and sufficient cause of audience effects, but rather functions among and
through a nexus of mediating functions and influences” (p.8).
It was a tremendous beginning of a new mass communications theory, which can be divided
into two aspects. The first aspect relates to the transmission of issue or object salience from
the media agenda to the public agenda. The second aspect tells us about the news media's
role in framing those issues and objects in the minds of people.
McCombs and Shaw (1972) tested the notion that the mass media influence public perception
about the important issues of the day through their daily selection and display of the news in
their news bulletin etc. Especially, they believed that with the passage of time the priority
issues of the news media organizations would become the priority issues of the public. The
media audience can easily feel the priorities of the news agenda. In newspapers the size of
the headlines, the length of the news story, and the page placement where the story appears
indicate the prominence of the news story. In television broadcasts the position of an item in
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the newscast and the length of the story can determine its importance. These signals help the
audience in making their priorities among a small number of issues selected for attention in
the daily news broadcasts and outlets.
While conducting their research during the 1968 Chapel Hill study, McCombs and Shaw
focused their attention on the most important problem facing the country. It was an open-
ended question, “What do you think is the most important problem facing this country
today?” They also asked another question “What are you most concerned about these days?
That is what are the two or three main things which you think the government should
concentrate on doing something about?” (p.178). the researchers then made ranking order of
the issues according to the percentage of voters stating the position of each issue.
A number of other researches adopted the similarly worded open-ended questions to measure
salience (Erbring, Goldenberg, & Miller, 1980; Iyengar, 1979; Neuman, 1990, etc.). Smith
(1987) measured the public agenda in his research study, investigating a relationship between
local newspaper coverage and public concern about community issues, by asking, “What do
you think are our community's most important problems and needs?” Edelstein (1974) highly
praised this approach because it allows respondents to explain what problems are important
to them rather than choosing from a list provided by the researcher.
On the other hand, the alternative approach is the closed ended question which has some
other advantages. Use of a closed ended or short question in which respondents are asked to
rank a series of issues provides a more detailed picture of the public agenda. This practice
can provide a comparison of agenda on a variety of issues' importance.
The content of the news media was the independent variable in the Chapel Hill study. The
researchers compared responses of their open-ended survey questions with a content analysis
of the nine major news sources used by the voters of that particular area. Television, radio,
newspapers, and news magazines were included in the sources. As a result of the open-ended
survey question five major issues of importance were found to the voters of Chapel Hill.
These issues were foreign policy, law and order, fiscal policy, civil rights, evaluation of the
news coverage across three weeks of the last presidential campaign (McCombs & Shaw,
1972). The public agenda of the issues of the study was rank-ordered according to the
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number of voters naming an issue. These five issues were rank-ordered on the news agenda
according to the percentage of news coverage on the issues falling into each category. There
was a strong and significant relationship between the public's and the media's agenda about
the issues. This transfer of salience from the media agenda to the public agenda was called as
the agenda-setting role of mass communication.
The basic purpose of the McCombs and Shaw's study was to investigate a link between the
content of the news agenda and the public agenda. The researchers tried to avoid the
misleading idea of possible effects, which occurs when only media content is studied. For
example, it cannot be assumed that people watching televised violence will repeat the same
act of violence in their real lives. Only after analyzing television content and the public's
reactions the researchers can say that a correlation exists. Secondly, McCombs and Shaw
wanted to examine effects on people that resulted from some specific content of the media
messages. Earlier media effects studies did not attempt to establish a link between the effects
and specific media content. This study tried to determine a relationship between media and
public regarding acceptance of media messages.
The Chapel Hill research study provides a methodological ground for the agenda-setting
research. However, there is some criticism on this study. Some people argue that a content
analysis of the media joined with public opinion surveys provides only one approach to
media influence on the pictures in our minds. It might be better for the researchers to arrange
a field, or a laboratory experiment to find out the existence of agenda setting in mass
communication.
3.5 Agenda Building
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Researchers Gladys Engel Lange and Kurt Lang (1933) studied the relationship between the
press and public opinion during the water Gate scandal and they stressed that original notion
of the Agenda sitting must be explained in order to explain the most difficult chapter the
American history. They suggested that the concept of a setting could be explained through
the agenda building. They divided in the following six points.
1. The press highlights some events and activities to stand out
2. Different kinds of issues required different kinds of coverage to attain attention, but
water gate scandal was continuous issue therefore it was prominent in press.
3. The events and activities in the focus of attention must be formed but water Gate was
a huge issue of corruption so it was highlight during election campaign.
4. The language used by the media can affect the perception of the issue. Therefore
water Gate was first taken as ‘caper” but however later on it was called “Scandal”.
5. The media link the activities or events that have become focus of attention. But
people need the basis for taking sides on the issue.
6. Agenda building is accelerated ‘when well-known and credible persons start
speaking.
Agenda building is complicated than the agenda setting hypothesis. It means that the codes
used in making play a vital role well known individuals can also accelerate it. Thus we come
to know that it (Agenda setting) goes through several stages.
3.6 Need for Orientation
Agenda setting can’t take place to the same content, in the same way for all individuals.
Newcomb and Weaver have suggested that individuals differ in their need for orientation and
this may also determine that whether agenda setting on place or not. Need of orientation is
based on two factors.
1. Relevance of information
2. The degree of uncertainty regarding to the subject of information.
3.7 Who sets Media Agenda?
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Many research studies have shown that media agenda and its possible affect on the public
agenda. But the main question that who sets the media agenda was answered by the
Wellesley. According to him that in some cases special interest groups or pressure groups
were able to boost an agenda setting for media.
