Kathmandu l 29 Jan-4 Feb 2007 l # 1 l Price Rs. 25

äääää Yubaraj Ghimire

In what looks like a tough wait and watchapproach, the US has suspended its project onjudicial sector reforms in Nepal. The suspensionorder came into effect from January 15, the dayMaoists joined the parliament and the news oftheir joining the interim Government a couple ofweeks later.

The 5. 6 million dollar project—StrengtheningRule of Law and respect for Human Rights inNepal—is funded by the U S Aid with theAmerican company ARDINK as the contractor. Itbegan its work in September 2004 and itscompletion was only six months away. Along withthe judicial reforms, the project aimed atstrengthening the anti-corruption measures andmechanism in the country.

US Ambassador James F Moriarty confirmedthat the project has been suspended at themoment and “we are waiting for a response fromWashington D C," he told newsfront. While the US has welcomed the peace process and Maoistsjoining the parliament, it has been insisting thatMaoists conduct did not confirm with the ‘public

commitments’ it has made.The suspended project covers a wide gamut

of judicial reforms besides providinginfrastructure to the apex, appellate, districtsand the special courts. It involved providingcomputers, archiving documents and setting upmediation centers. Besides the Supreme court,Patan appellate court, district courts of Lalitpurand the special court had been the beneficiariesof the project.

“The project worked in close cooperation withthe Commission of Inquiry into Abuse of Authority(CIAA), Vigilance Commission, and the office ofthe Attorney General. At least 13 NGOS includingNepal Law Society and TransparencyInternational had been funded by the project aspart of the mission.

Although substantial target of the project hasalready been achieved, the suspension of theparticular programme is a statement of U Sdoubts over Maoists adherence with the ‘Rule oflaw’ once they are part of the Government, andpartly an indicator that it might review otherprojects as well. The U S has not yet lifted the‘terrorist' tag on the Maoists. ä

No TrustUS suspends its crucial project asMaoists, still in its terrorist list, prepareto join the government

Maoist's message to Terai : We are for you,but discard Madheshi Janadhika Forum

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Nona Koirala (80), a politicalactivist and mother figure formany in the Nepali Congressparty, died on Sunday. Shewas suffering from multipleailments including diabetes andhigh-blood pressure.

Hundreds of congressworkers who knew her as‘Nona Ama’ bid farewell as hertwo sons—Niranjan Koirala andDr Shekhar Koirala—lit thefuneral pyre at Aryaghat.

Nonapassesaway

Soft targetThe apathy shown by the RoyalBhutan Government towards thepeople of Nepali origin might fast turnrefugee camps of eastern Nepal intopotential recruitment centers forguerrillas for the ‘armed revolution’ theBhutani Communist Party (BCP) plansto launch there soon.

The "revolution" will be launched to"overthrow the monarchy" and “we arehere to gather financial and other kindof support", a BCP leader said. Kala, arepresentative of the BCP-MLM(Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) has beengiven charge to mobilize the supportfrom refugees in ten different campsbased in Jhapa and Morang districts.

“We are aware that reactionariesmight call it extortion, but what we aredoing is essentially a politicalcampaign which will involve givingpolitical training and preparing themembers of armed revolution”, Kalatold newsfront. Although, the BCPleaders do not state when they aregoing to start the armed revolution,they said, “it will be very soon.”

The Royal Bhutan Governmentseems equally determined not to acceptthe refugees back declaring, “they allare terrorists.” The vigil on the refugeescrossing the border to India, possibly enroute to Bhutan has increased. Bhutanpolice had arrested Shantiram Acharyaand four others on January 23 on thecharge of having entered Bhutan to"create network for causing sabotage,explosion etc." All of them were living inthe Belgandi refugee camp then. Bhutani

officials claimed they were sent to Bhutanby the BCP Chief Chhabilal Pokhrel andGeneral Secretary Bikalpa Chhetri. TheBCP, through a press release hashowever, denied Acharya’s associationwith the party.

In fact, the Bhutan government’sfear has increased manifold in therecent times specially after theCommunist party of Nepal—Maoistswith possible links with the BCP—has

set up a separate cell to deal with theBhutani refugees. Ram Karki, Maoistmember of parliament and the centralcommittee member heads the cell.

Bhutan Government has not onlybeen saying that the NepaleseMaoists and the BCP have close links,it also claimed early last year thatMaoists were imparting guerrillatraining to some of the refugees inDanabari forest area of Ilam. Acharya

was alleged to be one of thosetrained. Kala however, denies any linkwith the Maoists in Nepal.

The BCP is also opposed to the US move to have around 60,000refugees settled in the U S and othercountries and is approaching therefugees to prepare for the war so thatthey can go back to their country withtheir dignity and head held high.

äääää Om Astha Rai in Jhapa

The Madheshi Janadhikar forumled movement was fastsnowballing into a major politicalcrisis for the ruling coalition as oneof its constituents—SadhbhavanaParty (Anandi Devi)—wascontemplating to quit theGovernment if Prime Minister G PKoirala did not favourablyrespond to the demand. Forforum, it is sort of an endorsementof the movement by a Terai basedpowerful political party.

Apart from the visible fissure inthe coalition, Prime MinisterKoirala and the Maoist leadershipwere also at loggerheads on theissue with the latter right awaydenouncing the forum leaders as‘criminals’ who need to be ignoredwhile addressing the Teraiproblem.

NSP’s warning to pull-out

comes in the wake of series ofprotests, some of them violent inseveral parts of Terai which hasclaimed at least 7 lives after it eruptedon January 19. At least 40 peoplehave been wounded in police firingand clashes while half a dozen towns

including Birgunj, Lahan, Janakpur,Gaur and Bara were put undercurfew for various length of timeduring the period. The Prime Ministeris yet to respond to the forum’sdemand for resignation of HomeMinister K P Sitaula as the pre-condition for dialogue.

While Koirala defied Maoists clearlyas he pledged that he was keen for

dialogue with the forum leaders toresolve, among others, the issue of‘representation in proportion to theTerai population’ at the time ofelecting the Constituent Assembly.In the meantime, IndianAmbassador Shiv ShankarMukherjee who had a meeting withYadav on January 27 is believedto have advised Yadav to stopviolence at once as ‘that would dothe greatest disservice to theMadheshi cause’.

Prime Minister Koirala’s plan toaddress the nation with an appealto maintain communal harmony andseek solution to all major problemsthrough peaceful dialoguescheduled on Sunday, however,had to be postponed because ofhis sister in law, Nona Koirala’sdeath.

äääää Bishwa Mani Pokharel

Radicals approach refugees to join armed revolution in Bhutan

Sonia ignoresMaoistsThough Maoists are like any otherpolitical parties in Nepal as far asthe Government of India isconcerned, the Indian NationalCongress heading the UPAcoalition is apparently treatingMaoists on a different footing.

At least four political parties;Nepali Congress, NepaliCongress (Democratic),Communist party of Nepal/UnitedMarxist Leninist (CPN-UML) andNepal Sadhbhavana party havebeen invited byCongress PresidentSonia Gandhi toparticipate in asymposium,Satyagraha andits relevance

in politics, coinciding with the deathanniversary of Mahatma Gandhion January 30 in Delhi. But noinvitation has been extended to theMaoists who are already in theparliament, and are going to jointhe interim government soon.