3.8 How Does Agenda setting work?
Despite of all researche an agenda setting still some questions come in our mind that how
agenda setting works on people’s mind? Why the people give importance to it? Whether it is
due to the coverage of newspapers or electronic media to that event? What role interpersonal
communication plays in promotion of the agenda setting? Many of the questions focus on the
processing of information by the individual.
Conclusion
On the basis of the detailed discussion and the findings of different research studies, it can be
concluded that the mass media can play a pivotal role in changing the minds of the people.
Because of the agenda setting role of mass media, the media agenda becomes the public
agenda with the passage of time. The theory supports the concept of the strong media effects.
Now it becomes the responsibility of the media organizations to play a responsible role in
their agenda setting, because ultimately it will become public agenda. The theory puts a high
responsibility on the shoulders of media organizations because their irresponsible behavior
can damage the national interest.
3.9 Literature Review
The purpose of the literature review is to review the published scientific materials on a
particular topic. When during research scientists need to be aware of prior and current
research being done in the field. And also need to’ understand the large picture of where the
research fit and how it will contribute to solving the problem being, investigated
3.10 Definition of Literature Review
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A literature review is a body of text that aims to review the critical points of current
knowledge on a particular topic.
A comprehensive survey of publications in a specific field of study or related to a
particular line of research.
A summary and explanation of key studies relevant to proposed project.
An extensive search of information available on a list of references to books,
periodicals, and others materials on the topic.
A process and documentation of the current relevant research literature regarding a
particular topic or subject of interest.
Research of existing articles, publication and other documents pertaining to a specific
field or body of knowledge.
The following researches have been done on the topic.
Muhammad Ashraf khan Chairman Department of mass communication Bahauddin
Zakariya University did study on “A comparative study of editorial treatment on indo
- pak conflict in Daily dawn and the Nation” A war and peace journalism perspective.
His research explored a comparison of War and Peace framing in editorials of Daily
“Dawn” and “The Nation” in coverage of Indo-Pak conflicts. His study presents
content analysis of 107 editorials from both dailies during six month time period
during July- December 2009. His research points out that both newspapers given
much coverage to Kashmir issue during the intended period of July to December
2010. Result shows that Daily Dawn 15% and the Nation 30% editorials published on
Kashmir issue.
Durga Ray student of mass Communication at University of South Florida did
research on the topic of “Frames in the U.S. Print Media coverage of the Kashmir
conflict”.
His study examined the frames used by the U.S. print media – The New York Times,
The Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times – in their coverage of the Kashmir
conflict and the parties involved in it from 1989 to 2003. His study is consisted on 15-
year period of coverage and divided into four phases – 1989-1990, 1991-1998, 1999-
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2001, and 2002-2003 and focused on the coverage of seven subjects. It then identified
sources and keywords from 180 news reports and placed them into categories from
which it isolated thematic clusters or frames.
The study found that in the first two phases, the conflict was described as a violent
Kashmiri separatist movement, a frame that changed to one depicting it as ongoing
violent conflict between India and Pakistan. In all phases, Kashmir’s were
predominantly identified as armed militants fighting for secession of Kashmir from
India, a goal that decreased in prominence in the last two phases. India was depicted
initially as a country suppressing the rebellion in Kashmir through violent means with
the help of its armed forces, a frame that shifted later to a military force fighting
Pakistani troops and non-Kashmiri Islamic fighters. Pakistan was consistently
identified as a country supporting the Kashmiri separatist movement with arms and
training, and later as a country itself participating in the conflict through its military.
The United States was consistently described as a country concerned with peace and
security in South Asia. The dominant frames in all periods were found to be
portraying the conflict as a war and in the last two phases, a potential nuclear war.
The Indians, Pakistanis and Kashmir’s were always characterized through their
religious identities – Indians as Hindu, and Pakistanis and Kashmir’s as Muslim or
Islamic. Official sources were consistently greater in number than unofficial sources
for India, Pakistan and the United States but for Kashmir’s, unofficial sources scored
over official ones in all four periods.
Mr. Tejas Patel student of M. Phil in school of political science and international
studies at the University of Queensland did research on the topic of “News coverage
and conflict resolution: Aid or Impediment”.
He tested the concept of Galtung regarding news coverage of conflict and peace
journalism. Galtung is a peace researcher and presented concept of “peace
journalism”-preventing and resolving conflict through media. Galtung says that the
world is divided into nation-states where the citizens and the media are supposed to
identify themselves with their states. In such a situation, the reporting of conflict is
based on the communiqués from the top Military command that would reflect their
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worldviews. Galtung says that in the present scenario, media legitimize violence by
constantly giving coverage to it and mostly ignore peaceful outcome of conflict.
Mr. Tejas Patel did his research to test the claims of Galtung regarding news coverage
of conflict. The India-Pakistan conflict over Kashmir was chosen as a case study. He
selected four leading English language newspaper of India i.e. The Hindu, The
Telegraph, The Indian Express and The Times of India in order to find out whether
these newspapers focuses only on violence event coverage or following the concept
of Peace journalism?
The finding of his study confirms that the news coverage of conflict invariably
focuses on violence and details of violent events. Such coverage potentially
aggravates already volatile conflict by failing to highlight peaceful alternatives and
anticipating further violence. His study shows that the Indian English language
newspapers presents the violent events and related stories because they are following
policies of Indian state regarding Kashmir conflict instead of peace journalism
Mr. Teresa Joseph did research on the topic of “Kashmir Human Rights and the
Indian Press”. His study is consists of three month period started from 1 December
1991 to 29 February 1992. He selected three mainstream English language
newspapers of India i.e. The Hindu, The Indian Express and The Times of India to
know the coverage of Kashmir and specially news reports about Human Rights
violation. Researcher counted all news reports about Kashmir in three newspapers
during the selected period total 423 news reports were published about Kashmir.