Maoists leaders however havebeen extended courtesey at parwith other political leaders by theIndian embassy in Kathmandu andgovernment authorities in Delhi ondifferent occasions. In November,Maoist Chief Prachanda andBaburam Bhattarai were receivedby ambassador Shiv ShankarMukherjee at his office inKathmandu on the eve of theirdeparture to Delhi to participate in

the Hindustan Times leadershipprogramme. The immigration

authorities at the IndiraGandhi International

Airport also extendedspecial treatment to

the duo. OnJanuary 26, theembassy invitedMaoist MPs for theRepublic Daycelebration.

Teraiin focus

but norespite

NSP’s warning to pull-out comes in the wakeof series of protests

Search for an identity : Procession ofTharu community in Kathmandu

Refugees at Beldangi camp

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329 Jan.-4 Feb., 2007News

A pro-republic campaign by an emerging group of NepaliCongress is all set to pose a major challenge to PrimeMinister G P Koirala who has been advocating a pro-ceremonial monarchy line.

Party’s Central committee member Narahari Acharya,joined by his radical colleagues like Krishna Khanal andGagan Thapa have already toured 42 districts of thecountry campaigning for ‘Loktantrik Sanghiya Gana Rajya(Federal Democratic Republic). “But it is not a programmethe party has authorized and it’s going to create lot ofconfusion”, Party’s central committee member SunilBhandari told newsfront.

While the central office has not officially reacted to thecampaign yet, there are fears that this might lead to a tusslebetween the emerging radical group and the establishmentled by Koirala.

Some of the district committees of the party have invited thepro-republic groups, but the central office has not yetendorsed it. Nuwakot district president of the party, JagadishNarsingh K C has invited the republic group to launch thecampaign in the districts early next month.

“It’s the height of irresponsibility to carry out such acampaign without authorization and endorsement of thecentral office”, Bhim Bahadur Tamang , member of theparty’s central committee said.

Prof Khanal however, differs, “It may not be the priorityagenda for the central leadership. But what we are doingreflects the collective desire of the nation. We are doing thisto create pressure on the central leadership to endorse theRepublic line as the party’s official agenda”.

äääää Bishwa Mani Pokhrel

Koirala’s newheadache

Signifying a major step forward to simplify Visit Nepal rules andencourage economy tourists, the Ministry of tourism is consideringslashing the entry fee to upper Mustang and upper Dolpo, bothalong the China border.

“We have already recommended reducing the existing royaltyof 700 U S dollar by half”, Madhav Prasad Ghimire, secretary oftourism told newsfront. Headded, “since the issue islinked with immigration, ithas to be approved by thedepartment of immigrationand the home ministry first.”

The apparentlyexorbitant royalty fee wasintroduced from security as well as environmental point of view, but“we are considering the recommendation by the tourism ministry”,a senior home ministry official said.

Thousands of tourists have been diverted to Tibet due to thesteep royality in these two hot destinations. Sources in the tourism

ministry said the whole purpose of the regulation was beingrendered futile by a large number of tourists that visited the areasby bribing the local officials.

The latest decision of the Ministry of tourism is based onsuggestions mainly from the Trekking Agents Association of Nepal(TAAN). It's assessment on the move predicted a sharp rise in the

number of tourists and therebyincrease in foreign exchangeearning.

A large number of potentialtourists appear to be distractedby the more accessible higherplateau, Tibet. A 10-day tourpackage to Tibet from Nepal

costs only 700 U S dollar while the total cost to enter the tworestricted areas of Nepal costs double the amount. A lot ofanticipation by the toursim industry appears to rest on the newmove.

äääää Madhusudan Poudyal

Upper Dolpo and upper Mustang

The latest decision of the Ministry oftourism is based on suggestionsmainly from the Trekking Agents Asso-ciation of Nepal (TAAN).

In what could be taken as an indicator of Dalitempowerment, the interim parliament has anall time high number of the communityconstituting more than five per cent of the totalstrength of the House. There are altogether18 Dalit members in a house of 330.

The largest block of the members from thecommunity belongs to the Maoists with 12members which accounts for 60 per cent ofthe total number of Dalit parliamentarians. Thecurrent number compared to just one Dalit,Krishna Singh Pariyar, elected in the firstelected parliament in 1991 is a significant

recognition of the movement for Dalitempowerment.

“This is a very positive sign , but notenough", Tilak Pariyar, President of Maoistwings Nepal Dalit Mukti Morcha said. Headded, "our demand is minimum 20 pcreservation in every sector of the govern-ment as a special rights which should alsocompensate for the past deprivation”. Theshare of Dalit in the Maoist movement in termsof the number of those killed during thedecade long conflict was much higher. At least1100 Maoist Dalit cadres lost their lives in theconflict.

Despite the Muluki Ain, 2020 V S thatdeclared eradication of ‘untouchability’ andcaste discrimination, the community remainsalmost unrepresented in the legislature. Theincrease in participation by the Dalits todaysignifies a positive change.

äääää Govinda Pariyar

The rise of Dalit force

Just for $350 now

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The share of Dalit in the Maoistmovement in terms of thenumber of those killed duringthe decade long conflict wasmuch higher

Editor & Publisher : Yubaraj GhimireAssociate Editor : Sushma AmatyaDesign: Sunil Khadgi, Kishor Raj Panta & Ramkrishna RanaAddress : PO Box: 8830, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, NepalTel : 4443888, Fax : 4421147 (Edt.), 4411912 (Mkt.), Email: newsfront@bhrikuti.comPrinted by: Express Color, Buddhanagar, Tel.: 4783007, Distribution: Kasthamandap, Tel.: 2010821

29 Jan.-4 Feb., 20074 Editorial

CostlySilence

Managing transition of a nation is not only a challenge,but an opportunity as well. Misusing such an opportunitythrust upon the leadership of the day would not only provetheir failure but would also lead the country to disaster.Timely intervention and an accommodative gesture is allthat the Government ought to have displayed. A maturepolitical approach was all the more necessary especiallybecause the state’s authority has collapsed, defianceand resistance have grown in the same proportion and alive volcano seems ready to erupt across the length andbreadth of the country.

It’s only natural that neglected, deprived andmarginalised groups, regional and geographicalentities would want to ensure participation in theemerging power structure during and after thetransition phase. The hasty way the Government andthe Maoists promulgated the interim constitutionrefusing to even take into account the grievances andanger visible in Terai was clearly a provocative act.Maoists calling the leadership of the agitation groups,"a bunch of criminals", only shows that despite theirentry in the parliamentary politics, they have not beenable to feel the pulse of the people, and gauge whatan explosion of pent up frustration and anger mightlead to.

Government has helplessly watched the fire leapinghigher and higher in Terai instead of using it as a lessonand as an opportunity to take stock of situation there andelsewhere where people have deep rooted frustrationand have not yet been able to orchestrate it collectively.Perceived sense of deprivation in scattered pockets ofthe country can be ignored only if the Government wantsto invite trouble elsewhere as in Terai.

Leaders of the agitation in Terai have already set someconditions like resignation of the Home Minister beforedialogue. After all, parliamentary system calls for fullaccountability and the Home Minister has not only to ownup to the entire responsibility for the failure of law andorder in Terai, but also for insulting their legitimateaspiration to be a part of Nepali nationalism by usingwords such as, "instigated by the palace".

On the other hand, everything that the agitators aredoing like raising sectarian slogans in some parts,attacking private property and government offices is tobe highly condemned. They are clearly acts of crimethe full responsibility of which will be theirs. What theGovernment, especially the prime Minister needs to dourgently is to call for an all party meeting, evolveconsensual approach on Terai and on similar issues inthe hills and elsewhere. And he also needs to act withthe authority of the state and make a choice betweenthe incompetent home minister and emotional andpolitical integration of Terai.

Simplicity of languageI applaud the Samay team, who dared stand by the ethics

of journalism even under the king's direct rule. The newventure, newsfront, is striking for its simplicity of languageand attractive presentation. Though there are comments thatit appears similar to Nepali Times, I hope newsfront with itsunique identity will give a stiff competition to any otherEnglish weekly.

Krishna Dahalkathmandunewsline

More development issuesThanks to Samay team for their new endeavor. We would

like to see newsfront come up with different information andmore development issues. We used to follow Nepali times fornews and current analytical writing but now we haveanother option.

Samir GhimireKoteswor

Great presentationIn-depth investigation, scoops, different perspective on

current affairs and on matters of all aspects of life, greatpresentation, photos are what I'd like to see in newsfront.

Ashesh RajbanshPhotographer

Reflect realitiesNewsfront should reflect the realities and strive to stand by

it's logo of conviction and courage at all times.PL SinghChaksibari

Helpline columnMore social issues and especially a help line column for

young people who are suffering from various emotional,psychological problems is what I'd love to see in newsfront.

Regina ShahSupervisor of drug rehab center, Hathigoda

Speak out fearlesslyBe an icon in nonaligned journalism, speak out fearlessly

and not mince words is what I'd expect from newsfront.Sangeeta Lama

Journalist

Space to Nepali DiasporaNews front is a happy news for the increasing number of

English readers. Country is slowly moving towards peaceand there is an increase in the number of tourists. Mediacan encourage both those positive trends. Newsfront shouldalso give space to the Nepali Diaspora outside.

Capt. S. Sarkar

Bishalnagar

Skillful teamworkThe Samaya team duly deserves congratulations for the

newsfront endeavor. I am sure the crew with skillfulteamwork will be able to demonstrate their Courage andConviction in promoting Nepalese professional journalism,and serve news, editorials and views that will beevolutionary in thrashing any efforts designed to harmcommon aspirations of the Nepali people. However,challenges with its innumerable nature will be waiting tomake you more industrious.

Dev KhanalThimi

Voice of Women & ChildrenThe Samay's team deserves congratulations for

newsfront which has come out at the right time. I am hopingto see more news especially on women and children, Letnewsfront be their voice as well.

Bidya TimilsinaVolunteer, Maiti Nepal

Shaping young mindsIt was great to see newsfront hitting the news stands. I

hope it will succeed in shaping our young minds. I hopeSamay will focus on the dreams and needs of younggeneration.

Subhash PokhrelTrichandra College

Independent PaperThere is hardly a paper that I can call independent. I

hope newsfront will stand out as one and play a vital roletowards peace and political stability.

Sugat Ratna KansakarManaging Director, NTC

Better insightI would like to congratulate the editorial team.

However, the essence of stories is definitely more worthywhen they provide the readers with better insight andreaches out to all corners of society. I hope newsfront willbe able to scrutinize policy body, advocate for poor anddeprived, energize youths, empower women, promotesocial and economic welfare and ensure environmentalsustainability.

Babina KharelLazimapat

ExpensiveIt was quite nice to see your newspaper in the stand, but

could not buy coz I find it quite expensive. Being a student, Icould not afford to spend Rs. 25 per week. Anywaycongratulations for the new venture.

Aditi TiwariSanepa, Lalitpur

Letters

Letters to the Editor should be addressed to:newsfront@bhrikuti.com

529 Jan.-4 Feb., 2007Debating Development

opinion-makers. That it took the recent unrest toenergise everyone into ‘doing something’indicates the reactive nature of our elite (as wasevident throughout the 10 years of the Maoistconflict as well).

There is no need to go into the specifics of thedisenchantment Madhesis feel vis-à-vis theNepali state. These are manifold and mostNepalis are aware of it. And the salve is not forpeople like Girija Prasad Koirala to claim that heunderstands the cause as he himself is aMadhesi since he hails from a town in theMadhesh. That is pure hogwash. The grouse ofthe Madhesis has nothing to do with one’sresidence in that strip of land known as the Tarai;it has to do with their identity and what it portends

in the larger Nepali sphere. Now, finally, there is talk of talks toaddress the ‘Madhesi issue’. Better

late than never, since thatperhaps will rouse the 7+1

party alliance intointrospecting the manner

in which they have set out to reshape the futureof our country. The flare-up in the Tarai is asymptom of what has gone wrong in the monthssince the king bowed to people’s power. Havingarrogated upon themselves to speak for all ofNepal, they have managed to shunt aside manygroups who would contest the parties’ claim tospeak for all Nepalis.

There seems more than an element of truth inthe claim that ‘regressive forces’ are instigatingmuch of the violence happening now. But, then,that should only have been anticipated. It is aworldwide phenomenon that when elites becomethreatened by political change they resort to allsort of tactics to destabilise the new regime andthat often includes rallying ethnic sentiments andpromoting ethnic violence. And, with a populationas disenchanted with the Nepali state as theMadhesis, no one would have had to try thathard to stoke their anger. All of this might havebeen averted if the ‘new Nepal-in-the-making’had been able to accommodate or evensincerely acknowledge the different Nepals thatare having to make themselves heard, oftentimesthrough force.

For all the current genuflections to the idea of‘inclusive democracy’, the political compromisethat resulted in the interim constitution seems to beequally a means for exclusion. Apart from thearbitrariness of the eight parties to keep

It perhaps went unnoticed by many, but around ayear and a half back when a Madhesi studentgroup organised a press conference to protestthe manhandling of some Madhesis by the army,not a single reporter showed up. Similarly, acouple of years ago, there was an academicconference on the Tarai in Kathmandu, perhapsthe one and only of its kind so far. Again,although there was much appreciation fromMadhesi leaders,-- social and political--for theattempt to raise the problems of the Tarai (and/orMadhesh) and bring it into mainstream discourse,there was a total blackout in the press about whathappened at the meeting.

An issue that any objective individual shouldhave recognised long ago as something muchmore serious than the Maoist movement couldever be was completely ignored byour media and, by extension, the

everyone else out of the discussions, and whichthey may have to revisit soon, the interimconstitution does not allow political space to manyother groups. Thus, we continue with thesentiment of the 1990 constitution and retainrestrictions on partisans of religion, caste,community, etc, as well as those who seek the‘fragmentation’ of the country. What is wrong withopening up the political marketplace to all ideas,howsoever abhorrent or alarming these mayseem?

Let’s take the question of secession itself, themost taboo of all political subjects. It is surelymore civil to allow a group to argue its case foropting out of a state in a parliamentary forum, asthe Parti Québécois has been doing for decadesin Canada, than to silence it. For, regardless ofthe merit of its case, any party that feels ignoredhas ways to make itself heard (whether thosemethods succeed or not is a different matter).Ultimately, everyone has to submit to the test ofthe people’s will, and the only civilised method ofpersuasion open to the state is to demonstrate byaction that any such group is better off within thenational fabric than without.