Researcher findings shows that 78% news reports were filled by Indian government,
only 7% filled by Kashmir resources, 8% were filled by Pakistani resources and 8%
were filled by other resources. Researcher findings show that no single news report
was published by the selected newspapers of India about Human Rights violation
during three months of his study period.
Mr. Teresa said in his research that although human rights organizations, both
national as well as international, and also other media sources have documented in
detail gross human rights violations in Kashmir by both the militants as well as the
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security forces, the general reader does not get any such picture of the situation from
the mainstream Indian press. On the contrary, the entire issue has been portrayed
purely from a state-centric approach. The Indian press has consistently projected the
government's stance on Kashmir and, in this particular context, its position that the
reports of human rights violations in the Valley are merely the result of propaganda
by Pakistan and the militants of Kashmir. Even the condemnation of human rights
violations in Kashmir by other countries, is often blocked out. The extent of near-
jingoism in the press becomes evident when one considers its staunch criticism of
reports of human rights' violations in India, while reports of violations in Pakistan are
quoted verbatim. The underlying determinant of the nature of the reports on Kashmir
is the identity of the sources on which they are based. The over-dependence on
government sources appears to be the bane of the Indian press reports on Kashmir
giving them an inherent bias towards the government position on the issues
concerned, while ignoring the ground reality.
It cannot be denied that a basic responsibility of the press to society is to ensure the
accurate reporting of events. However, it is beyond doubt that in the context of
Kashmir, the press has failed to play its role as the watch-dog of democracy, as it has
by-and-large collaborated with the government in not revealing actual occurrences in
the Valley. It thus has not helped in any way to alleviate either the sense of alienation
among the people of Kashmir, or the atrocities committed against the common
citizen, or even to provide a clear picture of events in the Valley to the Indian general
public. On the contrary, by its continued reiteration of the official version of events in
Kashmir, the Indian press has helped only to increase the sense of alienation among
the people of Kashmir, and to keep the general public ignorant of what is really
happening in the Valley.
Chapter 4
Data Presentation
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In two month study (July 2010&January 2012) researcher counted and measured all news
stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures and letters–to-editor those published in daily
Jung Rawalpindi edition and daily Nawa-i-Waqt Rawalpindi edition. Researcher also counted
all those news stories, editorials, column / articles pictures and letters -to -editor which were
published on Kashmir issue in order to find out percentage of Kashmir Issue coverage out of
total coverage of daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt during the period of July 2010 and January
2012.
This study consisted of two periods i.e. July 2010 and January 2012. In the first period July
2010 researcher counted and measured all news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures
and letters-to-editor those published in two dailies namely Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt, and then
researcher counted and measured all those news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures
and letters -to- editor which were published on Kashmir issue. Finally researcher presented
the total coverage and Kashmir issue in pie chart in order to show the percentage of Kashmir
issue out of total 100% during the period of July 2010.
The same practice was followed in second period (January 2012). The researcher counted
and measured all news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures and letters- to- editor
those were published in two dailies namely daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt and then researcher
counted and measured all those news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures and letters
-to- editor those were published on Kashmir issue. Finally researcher presented the total
coverage and Kashmir issue in pie chart in order to show the percentage of Kashmir issue
coverage out of total 100% during the period of January 2012.
In final stage researcher did comparison between daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt (July 2010)
regarding Kashmir issue coverage. The researcher also compared daily Jung with Nawa-i-
Waqt (January 2012) regarding Kashmir issue coverage. Finally the researcher did
comparison between daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt (July 2010) with daily Jung and Nawa- i-
waqt (January 2012) regarding Kashmir issue coverage.
BREAK- UP of THE CONTENTS MEAUSERED:
Total newspapers 2
Total issues 31*4 124
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Number of pages scanned 12
Total pages scanned 12*124 1488
1. CONTENTS COVERED OR MEASURED:
Story text and headline (column size in column centimeters)
Editorial text (column size in column centimeters)
Column text (column size in column centimeters)
Pictures (column size in column centimeters)
Letters to editor (column size in column centimeters)
Individual coverage
Total coverage given by mainstream media
First period July 2010
Table 1:
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In this table we can see the break -up of various contents such as news stories, editorials, columns, articles, pictures, letters-to-editor and special edition pages etc on the pages of two dailies (Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt) in the month of July 2010.
One month coverage of different items in selected newspaper.
Daily Jang July 2010
News Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special pages
5091 51 334 630 55 34
Daily Nawa-e-Waqat July 2010
News Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special pages
3904 60 377 1067 68 60
Table 2 :( News stories wise break-up)
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These particular tables describe the total number of issues covered as well as number of news stories about Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two dailies namely daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt in the month of July 2010. In these tables we can also see the difference of coverage between Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt regarding Kashmir issue.
Table 2.1:
This table shows that how much coverage is given to all stories and what was the number of Kashmir issue by the daily Jang in the month of July 2010.
Daily Jang July 2010
No. of all stories Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
5091 100% 42 0.82499
Chart (2.1) represents percentage of all news stories, and also of those news stories which is published on the issue of Kashmir in one month in daily Jang (Jang July 2010)
Daily Jang July 2010
All Storieskashmir issue
Table 2.2: (News stories wise break-up)
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This table shows that how much coverage is given to all stores and what was the number of Kashmir issue stories by the daily Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of July 2010.