Inclusive democracy is much more thanmaking the polity reflect the social demography ofthe country, as seems to be the generalunderstanding. That is a start and the Maoistshave been rightly commended for having led the

way. But there is much more tocreating a genuinely inclusivedemocracy. As Iris Young writes:‘It is also a means of collectiveproblem-solving which dependsfor its legitimacy and wisdom onthe expression and criticism of thediverse opinions of all themembers of the society. Inclusivedemocratic practice is likely topromote the most just resultsbecause people aim to persuadeone another of the justice andwisdom of their claims, and areopen to having their own opinionsand understandings of theirinterests change in the process.’

Verbal sparring has to bepreferable to its alternative—violence.

(The author is a free lance journalist)

ExclusionExemplified

äääää Deepak Thapa

Inclusive democracy is much more than makingthe polity reflect the social demography of thecountry, as seems to be the general understanding

Defying curfew for a cause

An artist brings Terai in capital's focus

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The residents of a small sleepy village,Jaljale that lies close to Udaypur cementfactory in the neighborhood of Ghaighattown in Udaypur share an unspoken bondof hardship and suffering.

The village is multi-cultural with an equalproportion of Brahmins, Chettris, and a largenumber of indigenous (Janjati) and ethnicgroups; and also a considerable number ofpeople from scheduled castes (Dalits) likethe Musahar. The residents of the village aremigrants from all over the country who camehere during the construction of the Udaypurcement factory more than a decade ago.After the completion of the construction work,the labour force found themselves minus anyjobs and with saving too little for them to goback homes with. This need to surviveagainst all odds served to connect thepeople of Jaljale.

Unlike the configuration of politicalstructures which bring people togetherbased on ideologies, the Rais, Shresthas,Danuwars, Karkis, Sadas, Sigdels, Magar,Basnets, Lungeli, Boharas, Thapas,Chaudharys, Dhimals and Gurungs in thevillage bond together as a community offamilies whose priority is to make a decentliving. Most households in the village havedifferent political belief systems but the mostpressing concern that transcends theirpolitical allegiance is their need for economicfreedom and employment opportunities.

Musahar Dukhanidevi Sada, 35, is very

conscious of her social and political surround-ings. She proudly identifies herself as a Musaharand says the social fabric that she lives in is theresult of common shared value guided byeconomic needs. Dukhanidevi says she haspolitical freedom to express but this she says, hasless value for her if she does not have economicresource to support her family.

Think of a product or a service that could beconsumed in any rural part of the country and itcan be readily provided for by the micro-entrepreneurs in Jaljale. People in the villagewho strive to be self sufficient are entrepreneursproducing ceramic products, bamboo furniture,leaf plates (Saal ko Tapari). They also producepickles, soaps, spices and fast food snacks(Dalmoth – Bhujiya). A micro-service industryexists in the village that includes photo studios,beauty parlors, electronic service centers,numerous tailoring stores and blacksmiths.

Striking about the micro-enterprise village in Jaljale isthe sense of belonging andsupport system the entrepre-neurs share. Competitionamong the diverse multi-cultural population does notseem to be the overridingfactor to guide their successbut working in a spirit of

partnership and assistance is what is helpingenterprises to expand. An example of this isShobha Danuwar who when she goes to markether Dalmoth – Bhujiya takes along her fellowbusiness women to market their individualproducts.

Aromatic sticks (Dhoop/ Agarbatti) is anothermicro-enterprise that is flourishing in Jaljale.Although a large quantity of these aromatic sticksare imported from India, they are also manufac-tured in Jaljale with nominal investments usinglocal resources and labour. The entrepreneurshave successfully decoded the ingredients andconfirmed that the raw materials for "Dhoop" is

A VillageA Family

available in Nepal.Parvati Rai who lives in a ramshackle house

close to Jaljale provides employment to morethan 50 women. She sees to it that there is areliable supply chain management system toensure bamboo files, coal dust, tree bark(Kaulo)), scented herbal oils are in regularsupply. Parvati sold more than Rs 26,000 worthof Dhoop when she made her first trip toKathmandu in December 2006. She says"Aromatic stick manufacturing is appropriate forlow income people and those seeking off farmincome opportunities because it is a home basedenterprise and could be an alternative source ofemployment and income for rural people". Not faraway, a young entrepreneurs Rabita Rai, 17,makes pickles and markets them in local marketsin Ghaighat and along the east west highway.

Given the present scenario in the country, thegovernment and development agencies shouldpay attention to provide the disfavored ruralpopulation better opportunities to improve theirlivelihood. In the process, the youth force could

be allied with rural enterprise developmentto prevent a resurgence of yet anotherrevolution by the youth for economicindependence.

How best to improve the livelihood is amatter of debate, but the Jaljale experiencecould be seen as an indication to show thatthe micro-enterprise sector could be analternative way to strengthen ruraleconomies, improve basic social indicatorsand ultimately link rural economies to thenational economy. It would also be worthassessing how micro-enterprises in the U.Saccounts for 20% of all jobs in rural countiesor how employment generated by micro-enterprises represents 17.9% of all private(non-farm) employment in the U.S. ä

(Shrestha, a former East West Centerscholar is an independent media andcommunication consultant .)

äääää Sudarshan Shrestha

Think of a product or a service that could be consumedin any rural part of the country and it can be readilyprovided for by the micro-entrepreneurs in Jaljale

How best to improve the livelihoodis a matter of debate, but theJaljale experience could be seen asan indication to show that themicro-enterprise sector could be away to strengthen rural economies

6 29 Jan-4 Feb, 2007 Development

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729 Jan.-4 Feb., 2007Profile

children in small scale income generation activities. Thisencouraged them to send children to school instead of begging orworking. She concentrated on raising the standards to meet herobjectives rather than compromise.

She saw how the poor were suppressed based on caste and ahost of superstitions. One day a Pariyar girl whose dream was tobecome a doctor came and told her that she was informed that aPariyar had no right to become a doctor. "I decided to deal with thislogically and suggested she look up all scriptures, search theInternet and verify where it says that a Pariyar or anybody elsecannot be a doctor. This seemed to convince her and today sheand her friends are in university and are preparing for theircareer".

The phase when she brought in medical volunteers to studyparasitical worms in the children and to treat them stands out in hermind. After the children were given deworming medicines, somebegan to vomit and long worms had to be pulled out of theirmouths. In the process some volunteers fainted and Vicky was at aloss how to handle it all. "We made a good analysis of parasitesthen!", was her witty remark.

To encourage children to be regular at school, she beganserving food once a day and for most children, it was and still is theonly meal of the day. Some children leading double lives, mafiathreats and exploitation had to be worked on harder to keep theirinterest in school alive.

One day she came back home to find an empty fridge and nomoney even to feed her child. She was reprimanded severely bya good friend that served to get back her practical sense."Intuitively, my feet led me to Lincoln school and guess what, ateacher had just given in her resignation and the job was waitingfor me!" The job provided her with the financial support she was sodirely in need of. After the school hours, she'd rush back to herschool where she'd end up working till midnight with her son in tow."I used to collect all the discarded materials from Lincoln schoolgarbage and use them to make flash cards, number cards at my

school.”Slowly and steadily, the project VEDFON (Vicki Educational and

Development Foundation Nepal) established in 1993, expandedfrom her first school, Daleki in Samakhushi to another extension,Catalunya school in Balaju. Both schools house a total of 530students from pre-primary to class ten.

The methodology Vicky has created believes a brain of a childneeds incentive to grow. Maturity of mind figures strongly in hercurriculum that integrates formal education with problem solving,creative and inter personal skills. “A child brings with him/her thewhole world that the child is exposed to. The children I work withcome from highly complicated backgrounds and healing emotionalproblems figure strongly in our schools”. Her credo is to encourageevery child to dream and become architects of their lives.

The indomitable lady published a book in Spanish, Vicky Sherpa -A teacher in Kathmandu, in Spain in 2001. With two children that shedotes on and treats as her friends, she wishes she had more time forcreative pursuits, “It’s very tough raising funds. You can’t be creativewhen you’re always publicizing and advertising for funds. Now, I’dlike to focus more on implementing my methodology and sell it toother schools. I’ve received a proposal to start a similar project forwar torn children in Sierra Leone, Africa and see myself traveling alot in future.” But Nepal’s poorest children to whom she strived togive the best education remain dear to her. ä

ä ä ä ä ä Sushma Amatya

Victoria Subirana, 47, popularly known as Vicky followed what herheart dictated and never regretted it. Having always had an affinitytowards the Tibetan cause, she decided to visit the Tibetancommunity in Nepal. Just 27, with a masters degree in curriculumand teaching from Michigan university, US; she instantly felt shehad found the mission in her life when she saw children begging inthe streets and fighting with dogs for food from garbage. "That sighttransformed my life. I went back home in Spain and told my family Iwanted to quit my job as a kindergarten teacher and go to Nepal

to work for disadvantaged children".She then moved to Barcelona to learn Nepali. Vicky recalled

the adventure, "To save money to come to Nepal, I took up ajob as a servant in the city and became best friends with thelady of the house who understood me very well. I didn'tfeel as a servant at all. You are what you feel, isn't it?" Notsurprisingly, she had to face opposition from everybody."Even my mother thought I had gone crazy. She eventook me to a psychiatrist who declared me sane after Italked with him for two hours."

Vicky then came to Nepal and lived with a Shresthafamily and learned to adapt to Newari – Nepali culturecomfortably. She got in touch with a Tibetan refugeeschool in Boudha where marginalised children fromdifferent ethnic groups, speaking different languages withno communication with each other were under one roof.Experience with the children added a new dimension toher life. "They were defecating, urinating, sleeping asthey wished and all parents were gathered inside theclass. I wanted to run away! The idea I had aboutmyself being well qualified was shattered and Irealised I knew nothing. It was a great lesson onhumility." She cried for many days in a row.Gradually amidst the chaos, Vicky developed and

applied another set of knowledge, a set ofmethodology suited to the new scenarioand saw positive results in six months.

Trouble arose when her visa expiredand she received notice to leave in amonth—something she wasn't willing toleave just when things were settlingdown. The Tibetan community wantedher to stay and proposed she get marriedto a Nepali citizen so she could remain in

the country. The idea though completelyalien to her background appeared as a

better alternative to a regular cycle of bribing the authorities. A list ofcandidates were arranged for her to review and finally she choseher now ex-husband with whom she lived for nine years. Thosewere difficult years for her to say the least as there were hardly anysimilarities between her and the man she married.

Vicky said with a laugh, "Marrying appeared to give me a senseof acceptance here and also in Spain where my arrangedmarriage served as an initial selling point to raise funds for myproject to start my own school! If not for this novelty, nobody knewand cared about the children in Nepal. I raised funds, came backand opened a school with 19 children, mostly who were brandedas untouchables." She trained teachers and helped families of the

Dareto dreamVicky embarked on an impossible dreamand now 14 years down the line shetransformed it into a wonderful reality

The methodology Vicky has created believes a brain of achild needs incentive to grow. Maturity of mind figuresstrongly in her curriculum that integrates formal educationwith problem solving, creative and inter personal skills.

pics by Bhaswor Ojha

8 29 Jan-4 Feb, 2007 From the Region

ä Saionton Basu

As India moves fast on the superhighway tocivilian nuclear power plants and with Russiaagreeing to give this country four morereactors, little thought has been given to theregulatory framework for safe and environ-mentally acceptable methods of disposal ofradioactive wastes that would be generated.Given the emphasis that is being placed onnuclear power plants, it would not bepremature at this early stage to chalk out adetailed regulatory regime governingdisposal of (a) spent nuclear fuel fromnuclear reactors; and (b) radioactive wastefrom the reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel.

The Atomic Energy (Safe Disposal ofRadioactive Wastes) Rules, 1987 (“NuclearWaste Rules”) is the only definitive law onthe above point that we have, and I wouldbeg to submit that it does not even begin tocover the bases, which would be thrownopen by the installation of nuclear powerplants. A law of this nature ought to provide

a reasonable assurance that the public and theenvironment will be adequately protected fromthe hazards posed by high-level radioactivewaste and such spent nuclear fuel. The NuclearWaste Rules only provides a sketchy Schedule,containing conditions and procedures fordisposal of radioactive wastes by institutionshandling small quantities of radioisotopes. It istherefore necessary to start a dialogue ordebate in this critical area.

First and foremost, along the lines of theNuclear Waste Policy Act, 1982, of the UnitedStates of America, site characterisation activitiesneed to be carried out by the competentauthority, which in the case of India would be theAtomic Energy Regulatory Board. Such sitecharacterisation would include studying theextent of planned excavations, planning for anyonsite testing with radioactive or non-radioactivematerial, planning for investigation activities thatmay affect the capability of such candidate siteto isolate high-level radioactive waste and spent

nuclear fuel and planning to control anyadverse, safety-related impacts from such sitecharacterisation activities.

The Nuclear Waste Rules do not prescribeany guidelines for site characterisation andmerely provide that no person shall dispose ofradioactive waste in a location other than thatwhich is prescribed in the authorisation grantedunder Rule 3. Thus it is not clear on whom theresponsibility rests for site selection for disposalof radioactive waste. Ideally, the governmentshould conduct site characterisation surveys anddecide upon the most appropriate location fordisposal of radioactive waste. State and publicparticipation in the planning and development ofrepositories is essential in order to promotepublic confidence in the safety of disposal ofsuch waste and spent fuel.

Secondly, on the lines of the InvestorEducation and Protection Fund envisaged underthe Companies Act, 1956, a nuclear waste fundneeds to be carved out in the Nuclear WasteRules, composed of payments made by the

generators and owners of such waste andspent fuel, which will ensure that the costsof carrying out activities relating to thedisposal of such waste and spent fuel will beborne by the persons responsible forgenerating such waste and spent fuel. Aprovision of this nature would indeed be alegislative crystallisation of the ‘polluter pays’principle enunciated by the Supreme Courtof India in the case of Vellore Citizens’Welfare Forum versus Union of India, AIR1996 SC 2715.

Thirdly, we come to the vexed question ofthe extent of private sector participationwhich ought to be permitted in the area ofdisposal of radioactive wastes. The analogyof privatisation of handling and disposal ofmunicipal wastes, which is under way inseveral municipalities in India, though anuseful starting point, runs into troubledwaters, given the extent of sensitivity of thewaste in question.