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010
No of all stories Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
3904 100% 54 1.3832%
Chart (3.2 )represents percentage of the all stories, and also of those stories which is published on Kashmir issue in one month newspapers of daily Nawa-i-Waqat ( July 2010)
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010
All Stories Kashmir Issue
Table 3: (space wise break-up of news stories)
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These particular tables describe that how much space is given to all stories and how much to Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two different dailies in the month of July 2010. In these tables we can see the difference between the Nawa-i-Waqat and daily Jang that how these newspapers ignored and how much space they have given to Kashmir issue.
Table 3.1:
This table shows that how much space is given to all stories and to Kashmir issue stories by the daily Jang in on month of July2010.
Daily Jang July 2010
Space of all stories Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
55451.914 100% 3177.54 5.73026
Chart (3.1) represents percentage of the given space to all stories and also of the Kashmir issue in one month newspaper of the daily Jang 2010.
All Stories Kashmir Issues0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
100.00%
5.73%
Daily Jang July 2010
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Table 3.2: (space wise break-up of news stories)
This table shows that how much space is given to all news stories and to Kashmir issue stories by the Daily Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of July 2010.
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010
Space of all stories Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
63335.459 100% 4676.648 7.38393%
Charts (3.2) represent percentage of the given space to all stories and also of the Kashmir issue in one month newspaper of Nawa-i-Waqat
All Stories Kashmir Issue0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
100.00%
7.38%
Daily Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010
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Table 4 :( Editorial wise break-up)
These particular tables show total Editorial and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the two different dailies named Nawa-i-Waqat and Jang in the month of July 2010. Editorial column centimeter measurement method is not adopted in this study, because of its particular same space.
Table 4.1:
This table shows the total number of Editorial and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Jang in the month of July 2010.
Daily Jang July 2010
Total editorials Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
51 100% 1 1.96%
Chart (4.2) shows percentage of the all editorial and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of daily Jang (July 2010)
Daily Jang July 2010
Total editorial Kashmir issue
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Table 4.2: (Editorial wise break-up)
This table shows total number of editorial and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by daily Nawa-i-waqat in the month of July 201.
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010
Total editorials Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
60 100% 7 11.66%
Chart (4.1) shows percentage of the number of all editorial and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of daily Nawa-i-Waqat ( July 2010)
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010
Total EditorialKashimir Issue
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Table 5 :( Columns/articles wise break-up)
These tables show total number of columns/article and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by two dailies named Jang and Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of July 2010.
Table 5.1:
This table shows total number of columns/ articles, and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Jang in one month of July 2010.
Daily JANG July 2010
Total Columns Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
334 100% 4 1%
Chart (5.1) shows the percentage of the number of all columns and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month Newspaper of the daily Jang (July 2010)
Total Columns Kashmir Issue
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
100.00%
1.00%
Daily Jang July 2010
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Table 5.2: (Columns/articles wise break-up)
This table shows total number of columns/articles and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by daily Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of July 2010’
Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010
Total Columns Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
377 100% 21 5%
Chart (5.2) shows percentage of the number of all columns/articles and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of the daily Nawa-e-Waqat (July 2010)
Total Columns Kashmir Issue0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
100.00%
5.00%
Daily Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010
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Table 6 :( Special pages wise break-up)
These tables show total special pages and number of those which published specially on Kashmir issue by the two different dailies named Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt in the month of July 2010.
Table 6.1:
This table shows total special pages and number of those special pages which published on Kashmir issue by daily Jang in the month of July 2010.
Daily JANG July 2010
Total special Pages Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
55 100% 3 5%
Char t (6.1) shows percentage of the number of all special pages which published on the issue of Kashmir issue by the daily Jang (July 2010)
Daily JANG July 2010
Total Special Pageskashmir Issue
Page | 65
Table 6.2: (Special pages wise break-up)
This table shows total special pages and number of those which on the issue of Kashmir by daily Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of July 2010.
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010
Total Special pages Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
60 100% 5 8%
Chart (6.2 )shows percentage of the number of all special pages and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of daily Nawa-i-Waqat ( July 2010)
Dily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010
Total Special PagesKashmir Issue
Page | 66
Table 7: (Pictures wise break-up)
These tables show the number of total pictures and number of those which represents people of Kashmir while protesting against India which published by the daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of July 2010.
Table 7.1:
This table shows total pictures, and number of those which shows Kashmiri people while protesting against India which published by the daily Jang in one month (July 2010).
Daily JANG July 2010
Total pictures Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
630 100% 3 0.47619
Chart (7.1) shows percentage of the number of all pictures and number of Kashmir issue that is published by Jang (July 2010).
Total Pictures Kashmir Issue0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
100.00%
0.47%
Daily Jang July 2010
Page | 67
Table 7.2: (Pictures wise break-up)
This table shows total pictures and number of those which shows people of Kashmir while protesting against India which published by Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of July 2010.
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010
Total Pictures Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
1067 100% 6 0.56372
Chart (7.2) shows the percentage of the all pictures and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month of newspaper of the daily Jang (July 2010).
Total Pictures Kashmir Issue0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
100.00%
0.56%
Daily Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010
Page | 68
Table 8 :( Letters-to-editor wise break-up)
These tables show that how many letters to editors written and what was the number of Kashmir issue which published by two dailies named Jang and Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of July 2010.
Table 8.1:
This table shows total letters to editor and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Jang in the month of July 2010.
Daily JANG July 2010
Total letters Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
55 100% 0 0%
Chart (8.1) shows percentage of number of all letters and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of the daily JNAG (July 2010)
Daily JANG July 2010
Total LettersKashmir Issue
Page | 69
Table 8.2: (Letters-to-editor wise break-up)
This table shows total number of letters to editors and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Nawa-i-Waat in the month of July 2010.
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010
Total letters Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
68 100% 0 0%
Chart (8.2) shows percentage of the number of all letters and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of daily Nawa-i-Waqat (July 2010)
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010
Total LettersKashmir Issue
Page | 70
SECOND PERIOD JANUARY 2012
Table 1:
In this table we can see the break-up of various contents such as news stories, editorials, columns/articles, pictures, letters to editor and special pages published by two dailies Jang and Nawa-i-Waqat during the period of January 2012.
One month publications of different items in two selected dailies.
Daily Jang January 2012
News Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special pages
4632 51 304 857 51 34
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012
News Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special pages
3432 60 377 702 94 34
Page | 71
Table 2 :( News stories wise break-up)
These particular tables describe that how much coverage is given to all stories and how much to Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two different dailies in the month of January2012. In these tables we can see the difference between the Nawa-i-Waqat and daily Jang that how these newspapers ignored and how much coverage they have given to Kashmir issue.
Table 2.1:
This particular table describes that how much coverage is given to all stories and how much to Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two different dailies in the month of January 2012. In these tables we can see the difference between the Nawa-i-Waqat and daily Jang that how these newspapers ignored and how much coverage they have given to Kashmir issue.
Daily Jang January 2012
No of all stories Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
4632 100% 11 0.23748%
Chart (2.1)represnet percentage of all storeis and also of those stories which ppublisehd on the issue of kashmir in one month newspaper of daily Jang January 2012.
Page | 72
Daily Jang January 2012
No. of all StoriesKashmir Issue
Table 2.2: (News stories wise break-up)
This particular table describes that how much coverage is given to all stories and how much to Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two different dailies in the month of January 2012. In these tables we can see the difference between the Nawa-i-Waqat and daily Jang that how these newspapers ignored and how much space they have given to Kashmir issue
.
Daily Nawa-e-Waqat January 2012
No of all stories Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
3432 100% 17 0.49534%
Chart (2.2) represents percentage of all stories and also of those stories which published on the issue of Kashmir in one month newspaper of daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012.
Page | 73
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012
No. of all storiesKashmir Issue
Table 3: (Space wise break-up of news stories)
These particular tables describe that how much space is given to all stories and how much to Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two different dailies in the month of January 2012. In these tables we can see the difference between the Nawa-i-Waqat and daily Jang that how these newspapers ignored and how much space they have given to Kashmir issue.
Table 3.1:
This particular table describes that how much space is given to all stories and how much to Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two different dailies in the month of January 2012. In these tables we can see the difference between the Nawa-i-Waqat and daily Jang that how these newspapers ignored and how much space they have given to Kashmir issue.
Daily Jang January 2012
Space of all stories Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
Page | 74
46244.514 100% 402.082 0.91736
Chart (3.1) represents percentage of the given coverage to all stories and also to Kashmir issue in one month newspaper of daily Jang January 2012.
All Stories Kashmir Issue0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
100.00%
0.91%
Daily Jang January 2012
Table 3.2: (Space wise break-up of news stories)
This particular table describes that how much space is given to all stories and how much to Kashmir issue on the front and back pages of the two different dailies in the month of January 2012. In these tables we can see the difference between the Nawa-e-Waqat and daily Jang that how these newspapers ignored and how much space they have given to Kashmir issue.
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012
Space of all stories Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
59665.63 100% 1199.896 2 %
Chart (3.2) represents percentage of the given coverage to all stories and also to Kashmir issue in one month newspaper of Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012.
Page | 75
All Stories Kashmir Issue0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
100.00%
2.00%
Daily Nawa-i-Waqt January 2012
Table 4: (Editorial wise break-up)
These particular tables show total Editorial and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the two different dailies named Nawa-i-Waqat and Jang in the month of January 2012. Editorial column centimeter measurement method is not adopted in this study, because of its particular same space.
Table 4.1:
This table shows the total number of Editorial and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Jang in the month of January 2012.
Daily Jang January 2012
Total Editorials Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
51 100% 0 0%
Page | 76
Chart (4.1) shows percentage of the Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of daily Jang January 2012.
Daily Jang Januray 2012
Total EditorialKashmir Issue
Table 4.2: (Editorial wise break-up)
This particular table shows total Editorial and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the two different dailies named Nawa-i-Waqat and Jang in the month of January 2012. Editorial column centimeter measurement method is not adopted in this study, because of its particular same space.
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012
Total Editorials Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
60 100% 3 5%
Chart (4.2) shows percentage of the all editorial and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012.
Page | 77
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012
Total EditorailKashmir Issue
Table 5: (Columns/articles wise break-up)
These tables shows total number of columns/article and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by two dailies named Jang and Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of January 2012.
Table 5.1
This table shows total number of columns/articles and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by daily Jang in the month of January 2012.
Daily Jang January 2012
Total columns/articles
Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
304 100% 0 0%
Page | 78
Chart (5.1) shows percentage of the number of all columns/articles and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of the daily Jang January 2012.
Total Columns Kashmir Issue0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
100.00%
0.00%
Daily Jang January 2012
Table 5.2 :( Columns/articles wise break-up)
This table shows total number of columns/articles and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by daily Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of January 2012.
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012
Total column/articles
Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
377 100% 7 2%
Chart 5.2) shows percentage of the number of all columns/articles and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of the daily Nawa-e-Waqat January 2012.