(expressindia online)The writer is advocate, Supreme Court of India

Nuclear waste It is therefore necessary to start a dialogue or debate in this critical area

The war in the open spaces of Afghanistanis very different from the one being wagedby the Americans in the streets ofBaghdad. But for British Royal Marinesengaged in daily firefights with the Taliban,it is no less dangerous

Royal Marine Andy Mason, on SparrowHawk ridge, sighted his heat-seekingJavelin anti-tank missile and squeezed thetrigger. Eight seconds later it smashed intothe target, a large house from whichTaliban insurgents were firing at Britishforces.

Half a dozen insurgent fighters jumpedoff the first-storey balcony just before itdisintegrated. Others in the compoundwere trying to flee when air strikes werecalled in. A Tornado GR7 dropped a1,000lb bomb, leaving the building a pile ofrubble and billowing smoke.

This encounter took place on Fridaynight in Kajaki, one of the most ruggedlybeautiful parts of Afghanistan, but also the

most dangerous, with daily fighting betweenRoyal Marines and insurgents. Just before ourhelicopter landed from Camp Bastion, the mainBritish base in southern Afghanistan's troubledHelmand province, the Taliban had begunshooting at the British position, starting a firefightthat went on into the night.

While violence has ebbed away at otherflashpoints in northern Helmand such as Sanginand Now Zad, and a truce of sorts holds atMusa Qala, it has escalated at Kajaki. Flankedby mountains and a deep-water lake, the areahas become a symbolic and logistical prize forboth sides. At its heart is the Kajaki dam, thebiggest United States aid project in Afghanistan,which, when fully operational, will supply powerto the provinces of Helmand and Kandahar.

The US construction company Lewis Bergerhas refused to begin work until a 6km safetyzone has been established around the dam.That is what the Marines of 42 Commando arecreating, in attritional warfare across some ofthe country's most inhospitable terrain.

In one week, starting on New Year's Day,British forces said they had killed more than 120Taliban. One Marine and one member of theParachute Regiment have been killed, andaround half a dozen injured.

"I could see the guys on the balcony in mysight when I fired the Javelin", said 27-year-oldMarine Mason, from Harlow, Essex. "They hadreceived fire from us and would have knownwhat to expect. All they would have seen was aflash. They jumped off the balcony and theJavelin followed them down. These areawesome weapons, but it's a sobering thoughtthat each time you fire them it is costing£65,000. We come in constant contact withthem, but we have firepower they can't match."

From three vantage points - SparrowHawk, Athens and Normandy - theMarines attempt to control and thenexpand into the valleys. They live and fightfrom old Soviet positions where one stillcomes across the debris of a lost war -twisted artillery wreckage, spent shells andalso personal items like spectacles andbooks, abandoned when Soviet forces leftin a hurry. Down below, groups of men,suspected insurgents, can be seen movingalong the narrow tracks and a deep wadibetween walled compounds. Britishconvoys leaving Kajaki come underfrequent Taliban fire.

(The Independent)

Inside Afghanistan

The battlefor Kajaki

The state of schools: 80% of Afghanistan’s schools havebeen damaged by war

929 Jan-4 Feb, 2007Jajarkot

ä Chhatra Karki in Jajarkot

Bheri’s water has often turned red as she hassilently borne witness to the wounded and deadbodies being dumped in the waters over theyears of the conflict, leaving no evidence. It mayall be relegated to history what with the relativepeace prevalent now but wounds are still raw inthose who fought and suffered all those years. Amix of hope, despair and uncertainty flits acrossthe minds of those who are trying to adjust to lifetoday.

After crossing Bheri I met two young boys inthe hills of Kale Gaun . “We never felt tiredwalking even for 10 hours everyday as soldiersof the people’s war, but now we find it difficult towalk for an hour”, said the Maoist guerrillas, outof breath. They were on their way back homefrom a cantonment located in Surkhet,Dashrathpur.

Their house is about a day’s walk fromKhalanga, the district headquarter of Jajarkot.The duo identified themselves as comradesSandesh and Prajwal . They supported theparty line on the contemporary peace processbut were clearly worried about their own future.One of them said, “We gave up our studieswhen we were in class nine. I hope the conflictwill be resolved but what will be our role incoming days?” The effect of dreams sold tothem appear to be wearing thin. What worriesthem now is how they will adjust to the newreality and the future society.

It took an hour for us to walk to Khalangafrom Kale Gaun. The situation has changeddrastically in this remote mid-western districtcompared to the days of conflict. The placesmothered by curfew for five years can nowfinally light their lamps in the evenings. Thepeople can walk around without fear and havebegun to experience what peace used to be like.The wish that this peace to be a lasting one ison everybody’s minds.

Security personnel were doing their jobsminus any fear. They have also started going

home on leave, something they couldn’t doduring the conflict. En route, I met an armysoldier hurrying back to his barracks in Surkhet.“My other colleague can go on leave once Ireport on time”, he said, expressing hishappiness at being able to see his family afterthree long years.

Khalanga in peace is different, and so arethe people who are no longer afraid.

Clashes between security forces and Maoistswere common, and the security wall around theDistrict Administration office ( DAO) was gettinghigher. The wall is now being brought down.“Our perceived proximity with the other side,Maoists or the army used to put us underconstant risk of attack,” the locals said.

Peace that has prevailed has enabled thosewho once were considered the Maoists now tofreely talk about their likes, dislikes and affiliation

with the non-Maoist parties, mainlyNepali Congress and the CPN-UML.Prem Bahadur Shahi, 63, a resident ofDhime-9, Jajarkot, said the two partiesare very strong here. He was attackedby the Maoists five years ago and wasgiven up for dead. Today, he’s quiteactive in the Nepali Congress party.

The local Maoist leaders and cadreswalk around with no fear of reprisal.

An election to the local body two years afterthe conflict saw CPN-UML sweep 30 villagedevelopment councils, the Nepali congressgetting the second place. But, when Maoist tookto guns, all the elected leaders either moved toKathmandu or to the district headquarters inJajarkot, which made the two major partiesalmost invisible.

Peace restored, they are now back to buildtheir base. With their conviction and experience,the non-Maoist parties seem more effective inexercising open politics. “We are going to allvillages of the district to draw support and the

Healing exercise

people are enthusiastic and optimist”, DambarBahadur Singh, local CPN-UML leader said. Butit’s only the grass root cadres of the Maoistswho are trying to establish their contacts withthe people. Their leaders from district level andabove are still based outside.

It’s not only the grass root workers who areconfused about the nature of politics thatMaoists would be pursuing in the future. “Theparty should not give up its revolutionary line,”Tek Bahadur Rawal ( Darshan), President ofthe now dissolved district Janasarkar said,“people will start the war again if Maoist leadersforget all about what they fought for.” But localmood appears hostile towards the Maoists asmany of them openly talk about the atrocities bytheir cadres and leaders against ordinaryvillagers in the time of conflict.

With the return of Government civil servantsand the police posts, central level leaders ofdifferent parties mainly the congress, congress(D) and CPN-UML have frequented theseareas many times to re-establish their holds.

Khalanga, despite it’s political awareness,lacks connection with the outside world toovercome which a ten kilometer link road withChhinchu (Surkhet) is being built.

Khalanga buried its passed but the future is uncertain

“We are going to all villages ofthe district to draw supportand the people are enthusiasticand optimist”

10 29 Jan.-4 Feb., 2007 Comment

äääää C. D. Bhatta

Civil society debate has reacheda new height in recent years. If,as Amartya Sen has claimed, thepre-eminent development of the 20th century wasthe rise of democracy then it is widely believedthat civil society has re-emerged in the newmillennium as a global force essential to ensuringjust and equitable society.

Likewise, in recent year's donors and donorsupported NGOs have given renewed emphasisto strengthen local civil society organizations inthird world countries including Nepal. There arethree main reasons behind this approach - first toaccelerate democratisation process, second touplift economic conditions of the people and thirdto engage civil society organizations in conflictresolution process. No doubt, this is a completepackage for the advancement of any society/country if implemented with full faith.

The practice of engaging civil society per sein political process is neither new nor an oldphenomenon. It has, nevertheless, taken a freshmomentum after the end of the Cold War followingthe triumph of liberal democracy and capitalistroutes to development. Interestingly, the civilsociety project itself has been developed by theWestern developed countries and enforced upondeveloping countries, some even say to furthertheir own interest(s).

Besides this, the western countries saw non-western civil society - a traditionalistic, ritualisticbuilt on familial and kinship values, which they

believe in no way can deliver public goods andmeet civic duties in a true sense.

There are many but contrasting school ofthoughts whether the NGO led WesternGovernmental Organisations (WGOs) approachreally paves the way towards democratisationprocess, civil society development and economicdevelopment. What is true, however, is that donorsupport to the local NGO executives has givenbirth to the middle class elites in the third world.

The bottom line here is can NGOs with noknown source of funding really be the part of civil

society? There is no straight forward answer tothis. Yes, they can be part of the civil society if theywork in line with civic values. But they certainlycannot be, if they are just spending their donorsmoney on the imported agenda. To our dismay,the latter part is true in most cases here.

Different countries have different viewstowards the civil society and the role it hasplayed. In case of Japan the civil society is not sostrong but the country is economically unbeatableand politically stable. Same goes for the South

East Asian countries – once known as ‘AsianTigers’ for their economic success even withminimal political and civil rights. What mattered inthese cases is the sense of national belongingand loyalty among citizenry towards state.

Civil society can promote democracy definitely,provided its constituents rise above vestedinterests. What can we expect from civil society inNepal ? It is divided on different ‘columns’ basedon their partisan association. The ‘worldwide rise’in the phenomenon or growth of ‘civil society’ isnot without its impact on Nepal. The respectability

that civil society elsewhere commands is not bereftof its ‘purifying power’ in Nepal. This couldperchance be the reason, among others, whymany Nepali former bureaucrats, judges, policeand army officials and armchair political punditshave joined in this bandwagon.

The civil society business has caught theattention of donors’ limelight . And with notableexceptions, they're mostly found to have beenengaged in glorifying local societal issues (such asreligion, caste, creed and alike). Serious issues

The politics of Civil Societylike inclusion and exclusion are influenced bythese indices. Donors and donor supported NGOshave never genuinely attempted to bridge this gapwithout glorifying or pitting one against another,although it clearly deconstructs societal base anddivides society on vertical lines. It isunderstandable that every society needs to becivilized but they should not be encouraged to actas catalyst agent of conflict in a given society.

Who constitutes the civil society in Nepal ? –They are no doubts known names drawn fromvarious walks of the society, but they are theones trusted and promoted by donors at one orthe other point of time. And the visible face of thepresent Kathmandu based civil society virtuallycontrols Nepali civic sphere and NGO business.

Nepali civil society has contributed heavily inwaging ‘movements’ per se but failed to advocatemost important issues like representingmarginalized groups and forming peaceconstituencies in order to institutionalisedemocracy in the country.

Finally, the challenges for Nepali civil societyand others who are engaged in civil societystrengthening project is to democratize societyhorizontally and not divide society vertically. Whatis needed for its significant prevalence is toensure more inclusive culture to build networksand coalitions among poor groups to strengthenvoices of unrepresented mass. That will surelyhelp in changing people’s perception about civilsociety and mobilize it for a greater cause—Nepal’s transformation into an inclusive society.(Bhatta is a Phd scholar in London School of Economics)

Civil society can promote democracy definitely,provided its constituents rise above vestedinterests. What can we expect from civil societyin Nepal ? It is divided on different ‘columns’based on their partisan association.

Bhas

wor

Ojh

a

1129 Jan-4 Feb, 2007Art & Society

Jennifer Hudson, Golden Globe winner, Oscarnominee and wailing embodiment of theAmerican dream, is today's hottest new star.Arguing against that is like arguing against theweather — literally.

Various writers have described Ms. Hudson'sturn as Effie in the film version of "Dreamgirls"as more than a mere performance: It's an act ofGod. To quote from recent reviews, Hudson"blows away" the bigger stars in the cast, "tears

the screen apart" and "takes you sky high"; sheis "grandly shattering," "explosive" and "pyro-technic." Hurricane Effie's eye wall, the pop aria"And I Am Telling You I'm Not Going," ispropelling audiences to their feet nationwide.

Contrast this with the tepid reception forBeyoncé Knowles — the most powerful youngwoman in popular music today — as the blaséalpha Dreamgirl, Deena. This top-billed role hasearned Knowles barely any public notice; even atrumped-up feud between the superstar andHudson quickly fizzled, drenched by therapturous Hudson hype. But there's more to thebattle between Effie and Deena than the victoryof an underdog. Beneath this feel-good storylurks a century's worth of assumptions aboutself-expression, femininity and race.

Effie versus Deena, translated into top-of-the-lungs gospel soul versus meek commercial pop,narrows the range of black female expression toa pair of clichés. Hudson makes Effie human,projecting sassiness, rage, pride and desolation.But Effie is also a stereotype — the authenticblack "sister," built from working-class values,earthy humor and the raw artistry of blues andgospel. Deena is even more flat, the race-negating black princess sneakily beating out thesupermama. This split reinforces the worsthabits of thinking about "real" black artists asrough-hewn, over-emoting and probablydestined for tragedy. Such misperceptions havedeep roots — it's what drew white blues fans in

the 1960s to obscure Delta itinerants instead ofthe sequin-gowned, smart-talking womensingers who really popularized the blues and,before that, forced geniuses such as LouisArmstrong and Mahalia Jackson to sometimespose as corn-shucking country folk. It's onereason why black artists who don't fit the mold— from Paul Robeson to Charles Mingus to,yes, Diana Ross — have been cast as trouble-makers.

Aren't we past these stereotypesnow, even if we weren't when"Dreamgirls" first appeared onBroadway in 1981? In the year ofBarack Obama's likely presidentialcandidacy, shouldn't a pop-culture"triumph" like this film offer a morecomplex view of black culture?

IN "Dreamgirls," the dividebetween Effie and Deena represents not just avocal approach but a way of being. Effie is no-nonsense and psychically free. Her body gives herproblems (like Oprah, she fights the fat) but makesher trustworthy; her Svengali, played by JamieFoxx, is drawn to her because she reminds him ofthe sisters who raised him. She is grits andcornbread, a living home truth. And she singsstraight from the gut. ä (LA Times)

The thought, 'this too shall pass' has helpedme through thick and thin. Every phase inlife, every situation including shifts in one'smoods flows past. The river of life doesn'tstop though at times it may appear the flowhas solidified.