Page | 79
Total Columns Kashmir Issue0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
100.00%
2.00%
Daily Nawa-i-Waqt January 2012
Table 6: (Special pages wise break-up)
These tables show that how many special pages and hat was the number of Kashmir issue which published by two different dailies named Jang and Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of January 2012.
Table 6.1:
This table shows total number of special pages and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Jang in the month of January 2012.
Daily Jang January 2012
Total special pages Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
34 100% 0 0%
Page | 80
Chart (6.1) shows percentage of the number of all special pictures and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of the daily Jang January 2012.
Daily Jang January 2012
Total Special PagesKashmir Issue
Table 6.2 :( Special pages wise break-up)
This table shows total number of special pages and number of those which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Nawa-i-Waat in the month of January 2012.
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012
Total special pages Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
34 100% 1 3%
Chart (6.2) shows percentage of the number of all special pages and number of Kashmir issue that published in one month newspaper of daily Nawa-i-Waqat in January 2012.
Page | 81
Daily Nawa-e-Waqat January 2012
Total Special PagesKashmir Issue
Table 7: (Pictures wise break-up)
These tables show total pictures and number of those which published especially on Kashmir issue by the two different dailies named Jang and Nawa-eWaqat in the month of January 2012.
Table 7.1:
This table shows total pictures and number of those special pages which published on Kashmir issue by daily Jang in the month of January2012.
Daily Jang January 2012
Total Pictures Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
857 100% 0 0%
Page | 82
Chart (7.1) shows percentage of all pictures and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month of the daily Jang January 2012.
Total Pictures Kashmir Issue0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
100.00%
0.00%
Daily Jang January 2012
Table 7.2: (Pictures wise break-up)
This table shows total pictures and number of those which on the issue of Kashmir by daily Nawa-e-Waqat in the month of January 2012.
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012
Total Pictures Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
702 100% 1 0.14245%
Chart (7.2) shows percentage of all pictures and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of the daily Nawa-e-Waqat January 2012.
Page | 83
. Total Pictures Kashmir Issue
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
100.00%
0.14%
Daily Nawa-i-Waqt January 2012
Table 8: (Letters-to-editor wise break-up)
These tables show the number of total letters and number of those letters which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of January 2012.
Table 8.1:
This table shows total letters and number of those letters which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Jang in the month of January 2012.
Daily Jang January 2012
Total letters Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
51 100% 0 0%
Page | 84
Chart (8.1) shows percentage of the number of all letters and number of Kashmir issue that is published in one month newspaper of daily Jang January 2012.
Daily Jang January 2012
Total LettersKashmir Issue
Table 8.2: (Letters-to-editor wise break-up)
This table shows the number of total letters and number of those letters which published on the issue of Kashmir by the daily Nawa-i-Waqat in the month of January 2012.
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012
Total letters Percentage Kashmir Issue Percentage
94 100% 0 0%
Chart (8.2) shows percentage of the number of all letters and number of those which published in daily Nawa-i-Waqat on Kashmir issue in the month January 2012.
Page | 85
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012
Total LettersKashmir Issue
Graph1
These graphs show percentage of the number of all items which published on the issue of Kashmir by two selected newspapers Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt in the month of July 2010. These graphs also compare Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt regarding the coverage Kashmir Issue.
Graph 1.1
This graph shows percentage of the number of all items which published on the issue of Kashmir by daily Jang in the month of July 2010.
Page | 86
News Space of news
Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special Pages
0.00%
1.00%
2.00%
3.00%
4.00%
5.00%
6.00%
7.00%
0.82%
5.73%
1.96%
1.19%
0.48%0.00%
5.00%
Daily Jang July 2010
Graph 1.2
This graph shows percentage of the number of all items which published on the issue of Kashmir in daily Nawa-i-Waqt in the month of July 2010.
News Space of news
Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special Pages
0.00%
2.00%
4.00%
6.00%
8.00%
10.00%
12.00%
14.00%
1.38%
7.38%
11.66%
5.57%
0.56%0.00%
8.00%
Daily Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010
Graph: 2
These graphs show percentage of the number of all items which published on the issue of Kashmir by two selected newspapers Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt in the month of January 2012. These graphs also compare Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt regarding the coverage Kashmir Issue.
Graph 2.1
This graph shows percentage of the number of all items which published on the issue of Kashmir by daily Jang in the month of January 2012
Page | 87
News Space of news
Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special Pages
0.00%
0.10%
0.20%
0.30%
0.40%
0.50%
0.60%
0.70%
0.80%
0.90%
1.00%
0.24%
0.86%
0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%
Daily Jang January 2012
Graph 2.2
This graph shows percentage of the number of all items which published on the issue of Kashmir in daily Nawa-i-Waqt in the month of January 2012.
News Space of news
Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special Pages
0.00%
1.00%
2.00%
3.00%
4.00%
5.00%
6.00%
0.50%
2.01%
5.00%
1.00%
0.14% 0.00%
2.00%
Daily Nawa-i-Waqt January 2012
Graph: 3
This graph shows collective percentage of all items which published on Kashmir issue in two different eras July 2010 and January 2012 by daily Jang and Nawa-e-Waqat. This graph also compares daily Jang July 2010&January 2012 with daily Nawa-e-Waqat July 2010&January 2012 to know that how much coverage was given to Kashmir issue.
Graph 3.1
This graph shows collective coverage of Kashmir issue in daily Jang July 2010&January 2012.
Page | 88
News Space of news
Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special Pages
0.00%
0.50%
1.00%
1.50%
2.00%
2.50%
3.00%
3.50%
4.00%
0.53%
3.51%
1.66%
0.62%
0.20%0.00% 0.00%
Daily Jang July 2010 and January 2012
Graph 3.2
This graph shows collective coverage of Kashmir issue in daily Nawa-e-Waqat July 2010&January 2012.
News Space of news
Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special Pages
0.00%
2.00%
4.00%
6.00%
8.00%
10.00%
12.00%
14.00%
16.00%
18.00%
0.96%
4.77%
17.00%
3.71%
0.39% 0.00%
6.00%
Daily Nawa-i-Waqat July 2010 and January 2012
Graph: 4
This graph shows collective percentage of all items which published on Kashmir issue by daily Jang and Nawa-e-Waqat in two different eras July 2010&January 2012.This graph also compares two eras July 2010&January 2012 to know that in which era much coverage was given to Kashmir issue
Graph 4.1
This graph shows collective coverage of Kashmir issue by daily Jang and Nawa-e-Waqat in July 2010.
Page | 89
News Space of news
Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special Pages
0.00%
2.00%
4.00%
6.00%
8.00%
10.00%
12.00%
14.00%
16.00%
1.06%
6.61%
14.00%
3.00%
0.53% 0.00%
6.00%
Daily Jange & Nawa-i-Waqat in July 2010
Graph 4.2
This graph shows collective coverage of Kashmir issue by daily Jang and Nawa-e-Waqat in January 2012.
News space of news
Editorial Column Pictures Letters Special Pages
0.00%
1.00%
2.00%
3.00%
4.00%
5.00%
6.00%
0.34%
1.51%
5.00%
1.02%
0.14% 0.00%
1.00%
Daily Jang & Nawa-i-Waqat January 2012
Chapter 5
Interpretation of data
Kashmir issue is one of the top issues between Pakistan and India, Because of its
importance Pakistani newspaper giving much coverage to this issue. Kashmir issue is
not less than 65 years old issue so it is hard to conduct study which explore or find out
Page | 90
that how much coverage is given to Kashmir issue during the past 65 years. Therefore
the researcher selected the period of July 2010 when there was surge in the uprising
against India. During this period Pakistani Urdu a newspaper given much coverage to
Kashmir issue and exposes the cruelty of Indian Army against Kashmiri freedom
fighters. The second period which researcher selected was January 2012, a period
relatively calm in Kashmir valley therefore less coverage has given to Kashmir issue.
Researcher selected two mainstream Urdu newspaper i.e. daily Jung Rawalpindi
edition and Nawa-i-Waqt Rawalpindi edition. In this study researcher did comparison
between daily Jung July 2010 with daily Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010 to daily Jung and
Nawa-i-Waqt January 2012 in order to know in which period much coverage is given
to Kashmir issue. Nawa- stories, editorials, columns /articles, pictures, letters to editor
and special edition pages have been chosen as a unit of analysis for the purpose of this
study.
During the period of July 2010 daily Jung published 0.82% news stories about the
uprising in Kashmir as compared to daily Nawa-i-Waqt which published 1.38% news
stories about uprising in Kashmir. Similarly daily Jung July 2010 given 5.73% space
to Kashmir issue stories while daily Nawa-i-Waqt July 2010 given 7.38% space to
Kashmir issue which are comparatively more than daily Jung July 2010 coverage. In
case of editorials daily Jung July 2010 published only 1.96% on the issue of Kashmir,
while daily Nawa-i-Waqt published 11.66% which are comparatively 20% more than
daily Jung.
Similarly daily Jung published 1.19% columns/ articles during the period of July
2010, and daily Nawa-i-Waqt published 5.57% columns/ articles in Kashmir issue
which are comparatively more than daily Jung publishing. Daily Jung during the
period of July 2010 published only 0.48% pictures about Kashmir issue while during
the same period daily Nawa-i-Waqt published 0.56% pictures in Kashmir issue. In
case of special edition pages daily Jung July 2010 published 5% and daily Nawa-i-
Waqt published 8% special edition pages about Kashmir issue.
Page | 91
Both newspapers unable to publish single letter about the Kashmir issue which show
the lack of interest or absence of information among the people of Pakistan regarding
Kashmir issue. It also shows that people do not know about Kashmir issue. The above
comparison shows that daily Nawa-i-Waqt gives much coverage to Kashmir issue
during the period of July 2010 as compared to daily Jung.
During the second period January 2012 daily Jung published 0.23% news stories
about Kashmir issue while daily Nawa-i-Waqt published 0.49% news stories about
Kashmir issue.
Similarly daily Jung give 0.91% space to Kashmir issue stories while daily Nawa-i-
Waqt give 2% space to Kashmir issue as the period of January 2012. In case of
editorial, daily Jung published o% as compared to daily Nawa-i-Waqt 5% during the
period of January 2012.
No columns/ articles, pictures, letters to editor and special edition pages published in
daily Jung during the period of January 2012, while daily Nawa-i-Waqt published 2%
columns/ articles, 0.11% pictures, 3% special edition pages and 0% letters to editors
out of 100% during the same period regarding Kashmir issue as compared to daily
Jung.
The above mentioned figures shows that daily Nawa-i-Waqt give much
coverage to Kashmir issue while daily Jung given less coverage to Kashmir issue
Infect most of the figures shows 0% coverage to Kashmir issue, during the period of
January 2012 finally researcher did comparison between the period of July 2010 &
January 2012 regarding Kashmir issue coverage.
During the period of July 2010 daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt collectively published
1.06% news stories about Kashmir issue while during the period of January 2012
daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt collecting published 0.34% news stories as compared to
first period July 2010.
Page | 92
Figures show that daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt published much stories about
Kashmir issue during the period of July 2010 as compared to second period January
2012.