People, events and things connected withtheir lives are in a constant state of flux.Everything is changing every nano-second.This is a proven fact but our minds are sodeeply conditioned to concepts of whatreality should be that we don't find it easy toaccept changes, especially those that arenot to our liking. Changes in life likeillnesses, adverse life situations, growingolder and eventually, dying and death.

Death is something we barely talk about.We have trained ourselves, if not to deny theeternal fact, to postpone even to think aboutit. We treat it as something we eventually willhave to face but till that time comes, we arejust not ready. We are too busy living rightnow. And most of the time, we treat it assomething that happens to somebody else,not to ourselves or those around us.

But when it does, it strikes us like a bolt oflightening and catches us unawares. Wedevise ways to cope with it, create layers ofself protection to hide under and rarely do welearn to accept the fact that we indeed areimpermanent like those who passed awayand death could strike us at any moment.

Personally, I was very afraid of death,especially of those close to me. Instinctively,whenever I could feel the shadow of deathapproaching, I managed to distance myselffrom the event. A phone call of someonepassing away or even a visit to the Ghats, Ithought was better than to watch somebodyclose to you die. I knew I was a coward inthis aspect and I was willing to accept mycowardice rather than to face the reality ofdying and death. But deep down inside thefact that that I was avoiding a crucial part ofgrowing up emotionally and mentally byindulging in this denial would nag me often.

Recently, when I had to deal withsuffering of a family member who wasfighing a losing battle with last stages ofcancer, I decided not to run away; no matterhow bad it turned out and how long it took. Igot involved as one of the caretakers of theailing, did my share and prayed the best Iknew during the ordeal. Despite the best

medical attention, all the Poojas performed,death soon loomed large and then, Ichanged my prayers that used to be focusedon his recovery and extention of life toanother one - that his soul gets prepared forthe journey ahead and prayed he be blessedwith strength to bear his suffering that wewere unable to alleviate.

We watched cancer devour all the lifeforce manifesting in extreme weakness andhelplessness as it reduced him to skin andbones. Gradually there were signs of lifeforce receding that put the him at the mercyof tubes for all his bodily functions. Finally,there was only breathing left as a sign of life.Soon, it too stopped, he was declared deadand the body taken for cremation.

Once the pyre was lit, despite the urging ofother relatives to leave the Ghats along withother women, I stood adamant and watchedthe body burn – something I had never donebefore. It was a cathartic process of a kind.As each log was added and every body partconsumed by flames, I visualised my ownend too, and empathised for the soul that nolonger had a body and faced an unknowncrossing ahead minus a name, form,possessions, status, fame and what haveyou while you were living.

I reflected on the kind of life that just ended.How much energy, effort and resources thedeceased spent in trying to please and bepleased, to fit in the often outdated, unreason-able expectations of the society and as aresult how elusive happiness turned out to befor him. It taught me a huge lesson in gettingmy priorities right in all spheres of my life.

Standing alone in silence, I focused on thefire that devoured all traces of the tragicstruggle of the deceased. It was painful butthrough the pain, I found myself growingstronger. I realised I was free of one morebondage of fear when I went back home andno longer bothered about quizzical looks andsarcastic comments of well meaningrelatives. Their criticism failed to affect methis time. And their flattery too.

Death now for me is no longer somethingto be afraid of but just another transitionpoint that I think we all need to prepare for.The awareness of my mortality makes meappreciate life all the more. It has broughthome the importance of living every secondwith full alertness, humility and gratitude. ä

Pyre-sidereflectionsä Sushma Amatya

Pop diva,Pop diva,Pop diva,Pop diva,Pop diva,soul sister

Various writers have describedMs. Hudson's turn as Effie in thefilm version of "Dreamgirls" asmore than a mere performance:It's an act of God

12 29 Jan-4 Feb, 2007 Makers

A LOST weekend in Hobart wrestling withthe fear she might have won her lasttournament spurred Serena Williams on toher magnificent Open final win.

Williams's mother and coach OracenePrice said she could not locate her daughterfor two days after a deflating quarter-finalloss to Austrian Sybille Baumer in Hobart onJanuary 11, which left her anchored at No.81 in the world rankings.

Williams, who ended a two-year titledrought by stunning top seed MariaSharapova 6-1 6-2 in Saturday's final, saidshe had locked herself in her hotel room intears after the loss and had not taken anycalls.

She emerged the next day to run byherself and exercise at a city park, which

reminded her of the training scenes of moviecharacter Rocky Balboa around Philadelphiastreets.

"I was so upset, I was crying and mad. I didn'twant to lose," said Williams, who enjoyed achampagne dinner with her entourage onSaturday night.

"I felt like I was never going to win anothertournament. I couldn't even win a tier-fourevent. My mother sent me like 10 emails, saidshe wanted to talk to me and wrote me that Ishould not be too upset.

"Eventually I ran to this local park, just to keepfit. I ran 5km and I hate running. It was like thehighlight of my life. I ran up some stairs and didsome exercises. I was literally like Rocky. I wassweating and so mad. But it was for the best.I'm back and this time I'm here to stay.

"I've been at the bottom of the barrel. That'swhat makes this awesome: that you can losefaith and hope and lose everything and come

back like this. I've answered every criticand I plan to keep answering them."

Price sobbed with pride on Saturdayafternoon when Williams dedicatedher third Australian Open title to

her late half sisterYetunde Price.

"Serena was reallycrushed after Hobart. I

didn't see her for two daysand eventually I just let her

be," Price said."It's what she needed to play

there after a (four-month tourna-ment) break. She had really good

matches there."She'd been just lazy (during2006) and having fun in LosAngeles and doing the

Hollywood thing. Maybe shemight have tended to be more

dedicated, but she neededto think about what shewanted."

Williams, who will be No.14 in today's new rankinglist, was similarly forthrightabout her tennis futureafter her 2005 against-the-odds Australian Open

win. "I can definitely seehow some people might

have said, 'What happened toSerena Williams?' But I think

some of it was that I was dealing with a lot ofstuff and trying to figure out what I wanted todo," Williams said. "I'm a tennis player. Thatmakes me happiest. I know that now.

"I'm criticised for my weight, but I'm the samesize and the same weight I was five years ago. Idon't have a flat chest and I don't have a flatass, but I'm looking in the mirror today andasking my agent, 'Am I not fit?'. I went three setstwice and won when my opponent served forthe match."

Williams's confidence, at such a low ebb inHobart, restored itself quickly as her practiceform improved, but she apologised publicly to

Price at the presentation for "yelling" at herduring private workouts.

"There might have been a little racquetthrowing and the odd hissy fit, but what we keptworking on most was her movement," said MarkHlawaty, Williams's Melbourne hitting partner.

"She made a few mistakes and what shewants is a flawless performance. She almost gotit. She might not have been in the same shapeas she was in 2005, but her warm-up for thefinal was fantastic. "You knew something wasburning inside. In the first couple of points, youcould see it was war."

(The Herald Sun)

I'm back for good

Williams, who willbe No. 14 intoday's new rank-ing list, was simi-larly forthrightabout her tennisfuture after her2005 against-the-odds AustralianOpen win. "I candefinitely see howsome peoplemight have said,'What happened toSerena Williams?'