Similarly daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt during the period of July 2010 give 6.61%
space to Kashmir issue stories as compared to daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt January
2012 who give only 1.51% space to Kashmir issue.
In case of editorials daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt wrote 13% editorial in Kashmir
issue during the period of July 2010, while daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt during the
period of January 2012 published only 5% editorials on Kashmir issue.
Daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt published 3% columns/ articles on Kashmir issue during
the period of July 2010, while the same newspaper published only 1.02% columns/
articles in Kashmir issue during the period of January 2012.
In case of pictures, daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt published 0.53% pictures about
Kashmir issue during the period of July 2010 while the same newspapers published
only 0.14% pictures about Kashmir issue during the period of January 2012.
No single letters to editor published by daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt during the
period of July 2010, the same situation was with dually Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt during
the period of January 2012.
During the period of July 2012 daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt collectively published
6% special edition pages on Kashmir issue, while daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt
published only 1% special edition pages on Kashmir issue during the period of
January 2012.
Figures of daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt during the period of July 2010 shoes high rate
of coverage to Kashmir issue as compared to figures of daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt
during the period of January 2012.
Page | 93
Many news stories published in both newspapers i.e. daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt in
July 2010. The reason behind these stories was the incidents were taking place, people
protesting against India and demanding right of self determinacy. Occurrence of event
is very important for news stories newspaper has bound to publish new events,
happing.
Newspaper can’t express its policy through news stories. An editorial shows the
policy of newspaper, newspaper has authority to publish this or not.
No need of event for writing editorial at any issue. Editorial has great importance
among the readers, if newspapers not publishing editorial on Kashmir issue it mean
there is no value of this issue in that newspaper.
Columns/articles are personal writings column is always writs on the current issues
letters to editor shows the interest of people regarding any issue no people has not
interest in this issue.
Special edition pages always publish on the special days. The selected newspaper
published special edition pages in the Kashmir issue in the special days.
CONCLUSION
In 1947 British rule in India ended with the creation of two new nations, India and
Pakistan all the princely states were let to choose whether to join India or Pakistan or
to remain independents Jammu and Kashmir had a predominantly Muslims
population but a Hindu ruler, and was the largest of the princely states. The Muslim
population wants to join Pakistan but Hindu ruler joined India. India& Pakistan have
taught three wars over Kashmir. In 1947, 1965, 1999. During the past 65 year media
Page | 94
specially print media playing very important role in high lighting Kashmir Issue n
national and international level. Government state channel PTV reproduced well
researched documentaries in the issue of Kashmir and exposed brutal of Indian army
other side Pakistani newspaper also publishing news stories column, editorial on this
issue in order to create awareness among the people of Pakistan.
Researcher selected only two newspapers namely daily Jang and Nawa-i- waqt in
order to know how much coverage was given to Kashmir issue during the selected era
of July 2010, January 2012.
News stories, editorials, column articles, pictures, special pages and letters to editor
had chosen as a unit of analysis for the purposive study, for data collection two
national dailies i.e. daily Jung and Nawa-i-Waqt chosen by the researcher.
In this study researcher did comparison between daily Jung and daily Nawa-i-Waqt
regarding Kashmir issue coverage.
Researcher also compared two different periods i.e. (July 2010 & January 2012) in
order to explore that in which era newspaper give much coverage to Kashmir issue
during the era of July 2010as compared to daily Jung.
Nawa-e-waqt is ideological newspaper, it started depute before the creation of
Pakistan that time this newspaper give full support to Muslim league and propagate
the concept of two nation theory. When Pakistan come in to being in 1947 and
Kashmir issue arise this newspaper supported Pakistan point of view and strongly
condemn the brutal action of Indian army, from 1947 to 2012 daily Nawa-i-Waqt
giving much coverage to Kashmir issue as compared to any other newspaper.
According to founding father of daily Nawa-i-Waqt Hamid Nizami “Pakistan is
incomplete without Kashmir”.
Page | 95
Daily Jung newspaper is also very important newspaper in the history of Pakistan. It
was launched during the World War two, 1939. So therefore its name is Jung and it
was launched by English person and letter handed to Muslims.
Daily Jung always remained and considered anti- government so therefore it give less
coverage to Kashmir issue. Many column/articles and editorial published in daily
Jung stressing to solve the Kashmir issue and establish peace in south Asia. Finding
show that daily Jung give less coverage to Kashmir issue as compared to daily Nawa-
i-Waqt.
Research technique adopted in this study is called content analysis a research
technique for making replicable and valid reference from data to their context.
The research method which is used in this study is called Quantitative method. In
such a case all news stories were counted and measured their space on all page in
order to find out ratio of Kashmir issue coverage out of total coverage of newspaper.
Two national dailies were selected by the research i.e. daily Jung and daily Nawa-i-
Waqt, total 120 issue, 1440 pages were scanned in two dailies during the era of (July
2010 & 2012).
News stories editorial, column/ articles letters to editor, pictures and special pages
were selected as a unit if analysis. Daily Nawa-i-Waqt gives much coverage to
Kashmir issue during (July 2010) as compared to daily Jung. Both newspapers give
much coverage to Kashmir issue in July 2010 as compared to era of January 2012.
References
Websites
www.pakistanewspapers.com
"About Us." Pakistan Press Foundation. Available from http://www.oneworld.org .
Page | 96
Ali, Owais Aslam. Pakistan Press Freedom Report 2000 . Available from
http://www.oneworld.org .
All Pakistan Newspaper Society. Available from http://www.bol.ucla.edu .
"Country Profile: Pakistan." Facts on File News Services. Available from
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